Encyclopaedia Biblica/Apocrypha-Aramaic Language

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Encyclopaedia Biblica/Apocrypha-Aramaic Language
Apocrypha-Aramaic Language
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APOCRYPHA[edit]

CONTENTS

I. THE APOCRYPHA PROPER ( 3-8).

I. Narrative ( 4/). II. (a) Prophetic.il (8 6).

(rt) Historical ( 4). (//) Apocalyptic ( 7).

(/') Legendary (S 6). III. Didactic (i 8).

II. OTHER APOCRYPHAL UTERATURE ( 9-31).

Old Tkstamknt ( 10-25). I^- New Testamk.nt ( 26-31).


I. Legendary (8 10-18).

11. Ajxicalvptic ( 19-23).

III. Poetical (8 24).

IV. Didactic ( 25).


It is proposed in the present article to gi first place, a general survey of the very miscellaneous .. - collection of books known as ' the .Apocrypha ' (details Ix'ing reserved for special articles), and then to proceed to an enumeration and classification of the larger literature which lies beyond the limits of that collection. Fuller treatment of the subdivision ' .\pocalyptic,' however, will be reserved for a special article ( see above, .\poc.\LYP- nc). where will be found an account of the following nine works: Apoc. of Baruch, Ethiopic Hook of Enoch, Slavonic Book of Enoch, Ascension of Isaiah, Jubilees, Assumption of Moses, Test. .\ii. Patr. , Tsalms of Solomon, .Sibylline Oracles. The later Christian litera- ture will Ix; excluded, only those writings being con- sidered which contain portions assignable, at latest, to the early years of the second century.

2 Name J^^^'s'^ ^"'^[edit]

The name .Apocrypha (nom. pi. neut. of Gk. adj. dir6Kpv(poi, hidden) is used to denote a large body of Christian literature, consisting of writings which either their authors or their admirers have sought to include among canonical scriptures, but which have ultimately failed to secure such a position in the estimation of the Church at large.

This special usage of the word is derived from the practice common among sects, religious or philosophic, of embodying their special tenets or formulai in books withheld from public use, and communicated to an inner circle of believers. Such books, generally bearing the name of some patriarch, prophet, or apostle, were called by their possessors apocryphal, the designation imply- ing that they were hidden from the outer world, and even from the ordinary members of the sect itself ; in such cases the epithet apocryphal was used in a laud- atory sense. Since, however, the books were forgeries, the epithet gradually came to take colour from that fact, and in process of time it w.as employed to indicate other writings that had been forged. In the common parlance of to-day, it denotes any story or document which is false or spurious.

Bibliography ( 32). in the


I. Gospels (8 26/). II. Acts (8 28).

III. Epistles (8 29).

IV. Apocalypses (8 30). V. Didactic ( 31).


One of the earliest instances and certainly a typical instance of the use of the word apocryphal its laudatory sense, occurs in a magical book of Moses edited from a Leyden papyrus of the third or fourth century by Leeman and by Dicterich {A/>ra.tas, 109). The book may be as old .is the first century A.u. Its title is Mujvo'eut iepa. |3i/3Ao? an-OKpvt^ot 7ri<taAoi'/iV>) oy6d>) ij oyi'a, '.\ Holy and Secret Hook of Moses, called the Eighth, or the Holy.' For the earliest use of the word in iiia/aiii /artetii, on the other hand, we have to turn probably to Cyril of .Mexandria (348 A.u.) ; and for a more frequent and clear employment of the adjective in a disparaging sense, to Jerome, whose constant u.se of it is probably responsible for our employment of it at the present day as the equivalent of ' non-canonical.'

Finally the name .Apocrypha has come to Ije applied, and is now applied, by the reformed com- munions to a particular collection of writings. While some of these are genuine and authentic treatises, \ others legendary histories, and the rest apocryphal in the disparaging sense of bearing names to which they have no right, all come under the tlefinition proposed above, for each of them has at one time or another been treated as canonical.'

I. The Apocrypha Proper.[edit]

3. Apocrypha proper classification.[edit]

This collection of books may be classified in several ways. We might classify them critically thus:

1. Additions to canonical fioohs :

I Esdr.is (interpolated form of Ezra) : see below, 4, ii. Additions to Usther : see below, 8 5. i- Additions to Daniel : see below, g 5, 2. Prayer of Manasses : see below, 6, 3.

2. Pseudepigraphical writings :

4 Esdras : see below, 7.

Wisdom of Solomon : see below, 8, 2.

Baruch : see below, 6, 1.

Epistle of Jeremy : see below, 8 6, 2.

3. Legentiary or Haggadic writings :

Tobit : see below, g 5, 3. Judith : see below, 8 5, 4-

4. Genuine atul authentic treatises :

Ecclesiasticus : see below, 8 8, i. I, 2 Maccabees : see Ijclow, g 4, i.

Probably the most natural and convenient division

lit does not seem necess.iry to devote space here to comment- ing upon the u.se of the word Deutero-canonical, a.s applied to these books by the Church of Rome; for it is expressly said by the authorities of that Church that no distinction of authority is implied in the term

will be one depending upon the kind of literature which each book represents, as thus :^

I. Narrative : (a) Historical ; (b) Legendary (or Haggadic). II. (a) Prophetical ; or (b) Apocalyptic. III. Didactic.

1. (a) Historical. i. The Books of Maccabees. I Maccabees. An important and generally trustworthy

4 Historical ^^'^'^y' extant in Greek. It was translated from a Hebrew original, which survived as late as the time of Jerome. On this and the following see Maccakeks, Books of,

2 Maccabees. Extant in Greek ; an abridgment of a work in five books by Jason of Cyrene ( see 2 23 ). Prefixed to it are two letters, from the Jews of Jerusalem to the Jews of ligypt, commonly held to be spurious (see, however, Maccabees, Second, 7).

3 Maccabees. Greek. A fragmentary history of an attempted massacre of the Jews under Ptolemy Philo- pator, and of their miraculous deliverance. This book and the following are not included by the Roman Church in its Canon, and do not appear in the Vg. though found in .

4 Maccabees. Greek. A j^hilosophical discourse, illustrating t!ie triumph of Reason over Matter, by the story of the martyrdom of Eleazar, and of the ' Seven Maccabees ' and their mother. The work was tradition- ally attributed to Josephus. An edition of the Syriac version with kindred documents, prepared by the late Prof. Bensly, has been printed under the supervision of \V. K. Barnes.

ii. I Esdras.^ Greek. A recasting of the canonical Ezra, to which is added the legendary tale of the Dis- pute of the Three Courtiers (known to Josephus). This book api)ears in Vg. as an appendix to the NT ; but no authority is attributed to it by the Church of Rome. See Esuras, Books of, First and Second.

(b) Legendary, i. Additions to Esther. Greek.

They consist of a number of letters, prayers, visions, and the like, which are found intercalated into the canonical book of Esther in (5. See EsruKK, 10.

2. Additions to Daniel. Greek. These are three in number :

(i. ) The Story of Susanna, prefixed to the book, (ii. ) The Song of the Three Children, inserted in ch. 3. (iii. ) The Story of Bel and the Dragon, following ch. 12 and attributed to Habakkuk.

They are found both in the Version and in that of Theodotion. What is said to be the Hebrew original of part of the Song of the Three Children has been recently found by Dr. M. Gaster in the Chronicle of Jerahmeel, and printed by him in TSBA , 1894. Cp Daniel, 5.

3. Tobit. Greek and ' Chaldee. ' A romantic narrative of the period of the Captivity, written not later than the first century a.d. at latest, and perhaps in Egypt. The book has a literary connection with the story of Ahikar (see Achiacharus). The date cannot at present be considered at all certain. The ' Chaldee ' or Aramaic version (on the name see Aramaic, 4, end), published by Dr. Neubauer in 1878, is probably not the earliest form of the book. Of the Greek there are three recensions, and there are three old Latin recensions besides Jerome's Vg. version. There are also two Hebrew texts, one derived from , and the other from the Aramaic. Dr. Gaster has printed some fresh Hebrew texts of the story in TSBA, 1896. See Tobit.

4. Judith. Greek. A romance which, in its present form, may date from the first century B.C. It tells the story of the deliverance of the city Bethulia from the Assyrians under Holofernes, through the bravery of Judith, a Hebrew widow. No miraculous element appears in the story. See Judith.

1 So called in EV and (S (^.^. Swete [R]). In (S a (subscr.) it is called 6 tepevs ; in Lag.'s Luc. it is Effipas B', and in Vg. it is 3 Esdras.

6. Prophetical.[edit]

7. Apocalyptic.[edit]

II. [a] Prophetical. i. Baruch. Greek. A pseudepigraphical book {i.e. one written under a false name), ascribed to Baruch son of Neiiah, amanuensis of Jeremiah. It consists of two parts : (i) 1-38, which may date from the times of the Persian supremacy, possibly has a Hebrew original, I and certainly shows close affinities with Dan. 9 ; (2) i 89-09 (end), originally written in Greek, probably after I 70 a.d. ; chap. 5 is modelled on the nth Psalm of Solomon. Edited most fully by Kneucker. Appended to this book is

2. The Epistle of Jeremy ( Baruch 6 in our Apocrypha). Greek, also pseudepigraphic, purporting to be a letter I of Jeremiah addressed to the Jews at Babylon, inveighing against the worship of idols.

3. The Prayer of Manasses. Greek. This is attributed to Manasseh, king of Judah, when in prison. It is very likely an extract from a legendary history of Manasseh, of which other portions appear to be quoted (in connection with the i)rayer) in the Apostolical Constitutions ['lii.'); or possibly it was written with a view to insertion into the text of 2 Chron. 3."5. It is not in the Roman canon, but is appended thereto.

II [b]. Apocalyptic. Of this large and important class of writings only one specimen is contained in our Apocrypha, namely :

4 Esdras.^ Latin, Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopia, and Ar- menian. The original Greek is lost. Only chaps. 3-14 appear in any Version save the Latin ; chaps. \f. If)/", are later accretions, probably of two different dates, \f. being perhaps of second century, and 15/ of third century; 3-14 are a Jewish apocalypse, probably written about 97 A.D. ; 1/. are Christian, 15/. most likely Jewish. Rejected by the Roman Church, it is printed as an appendix to the Vg. "See EsDRAS, Books of and Apocalyptic Literature, 13-15.

III. Didactic,

i. Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach, commonly called Ecclesiasticus. Greek, avowedly _.. , . . translated from the Hebrew of which a considerable portion has lately been re- covered. A genuine authentic treatise, in parts of high literary e.xcellence. The author was a Palestinian Jew of the second century B.C. See Ecclesiasticus.

2. Wisdom of Solomon. Greek. Written under the name of Solomon, perhaps by Philo (according to an early tradition), certainly by a Jew of Alexandria in the first century. It is of great merit in parts ; but the tone deteriorates towards the end. The book seems, more- over, to be incomplete. See Wisdom, Book of.

II. Other Apocryphal Literature.[edit]

9. Other literature.[edit]

Our survej' of the remaining literature is a much more difficult matter. The idea of classifying the books upon chronological principles must be set aside at once as impracticable ; the data are in a majority of cases far too vague. The simplest division that can be made is between those books which have to do with the OT and those which associate themselves with the New. ^^'ithin those the classification will be made, as in the case of the apocrypha already described, according to kinds of literature represented ; writings which unite more than one element will be arranged according to their most prominent feature. In the case of the OT literature, slightly modifying our previous classification, we can includs all the documents we possess under the following headings : i. Legendary or Haggadic Narratives, ii. Prophetical and Apocalyptic books, iii. Poetical, iv. Didactic.

1 Called 2 Esdras in EV, but oftener, as here, 4 Esdras i.e., 4th after ist Esdras, the Heb. Ezra, and Neheniiah. _ It is called 3 Esd. when Ezra-Neh. are counted one book, as in . In an Amiens MS chaps. I/. 3-14 \b/. are called 3rd, 4th, and Sth Esd. respectively.

A. Old Testament ( 10-25).

10. Adam and Eve[edit]

I. Legendary or Haggadic Narratives ( 10- ,18).

I. Testament (or Apocalypse, or Penitence of Adam: Book of the Conflict , etc. ^y ,^J^^ aj y/^,^ K.xtaut partially in Greek. Latin, Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic [and Coptic]. 

These versions represent variously developed forms or fragments of a Jewish romance dealing with the life of Adam and Eve after the Fall, and with their death and burial. We no longer possess the romance in its original form.

The remains of it must be sought in the following documents :

(a) (Ireek Apocalypse of Moses, more properly Aujyijo-i? n-epl Afiiji Kdl Euav. Kdited by Tischendorf (Apocalypses Apocry- plue, 1866) and, in a fragmentary text, from the best M.S, by Ceriani (Monumenta sacra et pro/ana, 621). It is principally concerned with the death of Adam and Kve, and includes an important narrative of the Kail. It is essentially Jewish.

W Latin I'ita Adce ct Evte : extant in many MSS, printed by Wilh. Meyer in Ahh. il. Munch. Akad., Phdos-plulol. Kl. 14, 1878. It covers the same ground as (a) and introduces elements which occur in (y) and (5).

(y) Arabic and Ethiopic Book of Adam ami F.ve or Conflict of Adam antl Eve. A long romance, Christianized throughout, dealing with the sufferings an.l t^m,.t,>tums of Adam and Eve after the Fall. The history i- 1 i-i i the birth of Christ, and has close affinities with li , <iiKr (ed. Bezold ; Schatzlwhle). It is derived m . n. 1 .i iVum the lost Jewish romance. First translated by i )iiini.inn (/'rt.v Christl. Adamhuh des Morsenlamies, 1853): Ethiopic text by Trumpp in Abh. d. Miinch. Akail. 15, 1879-81 : English Version by S. C. Malan {Hook of Adam and K7'e, 1882). See too the article 'Adam, Books of,' by Hort, in Diet. Christ. Biogr.

(d) Greek, Syriac, and .\rabic fragments of the Testament of Adam. Prophetic and apocalyptic in character; some are extracts from the old romance in its original form ; others are Christianized. Edited by Renan in Joum. As. (1853, pp. 427- 471); the Greek by M. R. James (.^/iJcry/Aa Anecdota : Texts ami Studies, ii. 3 138).

(e) Coptic. .\ leaf from a Moses-Adam apocalypse, gnosticized. Edited by Schmidt and Harnack in Sitzungsber. d. k. pr. Akad. d. Il'iss., 1891, p. 1045. It is now recognised by Harnack to be part of the late Coptic Apocalypse of Bartholomew.

2. Book of Jubilees, Little Genesis [Leptogenesis), Apocalypse (or Testament) of Moses. -A 'haggadic coinmoiitary upon Genesis.' The book is in the form of a revelation made to Moses on Mount Sinai by the angel of the Presence. Hence it has been called the Apocalypse of Moses. The narrative communicated by the angel begins with the Creation, and extends to the giving of the law, and the whole time is reckoned in periods of Jubilees: hence the name Book of Jubilees. The events narrated in Genesis are for the most part sketched slightly with the addition of details of a legend- ary character : hence the name I^ploi^enesis, ' a detailed treatment ofGenesis' (see, however, EscHATOLOGY,49). These details include the names of the wives of the patriarchs, the wars of Jacob and P2sau, the last words of Abraham and Isaac. Much of the legendary element in Test. xii. Fair, (see below) is derived from this book : see Apocalyptic, 48-58.

11. Jratri'[edit]

3. Testamentsofthe Three Patriarchs ( Abraham , Isaac, and Jacob). Referred to in the Apost. Const. (616).

n ^ Books under these names, combining the vision narrated in Gen. 15 : edited by N. Bonwetsch in Studien zur Geschichte d. Theolugie u. h'irche, 1897.

5. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. A book combining the three elements of legendary, apocalyptic and didactic matter in twelve sections, each of which gives the last dying speech of one of the sons of Jacob ; see Apocalyptic, 68-76.

6. Life (or Confession) of Aseneth. A Jewish legend of early date; Christianized.

axchs.

legendary, apocalyptic, and didactic elements Christianized, are found in Greek, Slavonic, and Roumanian ( Testament [or Apocalypse'] of Abraham), and in Arabic and V.\.\\\o\i\c [Testaments of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob). They narrate the circum- stances attending the deaths of the three patriarchs. Their early date is maintained by the present writer (one is cjuoted by Origen), but is not universally allowed. Dr. Koiiler [JQR, 1895) assigns an Essene origin to the Test, oj' Abraham.

Edited by M. R. James (' Test, of Abraham ' : Texts and Studies, 22) and by Dr. Caster (' Roumanian version of Apoc. of Abraham,' PSB.-\, 1887). The Greek version is printed from one MS by Vassiliev (WwtWo^a Gra-co-Byzantina, 1893).

4. Apocalypse of Abraham. S\3.\on\c, from Greek. An interesting Jewish book with Christian insertions. The first part is haggadic, and gives the story of Abra- ham's conversion : the second is an expansion of the

12. Aseneth.[edit]

Extant in Greek and Syriac (and Latin). It is connected with the Test. xii. Patr. , and narrates the circumstances attending the marriage of Aseneth with Joseph. There is much beauty in the story. The Latin version was, according to the present writer's belief, made by or for Grosseteste, at the same time as that of the Testa?nents.

The Greek and Latin are edited by P. Batiffol, Studia Patristica, 1889. The Syriac will be found in Land, Anecd. Syr., and Oppenheim, Fal-ula Josephi et Asenethu; i86. See Hort's article in Vict. Chr. Biogr.


13. Job.[edit]

7. Testament of Job. A Midrash on Job, containing a mythical story of his life. Christianized to a very ^ f ~ limited extent. It is ascribed to his brother j^T^pj^5 (Nahor). Job's wife is called .Sitis.

Elihu is represented as inspired by Satan. The story is worth reading. It exists in Cireek and seems to be quoted in the Apoc. Paul. Printed from a Vatican MS by Mai (.Script. Cet. .X.n: Coll.

7 180) ; a French translation in Mignes J)ict. des Apooyf'lus ; edited last from two MSS by M. R. James, Apocryplta A,ux- dota, ii. 1897.

14. Solomon[edit]

8. Testament of Solomon. Greek. Practically a magical book, though interspersed with large haggadic sections. It is mainly Jewish, though Christian touches have been introduced. ^ It narrates the circumstances under which Solomon attained power over the world of spirits, details his interviews with the demons, and ends wilh an account of his fall and loss of power.

Ed. first by F. F. Fleck in W'issenschaftl. Reise; reprinted in Mignes Ccdrcnus, vol. ii., as an appendix to Psellus's writings. A German translation by Bornemann in lllgen's Z.f. Kirchcngesck., 1843.

9. Contradictio Salomonis. A work under this name is condemned in the " Gelasian " Decree de recipicndis et non recipiendis libris. It was in all likelihood an account of Solomon's contest in wisdom with Hiram, and was the groundwork of the romance still extant in many forms and under many names e.g. , Dialogue of Solomon and Saturn (Anglo-Saxon), Solomon and Kitovras (?.<?. Kentauros, Slavonic), Solomon and Marcolph ( Latin, etc. ). Josephus mentions the Hiram-legcnd.

See on all these books J. M. Kemble's Introduction to the Anglo-Saxon Dialogue 0/ Solomon ami Saturn, ^tlfric Society, 1843, and compare Achiachakus.

10. Ascension of Isaiah. Partly haggadic, but chiefly important as an apocalypse under which heading it will be treated. See Apocalyptic, 42-47.

11. Pseudo-Philo's Libct antiquitatum Biblicarum. Latin, from Greek, and that from Hebrew. Printed ,- Ti A thrice in the i6th century (in 1527, in Pvf-? ^55' ^"^ '" '599). this book had practically escaped the knowledge of all modern scholars (except Cardinal Pilra) until Mr. Leopold Cohn reintroduced it to the world in an article in the Jewish Quarterly Pez'ieiv, 1898. It is a haggadic summary of Bible history from Adam to the death of Saul, full of most interesting visions, prophecies, and legends.

The Latin version, the only form in which the book is known, very much resembles the version of 4 Esd. hour fragments published by the present writer (Prayer of Moses, Vision of Kenaz, Lament of Sella, and Song of l)a.\id = Apoc. Anecd. i.) turn out to be extracts from this work of I'seudo- Philo. It is apparently pre-Christian and merits careful study.

16. Jasher.[edit]

12. Book of Jasher. \ haggadic commentary upon the Hexateuch, containing ancient elements, but pre- served in a mediaeval form. There is French translation by Drach in Mignes Did. des Apocryphes, vol. ii.

17. Noah.[edit]

13. /?,>i>^ of Xoah. Haggadic and apocalyptic frag- ments of this work arc incorporated in the Hook of Knoch ; there is also a Hebrew Midrash under this name printed by Jellinek in Bet-ha-Midrasc/i, 3 155. I^artly based on the Book of Jubilees. See Ronsch and Charles, and cp. .VfocALYiTic, 24, 57.

14. Book of Lamech. The title ' Lamech ' occurs in Greek lists of apocryphal Ixjoks. A story of Lamech

18. Lost Books.[edit]

^ '^ '"""'^ separately in Slavonic may or may not be identical with this. There can be little doubt that the old book treated (as the Slavonic one does) of the accidental slaying of Cain by Lamech.

15. Book of Og. In the Gelasian Decree a book is mentioned as ' The Book of Og the giant, whom the heretics feign to have fought with a dragon after the Flood.' It was, according to the present writer's belief, identical with a book Wpar^y^arda. tCov Viyo-vruiv or Treatise of the Giants, which is mentioned in a list of Manichaean apocrypha by Timotheus of Constantinople (Fabricius, Cod. apoc. NT 1 139). It was no doubt a Jewish haggada, containing, to judge from the title, some stirring incidents. Possibly it may h.ave given a Jew ish form of the ancient Dragon-myth of Babylonia, on which see Gunkel (Sc/iopf ).

16. Penitence of Jamnes and Mambres. Mentioned also in the Gelasian Decree, and perhaps, like the Panitentia Cypriani, a confession of the wicked magical arts of the two Fgyptian wizards. See an article by Iselin in Hilgenfeld's ZIVT, 1894. There is a fragment (in Latin and Anglo -.Saxon) apparently belonging to this book in the Cotton MS Tib. B.V. ; but it has not }'et been printed.

17. Esther. Origen on Romans (92 : p. 646)h.asthe following passage, which clearly refers to a romance about Esther : ' We have found it written in a certain book of an apocryphal nature (secretiore) that there is an angel of grace who takes his name from grace. For he is called Ananehel (oiAnahel), which being inter- preted means the grace of God. Now in this writing it was said that this angel was sent by the Lord to Esther to give her grace in the sight of the king. '

There are, besides, many haggadic histories e.g. , of David, Jonah, the Captivity, and (see J?ez'. St'm. 1898) the Rechabites in Syriac, Carshunic, Arabic, and Ethiopic, which are still unpublished ; they are to be found in MS at Paris and elsewhere.

See Zotenberg's Cat. des JIfSS Syriaqucs and Cat. dcs MSS lltkiopiques itc la Bibliotlu-que Nationale, and Wright's Catalogues of Ethiopic and of Syriac MSS in the British Museum. Much Slavonic apocryphal literature also rem.ains unknown to critics, though most of it has been printed. See Kozak'slist of Slavonic apocryphal literature \n JPT asvix., and Bonwetsch in Harnack's Altchristl. Lit. 902-917.


19. Apocalyptic : Book of Enoch.[edit]

II. Apocalyptic. i. Book of Enoch; and 2-^^^ Awjca- Enoch, e?c ^^7'^' '^'^^ ^^ 33-4i respectively.

3. Sibylline Oracles. Greek hexameter verse, in four- teen books of various dates. See -Apckt.xlyptic, 86-98.

4. Assumption of Moses. (^)uoted in the epistle of Jude, as well as by later Christian writers ; extant in Latin, incomplete. See Apoc.VLYPTIc, 59-67.

20. Baruch.[edit]

5. Apocalypse of Baruch. A long and important apocalypse, closely resembling 4 Esdras in style and '^"Sht. See .Apocai yptic, 5- Jeremiah. etc. ]!' "'^ also below under /Mroaster ( 23, no. 15).

6. Other Apocalypses of Baruch {a), (b), (c). As far as is known at present (a) is contained in only a single Greek MS (Brit. Mus. Add. 10,073): edited by M. R. James, Apocr. Anecd. ii. , with a translation of the Slavonic version by W. R. Morfill : Ftonwetsch also has published a German translation of the Slavonic. The Greek text has two Christian passages. In the main it may very well be Jewish and of early date. It contains revelations about the course of the sun and moon, the history of the Tower of Babel, the \'ine (Christian), and the offering of the prayers of men to God by .Michael, [c) An Ethiopic Apocalypse of Baruch, preserved in a British Museum MS (118 in Dillmann's Catalogue) is apparently the production, in jjart at least, of an Abyssinian Christian. This, or another, is mentioned in Wright's Catalogue (.\o. 27, 6, etc.). A cjuotation from Baruch not found in any existing book of his, is in the Altercatio Simonis et Theophili {Text eu. Unters. I3), and a larger one in some MSS of Cypriani's Testiinonia,'62g. It is noticed by Ur. J. Rendel Harris in Tlie Rest of the Words of Baruch, p. 10.

7. Reliqua verborum BarMchi [The rest of the words of Baruch), or Paralipomena Jeremice. Greek and Ethiopic. There is hardly anything really apocalyptic in this book, which is a Christian appendix to the Apocalypse of Baruch, haggadic in character. It narrates the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar, the miraculous rescue of Ebed-melech, and the martyrdom of Jeremiah.

Printed first in Etliiopic by Di. {Chrestotiiathia Aithiopica), in Greek by Ceriani (.Mon. sacr. et pro/.), and lastly in Greek by Dr. J. Rendel Harris (/v/ of the IVords 0/ Baruch, 1889). Harris regards it as an eirenicon addressed by the church of Jerusalem to the synagogue after the Bar-Cochba rebellion. It was often printed in variously abridged forms in the Greek Mctuea.

8. A short Prophecy of Jeremiah is uniformly attached to the Epistle of Jeremiah in Ethiopic MSS of the Old Testament. It consists of only a few lines, and is written to justify the quotation from 'Jeremy the prophet ' in Mt. 279. It is addressed to Pashur. Jerome had seen a Hebrew volume in which a similar passage occurred. Dillmann printed it in his Chrestomathia ALthiopica, 1866 (p. viii n. 2).

9. Ascension of Isaiah. See APOCALYPTIC, 42-47.

10. Apocalypse of Elias, and

11. Apocalypse of Zephaniah.


91 Plina '^^^[edit]

The first of these was supposed to be the source of Paul's quotation in i Cor. 29, ' Eye hath not seen,' etc. the second is quoted by Clement of Zephaniar etc. -^'^T^"^- They both survive in *7yiiaaxia,ii, cui-. ^^^.^ dialects of Coptic. fragments of 10 and 11 were published by Bouriant in the Mi'inoires de la Mission archc'ologique au Caire. Stern translated them into German in ZA, 1886. The whole, with additional fragments, has been edited by Steindorff in Harnack and Gebhardt's Texte u. Untersuch. The Apocalypse of Elias is fairly complete : the editor assigns only one leaf to the .Apocalypse of Zephaniah and a large fragment to an unknown Apocalypse. It is the present writer's belief that this last is from an Apocalypse of Zephaniah. Both are seemingly Christianized forms of Jewish books, containing sections descriptive of heaven and hell, and prophecies of Antichrist, and his conflict with Tabitha and the two witnesses. There is an Apocalypse of P'.lias in Hebrew and one was printed in Jellinek's Bet-ha-Midrasck and edited in 1897 by Buttenwieser. A passage from a Gnostic Vision of Elias is quoted by Epiphanius [Hcer. 2613).

12. A Revelation of Moses, containing a visit to the unseen world, has been translated from Hebrew by Dr. Gaster (JRAS, 1893).

13. An Apocalypse of Esdras, extant in SyTiac, edited by Baethgen from a late MS, and published with a translation in ZATll' {Higg- 210 ['86]), is by some thought to be an old Jewish apocalypse which was remodelled in Mohammedan times. There is an Ethiopic Apoc. of Esd. in fhe British Museum (see Wright's Catalogue).

14. The same remark applies to a Persian History of Daniel edited and translated by Zotenberg in Merx's Archiv (I386), which in its present form is certainly mediaeval. The Armenian, the Coptic, and the Greek "Visions of Daniel,* which are printed respectively by

J It may be noticed in this connection that in a of Theodotion's Daniel the whole book is divided into twelve Visions (opatrcit).

22. Esdras, etc.[edit]

Kalemkiar, by Woide, by Klostermann, and by I V'assiliev (Anecdota linrco-Hyzantinii, 1893), arc also very late, but contain ancient elements. See on these \ lKK)ks W. Itousset's recent work. D<r Antichrist, and compare .A.ntk iikist. It is ihouKiit by Zahn that Hipixjlytus commented upon the a{xx,ryphal .Vpocalypse of Daniel as well as on the canonical Apocalypse (/-or- sihiingfn,^>\-2o).

15. liMks of Zoroiister. Zoroaster, as we learn from the tlementines ( AVf<);w. 1 29 ; //om.9i). was identified

_ . with Ham, son of Noah ; and mystical . prophecies, most likely of Jewish origin.

Apocalypses, ^^re current under both names. Clement of .Mcx.uuliia quotes a prophecy of Ham (Strom. G642); and there are oracles of Zoroaster in Greek verse (with commentaries by Cicmistius Pletho and Michael I'sellus) printed, e.g., in Opso|)a;us's Sibyllitia, 1607. Zoroaster was also identified by Mastern scholars with Riruch. .Sok)mon of Bassora in the Book of the Bee cites a ])rophecy of his concerning the .Star of the Hpiphany (ed. Builge, circa 37). The prophecy is, of course, Christian.

16. Books of Sitfi. The .Sethians poss'ssed writings called Books of Seth and others under the name of the Allogi-Nfis {dWoyivth), a term which meant the sons of .Seth. Hippolytus (A'(/. ILcr.) (juotes much from a Sethian book. Pscudepigrapha of this kind, however, to which might Ix; added the prophecies of I'archor (Clem. Alex. ), the (losix,'l of I'2ve (l'",piphaiiius), and Justin the (Inostic's Book of Baruch (Hippolytus, Rif. //<,r. 5), are hartlly to be reckoned among apocryphal literature, since there seems to have been in them little or no attempt at verisimilitude of attribution.

17. Prayer of Joseph. Quoted by Origen and Procopius (in Genesiin). It represented Jacob as an incarnation of a pre-existent angel Israel ; in the fragments we i^ossess, Jacob is the speaker. The lx)ok extended to 1 100 (XTixoi, Ix-ing of about the same length as the Wisdom of Solomon.

18. Elddd and Medad. .\ prophecy attributed to these two elders (for whom see Nu. 11) is quoted in the Shepherd of Hernias ( /'/.f. 234). It consisted of 400 arix^'- (atwut twice the length of the Song of Sfilomon).

III. I'OKTICAI.. I. Psalms of Solomon. (ireek,

from Hebrew (lost). A collection of See


24. Poetical, eighteen or nineteen) Psalms.[edit]

.\lf)C.\I,Vl'TK-, 77-85.

2. Additions to the Psalter. (a) Vs. l.'il, on David's victory over Cjoliath, is appended to the Version of the Psalter. It is a very simple composition, of some merit, (b) Three apocryphal psalms in .Syriac, edited by W. Wright (PS/i.-t, 1887, p. 257), viz. a prayer of Hezekiah, a psalm on the Return, and two thanksgivings by David on his victory over the lion and the 'wolf.' They are probably Jewish, and of con- siderable anticiuity.

3. A Lamentation of Job's Wife, inserted in the text of Job 2, is closely connected with the Testament of Job.

IV DIDACTIC

The three main inemlxTS of this 

__ j.j .. cl.a.ss, the Wisdom of Solomon, Baruch, 20. Uiaacuc. .^^^^j ^^^ y,^^,^^\^ of Jeremy, have Ix-en already noticed ( 8, 2 ; 6, 1 ; ami 6, 2 resi)ectively). The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (see .Apoc.V- LYi'Tic, 68-76) have a large didactic element. lie- sides these there is little to note, save perhaps certain

Magical Books of Moses. Extant in Greek papyri found in Egypt ; they have been printed by Leemans and Dieterich (in Abraxa.';). They are not purely Jewish ; Jewish names are employed, but there is a large Orphic element. The story of Achiacharus (see .Acm.xc ii.XKUs) also ought to Ije mentioned in this place.

Besides the many extant books and titles, there were j)rol)ably others of which we know nothing ; yet it is the Ijelief of the present writer that many more apocalypses at least have been postulated by recent criticism (e.g., Spitta on the Johannine Apocalypse. and Kabisch on the apocalypses of I-^ras and of Baruch) than the prolxibilities of the case will warrant.

B. .\/;ir T/-sjyi.wj:.vr (^ 26-31). Under this head only a few of the most prominent NT apocrypha can be mentioned ; much of the literature is excludetl by its late date.

1. GosPKl-S.* I. Gospel according to the Hebn-ivs. The relation of this txx)k to the canonical CJosi)el of

28 OoBnela ^'^^tthew cannot l>e discussed here (see - ' t ' Gosi'Ei.s). The facts known alx^ut

ragmen ary ^^^ \,odk are that it was in Aramaic, that Jerome translated it into Cjreek and into Latin, and that in his time it was in use among the ' Nazarenes ' of .Syria. Jeromes versions have perished ; but he rei^eatedly (|uotes from the Latin one. The frag- ments preserved by him, by Origen and I-^usebius, and by Codex Tischendorf 1 1 1. of ninth centur)' (566 in Gregorj-) numl)cr about twenty-two. They will be found in Hilgenfeld's NT extra Canonem receptum, 4, in the monograjihs of Nicholson, and Handmann (Texte u. ( 'nters. ), in Westcott's /ntrod. to the Study of the Crospels, and in Zahii's Gesch. des NTlichen Kanons, 22, etc. The fragments <|Uoted contain additions lx)th to the narrative and to the sayings of Jesus. .Some of the sayings differ only in form from similar sayings in the canonical gospels ; others are independent. The account of the ba|)tism is distinctly Ebionitic. The longest continuous passage describes the ajipc-arance of Jesus to James the Just after the resurrection.

2. Gospel of the Ebionites or Gospel of the Twelve. Epiphanius is the only writer who has preserved us any fragments of this gospel (adv. Har. 30), and from these it is plain that the book was a ' tendency-writing ' put into the mouths of the Twelve Apostles (who descrilx; their call, using the first i)erson), and related to the Greek Matthew. It was naturally strongly Ebionitic, and it began with the baptism.

3. Gospel according to the Egyptians. Probably the earliest Gnostic gospel. \ passage is quoted by Clement of Alexandria, who tells us that one Julius Cassianus, a Docetic teacher, used the same words; they also appear in the so-called second epistle of Clement (of Rome). The passage Cjuoted is Encratite in its Ijearing.

4. Gospel according to Peter. Of this book we have knowledge from the following sources : (i ) A fragment of a letter of Serapion, Bishop of Antioch (.\.I). n.o- 203), addressed to the church of Rhossus, condemning the gospel (after perusal) as Docetic (l'".us. //A' 6 12). (2) A statement by Origen (In Matth. tom. 17k>) that the book represented the lirethren of Jesus as sons of Joseph by a former marriage. (3) A long and important fragment, containing an account of the Passion and Resurrection, found by the French Archaeological Mission in a tomb at .Akhnihn in 1885, published first in their Me moires (1892), and repeatedly since then. Among German editions must lie mentioned those of Harnack, of Schut)ert, and of Zahn ; among English ones, those of Robinson and of Swete. The literature is very considerable. The conclusions uixjn which critics seem agreed at this moment are : that the fragment is Docetic and anti-Jewish, though saturated with allusions to the Old Testament ; and that it shows a knowlc<lge of all four canonical gospels. Its use by Justin Martyr is held probable by most, but denietl by Swete (p. xxxiv/. ).

5. The Fayyum gospel fragment. Contained in a tiny fragment of papyrus among the Rainer papyri at Vienna ; discovered by Bickcll. It gives the words of Christ to Peter at the Last Supper in a form which diverges largely by omissions fronj any in the canonical gos|X'ls. Hort contended for the view that it was a fragment of a patristic homily and merely a loose quotation. Ed. Harnack, Texte u. I' nters. 5 4. etc.

1 On these see also Gospels (index).

6. The Logia. This is the name given by the first editors, Grenfell and Hunt, to the contents of a single leaf of a jjapyrus book found by them at Oxyrhynchus. It contains a small number of sayings of Jesus which in part agree with sayings contained in the canonical gospels and in part differ from them. Harnack believes them to be extracted from the Gospel according to the Egyptians ; but it is as yet not possible to express a final opinion on their character.

7. Ctospel of Matthias. Probably identical with the Traditions of Matthias, from which we have quotations. It was most likely a Basilidian work, for the Basilidians professed to regard Matthias as their special authority among the apostles. See Zahn, Gesch. d. NT Kanons, ii. 2 751.

8. Vivva. Ma/)ias (the Descent of Mary), quoted by Epiphanius (///-. 26 12), was a Gnostic anti-Jewish romance repre.senting Zacharias as having been killed by the Jews because he had seen the God of the Jews in the temple in the form of an ass.

9. Zacharias, the father of John Baptist. A. Berendts in Studien zur /.acharias-apokryphen u. Zach.-legende gives a translation of a Slavonic legend of Zacharias which may be taken from an early book, subsequently incorporated into the Book of James.

Almost every one of the apostles had a gospel fathered upon him by one early sect or another, if we may judge from the list of books condemned in the so-called Gelasian Decree, and from other patristic allusions.

Of a gospel of Philip we have fragments, descriptive of the progress of the soul through the next world, showing it to have been a Gnostic composition ; it was probably very much like the Pistis Sophia (a long Gnostic treatise in Coptic), in which Philip pla3's a prominent role. The Questions of Maty (Great and Little) was the title of two Gnostic books of the most revoking type, quoted by Epiphanius [HcEr. 268).

A Coptic papyrus volume recently acquired by Berlin contains texts as yet unpublished of two Gnostic books connected with the names of the Virgin and John, and also a portion of some early Acts of Peter.

27 Extant Gospels.[edit]

For the most part, however, these heretical pseudepigrapha, where we know anything of their contents, must be assigned to a period later than that contemplated by our present scope. Of extant apocryphal gospels two must be mentioned.

1. Book of James, commonly called Protevangelium (this name being due to Guillaume Postel, who first noticed the book, in the sixteenth century). Extant in Greek, Syriac, Coptic, etc. A narrative extending from the Conception of the Virgin to the death of Zacharias. The James meant is perhaps James the Just. In one place, where Joseph is speaking, the narrative suddenly adopts the first person. Origen, and perhaps Justin, knew the book. A Hebrew original has been postulated for it. It is undoubtedly very ancient, and may possibl}' fall within the first century. From it we ultimately derive the traditional names of the Virgin's parents, Joachim and Anne. The work has been edited by Tischendorf {Evangelia Apocrypha).

2. Acts of Pilate, often called the Gospel of Nicedemus. Greek, Latin, Coptic, etc. In two parts: (i) an account of the Passion and Resurrection ; (2) a narrative of the Descent into Hell. Part I. may be alluded to by Justin Martyr, who more than once appeals to Acts of Christ's Passion. It is possible, however, that he may be referring to another apocryphal document which exists in many forms the Anaphora Pilati or official Report of Pilate to Tiberius. In any case, the Acta Pilati ( Part I. ) in some form probably date from ixirly in the second century. Edited by Tischendorf [I.e.) ; see also Lipsius, Die Pilatusakten, and Schubert on the Gospel of Peter.

28. Acts.[edit]

II. Acts. i. Ascents of James {' Ava^dfiol'IaKw^ov), only mentioned by Epiphanius [Hcer. 30). An Ebionite and anti-Pauline book of which we most likely have an abstract in the end of the first book of the Clementine Recognitions. It contained

I addresses delivered by James the Just in the Temple.

I See Lightfoot, Galatians, 330, 367.

2. Acts of Paul and Thecla. Greek, Syriac, etc.

Tertullian tells us that this romance was composed in honour of Paul by a presbyter of Asia, who afterwards confessed the forgery [De Baptismo, 17) ; and Jerome, quoting Tertullian ( probably from the Greek text of the

same treatise), adds the detail that the exposure took
place in the presence of John. In the present writer's

opinion, this may be a false reading : ' apud Iconium ' may have Iieen corrupted into ' apud Joliannem." Undoubtedly the romance is the earliest of the kind which we possess. It details the adventures and trials of a virgin, Thecla of Iconium, who was converted by Paul. ; Ed. Lipsius (Acta Petri et Pauli). Professor Ramsay contends for the historical accuracy of much of the local detail. It is now clear that this episode formed part of the Acts of Paul which has just been discovered by Carl Schmidt in a fragmentary form in Coptic. Until I the text is published, however, little can be said.

The Acts of Paul, Peter, John, Thomas, Andrew, and Philip have all survived in part. They may be referred to .some time in the second centurj'. The author of all of them, save the first and last, was most likely one Leucius. The Passions and Acts of the remaining apostles are all later.

29. Epistles.[edit]

III. Episti>k.s. I. The Abgarus Letters. A letter from Abgar Uchama, king of Edessa, to our Lord,

^?-^r^^ him to visit Edessa and take up his abode there, and an answer from our Lord, promising to send an apostle to Abgarus.

are given by Eusebius {HE\\-i), who translates them from Syriac, and derives them from the, archives of Edessa. They are very early, and are intimately connected with the legend of the apostolate of Addai or Thaddasus at Edessa. A fragment of a fourth-century papyrus text of the letters (which are very short) is in the Bodleian. They arc found also in Syriac.

2. Epistle of Paul to the Laodiceans. ^'Lalin. It was founded upon Col. 4 16, and is a short cento of Pauline phrases. An Epistle to the Laodiceans is mentioned in the Muratorian Canon. See Lightfoot's Colo.ssians, ZM ff- < ^^'^ Zahn, Gesch. d. NT Kan. ii. 2 566 ; also CoLOssiANs and Ephesians, 14.

3. Epistle of Paul to the Alexandrines. Also mentioned in the Muratorian Canon, and nowhere else. Zahn (I.e. 58) has printed, from the Bobbio Sacranientary and Lectionary, a lesson purporting to be taken from the Epistle to the Colossians, which he assigns to the Epistle to the Alexandrines, or to some similar Pauline apocryph.

4. 'Third Elpistle of Paul to the Corinthians (and letter from Corinth to Paiil). Armenian and Latin (and Coptic). These are now known to have formed part of the Acta Pauli.

There are but few other spurious epistles, and these are all of a distinctly later character.

30. Apocalypses[edit]

IV. Apocalypses. 1. Apocalypse of Peter. Greek. Quoted by Clement of Alexandria and by the heathen antagonist of Macarius Magnes (who is possibly Porphyry), and mentioned by the Muratorian Canon. We have now a considerable fragment of it, which was discovered in the same MS as was the excerjit from the Gospel of Peter (see 26 no. 4). This contains the end of a prophecy of Jesus about the last times, and a vision of the state of the blessed, followed by a much longer description of the torments of various classes of sinners. It was probably written rather early in the second centuiy, and has had an enormous influence on later Christian visions of heaven and hell. Dieterich, in his Nekyia, has pointed out the strong influence which the Orphic literature has had on the writer. A trace of the influence of this apocalypse on Latin documents has been recently pointed out by Harnack in the Pseudo-Cyprianic tract De Laude .Martyrii, and earlier by Robinson in the Passion of St. Perpetua, and there is a possible trace in the earlier tract De Aleatoribus. The Arabic and the Kthiopic Revelation of Peter <ir lUhiks of Clemenl (see an article by Hratke in Hilgenfeld's Zeitschr. , 1893) seem "ot to contain the old book embedded in them ; but as yet they are not very well known. Ed. Dieterich, Harnack, James.

2. Prophecy of Hystaspes. Lost. There are quotations from it in the Preiuhin^ of Aj/ (quoted by Clem. Alex. ), in Justin Martyr (Apul. 1 20 44), and in Lactantius (Div. Just. 7 15 8). In every c.ise it is coupled with the Sibylline Oracles, with which it is clearly to be associated, as a Christian forgery in pagan form. Amniianus Marcellinus (236) calls Hystaspes a ' very wise king, father of Darius,' Lactantius, ' a very ancient king of the Medes, who has handed down to posterity a most wonderful dream as interpreted by a prophesying boy (sub interpretatione vaticinantis pueri).' The same author represents Hystaspes as s;iying that the Roman name was to Xx wiped out, and, further, that in the last days the righteous would cry to God and God would hear them. Justin says that he prophesied the destruction of all things by fire, and the quotation in Clement makes him declare that the kings of the earth should hate and persecute the Son of God the Christ and his followers. It is this last passage which fixes the book as Christian rather than Jewish.

31 Didactic '-"'^"-"'^[edit]

V. DiD.ACTic. 1. Teachings of the Apostles (mAachb). Greek. The literature of this manual of ethics and discipline is enormous, and the history of its various forms cannot be attempted here. It was discovered by Philotheos Brycnnios in a MS of 1056 at Constantinople, and printed first in the year 1883. It consists of two distinct parts ; the first an ethical manual which may be founded on a Jewi.sh document, and reappears in the Epistle of Harnabas ; the second relating to church matters, containing disciplinary rules ami liturgical /or;?//rr. Ojjinions as to its date differ widely. Harnack would assign it in its present form (which is probably not primitive) to 130-160. It forms the groundwork of the 7th Book of the .Apostolic Constitutions.

2. Preaching of Peter. Apparently an orthodox second-century book, of which Heracleon and Clem. Alex, have preserved important fragments containing warnings against Judaism and polytheism, and words of Jesus to the apostles. Another set of fragments, which there is no sufficient reason for repudiating, contains a lament of Peter for his denial, and various ethical maxims. There are strong similarities between the first set of fragments and the Apology of A ri slides. Dobschiitz (in a monograph in Texte u. Unters. ) rejects the second set. The relation of the book {a) to a supposed Preaching of Paul, the existence of w hich is very doubtful, and (/^) to the l^seudo-Clementine literature, is by no means clear. A Syriac Preaching of Simon Cephas, published by Cureton, has none of the matter appearing in the quotations from the Greek book.

32. BlDllOgrapny.[edit]

T-wi' 1. '^"'^ '^^ books noticed above, and the later documents not named (which are many), the student must consult : J. A. F"abricius, Coilc.r Pseutlepig. Vet. Test. Hamburg, 1713 and 1723; Cotiejc Apocryphus NT, ih. 1719, 1743 (ed. 2); O. \. Vr\lzsche, LiM r.T. pseudefii^aphi select! : A. Hilgen- feld. Messias Jmiteoruni ; E. Schurer, GJl'; Strack and Zflckler, Apokryphen d. AT: Wace and Salmon, Speakers Comm., Apocryplia; J. C. Thilo, Codex Apocryphus Nm>i J est anient i : Ti.schendorf, Evan^. Apocr. (eci. 2, 1876); Acta Ap. Apocr.; Apoc. Apocr.; Lipsius, Die Apokr., Apostel- geschichten, u.Apostellegenden; Miene, Diet, des Apocr.; James, Apocrypha Anecdota, i. ii.; Vassiliev, Anecdota Grieco-Byzan- tina; I.ipsius and M. Bonnet, ^c/a Apostolorum Apocr. i. ii.

Editions of individual writings have been specified under their proper headings. M. K. J.

APOLLONIA[edit]

(attoAAconia [Ti. WH]). A town on the I.gnatian Road, in that part of Macedonia which had the name Mygdonia and lay between the rivers Strymon and Axius. It was nearLake Bolbe (Betschik Gdl) ; but its exact site is not yet known. From the

I /tin. Ant. we learn that it was 30 R. m. from Amphipolis. and 37 from Thessalonica. I^ike places it to the S. of the lake, at the modern village Polina ; and this is probably right, though others are inclined to look for it more to the W. at the post -station of Klisali, which is seven hours from Thessalonica. Ajx^llonia was at any rate on the main road between Amphijxjlis and Thessalonica by the Aulon, or pass of Arethusa.

Paul and Silas, therefore, ' passed through ' the town on their way to Thessalonica (Actsl7i).t w. j. vv.

APOLLONIUS[edit]

(AnoAAcoNioc [VA] ; Ai-oi.-

LONIUS ; hflaOj^ o!^S/).

I I. (.'-^oii) of riiKA.si..\s [4^.1'.] ; the governor of Cocle- syria and Phoenicia who, according to 2 Mace. (85-44), induced Seleucus 1\'. to plunder the rich temple treasury of Jerusalem (see Hici.ioDOKUS). He may possibly be the same as

2. The governor of CcelesjTia imder Alexander Balas, who came to the help of Alexander's rival, Demetrius II. (Nikator), who made him chief of the army. This is more explicable if, as in Polyb. xxxi. 21 2, Apollonius was the foster-brother {(n'ivTpo<f>os) of Demetrius I. He was Ijesieged at Joppa, and was entirely defeated by Jonathan near Azotus (Ashdod) in 147 H.c. (i Mace. 1069/:). Jos. {.int. xiii. 43) calls him Aaoj (or rather Tads. Niese) /.<'. , one of the Dai (the classical Daha;) on the E. of the Caspian Sea and erroneously represents him as fighting on the side of Alexander Balas.

3. General of Samaria, one of the officers of Antiochus Epiphanes, beaten and slain by Judas the Maccabee, 166 B.C. (1 Mace. 3io_^). He'is prob- ably the chief tax-commissioner {Apxoiv ipopoXoyiai). who previously (168-167 -t- ) lif>d been .sent to hellenise Jerusalem, and by taking advantage of the sabbath had routed the Jews and occupied a fort there ( i Mace. 1 29^ 2 Mace. 524/: ). He may perhaps l)e identified with

4. The son of Menesthcus sent by Antiochus Epiphanes to congratulate Ptolemy VI. Philometor on his accession (iii to. 7rp<iiTOKKr)<j-ia : 2 Mace. 4 21).

5. Son of Ge.nnkus (6 tov Vewatov); a Syrian general under Antiochus V. Eupator (2 Mace. 12 2).

APOLLOPHANES[edit]

(AnoAAO(t)ANHC [VA] ; Syr. has m^aliya/, Apolloiiius?), a Syrian .slain by the men of Jud^xs the Maccabee (2 Mace. IO37).

APOLLOS[edit]

(attoAAwc' [Ti. WH]), according to iCor. , our most important source, was a missionary

In 1 Cor ^"*^ teacher who continued Paul's work in Corinth after the first visit of the latter (36), and was afterwards his companion in Ephesus, though not p>erhaps at the time the Epistle was being written (see ^f in 16 12). Shortly before the writing of the Eirst Epistle four parties had arisen in Corinth (1 10-12), one of which claimed to be ' of Paul,' and another ' of Apollos ' ; it argues, therefore, delicacy of feeling in Apollos that he did not comply with Paul's invitation to revisit Corinth again. The invitation itself, on the other hand, makes it plain that there were no verj- fundamental differences between the two men, least of all as to doctrine. Yet neither is it con- ceivable that the party -division turned upon nothing more than the personal attachment of their individual converts to the two men respectively. On that sup- position there would Ix: nothing so blameworthy al>out it ; and it would Ix; impossible to explain the existence, alongside of them, of the party of Christ, and still more of that of Peter. Our earliest authority for Peters ever having been in Corinth at all is Dionysius, bishop of Corinth about 170 (Eus. // \\.2!>6). who, contrary to all the known facts of history, will have it that Peter

' Hy contraction, or rather abbreviation, like Z-qva^ from Zijr<i&upot, Wnvvai from Wiivfavipoi, and so on (cp Names, 8 86, end). The fuller form is more probably 'AjroAAwnot than 'ATToAAoiwpoj, of which the usual contractions were 'AiroAAot, "ATTfAAat, or 'An-eAAjj^. The reading '.ViroAAoii'iot is actually given by D in .Acts IS 24. By analogy the accentuation '.XtroA- X ought to be preferred to the currently adopted 'AiroAAwt.

2. In Acts.

came both to Corinth and to Italy simultaneously with Paul. Thus the formation of an Apollos party, as dis- tinguished from the party of Paul, can have been due only to the individuality and niai.ner of teaching of Apollos. Paul finds it necessary to defend himself against the charge that ' wisdom ' is absent from his teaching. His answer (liy-lU) is that in substance ' wisdom ' is really contained in the simple preaching of the Cross, but that in form he offers it only to Christians of mature growth, and (this not l)eing the Corinthians' case) that he h;is purposely kept it in the background in his dealings with them. 'I'he teachers who offered ' wisdom," and thus excelled Paul in the eyes of many of the Corinthians, however, were assuredly not the Judai.sers among whom the parties of Christ and of Peter found their supporters. Apollos, therefore, must be meant. Paul actually says that on the foundation laid by him- self in Corinth, liesides the gold, silver, and precious stones, wood, hay, and stubble have been built ('512). But the energy with which he pronounces his judgment in 1 19/ 29 25 can be explained only by the fact that the adherents of .Apollos overvalued their teacher and subordinated substance to form.

With this agrees the notice in Acts 18 24-28 (our secondary source; see AcT.s),' that -Xpollos was an elocjuent man, mighty in the Scriptures, and an Alexandrian Jew. We ma)' ac- cordingly assume that the distinguishing quality in .Apollos' teaching of ' wisdom ' showed itself in an allegorising interpretation of the O'V, such as we see in Philo or in the Epistle of Barnabas. But the fact that he was a Christian and taught the doctrine of Jesus ' exactly' (d/cpi/3uJs : IS^s^/)) contradicts the statements (on the one hand) that he knew only the baptism of John (1825c) and (on the other) that he had to be in- structed more perfectly in C^hristianity by I'riscilla and .\(iuila (1826;^ <:) Whilst, therefore, it is possible for us to regard 182425^^05 derived from a written source which the compiler had before him, I82SC266C would seem to be later accretions. The effect of these last expressions (even if they are traditional) is to represent Apollos as sulxjrdinate to Paul ; for, according to lit 1-7, the rest of the disciples of John must receive the gift of the Holy Ghost for the first time at the hands of Paul. As to the rest, the fact that in 19 1-3 mention is made of these as of something new goes to show that originally in 18 25 there was no reference to a disciple of John. Further, Acts 18 28 is not easily reconcilable with what is said in i Cor. 36 : that the mission of Apollos was directed to the same persons as that of Paul, and that the church of Corinth consisted almost entirely of Gentile Christians (i Cor. 122 compared with 7 18). In that case .Acts 1826a may be attributed to the same author to whom 1828 (and 1825c 266 c 7) nmst be ascribed. Of the most recent attempts to deny the existence of the con- tradictions indicated above none can be pronounced successful. Blass(^.r/. I'ivies, 7, 1895-96, pp. ii,iff., 564, and P hilolo^ of the Cos/iels, 1898, p. y> /.) supposes Apollos to have derived his knowledge of Christianity from a book where, as in the .second canonical gospel, the baptismal precept was wanting. _ Arthur Wright (/ixp. Times, H, 1897-9S, pp. 8-12, 4377C) replies, with rea.son (as it seems to us), that such use of a book could not have been intended by the word Ka.Tr])^el(T9al.. It is only of aKoveiv that HIa.ss has been able to show that in some few cases it is practically equivalent to ' learning by reading ' (see the example.s, in Stephanus, 'J'/ics. I., Paris, 1831, p. 1268 A and 1!. They are not, however, all of them quite certain. Nor is Jn. 12 34 a case in cKjint ; the meaning is ' Our teachers have read in the law, and have told us by word of mouth that the Christ abideth for ever '). No single in.stance can be adduced in which Ka-n]\fl(r- at denotes acquisition of knowledge without intervention of a teacher. In p.articular, in Rom. 2 17,/; the meaning is, 'thou bearest the name of a Jew and . . . provest the things that differ, being instructed out of the law ' [by frequenting the synagogue, or the instruction of the scribes] ; and even in those cases where cucoveii/ has practically the sense of 'read,' the underlying idea is always that the book is read not by the 'hearer' himself, but by some other person, as, for example, a slave, so that the primary sense of the word has never entirely disappeared. In the case of .\pollo.s, howe/er, the idea that he

1 The reference to Acts 18 24-38 occurs in | 11.

used a Christian book, not however reading it himself but getting it read to him by some other person, is too far-fetched to be brought into reciuisition here. To the suggestion (referred to by Blass, Acta Apostolorum, ed. philol. 1895, < lo<^-) that Apollos may have been orally instructed by a man whose know- ledge of Christianity in its turn was limited to the contents of a book from which the baptismal command was absent, it has to be replied that the supposition is irreconcilable with the aKpifiiot of Acts 1725.1 Wright himself, however, contributes nothing new to the solution of the question except the emendation of iKaXti into an-eAaAci (so U), the verb being then taken as mean- ing ' to repeat by rote ' or at least ' to glibly recite.' Even if such a meaning could be established for the word, it would not nearly suffice to remove the difficulties of the passage. Lastly, Balden- sperger (_Der I'rotoi; lies ^ Jivan,^eiiums, i86<5, pp. 93-99) is con- strained to take refuge in the view that what Apollos taught aKp'^uv; consisted only of iMessianic matters as enumerated in such passages as Heb. eiyC; that the editor of the source of Acts here employed .says to 7rpi tou 'IijaoO only from a point of view of his own, meaning all the while not the historical Jesus but simply the Messiah in the larger sense, in whose coming the disciples of John also believed. If this be .so, he could not possibly have expressed his meaning in a less appropriate and more misleading way.

Tit. 3 13, the only other XT passage in which Apollos is named, catuiot be used as a historical source ; and _ , there is no ground for the conjecture that . . what constituted the difference between Apollos and Paul lay in the value attached by the former to the administration of baptism with his own hands (i Cor. 1 13-17), and that thereby he gave an impulse to the practice of baptism for the dead ( i Cor. 1.529). Paul, indeed, regards the church of Corinth, although he has personally baptized hardly any of its members, as wholly his own (i Cor. 4 15 and often). On the other hand, the hypothesis put forward by Luther (as having already been suggested somewhere) that Apollos wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews is, at all events, preferable to any other that ventures to condescend on a name.

In the lists of ' the Seventy ' (Lk. 10 i), dating from the fifth and sixth centuries, Apollos is enumerated, and has the diocese of Cajsarea assigned to him {C/i)on. J'asc. Bonn ed., i. 442, ii. 126). p. VV. S.

APOLLYON[edit]

(AnoAAYOON [Ti. WH], Rev.9ii. See An.\i)DON.

APOSTLE[edit]

(^noCToAoc. ' a messenger ') 2 was the title conferred by Jesus on the twelve disciples whom , , he sent forth, on a certain occasion, to _, , , preach and heal the sick. In the earliest (jospel tradition the disciples appear to be spoken of as apostles only in reference to this special mission (Mk. 814 [NB]= Lk. 6 13. cp Mt. IO2 ; and Mk. 63o = Lk. 9 10) ; but the name soon Vxicame a customary designation, and is so employed in Lk. (175 24 10) and Acts (I2, etc.). The nuinl)er twelve was symlxslical, corresponding to the twelve tril)es of Israel ; and when Judas fell from his ' apostolate ' (.Actsl25) the number was restored by the election of Matthias.* It is used in this symbolical and representative sense in Rev. 21 14.

Lists o/the T~,velve.\n the four lists (Mt. IO2 iMk.3 16 Lk. 614 Actsl 13) the names fall into three groups of four names, the first name in each group being constant, while the onier of the rest changes. Thus :

I. Mk. Peter James John .Vndrew.

Mt. Lk. Peter Andrew James John.

Acts Peter John James Andrew.

II. Mk. Lk. Philip Bartholomew Matthew Thomas.

Mt. Philip Bartholomew Thomas Matthew.

Acts Philip Thomas Bartholomew Matthew.

III. Mk. Mt. James Thaddajus Simon the Cananjean of .Alphajus Jud.is I.scariot

Lk. (Acts) James .Simon Zelotes Judas of Judas Iscariot. Jaames of Alphaeus

Mark's order of the first group recurs in ftlk. 13 3. It puts first the three who were selected as witnesses of the raising of Jairus's daughter (Mk. 637), of the Transfiguration (82), and of the Agony (14 33). "Their importance is further marked by surnames given by Jesus, Peter ( = Ceph.T.s) and Boanerges. Mt. and Lk.

1 Plass now {Phil. 0/ Gospels') expressly rejects the idea.

2 ijroo-ToAot, a stronger word than dyytAos, properly denotes not a mere messenger, but rather the delegate of the person who sends him. It seems to have been used among the Jews of the fourth centurj- A.D., of persons sent on a mission of responsibility, especially for the collection of moneys for religious purposes.

S On this subject, see Matthias, i.


tliu locality in whic l)y the NT of the

drop the Aramaic surname Boanerges, and class the brothers I together (' Peter anil Andrew his brother'). In Acts the order | is accounted for by the prominence of Peter and John in the

rninj; chapters. This seems to have h.id a reflex action on writer's mind, for in l.k.Ssi O28 we have ' Peter and John and James,' though where Peter is not mentioned we nave . ' James and John,'^9 54. |

The original signification of the t m (delegate or missionary) is recalled by its application to Barnaljas p . and Saul (Actsl44i4), who had been selected 1 under the direct guidance of the Spirit from among the prophets and teachers of the church of ! Antioch and sent forth on a mission . enterprise, j I'aul in his epistles defends his claim to be an ap(5stle | in the highest sense, as one directly commissioned by God ; and in this connection he empliasises his personal ac(iuaintance with the risen Christ (Gal. 1 1 2 Cor. 11 5 1 Cor. 9 I : ' Am I not an apostle, have I not seen Jesus our Lord?'). As 'apostle of the Gentiles' (Koni. 11 13) he received full recognition from the chief apostles in Jerusalem ((Jal. '2 7-9).

The stress laid by I'aul on his own apostolate, as ' not a w hit behind ' that of the Iwelve, was probably a ^., main factor in the subset|uent restriction of

"' the title to the original apostles and himself. ' In the N'T, however, it is certainly applied to Barnabas, j as we have seen, and almost certainly to Silvanus (i Thess. 26), .\ndronicus, and Junias (Rom. 16 7) apart from its more limited reference in the case of the 'apostles of the churches' (2 Cor. 823) and Epaphro- dilus (Phil. '225 'your apostle'). Moreover, we see it claimed in the church of ICphesus by certain persons to whont it is denied only after they have been tested and 'found false' (Rev. 22).

Rules for deciding the v.-ilidity of such claims are given in the early ni.iTiual called / /te Tituhine: o/tlie Af'OstUs. This book, Lh shows us a jjriinitive type of Church life existing in ility in which it was written, confirms the view suggested extension of the title of apostle beyond the \ of the Twelve and Paul. Apostles are here spoken of as teachers essentially itinerant ; ranking above the prophets who may or may not ne settled in one place, and in no specified relation to the bishops and deacons who are responsible for the ordinary local administration of the community. Even as the first apostles were sent forth ' without purse or scrip,' .so these, 'according to the ordinance of the gospel,' move from place to place, and are not to remain in a settled church more than two days, nor to receive money or more than a day's rations. These wandering missionaries are referred to by Kusebius as ' holding the first rank of the succession of the apostles ' (//A'3 37 5 10 ; he avoids the actual designation 'apostle,' perhaps in deference to later usage) ; and the strict regulations in the Teaching prove that there was danger lest the frequency of their visits should become burdensome to settled churches.

It is interesting to observe that the tradition of the application of the title to missionaries survives at the present day in the Kast. Among the ( Ireeks the word for a missionary is icpaird- o-ToAot, and the delegates of the .\rchbishop of Canterbury's mission to the Nestorians are regularly called apostles by the Syrians of Urmi.

Having thus clearly established the wider use of the term ' apostle,' we must return and consider the uniciue-

4. ApoBtolate. ^f'^ ^ ^'^\ ,P"^!"" f^"P'f ^^ '^^ " Iwelve and I'aul, to whom par excel-

lence the title Iwlongs. The distinction of their office which first comes under notice is that they were witnesses of the Resurrection. This is emphitsised at the election of the new apostle in Acts lai/ 'Of the men which have companied with us all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out among us, one of these must with us be a witness of his resurrection.' Their personal discipleship to Jesus, however, and the special training which he had bestowed upon them, had fitted them to Ix; not only the preachers of faith and repentance to the multitudes, but also the authoritative instructors of the ' brethren ' (cp .Acts 242 ' the apostles' doctrine '). Their commission was derived directly from Christ, even as his was from the Father (Jn. 2O21, and cp I Clem. 45 : ' Christ then is from God, and the apostles from Christ'). In pierforming cures they lay stress upon the fact that they are his representa- tives ; their acts are in fact his (cp especially Acts 3 16 934). Certain functions are in the first instance exercised exclusively by the a[x>stlcs : as the laying on of hands, to convey the Pentecostal gift to the Iwip- tized, and the appointntent of local ofticers in the church. In the earliest stage, t(x>, the contributions of wealthy lx:lievers are laid ' at the apostles' feet ' ; though at a later lime it is ' the presbyters ' who receive the offer- ings made for 'the brethren in JudiL-a' (Acts4 34/. 1 1 y^).

The authority implied in their commission is nowhere formally defined ; but on two important occasions we are permitted to observe the method of its exercise. 'Hius, in the appointment of the Seven the apostles call on the whole Uxly of believers to elect, and thereuiKJii themselves apjxjint the chosen persons to their work by a solenm ordination. ,\gain, when the c)uestion of the obligation of (jentile Ixjlievers to observe the Mosaic ritual arises in .Antioch, it is referred to ' the apostles and elders ' in Jerusalem (see Cou.scil,, ii. ), and a letter is written in their joint names ( ' the apostles and elder brethren). This letter is couched in terms of authori- tative advice rather than of direct conuiiand ; ami the authority which it implies, with regard to the distant communities whose interests are involved, is moral rather than formal.

In the churches of Pauls foundation we find that apostle acting with a consciousness of the fullest authority, in appointing presbyters, conveying the gift of the Spirit, and settling all kinds of controverted questions (.Actsl423 196 i Cor. 7 17)- His relation to the Twelve is marked by a firm sense of independence together with an earnest desire for concerted action. In the case of Timothy at Ephesus and of Titus in Crete we see him delegating for a time during his own absence his apostolic authority.

For the relation of the apostolate to other forms of the Christian ministry, see Chukch, 12.

Hishop Lightfoot's note ' on the name and office of an .Apostle ' (Comm. on Gal. 5th ed. 92-101) had, even Ijefore Literature, the recovery of the Teaching, destrojed the fiction of the limitation of the term in the first age. It needs now to be supplemented by Harnack's important discussion, Lehre tier Apostel, 93-118. The whole .subject ha.s been freshly and vigorously treated by Hort in Ecctesia {/>assim). J. A. R.

APOTHECARY[edit]

(Hpl E.x. 3O2535. Hj^-n Eccl. lOi). The Hel). word means 'perfumer.' See CoNKKCiioN. Pkkfl'.MK. 's term is fxvpfxl/ds, the medical or magical aspects (see (papnaKia, -Kfvfiy, -koi/ in ) of whose trade may be seen in Ecclus. 388, where his skill in compounding the medicines (i-. 4 (papfxaKa, medidimcnla) that the Lord created out of the earth is referred to. In Neh. 38 is mentioned a guild of perfumers, one of the 'sons' or members of which was Hananiah (the idiom is effaced in R\', and misrepresented in A\', which gives ' son of one of the apothecaries ').

APPAIM[edit]

(D'SX, e4)p<MM [B]; ActxJ). [A]; co4)eiM [L]), a Jerahmeelite (i Ch. 230/).

APPARITION[edit]

(<})antacma). Mt. 1426 RV. See l)i\ iNAiKiN, S 3 131, Soul.

APPEAL[edit]

On inferior and superior courts, or what might Ije called courts of review or of appellate juris- diction in the Hebrew commonwealth, see Govkkn- MKNT, 19, 31, and L.wv and Justick, 16. As regards Roman criminal procedure, the ap(x.-al of Paul to C;sar is best understood from the narrative of ?"estus to Agrippa (Acts 25 14-2')- Accused by his compatriots in ' certain questions of their own super- stition,' and asked whether he was willing to go to Jerusalent and there hv: judged, he had 'appealctl' (xi- KoKfaafiivov) to be reserved for the hearing {Siitvwaiv. cosrnitionem) of C.-Bsar. The aix)stle as a Roman citizen was well w ithin his rights w hen he invoked the authority of the emperor and thereby virtually declined the jurisdiction alike of the Jewish courts and of the Roman procurator ; and his reasons for choosing to do so are not far to seek. Under the republican pro- cedure every Roman citizen had the right of frroocatio ad populum. From the time of Augustus the populus ceased to exercise sovereign criminal jurisdiction ; the emperor himself took cognisance of criminal cases as a court of first instance, having co-ordinate jurisdiction with the senate. The quiestio procedure continued as before to be the ordinary mode of trial.

APPHIA[edit]

(An(t)l<\ [Ti- WH], etc., appia, etc. Cp especially Lightf. Col. and Phikm. ZT^ ff\ probably the wife of Philemon (Philem. 2),

APPHUS[edit]

(cA(t>ct)OYC [A]; CAH*- [NV]), i Mace.

25. See J()N.\TH.\N. 18, MACCABKKS, 5.

APPIAN FORUM[edit]

, RV Market of Appius" (ATTnioy (t)OpoY [ ' WH] ; modern I-'oro Appio), a well-known halting-place on the Via Appia, where Paul was met by brethren from Rome (Acts 28 15)- The distance from Rome is given in the I tin. Anton. (107) as 43 R. m. (and so perhaps //. Hier. e.g., Migne, PL. 8794, but in other edd. [6ir/] as 37).

For inscription on XLlil milestone, found near Foro Appio, see CIL x. pt. i. 686. The road leading to Appii Forum from the .south through the district of the Pontine M.-irshes was often abandoned in favour of a journey by boat (cp Horace, Sat. i. 5 1-26, where .\npii Forum is described (/. 4) as being ' Differtum nautis, cauponibus atque malignis. See also Three Taverns.

APPLE[edit]

(man; Pr. 25ii Cant. 235 78[9] 85 Joel 1 i2t, see also Fruit, 12), by some understood as a generic name including various fruits, and by others supposed to mean not the apple but the quince, citron, or apricot. The origin of the Hebrew name is not quite certain ; but there seems no sulVicient reason for rejecting the accepted derivation from n33, to breathe ; ^ the name thus alludes to the perfume of the fruit. msn in post-biblical Hebrew, aiul the corresponding word iuj/liA - in Arabic, ordin- arily denote the 'apple' ; and this rendering is, so far, supported by the ancient versions Greek, Syriac, Arabic, Latin, and the Targum. It must be admitted, however, that all the words used fi7J\ot>, hazzord,^ nun, tufdh, malum (s. pomutn) are capable, with or without the addition of an epithet, of being applied to other fruits ; ixffKov, indeed, originally meant ' large tree," or fruit in general, and only gradually became confined to the apple ; * cp the very wide use of pomiim, poma in Latin. Still, an examination of the biblical passages where nisn occurs seems to show that soiue particular fruit is intended ; and the question must 1)6 answered by considering ( i ) which kind of fruit possesses in the highest degree the qualities of beauty of colour and form, of fragrance, and of efficacy in over- coming the feeling of sickness ; and (2) which fruit-tree was most likely, under the conditions of climate and of botanical history, to be found abundant in Palestine during biblical times. [Though all the six occurrences of men are possibly, not to say certainly, post-exilic, the antiquity of the cultivation of the tree (or class of trees?) in Palestine is proved by the place-names Tappuah and Beth-Tappuah. ]

2. Identification.[edit]

The following identifications have been proposed : (i) apricot (Tristram, FFP 294) ; (2) apple (especially WRS, /. Phil. 136s/.); (3) citron or orange ( Del. Comm. on Proa<. ) ; (4) quince [Houghton, PSBA I242-48 [1889-90]).

1 It seems doubtful whether there was, a.s postulated by L5w (.Aravt. Pfliinzennamen, 156) and Houghton (I'SBA I247 [1889-90]), any word nSD to swell, even in Rabbinic Hebrew. It is at all events unknown to biblical Hebrew, to Syruic, and to Arabic. See, further. Lag. Uehers. m, 129; and F. Hommel, A/sdtze u. Ahliauill. 107, and in ZDMG 44546 ('90)-

2 This must be a loan-word in Arabic (Friinkel, Aram. Fremdiv. 140), probably from Aramaic, though no trace of it has yet been found in Syriac.

8 Lag. is inclined to derive this, the Aramaic equivalent of mSB, from the .\rmenian word for apple (hntsor) and thus prove that the fruit came to Semite lands from \tmf^n\^{Uebers. II. cc.) ; but Hommel shows the probability of the word being genuinely Semite, connecting it with an Arabic root /janaza (Au/sdtze u. AM and/. 107).

  • Hehn and Stallybrass, IVanderings 0/ Plants and Animals,

499-

1. With regard to the first of these the apricot (Prunus Armeniaca, L. ) it is to be remarked that it is not mentioned by Theophrastus, and does not appear to have been known to the ( ireeks or the Romans lfore the commencement of the Christian era ( De C. Ori^. <"- 171).

Its original home was E. Asia (probably China), whence it gradually spread westward to Armenia (jjlt)A.ov WpfxevioKov, malum armeniacum) ; but Tristram is certainly wrong in saying {^Nat. Hist. 335) that it is native there.

The present abundance of the apricot in Palestine is almost certainly post-biblical.

2. The apple Pyrus Malus, L. is found without doubt in a wild state in Northern Asia Minor, especially about Trebizond, and occasionally forms small woods.

It extends eastwards to Transcaucasia, and apparently to Persia (cp Boissier, Fl. Orient. 2656). Sir Joseph Hooker says that it is 'apparently wild' in NW. Himalaya and W. Thilict, but that everywhere else in India it is cultivated (//. Brit. Ind. 2375). De CandoUe (0>7>-. 180) thinks the apple was indigenous and cultivated in Europe in prehistoric times; but Boi.ssier(/.f.) restricts its natural occurrence to Macedonia and Euboea.

In any case the original apple clearly required a cool climate. Under cultivation there have been obtained varieties which will tolerate and even require a warmer one ; ' but these are notoriously modern inventions, and it is absurd to take account of them in considering the ancient history of the fruit. In truth the original apple . and the apple of biblical times was presumably some- what similar cannot have Ijeen very attractive : it was in fact a ' crab ' only about an inch in diameter.

Sir Joseph Hooker says (from his own knowledge) 'Palestine is too hot for apples." With this agrees Tristram's account :

'Though the apple is cultivated with success in the higher parts of Lebanon, out of the boundaries of the Holy Land, yet It barely exists in the country itself. There are, indeed, a few trees in the gardens of Jaffa ; but they do not thrive, and have a wretched, woody fruit. Perhaps there may be some at 'AskalSn. What F^nglish and .American writers have called the "apple," however, is really the quince. The climate is far too hot for our apple tree ' (XffB 334^^).

As there is no evidence of the apple ever having been found native in Syria, those who render tappuah ' apple ' have to show ( i ) that it was introduced from without (Pontus), and (2) that it became established when introduced. Both propositions are improbable. What is said above of the introduction of a few modern sorts into S)Tian gardens is true ; " but it is imjjossible to infer from this fact that the biblical tappfiah was the apple.

The strongest argument for the apple is that tuffdh is used in modern Arabic for this fruit ; but, as we have seen above, the word may have wider significance, and it is exceedingly probable that in such passages as those quoted by Robertson Smith in an article (Journ. Phil. 65/) which, though short, appeared to him (prematurely?) to be almost decisive, it is really the quince that is meant. Even if ' apple ' be the usual modern meaning of tuffdh, it is far from uncommon in botanical history for a name to pass from one to another of two plants so nearly allied as the quince and the apple.

[J. Neil {Pal. E.xplored, '82, p. 186) differs widely from Prof. G. Post of BejTout (Hastings, DB, ' Apple'), who argues that the apple as grown in Palestine and Syria to-day alone fulfils all the conditions of the tappuah.

Post remarks, 'almost all the apples of Syria and Palestine are sweet (Cant. 2 3). To European and .\merican palates they seem insipid. But they have the delicious aroma of the better kinds. . . . Sick persons almost invariably ask the doctor if they may have an apple ; and if he objects they urs^e their case with the plea that they only want it to smell." This being so, it is needless to conjecture that 'such an epicure as Solomon would have had many of the choicest kinds,' for, according to Post, the 'ordinary and (to us) disappointing Syrian apple can still, without poetic idealisation, be referred to in the language of Canticles. But was Canticles written for Syria?]

3. No citrus (orange or citron) will do.

"The citron has its home in the sub-Himalayan tract of N.

1 Thus the best American apples succeed in Great Britain only under glass.

2 Similarly, in the Deccan four sorts of apples are now found ; but these are all introduced, two from England and two from Persia.

India. Thence it spread W, through Mesopotamia and Media; hence its cuirent botanical name, Citrus tnfdica, L.' It is first mentioned by Theophrastus (to ^^Aoi' to (irfiiKov r\ rh ittfiViKov; Hilt. iv. 42); but he says that it is not eaien (ovk iaVUrai). It was probably, therefore, not much developed by ciiltivaiiun.

The koniaiis did not know the citron. Their citron wootl was the wood of Callitris quadrivalvis. Vent. , from N. Africa. The true citron was prolxibly not introduced into Italy till the third or fourth century A.D.

[The claims of the citron- (to be the tuppuah) are so exceedingly slight that its introduction into I'alobtine is chieHy interesting in conneciion with the leist of Taljernacles, at which, in the time of Jos. , it was carried by the Jews (a custom which is continued to the present day: see 'The Citron of Commerce,' Kno liulUtin, June 1894). It was introduced at any rate during the peri(xl of their relations with Media and Persia, and we find it depicted upon Jewish coins (see Stade, Gl'I2, facing p. 406).

The statement of fos. {Ant. xiii. l.S 5) i, that according to the law of the Feast of T.-ibernacles blanches i)f the palm and citron tree (0vpaovv Tcii' ^oiviiciov Kai Kirpimv) were to be l)orne by every one: elsewhere (/A iii. 10 4) he specifics the Myrtle, the willow, and boughs of p;dni-tree and of pome-citron (>iVjAo rijv ireptrf'as). The T.ilmudic law particularly ordained that the fruit should be held ill the left hand, and the branches (or z'?^^) in the right.a I he priestly l.iw, on the other hand, has not the precision which the translators and exegetes of a later age gave to it. In Lev. '-3 39 /?: (H), among the requirements for the feast of ingathering, stanifs the 'fruit of goodly trees,' or (better) 'goodly tree-fruit' ("n.l I'j; 'is; cp bal^ xopirbc (vAou iipaiov), which Targ., Pesh., and ancient Jewish tradition identified with the orange or citron. This identification is open to question, and the expression may In- coiuicctn! preferably svith the 'fair boughs' mentioned in the account of the Feast of Tabernacles, a .\Iacc. \Q6(^. (KAdfovt uipaiovt ; ratitos virides ; Pesh. om.). Nor is the citron specifically mentioned in the somewhat fuller and l>-ss vague list in Neh. 815 (the Pesh. apparently renders ' jjalmtrees ' by 'citrons'), although commentators found an allusion to n in the pc- i'J,', the fat or oily tree (AV 'pine,' KV ' wild-olive ').]

The orange was unknown to the ( Ireeks and Romans. It was introduced into Mediterranean countries by the Arabs alxjut the ninth century.

4. Whereas the development of the modern apple is most probably to be attributed to the northern races, the quince [Pyriis Cydoiiia, L. = Cydonia I u/^uiris, I'crs. ) is a fruit characteristic of the Slediterranean basin and recjuires a warm temperate climate. A native of W. Asia, it extended to the Taurus, and thence spread through all Mediterranean countries.' The best sort came from Crete ; hence /xfjXov Ki'Siiviov and Malum coto/ifiim, and the various European names (Codogno, Ital. ; Coing, Fr. ; and Quince, Engl. ). Hehn {I.e. 185) says : ' The golden apples of the Hesperides and of .\talanta were idealised quinces ... Its colour, like that of the pomegranate, made a lively impression.' This would well accord with the reference in I'rov. 2.') 11 ; whilst the well-known aroma of the quince (much stronger than that of the apple) would explain Cant. 2578[9]. It is true that the taste of the fruit, unsweetened, is harsh and bitter, and there is hence some difficulty in re- conciling our theory with Cant. 23; but something must Ix; there allowed for the idealisation of the picture, and undoubtedly the fruit could be prepared in such a way as to have a delicious taste. Moreover the whole classical history of the fruit is saturated with erotic suggestion, and this falls in with the repeated mention of it in Canticles. N. M. w. t.t. -d.

1 Sir Joseph D. Hooker (/"/. Brit. Ind. 1 514) gives its range as Garwhal to Sikkini.

"^ anriK, from Pers. turunj. For the various traditions con- nected with it cp Levy, s.v. See I.aw, 46.

  • The Daphnephoria as depicted by Leighton is a familiar

and popular illustration of this custom.

Rashi referred to the annual beauty of the tree, and the Talmud supplied that m,T = -n'n '.<., w3<of> an allusion to the fact that the citron grows beside all waters (cp Field, Hexaf>la, ad he). See De Candolle ((V/;^.(2 143 /), who quotes Risso to show that the citron was not recognised by the translators of 0. If \\^n i"* really a genuine (and ancient) Semitic word (cp above, f I, n 3), it is tempting to read it here instead of Tin-

De CandoUe, 189, says: 'Avant I'ipoque de la guerre de Troie.'

APRONS.[edit]

For n'nin, the ( fig-leaf coverings of Gen. 37 (AV '" ' things to gird alx>ut,' KV " girdles * ; g^i.Ai. nepizcoM&TA). see GiKiJi.E. 2. For nr.9^0 (Ruth3i5 AV ") see M.VNTLE, 2. no. 3. The ci/juKivOia [Ti. WH] of Actsl9i2t (used for healing purposes) aie the semicinctia or aprons worn by servants and artisans.

AQUILA[edit]

(akyA&C [Ti.WII]) is the I^ttin name by which alone we know one of tite Jewish con)p.anions of I'aiil. ,\ Jew, native of Pontus, he had removed to Rome and there carried on his calling as tent-maker ; probably it wiis also in Rome that he married his wife Prisca or Priscilla, whose name is alw.ays .issotiatcd with his most connnonly indeed placed Ijefore it. 'I he banishment of the Jews from Rome by Claudius (cina A.D. 49) led to the settlement of Aquila and his wife in Corinth (.Acts 18 2). Here, presumably, their actiuaint- ance with Paul l)egan and they were converted to Christianity. It was w ith them that the ap(-.stle, also a tent-maker, lodgetl on his first visit to Corinth. (.\ftcT- wardss Ux^king back upon his relations with them at this time [Rom. 16 3] he applies to them the words : ' fellow- workers in ('hrist Jesus, who, for my life, laid down their own necks ; unto whom not only 1 give thanks, but also all the churches of the ( jentiles. ' \ From Corinth A(|uila and Priscilla accompanied Paul to l-lpliesus (.Acts 18 iS), and here they remained behind while he went on to Jerusalem. At this time Apollos (q.v.) arrived in Ephesus, and the zealous pair undertook to ' expound unto him the way of God more perfectly ' {^\ 26). Writ- ing to the Corinthian Church after his return to l-"phestis, Paul enclo.ses the mes.sage : ' Atjuila and Prisca salute you much in the Lord, with the church that is in their house' (i (or. It) 19). What is meant by this church is not <iuite clear ; but the expression shows that they niu.st have held a somewhat prominent and periiaps oflicial position in the I'^phesian comnmnity. That Ejihcsus contiimed (or was supposed to have contiinied) to be their home long after Paul left it is shown by the .saluta- tion addressed to them in 2 Tim. 4 19. That tlu-y are saluted in Rom. 1 .; siiows (on the assumption that Rt in. 16 3-20 is an integral part of the epistle in which it now occurs ; see Ro.m.ans) that at rome period they must have returned to Rome for at least a season ; but the occurrence of their mimes here is one of the facts that are held to make it probable lliat the salutations of Rom. 16 3-20 really belong to an I-'phesian epistle.

Ecclesiastical tradition has little to .say of either Aquila or Priscilla ; in some late forms of the legend of Luke, .Aquila and Pri.sc<j are represented as having been the discip'es and lifelong companions of that evangelist, and as h.iving had his tlospel entrusted to them by him. They are enumerated in the lists of the 'Seventy' (Lk. 10), dating from the fifth or sixth century, Priscrtj being sometimes read for Prisca. See Lipsius, Afokr. A/>.-gesch. i. 203,^ 399 ii. '-'367.

AR, AR of Moab[edit]

is mentioned in the two ancient songs which celebrate Israel's passage across Moab : Nu. 21 15, ' the slope of the valley that stretches to the se;tt ' or site ' of Ar ' (-10, hr [BAL]) ; t. 28, a 'fire hath devoured Ar of Moab (dk^C "iJ" ; Mwa/i [L]; ?ws M. [BA], ;.(., 'o ny ; so Sam. and some Heb. MSSl and consumed the high places of Arnon. ' This '.Ar Moab is usually taken to Ix; the same as the 'Ir Moab, ' city of Moab' (3N1D TV ; irliXiv Mwa^ [BAL]). 'which is on the Ixirder of Arnon at the uttnost part of the border ' (Nu. 2236), where Barak met Bal.iam when became to Moab from the Iv ; and indet^d ny in those ancient songs mav te the primitive spelling of tj-. It is also the '.Ar Mo'al) of Is. 15 I (ii yioiaSfiTis [BNAQP]), there parallel to Kir Moab, another chief fortress of the country, the present Kerak. It may also be ' the city (i-y) in the midst of the valley* i.e., of Arnon (Deut. 236 Josh. 189 16 and 2 S. 245). In harmony with these passages, it is called the 'border of Moab' in Deut. 2i8 ('^ Apo7;pl ; but in vr.g (Aporfp [A*"'"*"*" FI.]) and 29 (ApoTip [BEL] ; Apor/X [A]) of the same chapter it seems to mean a district rather than a town, and in this connection it is interestiiij; that "^ renders '.Ir A/oab in Is. 15 by Moabitis. Our present knowledge of the tojx)- graphy of Moab does not enable us to identify the site of 'Ar, the city.

We may be sure it wa.s not the njodern Rabba (so the PKF map), the Areopolis which in the fourth century of our era was the capital of ^loab. Others have suggested the Mehatet el-Haj on the left bank of the Arnon opposite Aroer (see llurckhardt, i>'-- 374)-

More probably (cp N'u. 2236) it lay at the VI. end of one or other of the Arnon valleys.

There l.anger (A'c/.v,-(^<-r;V//, xvi.) has proposed Lejfm (Legio?) described by Doughty (./rrt/'. Jh'strrta, 1 20) as a 'four-square, limestone -built, walled town in ruins, the walls and corner towers of dry block-building, at the midst of every wall a gate.'

G. A. S.

ARA[edit]

(XnS ; &PA [n.\] -Ai [L]), in a genealogy of AsiiKK (-/.-. , i. 4), I Ch. 7 fSh Perhaps N1N should lie pronouiucd XnX ( Ura) for -Inj-VIN ( Uriah). See Ul.i.A.

ARAB[edit]

(3"3NI, AipCM [H]. epeB [AI>]), a site in the hill-country of Judah (Josh, ir.32). If DUMAII {q.v. , 4) is ed-l)onieh, there ni;iy possibly lie an echo of Arab in er-Riibiyi'h, the name of a site, with ruins, in the mountains of Judah, .S. of Hebron [PliFMcm.ozii 360).

==ARABAH== (nnnyn, h AP&B&[BAL], often translated by H npoc 'eic, eni, kata) Aycaaac, sometimes by KaB' inpoc) ecnepAN 115.VLJ), as a common noun, from a root probably meaning ' dry' (cp Arabia, i), is used as a parallel (Is. 35 16, etc.) to "l2"ip, 'desert- steppe,' and to n^V )*"IX' ' parched ground,' with much the same force. As a proper name, with the article, it is generally confined to the great depression of the Dead Sea valley, ' the 'Arabah. ' So correctly in R V ; in AV it is more usually translated ' plain ' (r/.?'. , 6) or ' wilder- ness ' (but in Josh. 18 18 Arabah,' "^'- liaidapafia, see Hi:th-.-\kabah). Along with the hill-country, the slopes, the Shephelah, and the Xegeb, it is reckoned as one of the great parallel divisions of the land (Dt. I7 Josh. ] 1 16 128), and it is clear that the name was applied not ' only to the depression from the Lake of Galilee (Dt.

>i7 ; cp .\KBATTis) to Jericho (2 K. 2r)4) and the Dead ,

Sea (which was called the Sea of the 'Arabah : Dt. 449, I etc., Josh. 3i6, etc.), but also to the rest of the same great hollow as far as the Gulf of 'Akabah (Dt. 1 1).

Different parts of the Arabah were called 'Arboth [ (construct plur. of '.-\rabah) ; cp Josh. 5 10 Jer. 39 5. etc., | KV 'plains of Jericho' ; Nu. 22 1 263, etc., 'plains of ' Moab.' See too Akbattis.

To-day the name E/-'A raha is confined to the south of the line of cliffs that crosses the valley obliquely a few miles south of the southern end of the Dead Sea ; and all N. of this is known as El-Chor, ' the depression ' (Rob. BA' 2 490).

The singular geological formation of the 'Arabah is indicated under Palkstinf; ( 3). Here it is sufticient to explain how such a name was applied to the valley even X. of the Dead Sea. In spite of the enormous possible fertility of the Jordan valley under proper irrigation, the vast stretches of jungle, marl, saline soil, and parched hillsides out of reach of the streams, along with the sparseness of cultivation in most ages (owing to the great heat, unhealthy climate, and wild beasts), fully justify the name 'Arabah. In the NT also the valley is called a wilderness (ttJ ip-fifjufi Mk. 1 4).

For the 'Arabah S. of the Dead Sea, see Rob. BR i. and ii., Yi\\\\,PHFMet., 'Geology,' and for the part N. of the Dead Sea, Stanley, SP 7 ; Conder, Tent IVork in Pal. 14 ; C.ASm. //(; -'-'/ G. A. S.

ARABAH, Brook of the[edit]

AV River of the Wilderness (n3"TJ?n 7T\)), is in Am. 614 the southern limit of the land of Israel in opposition to the northern Pass 'of Hamath. The name occurs nowhere else; but by some has been taken as another form of Brook of the 'Arabim (d'3-ij;.t ; EV Bkook of the Willows [AV?- Brook of the Arabians] rather of the Populus euphratica : ZDPl'2 iog).

given in Is. 15? as the southern boundary of Moab. This may be the long Wady el-Hasy (or Hessi, PEF Map) which Doughty (Ar. Des. I26) describes as dividing the uplands of Moab and Edom, and running into the S. end of the De;id Sea ; by some thought to be also the Brook /.KKKI). It is doubtful, however, whether the Israelite kingdom could ever have Ix^n described as extending S. of the Arnon. Hoffmann ['/.ATW Z "5 ['83]) suggests that the Brook of the Arabah may have lain at the N. end of the Dead Sea. s rendering, tov xeiMppoi' tu)v Svff/J.wi> [B.\(^], is no help. It is to be noted that N. Israel under Jeroboain II. in the time of Amos is staled in 2 K. IIqs to have extended from ' the entering in of Hamath unto the Sea of the Arabah.' The diOiculty is increa.sed by the uncertainty as to whether Aitios means to include Judah. G. A. S.

ARABATTINE[edit]

(akpaBatthnh [AN]), i Mace. 53t -W, i<\' Akkahaitlnk.

ARABIA, ARABIANS[edit]

(3"}^ ; gentilic 'inj? and in Xch. "2-11?, pi. D'niy, also once D'X'2"iy, 'and once Kt. '*2-lV ; ApABLeJiA decl. and indecl. LBSAL, etc.], -BICCA [BXA], ApAy (-aBoc) [BXAL. etc.], APAB[eJi [BN.\]).

'1 he name 'Arab' (any) seems originally to have

meant nothing more than ' desert ' : hence ' jjeople of

_ ,. the desert.' So Isaiah' uses the word,

OT usaire ^" ^^^'^ forest in the desert {'iirab ; but usage. ^ iairipa%) ye halt for the night' (Is. 21 13). More usual in Hebrew is the fem. form 'linibah {f.^if., Job24 5 396), a word employed as a proper name to denote the desolate valley, in which the Dead Sea is situated, reaching to the north-eastern extremity of the Red Sea (.see Arab.AH, i. ). In the OT the term 'Arab, as the name of a particular nation and country, is confined to comparatively late writings ; it must therefore appear highly improbable that the Homeric 'EpefxfioL ((A/. 484) are to be identified with the Arabs. The lists in Genesis, which specify various Aral>ian trilies, do not mention the name a very significant indication of their anticjuity. The word being certainly an appellative ('desert') in Is. 21 13 (with I'lV cp Hal). 1 8 , Zeph. 83 ), the heading a'jpa Kbc, ' Oracle concerning the Arabs,' cannot be in accordance with the author's real meaning. ^ No certain instance of the use of 'Arab as a proper name occurs before the time of Jeremiah. He speaks of ' all the kings of 'Arab ' ( any 'aSn^'T'O TNi, Jtr. 25 24). The words which follow in M'T, aij-rr '2*70 ^dtiki. are of course a dittography ; in order to make sense the scril)es pro- nounced 3"iyn 'the mixed people,' a form which really occurs in 7'. 20, as well as in Ez. 3O5 and i K. IO15 (where reads layn for aij'^)- 1 he Greek text of Jer. 2524 {k. irdvTai t. ffVfji/uKTOVi [BNQ],'* it may l>e noticed, does not presuppose a repetition, and moreover (followed by Co.) omits the word 'kings,' necessary though it is to the sense. The phrase, ' like a 'Ar.ibf in the desert ' (Jer. 32, KopiJovTi [BXA] ; Aq. a/xn/- [Q "]), m.iy be explained to mean either ' like an Arab ' or ' like a Nomad ' the word has not yet acquired a strictly ethno- graphical signification. The same thing applies to a passage dating from the end of the Babylonian Exile, ' No '.4ra^/ shall pitch his tent there, nor shall shepherds cause their flocks to lie down there' (Is. 132o, "ApaSfs [BX.\"'8]). InEz. 2721, however, .^ra<* (315;; Apa^[e]ia [BAQ], with the note eairepa [Q'"^]), appears as the name of a people, coupled with Kedar, a desert tribe very frequently^mentionedat that period(see Ishmael, 4[2]).

^ Isaiah's authorship, it is true, has been disputed (see IsAtAH, <)).

2 (B omits it ; but Aq. Symm. Theod. all have it.

3 f;iesebr., however, while agreeing as to the dittography which follows, denies that 'and all the kings of '-? ra^ ' are the words of Jeremiah ; the closing words of the yerse (' who dwell in the wilderness ') alone are genuine; they give the locality of those ' who have the corners of their hair polled ' (7'. 23). Cp. 926 (25I, 'all that have, etc., who dwell in the wilderness."

  • A has K. IT. T. <r. avToi).

It would seem that the name of the Arabs came into use among the Helirews at a time when the old names Ishmael, Midian, etc. , were disappearing from ordinary sixxxh. This change may Ix; connected with the fact that during tlie |)ori(xl in {|uestion various triUs were advancing front the S. into the northern deserts and dispossessing the former inhabitants, who, in all probability, were closely akin to the Hebrews. Such shiftings of the population have occurred repeatedly in the course of ages. However unproductive the districts to the K. and to the S. of Palestine may apixair to us, they are nevertheless, from the point of view of the Nomads, decidedly preferable to many parts of Arabia projxir.

1 rom the ninth century H.c. and onwards, the name 2 Other ^^ '^'^ Arabs occurs in the Ass\Tian inscriptions, where it presents a variety of forms '

{.trudi, Aruhu. Aribi, etc., the adjective being Arbaya).

The name Urbi {KlilZ^f. ), however, can scarcely be, as I )elitzsch (/.(-.) su[)poscs, aiKJther form of the same word and the eijuivalcnt of tlie .\rab I'/fi (.vhich appears to te quite late) and of the Hcb. ziy- The Arabs metitioned in the cuneiform inscriptions were probably all, or for the most part, natives of the Syrian desert, though we have no reason to assume that the name was applied to them exclusively as distinguished from the inhabitants of Arabia proper.

The inscriptions of the Persian King Darius {c.j^., Behistun, i, 15) mention Arabaya among the subject lands, always placing it after Babylonia and Athura (i.t-., Assyria, Mesopotamia proper, and po.ssibly northern Syria) and before Kgypt ; here also the word must refer to the great deserts of Syria perhaps also to those of Mesopotamia and the Sinaitic penin- sula. ^Ischylus (/V;x 316), the first extant Greek writer in whose works the name occurs, speaks of a distinguished Arab in the army of Xer.xes, and the contemporary authority whom Herodotus follows in his account of the Persian army makes mention of Arabs on the same occasion (Herod. 769). While the notions of .(Eschylus, however, about the geographical position of the Arabs, are altogether fantastic he represents them as dwelling near the Caucasus {Prom. 422) Herodotus shows himself nmch lx;tter informed. He applies the term Arabia to the whole peninsula (cp Herod. 2 n 3107-113 439) ; but, as might have been exix-cted, he refers in particular to tho.se Arabs who inhabited the country between Syria and Egypt (21230347/: 88091, etc. ). It is also to be remarked that, in accordance with a peculiar classification, he gives the name of Arabia to that part of Egypt which lies to the E. of the Nile valley (28, etc. ). Xenophon(.4(z/^. vii. 8 25) speaks of a governor set by the Persian king over ' Phoenicia and Arabia,' by which is meant the S. of Syria, including Palestine and the neighbouring desert a separate governor l)eing set over 'Syria and Assyria." Similarly in the Cyropudia he doubtless always means by Arabia the desert lands which were to some extent dependencies of the Persian Empire, not the peninsula itself; we must remember, further, that Xenophon had no definite ideas about these countries, through which he had not himself travelled. The nanie Arabia is used, in particular, for the desert of Mesopotamia {Ariab. i. 5i); it can hardly be an accident that this very district is called 'Arab by Syriac writers from the third century after Christ and onwards. Whilst, however, the term is regularly applied to that part of the desert which remained! under Roman dominion till the Mohammedan conciuest, the eastern portion, which belonged to Persia, is more commonly known as liiih 'Arabdye (or Bd 'Arbdyd in the Arabicised form ) '. e. , * land of the Arabs. ' Traces of this usage are found in late Greek authors also. A strictly ethnographical sense belongs to the word

1 See Del. Par. 295 304^ ; and cp Schr. KGP, \oaff.


Arab ' in the w ritings of a contemporary of Herodotus, 3 Later OT -^'-'^*^'"'"* ^*'>" suftered nmch from the writers.

enmity of an Arab (Neh. 219616) and enumerates ' the Arabs ' as such in the list of his opponents (Neh. ^^ [i]). The Arab in<|uestion bears a name which, according to the Massoretic vocal- isation, is to l)e pronounced Gkshkm (q.v. ) or Gashmu, and apjx-ars in the Greek text as I'T/ffdM [BNA], Waatt. [L] ; the correct form is probably Cuihumu. a well- known Arabic name. It is very likely that at that time the great migration of the Nabata-ans had already happened(see F.DOM, 9, Nabat.i;.\ns). The Chronicler too refers to ' the Arabians. ' They brought tribute, he tells us, to thepiousKingJehoshaphat (2Ch. 17"). He relates, also, how God punished the wicked Joram by means of the Philistines and the Arabians who were beside the Ethiopians' (2 C h. 21 16, cp 22 1), and how he succoured the pious L'zziah in the war against ' the Arabians that dwelt in Cji;k-h.\ai. ' ['/.J'.] and other nations (2Ch. 267) all this is written from the point of view of the author's own time (circa 200 It.c), and

! has no claim to Ix; regarded as historical.

\ By the Vjcginning of the.\Iaccal)ean period the kingdom of the Nahat.i=:ans [^.f.] had long been firmly estab- lished. At that time various other Arabian trilx.'s were also to be found in the great Syrian desert, and hum. among these certain families and persons rose to great power during the decline of the Seleucid Empire. In several Syrian towns we find Arabian sovereigns, and at Palmyra, at least, there was an Arabian aristocracy ; elsewhere also Arabian chieftains occasionally played an important part in the politics of that period, i Mace, several times mentions Nabat.tans and other Arabs (525 39 93s ]1 17 39 I'-is' ; cp 2 Mace. 58 12io/.).

The apostle Paul, after his conversion, retired into Arabia (Gal. 1 17) probably some desert tract in the 4 NT ^'^'^*'^" kingdom. When he speaks of Arabia he of course includes the Sinaitic peninsula (Gal. 425). Similarly, Arabs " (Arabian jews or proselytes) in Acts2ii probably means natives of the Nabatrean kingdom (see Nai!AT.+:ans) or of the Roman provinceof Arabia which covered almost the whole extent of that kingdom. The province was constituted by .\. Cornelius Palma, governor of Syria [circa 105 A. P.).

At what ix;rio(l certain trilxjs began to call themselves

Arabs, and at w hat period the name was adopted by the

_ Mi- whole nation, cannot Ix.- determined.

O.wauve ihcdistinguishedscholar, D.H.Miiller.i

AraDian usa^e. . . 1 u . u % v

^ has mamtamed that the name ' Arab was unknown to the natives of Arabia till Mohammed introduced it as a national designation. This view , how- ever, is scarcely tenable. The present writer does not happen to have made any notes on the occurrence of the name in the pre-Islamic poetry ; '* but the verse in Tabari, i. 1036 5, which dates from the begiiming of the seventh century, is a sufficient proof of its occurrence the poet, who can have known nothing of Mohanmied, s|x;aks of 3000 Arabs as opjwsed to 2000 foreigners. The events there descrilied happened in the neighbour- hood of the lower Euphrates that is to say, in a district where Arabs, Aramaeans, and Persians frequently came into contact with one another, and where, for that very reason, a special term to denote the Arabian nationality and language was absolutely required. When we take into account the frequent conmiunication between the Arabs of this district and those of the distant W. and S. , and the great uniformity of the Arabian nation, it must appear highly probable that the name had long been generally usetl in Arabia itself.

1 Neue Freie Presse, 1894, 20th .April.

2 He would not lay great stress on the words kurd 'ara- biyittin, 'villages of Arabian women,' or kuran 'arablyatin, 'Arabian villages,' in a verse ascribed to the old poet Inira-al- kais (about 550 A. D.), 392 (Ahlwardt), the fragment being veo' obscure and the text not quite to be trusted. Nor could he affirm the genuineness of the verses ascribed to old poets in A^dnt ix. 10 second last line, x. 1-J9 2 where the word 'Arab occurs.

Hassan and other poets contemporary with Mohammed make use of the word 'Arafi and its uliiral A' rat as a term known to every one (see the Diwan of Hassiin, ed. Tunis 10 i 17 4 103 13, Agdnl xW. 15628). It is also very likely that in the common phrase, 'no'A'ii is to be found there,' the word 'v-Jri^ means simply ' an Arab ' and hence 'any human being.' Still more conclusive is the fact that the verb ' arrciba or draha which occurs in one of the oldest wjets signifies 'to explain,' properly ' to speak in .\rabic ' {i.e., 'distinctly ') ; hence this name for the language must have l)een current long before the Prophet. That .-krab was already employed to denote the country and its inhabitants is shown, further, by the words ' irdb, ' horses, or camels, of pure native breed," and mtirih, 'possessor, or con- nois-ieur, of such horses,' both of which terms were commonly used in the early days of Islam.

The plural form .I'rdb, ' Rcdouins,' is presumably de- rived from the primitive sense 'desert.' In the Koran the A 'rdb are several times distinguished from the in- habitants of the towns. When we find that a poem, composed shortly tx;fore Islam, mentions ' the nomadic and the settled .\ 'rab, ' ' the latter class must be undfirstood to consist of the inhabitants of small oases, who retained, on the whole, the customs of the Bedouins, and differed widely from the people of the towns. .Since, however, the I5edouins always formed the great bulk of the natives of Arabia, it is not strange that, from the earliest days of Islam, the name Arab was frequently used specially of them. So in the great Sab:ijan inscription of Abraha, the .Abyssinian prince of Yemen, in 543 a.d. , the name any (or, with the postpositive article, pn;-) seems to signify the Nomads.'- T. N.

ARAD[edit]

(nnj?; araA [B.\L] ; arad; for gentilic Aradite, see telow). i. .\. South Canaanitish town, with a king or chieftain of its own, conquered by the Israelites, Josh. I2.4 (a[c]pa(9 [B], aSep [.\L], iierad). The reference to the 'king of Ar.ad ' in Nu. '21i, and the abrupt notice in Nu. 3040, arc useless for historical purposes, the former all but certainly, and the latter certainly, having been inserted by a later editor (see .VIoore on Judg. 1 17, Di. on Nu. .')34o). This removes (ine of the chief difficulties connected with the notices of -Arad (cp Houmah, Zkphath). Another difliculty arises from the reference in Judg. 1 16 to ' the wilderness of Judah which is in the Negeb of Arad ' {^i.e., in that part of the .\egeb to which .Arad belonged). The ex- pressions appear to Prof Moore to be self-contradictory, the Wilderness of Judah and the Negeb being distinct regions (Judges, 32). He points out as an additional ground for scepticism that ba differs from MT in reading nx-jn instead of 3jjn.^ It would be unsafe, however, to assert that in usage the term ' wilderness of Judah' cannot have included the Negeb S. of .Arad

  • '..,^. ,the IVddy el-.\fi!h {sceSWJV, CiTY OF ; Judah)

and, as to 's reading, we may certainly disregard it, chiefly on the ground (suggested by Prof. Moore himself) that there is no steep pass (niD, Kardjiaa-is) in the neighbourhood of .Arad.

The site was found by Robinson at 7>// 'Arad, which is a round isolated hill 17 m. SE. of Hebron, and the details given by Eus. and Jer. {OS 2I455 8722882) are (juite consistent with this identification. There are indeed no relics here of the ancient city, and only scanty remains of ancient bridges ; but this does not prevent Gu(5rin from pronouncing Robinson's view ' ex- tremely probable, not to say certain ' (/,/<fe, 3 185). The city of Arad, it may lie noticed in conclusion, existed long after the 'age of Joshua,' for Shishak in- cludes it in his list of conquered cities in Palestine (WMM, As. u. Eur. 168). 'Aradite,' therefore, may well be restored in 28.28253 (see Harodite). The

J Dlwiin 0/ Hassan ihn Thdhit, 51, /. <) = Aghdn{, 14 126.

- .See Ed. tllaser, /^wei Inschri/ten tibcr den Dammbruck von MArih, 33, etc.

3 tit Tr\v iprifiov ttji' oi<rav V Tci rarip 'lovSa, 7/ i<m.v cVi icara- Pa<rtio^ '.KpaS [B]; e. t. J. 'lou^a t. o. iy tu I'drio eirt Kara- ^acrrwf 'Apoj [.AL], if tw votu is a duplicate rende'rins;, and to be rejected. So far, van Doorninck, Bu., and Ki. (///JM268) are right. It is prern.-iture. however, to assume that 1-1133 is the original reading ; it is really a conjectural correction of a false reading (due to repetition) 13103.


connection of David (q.v., i, note on 'Bethlehem*; cp also Aruath) with S. Judah throws a new light on the interest of narrators in the fortiuies of .\rad and Zephath.

2. (lupijp [B] ; ofMti [.A]) in a genealogy of Bknjamin {g.v., | 9, iu P) I Ch. 8 IS. T. K. C.

ARADUS[edit]

(apaAoc [AXV]), iMacc. ISzaf. See Arvad.

ARAH[edit]

(rriX [so in pause, cp Baer ud Ez. 25], 70, ' wayfarer ' ?).

1. b. Ulla, in genealogy- of .Asher {q.v., 4), i Ch. 7 39! (o/xrx [B.A]); I. omits Ulla and Arab, and ascribes the remaining names in v. 39 to Ithran (v. 38).

2. In the great post-e.\ilic list (see Ezra, ii. 9, 8<-); Ezra 2 5 (r,pa [B], opes [A], o>p[Ll)=- Neh. 7 10 (npa [BA], -^ |,y], rfipa [I.l)= I Esd. 5 10 Akks (ap (l',A|, Tjtpo [I,]). His son .Sliechan- iah [6J was the father-in-law of the Anunonite Tobiah, 4 (Neh. 618 Tjpac [UN.A], Tjipa [L])

ARAM[edit]

(C"1X; (5"^'- araaa. cypiA, o cypoc, 01 CYpoi ; on Aramseans see below, 7).

The EV commonly translates ' Syria ' or ' Syrians ' (cp how- ever Hos. 12 12 KV ' Aram '), but occasionally (viz., Cen. 10 2j_/: 22-1 Nu. 2:i7 iCh. I17 2 23 734) retains the Hebrew form 'Aram'(on Mt. 1 3/. AV, and Lk. 833 AV see Ra.\i, i, .Akm). The gentilic 'B^iN, on the other hand, is always translated

' SjTian ' (except Dt.265, RVmg. 'Aramean'; .TsnK iCh. 714

EV ' Aramltess '). n'lpn.K is rendered by ' Syrian language ' (Is. 36 I r 2K. IS 26 EV Dan. 24 RV), or ' Syrian tongue' (Ezra 4 7 AV), ' Svri.ic ' (Dan. 2 4 .AV), and by ' Aramaic ' (Dan. 2 4 Ezra 47 both RVmjj.).

Aram appears in Gen. 10 22 (kpafiuv [.K"]) as one of the sons of Shem. This in itself does not prove anything 1 Name ^ ^ ^^^^ nationality and language of the people in question, for the classification adopted in the chapter is based, to a large extent, on geographical and political considerations. But there is no reason to doubt that .Aram here stands for the w hole, or at least for a portion, of those ' .Semitic ' tribes whose language is called ' .Aramaic ' in the OT (Ezra 4 7 Dan. 24) and is placed in the mouth of L.aban the .Aramasan. according to the ancientgloss inCien. 31 47. In later times the name was still known, though often supplanted by ' Syrian,' which the Greeks employed, from a very early period, as the ecjuivalent of the native Aram and its derivatives. Aram may perhaps be the source of the Homeric 'Epe/j.i3ol (Od. 484).

It has long been known that Aramaic was used as the official language in the western half of the .Achae- menian empire. From 2 K. I826 ( = Is. 36ii) we might have concluded that this language occupied a similar position under the Assyrian rule ; moreover, if Friedr. Delitzsch be right [Par. 258), an AssjTian and an Aramaic ' secretary ' are mentioned together in a cunei- form inscription. The recent excavations at Zenjirli have proved that in that district, to the extreme .\. of Syria, .Aramaic served as a written language as early as the eighth century B.C., although the population was not purely .Aram.-ean. On the other hand, the .Aramaic inscriptions of Tema, to the N. of Medina, bear witness to the existence of an Aramasan colony in the NW. of Arabia about 500 B.C. That Mesopotamia proper [i.e., the country bounded by the Euphrates, the Tigris, the N. mountain-range, and the desert hence exclusive of Babylonia) was inhabited by .Aramxans appears from the OT. Moreover, an inscription of Tiglath-pileser I., who is placed about 1220 B.C., mentions an Aramasan trilie in this district, in the neighbourhood of Harran (Schr. A7i I33). .\ similar statement is found in an inscription three centuries later (ibid. 1 165). Hence the Greeks, from the time of .Alexander onwards, called this country "^vpia ij fuffr) tQv ^^0Ta^lu}v, or, more shortly, V MecroiroTafiia (see .Arrian, passim). On the lower Tigris and Euphrates, near the confines of Susiana. that is to say, in much the same region that was afterwards known as ' the land of the .Aramajans" (Beth Aramdye, in Persian Suristdn), and contained the royal cities, there were nomadic (?) Aramaeans according to an in-

2. Language.[edit]

scription of Tiglath-pileser III. (745-727 B.C.), and an inscription of Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.). (See Del. I.e. 238, .Schr. K.i / 1 16, A'/y 285). The name occurs also in a few other .Assyrian inscriptions ; but, owing to the imperfection of the writing, it may sometimes be doubted whether the word is really mK, 'Aram,' and not some such form as cnv- Din, or oin- It is remark- able that the cuneiform inscrijjtions, at least according to tho opinion of IX-I. and Schr., never give the name of ' .\ramaeans ' to the .Aramaic-speiiking popu- lations W. of the Euphrates, whereas in the O'l' this is the .\ramaean country par excellence (cp ARAM-NAHARAIM, .\IkS()I'OT.\.MIA, I ).

1 houi;;li at several periods the whole, or the greater p;irt, of the .Ariinuean nation has bc-en subject to a single foreign power, the Arama.-ans have never formed an independent political unity ; in fact, so far as we know, there h;is never existed a state comprehending the Aramaans of the main part of Syria or of Mcsoixjtamia jjroper, to the exclusion of other races. From a very early time, how- ever, the population of these couiUries mast have been pre<l(>minantly .Vrama'.an, as is shown by the fact that all the other nationalities were gradually eliminated, so that, even Ixjfore the Christian era, the various dialects of the .Aramaic (or, as the Greeks say, Syrian) language prevailed almost exclusively in the cultivated lands which lie lietwcen the Mediterranean and the Mountains of .Armenia and Kurdistan. Aramaic was used by the neighbouring Arabs iis the language of writing ; it also took possession of the l.md of Israel (see 5, end). It is indeed very unlikely that, as early as the time of Solomon, there w;is an important .Arama.'an element in Palestine, as W. .Max Miiller supposes [As. u. Eur. 171 1 ; the ending (/ in many names of Palestinian cities in the list drawn up Ijy the Egyptian king Sosenk is probably nothing more than the Hebrew ending r\-, ex- pressing motion towards the so-called H^ locale. Even in some books composed before the Exile, however, the influence of the language spoken by the neiglibouring Aramaeans is occasionally perceptible. Ihis iniluciice became very much greater after the Exile (when those Israelites who remained, or founded settlements in Juda.-a, Samaria, and (ialilee, were at first feeble in numbers) and little by little the .Aramaic tongue spread over the whole country. Though the language of such parts of the O T .as Esther, Ecclesiastes, and several of the Psalms is Hebrew in form, its spirit is almost entirely Aramaic. The compiler of Ezra inserted into his book an extract from an Aramaic work composed, it would seem, alxsut 300 H.c; and half of the Hook of Daniel (which was written in 167 or 166 R.c. ) is in Aramaic. Moreover, a dialect of this language was spoken by Christ and the apostles, and in it the discourses reported in the Gospels were originally delivered. Nor did the Latin language (under the Roman rule) ever threaten to supplant the prevalent Aramaic. Greek, it is true, gained some footing in Syria, and, since it was the vehicle of intercourse and literary culture, exercised a great influence on the native dialects. It was the con- quests of the Moslems, however, that suddenly brought to an end the ascendency of Aramaic after it had lasted for more than 1000 years. The Arabic language \\;is diffused with surprising rapidity, and at the present day there are only a few outlying districts in which Aramaic dialects are spoken.

What group of tribes the author of Gen. IO23 includes under the name of .Aram, we are unable to say precisely.

3. In Pentateuch.[edit]

Of the ' sons of Aram ' enumerated there is unfortunately none that can be identified with toleral)le certainty (see Gkogr.M'HY, 24). The position of ' Uz.' although it occurs several times in the OT, is unknown. It must, however, have been situated not far from Palestine. ' Mash " is usually supposed to lie the country of the Mdcrio;' 5poi (Strabo, 506, etc. ), the source of the river Mashe i^n har

Mashl, in Arabic Hirmds), which flowed by Nisibis ([pseudo-JDionysiusof Tcl-Mahri?, ed. Chalxjt, 718, and Thomas of Marga, ed. Budge, 346 19) ; this is, however, by no means certain. Other theories rcsjjecting the names in Gen. 10 23 might be mentioned ; but they are all oj^en to tjuestion.

A second list, in Gen. 22ai, represents Aram as a son of Kemuel, son of Nahor and brother of Uz, Kescd (EV Chesed ; the eponym of the Chaldeans), llethucl, and others. Ik-thuel is called an ' Aranuean ' in Gen. '^620 285, as is also his son Ealian in fjen. tiiJaoSl 2024. The passages in question lx;long, it is true, to different sources ; but they may have been harmonised by the redactor. All these statcnients seem to p<jint to the district of Harran (Hakan. q.v.), where, as Hebrew tradition aflirms with remarkable distinctness, the patri- archs (.Abraham, Jacob), and the patriarchs' wives (Kelxjcca, Leah, Rachel), either were Ixjrn or sojourned for a long time. Here, in remote antit|uity, Hebrew trilxis and Aramaean tribes (represented by Nahor) prolxibly dwelt side by side. ' Hence it is said in iJt. 2t5 5 'a nomad Aramitan w.as my father.' In one of the sources of Genesis the country of Laban is called 'Aram of the two rivers,"-* which seems to mean, as has long been held, the Arania.an land between the Euphrates and the Tigris, or tjetween the Euphrates and the ChabOras (Kiepert, I.eltrb. J. alt. Geogr. 154). Wiiat is meant by Paddan Aram, however, the name given to the dwelling-place of Laban and his kinsmen in the other source (see Paua.n), is not clear. In As- syrian (?) and Aramaic Paddan signifies 'yoke,' and by a change of meaning, found also in other languages, it conies to denote a certain area of land, and finally ' corn-land," but not a ' plain,' as is sometimes assumed by those who wrongly take the phru.se ' field of .Aram ' (Hos. 12i3[i2]) to be a translation of ' Paddan .Aram.' This latter can scarcely be the name of a country. It may denote a locali/y situated in the land of .Aram. We might, therefore, Ix; templed to identify Paddan Aram with a place near JJarrdn called J'addiind (see Wright, Cat. Syr. MSS. 1127a; Georg Hoffman, O/usc. Acstor. 129, /. 21), in Gr. <f)a5ava (Sozom. 633), and in Ar. Fadddri, in the neighbourhood of which Tell luiddar. is situ.ated (see Yakut s.v.). It is, however, a somewhat suspicious consideration that several of the passages which have been cited mention the patriarchs in con- nection with the place. I lence the name m,ay l:>e due to a mere localisation of the biblical story on the part of the early Christians. .According to the luu-rative of Balaam, ' Pethor' is in .Aram (.\u. '2'2s 23? ; see PethuK). If Schr. (fCAT 155^ A'/> 1 133) be right in identifying it with the city of Pitru, mentioned in .Assyrian insciip- tions, and situated on the river Sagur (Sajur) that is to say, not far from Mambij (Hierapolis) the statement that Pethor is on the Euphrates itself cannot be quite correct. Such an inaccuracy, however, would not be surprising.

AA'hat historical foundation there may be for the accoimt of the subjugation of Israel by Cushan Rishathaim (y.r'. ), 'king of .Aram of the Two Rivers' (Judg. 38-io), is uncertain.

Of all the .Arama;an states, by far the most important from the point of view of the Israelites, during the kingly period, was Damascus, the in- habitants of which, from the time of David {q.v., &b) onward, were often at w;xr with their Israelite neighbours ; but there must also have been much peaceable intercourse between the two nations. In most cases where the OT speaks of .Aram the reference is to Damascus (even though the latter name be not expressly mentioned), the small Arama.an states of the neighbourhood being sometimes included. That

1 On this point see Israel, i i.

2 It is not neces.sary to .suppose with W. Max MQlIer {I.e. 252, 255) that the Dual naharaim is a mistake for the plural nfkArlm. On this subject, however, cp Akam- naharaim, Mesopotamia, | i.

this mode of speaking was acmally current in early times is proved by such passages ;is Am. 1 59 Is. 7 2 4/ 8. Cp Dam.\scus.

Not far from Damascus lay the Aramasan districts of Maacah {(/.v., 2) and Geshur (q.v., i). That Maacah __ , was .\ram:ean is not expressly stated G ^ except in i Ch. 196. where the text is very

P h ^ doubtful ; ' but it seems to Ije indicated by Gen. '2i2^, where Maacah is represented as a .son, or daughter, of Nahor by a concubine. Moreover, in I ("h. 7 16 Machir, the chief representative of the trit)e of Manasseh teyond the Jordan, is the husband of Maacah, and in v. 14 t>f the same chapter he is a son of Man;isseh by an .\ram;ean concubine whence we may infer that the Israelite tribe which had penetrated farthest to the XH Ix-came mingled with the Aramx-ans of Maacah. That the Maacathites were not included in Israel, though they dwelt among the Israelites, is stated in Josh. 13 13. Their geographical situation is to some extent determined by the fact that Alx'l, though regarded as an ancient Israelite city (2.S. 2019), is sometimes called Aljel-bCth-Maacah, 'Abel in the land of Maacah ' (2 S. 2O14,- etc. ), in order to dis- tinguish it from other places bearing the name Abel. In accordance with the statements in i K. 1020 2 K. ir>29 (to which must be added 2. S. 20 18, a passage preserved in <!5 but mutilated in M T), this Abel is now generally admitted to be identical with the northern .\bil, near Hunin, on one of the brooks which unite to compose the Jordan (see Abi:i.-Bi:th-M.\AC.\h). That this region, on the sloj^es of Hermon, was the home of the Maacathites appears from Dt. 814 Josh. I25 13ii 13, where they are mentioned together with the Geshurites, another foreign people who continued to dwell among the Israelites (Josh. 13 13), and Ijelonged to .Aram (2 S. I'jS; cp also i ("h. 223, where the text, it nnist be admitted, is ol)scure and seems to be corrupt). Not far off was the territory of Rehob or Beth Rehob, which included the city of Dan (Judg. I828), often mentioned as the northern limit of Israel, the modern Tell el-kadi, a few miles ea^t of the aforesaid Abil. In Josh. 19 28 Rehob, it is true, is reckoned as belonging to the Israelite tribe of .\sher ; but, according to 2 S. 106, its inhabitants were .Aramrtans. Thus it appears fairly certain that several Aram;tan tribes were settled near, or within, the borders of the northern tribes of Israel ( Naphtali, Asher, and Eastern Manasseh). In these parts the Aram;^;an population seems to have extended, with scarcely any interruption, as far as Damascus. The .Xramneans of Maacah and Rehob fought on the side of the Ammonites against David (2 S. 106= i Ch. 1961 David married a daughter of the king of the Geshurites,' and she Ijecame the mother of Absalom. It is remark- able that she bore the name of Maacah (2 S. 83= i Ch. 82), which, as we have seen, occurs often in con- nection with Geshur ; and the same name was given by Absalom to his daughter,'* afterwards the mother of two kings of Judah ( i K. 1 5 2 10 13 2 Ch. 1 1 20/: ). After he had murdered his brother Anmon, .\bsalom took refuge with his grandfather the king of Geshur, and remained there for a considerable time (28.1838 I42332). The king of (ieshur must, therefore, have lieen to some extent indejxindent of David. Of all these Aramtean tribes we he.ir nothing more in later times ; but one of them has left a trace in 'the Maacathite' (see Ma.'VCAH, i), an appellation borne by the father of Jaazaniah, a con- temporary of Jeremiah the prophet (2 K. 2523 = Jer.

1 Instead of ,13J,'D CINi the ' .\rama:ans of Maacah,' the jKirallel passage 2. S. 106 has nDJ-D "]Sc, 'the king of Maaoih," for which (S" reads /Sao-iAf'a "A^oA^/c. Here the word '.X/aoA^k is certainly due to a mistake ((pAl. have /iiaaxo) ; but /SavtAea [BAL] supports the M.-ussoretic reading -^z-

2 In this verse we should no doubt read ,13; n'3 n^3K with Ew., Wellh., and others.

  • See, however, Geshi'R, 2, where the view is proposed that

David's wife was from the Southern Geshur.

  • On this see, however, Maacah, ii.

408). These -Aramseans, who were so closely connected with the Israelites, probably played an important part in the diffusion of the Aramaic language over Palestine. Another state, also descriljed as Aram;tan, was that of ZoBAH (g.v. ) (2 S. 1068 ; cp i Ch. I!)6 Ps. 60 [title]).

- . . which seems to have lx;en for a while of

6. iuODftlL T .[edit]

greater consec|uence. In it was situated the

city of Bkrotiiai (2S. 108), no doubt identical with Bkkoth.'vh {(/.v.), which in Ez. 47 16 is placed between Hamath and Damascus. With this it agrees that, according to the statements of the historical books, Zobah had relations with Hamath on the one side, and with Damascus on the other. Its site must, therefore, be approximately in the neighbourhood of Emesa ; and we may hope that arch;e<3logical researches will throw further light upon the subject.'

The statement about Sauls wars with ' the kings of Zobah' (iS. 1447) is open to grave suspicion ; it is, in fact, doubtful whether the warlike operations of Saul ever extended so far (see Saul, 3). A little later, however, we find Zobah and Damascus assisting the Ammonites in their war against David (see D.WiD, %b). Al length Hadad'ezer, king of Zobah. even brought to his help Aramieans from beyond the Euphrates, but was utterly defeated, together with the king of the .Ammonites, and David carried off a rich booty. Upon this the king of Hamath, who had been at war with the king of Zobah, sent an embassy to the Judasan king, expressing great satisfaction (2S. 810). According to 2 S. 2836, one of David's heroes (among whom were several non-Israelites) came from Zobah ; in I Ch. 11 38, however, the reading is quite different (see Zoh.Xh). a servant of the above-mentioned Hadad'ezer, named Rezon, fled from his master, became the chief of a band of robbers, and after Davids death founded a kingdom at Damascus (i K. 11 23 ^ ; see Dam.\sci;s, 3). It is not ea.sy to extract a satisfactory sense from the passage which descril)es the capture of ' Hamath of Zobah' by Solomon (2Ch.83), and there is reason to suspect the integrity of the text. After the time of Solomon we find no mention of Zobah in the OT ; but -Assyrian monuments bear witness to the existence of this city in the seventh century B.C. if, as seems likely, the same place be meant.

7. Aramaeans.[edit]

In the account of the wars of David against the Ammonites and their allies, these latter are classed ,. .together under the name of 'Aramieans' ^^ g i^zf. ,4/:) ; but this is perhaps nothing more than a classification a potiori. It is of more importance to notice that the army of Nebuchad- rezzar is called by a contemporary ' the army of tlie Chaldeans and of the Aramaeans ' (Jer. 80 n). That the great mass of the Babylonian army was composed of Aramasans might have teen naturally inferred, even if we had not this explicit statement on the subject.

Cp Noldeke, 'Die Namen der .-Xram. Nation u. Sprache,' in y.DMG '25 113^. ; Ktrcrupio-i 2vpios !vpof in Hermes, h 443^. ; .nnd the section on the Aramaic dialects in .Art. ' Semitic Languages,' /CB(^), published separately in German, Die Sent. Sprachen, Leipsic, 18S7, p. 27^, 2nd ed., 1899.

2. .An .Asherite (iCh. 734!; [ouclopoi' [B], o/xifL [.AL]). See also Ram, i, and .Akni. t. N.

ARAMAIC LANGUAGE[edit]

^ Aramaic is nearly related to Hebrajo- Phoenician ; there is, nevertheless. _^ . . .a sharp line of demarcation. Of its

. ueopr p original home nothing certain is

extent. known. In the O T ' Aram ' appears at an early period as a designation of certain districts in Syria (sea ARAM, i) and in Mesopotamia. The language of the Aramnaans gradually spread far and wide. It occupied all Syria both those regions which had been in the possession of non-Semitic peoples, and

1 It would appear that the As.syrian inscriptions sometimes mention this place as Suhutu or Subiti (sec I )el. Par. i-jc^Jf. ; Schrader, KG F 122, h'AT 182^); but they have not enabled us to fix the site.

Revised and adapted bv_ the author from art. '.Semitic Languages ' (Aramaic section) in EB{^) L'l.


those which were most likely inhabited by Canaanite tribes. Last of all, Palestine Ixjcame Aramaised ( il>. 2). Towards the E. this language w:is spoken on the Euphrates, and throughout the districts of the Tigris S. and W. of the Armenian and Kurdish mountains ; the province in which the capitals of the Arsacides and the Sasanians were situated was called ' the country of the Aram.-i.-ans.' In Babylonia and Assyria a large, or perhapxs the larger, portion of the population were most probably Aramreans, even at a very early date, whilst Assyrian was the language of the government.

Some short Aramaic inscriptions of the Assyrian period, principally on weights, have long l)cen known. To these have rccenlly lx.en added longer


2. Earlier history.[edit]

ones from the most northern part of .Syria (Zenjirli, alx)ul 37' N.). In these, as in the weight inscriptions, the language differs markedly from later Aramaic, esiK.'cially by its close approximation to Hebrew -Can.a.anitc or, jx^rhaps, to Assyrian; but Aramaic it undoubtedly is. It is to Ix; hoped that more of these inscriptions, important alike for their language and for their contents, m.iy yet be discovered.^

In the Persian period Aramaic was the oflicial language of the provinces W. of the Mujihrates ; and this explains the fact that some inscriptions of Cilicia and many coins which were struck by gtwernors and vassal princes in Asia Minor (of which the stamp was in some cases the work of skilled Greek artists) lx.'ar Aramaic in- scriptions, whilst those of other coins are Greek. This, of course, does not prove that .Aramaic was ever spoken in .Asia Minor, and as far north as .Sinope and the Hellespont. In l'"gypt Aramaic inscriptions have

been found of the Persian period, one lx.'aring the date of the fourth year of Xerxes (482 H. c. ) ; - we have also official documents on papyrus, unfortunately in a very tattered condition for the most part, which prove that the Persians preferred using this convenient langu.age to mastering the difficulties of the Egyptian systems <>f writing. It is further possible that at that time there were many .Aranirt-ans in l\gypt, just as there were many Phci-nicians, Greeks, and Jews.

This preference for Aramaic, iiowtver, probably originated under the Assyrian ICmpire, in which a very Large pro[X)rtion of the population s])oke Aramaic : in it this language would naturally occupy a more important position than it did under the I'crsians. Thus we under- stand why it was taken for granted that a great Assyrian officer could speak Aramaic (2 K. 1826 = Is. 36 11), and why the dignit.aries of Juriah apjiear to have learned the language (idid.): namely, in order to communicate with the Assyrians. Tlie short dominion of the Chalde.ans prob.ably strengthened this preponderance of Aramaic.

A few ancient .Aramaic inscriptions have been dis- covered far within the limits of .Arabia, in the palm oasis of Teima (in the north of the Hijaz) ; the oldest and by far the most important of these was perhaps made somewhat before the Persian period. ^ We may presume th.at .Aramaic was introduced into the district by a mercantile colony, which settled in the ancient seat of conmiercc ; and, in consequence, Aramaic may have reniainetl for some time the liter.ary language of the neighbouring .Arabs. Those .Aramaic monuments, which we may with more or less certainty ascribe to the Persian f)eriod, exhibit a langu.age which is almost absolutely uniform. The Egypti.an monuments bear marks of Hebrew, or (better) Phoenician, influence.

Intercourse with Aramaeans caused some Aramaic

1 Cp A ttsgyahingcn inSendschirli, S.-ich.iu, KSnigl. AT us. zu Berlin, Mittlieil. aus lienor. Sainml. 1893 ; also O. H. MuUer, altseiii. fnschri/t. r. Sentischirli, Vienna, 1803; HaUvy, Rer. Sent., Paris, 1804, and on the language, Nsfd. 7.DMG 47 99 ; D. H. Muller, ' Die Riuinschrift des B.irrekub,' ZKMW 10 ; Wi. in MIT,,\^: Halivy, Rn'. Sem. 1897; G. Hofrm.-inn, /.A, 1897, T,\T ff. Two old Aram, inscription.s from Nerah (near Aleppo) have since been brought to light ; cp Hoffmann, il>. ^ot ff.

2 See the Palfeographical Society's Oriental Series, plate Ixiii., and CIS 2, no. 122.

3 See CIS 2, nos. 113-131.

words to be imported into Hebrew at a comparatively

Rihli 1 '^^'"'y fl^'^- This influence of Aramaic on Hebrew steadily grew, and shows itself so strongly in the language of Ecclesiastes, for example, as almost to comjx-l the inference that Aramaic is the writer' s mother-tongue, and Hebrew one subsequently acc|uirc<i, without coniplete mastery.

Certain portions of the OT (I:zra4 8-<;i8 712-26 lian. 24-828 ; also the ancient gloss in Jer. 10 11) are written in Aramaic. The free and arbitrary interchange lietween Aramaic and Hebrew, lx!tween the current iK)pular siK-ech and the old sacred and learned langu.ige. is peculiarly characteristic in Daniel (167 or 166 H.r.l; see Da.\ii:i., ii. 11/ Isolated p.ussages in I'.zra perhaps lx;long to the Persian pK.'ri>d, but have certainly been remodelled by a later writer.' Still in Ezra \vi; find a few antic|ue forms which do not occur in Daniel.

The Aramaic pieces contained in the OT have the great advantage of being furnished with vowels and other orthographical signs. These were rot inserted until long after the composition of the books (they are sometimes at variance with the text itself) ; but Aramaic was still a living language when the punctua- tion came into use, and the lapse of time w.as not so very great. The tradition ran less risk of corruption, therefore, than in the ca.se of Hebrew. Its general correctness is further attested by the innumerable points of resemblance Ijetween this language and Syriac, with which we are accurately acquainted. The Aramaic of the OT exhibits various anticjue characteristics which afterwards disapjx'ared for example, the forma- tion of the passive by means of internal vowel-change, and of the causative with //a instead of witha phenomena which have been falsely ex[)lained as Hebraisms.

IJiblical Aramaic agrees in all essential respects with the language tised in the many inscriptions of Palniyra A KT v. f + (lieginning soon t)efore the Christian

4. Nabatsean, etc.[edit]

^^^ ^^^ extending to about the end of the tiiird century), and on the Nabata.'an coins and sloiie inonuinents (concluding about the year 100 A.I). ). Aramnic was the language of Palmyra, the aristocracy of which were largely of Arabian extraction. In the northern portion of the Nabata-an kingdom (not far from Damascus) there w,as probably a large .Aramaic population ; but Arabic was spoken farther south. .At that time, however, Aramaic was highly esteemeil as a cultivated language, for which reason the Arabs in question made use of it, as their own language was not reduced to writing, just as in those ages Greek inscrip- tions were set up in many districts where no one sjioke (ireek. The great inscrijjlions cease with the over- throw of the Nabativan kingdom by Trajan (105 A.D. ) ; but, down to a later perio<l, the .Arabian nomads in those countries, especially in the Sinaitic peninsula, often scratched their names on the rocks, adding some bene- dictory formula in Aramaic. These inscriptions having now l)een deciphered with completeness and certainty, there is no longer room for discussion of their Israelitic origin, or of any similar fantastic theories concerning them. That several centuries afterwards the name of ' Nabat?an ' was used by the .Arabs as synonymous with ' Arama-an ' was probably due to the gradual spread of Aramaic over a great part of what had once btxn the country of the Nabata-ans. In any case, Aramaic then exercised an inmiense influence. This is proved by the place which it occupies in the strange Pahlavi w riting. v.arious branches of which date from the time of the Parthian empire. Biblical .Aramaic, as al-so the language of the Palmyrene and the NalKita-an inscriptions, may be descrilxjd .as an older form of Western Aramaic. The opinion that the Palestinian Jews brought their Aramaic dialect directly from Babylon whence the incorrect name ' Chaldee ' is untenable.

1 The decree which is said to have been sent by Artaxerxes (Ezra 7 1 2-26) is in its present form a comparatively late pro- duction (cp Ezra, ii. S lo).

By the time of Christ Aramaic had long been the current popular speech of the Jews in Palestine, and ^_ the use, spoken and written, of Hebrew (in a greatly modified form) was confined to scholars. Christ and the apostles spoke Aramaic, and the original preaching of Christianity, the 1)077^X10;', was in the same language. And tliis, too, not in the di.alect current in Jerusalem, wiiich roughly coin- cided with the literary language of the period, but in that of Galilee, which, it would seem, had developed more rapidly, or, as is now often but erroneously said, had Ixicome corrupted. Unfortunately, it is impossible for us to know the Galilean dialect of that period with accuracy. The attempts made in our days to reduce the words of Jesus from Greek to their original language have, therefore, failed.

In general, few of the sources from which we derive our knowledge of the Palestinian dialect of that period _ can he implicitly trusted. In the syn-

gum. . ^gogy^s jt ^y^s necessary that the reading of the OT should be followed by an oral ' targum ' a translation, or rather a paraphrase into Aramaic, the language of tlie people which was at a later period fi.xed in writing ; but the officially sanctioned form of the Targum to the Pentateuch (the so-called Targum of Onkelos) and of that to the prophets (the so-called Jonathan) was not finally settled till the fourth or fifth century, and not in Palestine but in Babylonia. The redactors of the Targum preserved, on the whole, the older Palestinian dialect ; yet that of Babylon, which differed considerably from the former, exercised a vitiating influence. The punctuation, which was added later (first in Babylonia) is not so trustworthy as that of the Aramaic passages in the OT. The manuscripts which have the Babylonian superlinear punctuation may, nevertheless, be relied upon to a great extent. The language of Onkelos and Jonathan differs but little from biblical Aramaic. The language spoken some time afterwards by the Palestinian Jews, especially in Galilee, is exhibited in a series of rabbinical works the so-called Jerusalem Targums, a few Midrashic works, and the Jerusalem Talmud. Of the Jerusalem Targums, at least that to the Pentateuch contains remains that go back to a very early date, and, to a considerable extent, presents a much moreancient aspect than that of Onkelos, which has t>een heavily revised throughout ; ^ but the language, as we now have it, belongs to the later time. The Targums to the Hagiographa are, in part, very late indeed. All these books, of which the Midrashim and the Talmud contain much Hebrew as well as Aramaic, have been handed down without care, and require to be used with great caution for linguistic purposes. Moreover, the influence of the older language and orthography has, in part, obscured the characteristics of these popular dialects : for example, various gutturals are still written, although they are no longer pronounced. The adaptation of the spelling to the real pronunciation is carried furthest in the Jerusalem Talmud, but not in a consistent manner. All these books are without vowel-points ; but the frequent use of vowel-letters in the later Jewish works renders this defect less notice- able (cp Tkxt, 64).

Not only the Jews but also the Christians of Palestine retained their native dialect for some time as an ecclesi- 7 Christian ^^^'^' ^"^ literary language. W'e possess p j' . translations of great portions of the Bible

ratestinian. (g^pgcially of the Gospels) and fragments of other works in this dialect by the Palestinian Christians dating from about the fifth century, partly accompanied by a punctuation which was not added till some time later. This dialect, the native country of which was apparently not Galilee, but Judaea, closely resembles that of the Palestinian Jews, as was to be expected

1 This in opposition to Dalman's Grannn. d. jtid. pal. Aram. (Leipsic, 94) a book highly to be commended for the fulness and accuracy of its facts, but less so for its theories.

from the fact that those who spoke it were of Jewish origin.

Finally, the Samaritans, among the inhabitants of Palestine, translated their sacred book, the Pentateuch, into their own dialect : see Tkxt,

Sect ^'^- "^^^ "^ ^'"'^>' ^ ^""'^ ^"*- lation proves that the language which lies at its base was very much the same as that of the neighbouring Jews. Perhaps, indeed, the Samaritans may have carried the softening of the gutturals a little farther than the Jews of Galilee. Their absurd attempt to embellish the language of tlie translation by arbitrarily introducing forms borrowed from the Hebrew original has given ri.se to the false notion that Samaritan is a mixture of Hebrew and Aramaic. The introduction of Hebrew and even of Arabic words and forms was practised in Samaria on a still larger scale by copyists who lived after Aramaic had become extinct. The later works written in the Samaritan dialect are, from a linguistic point of view, as worthless as the compositions of Samaritans in Hebrew : the writers, who spf)ke .Araljic, endeavoured to write in a language with which they were but half acquainted.


9. Western dialects.[edit]

All these Western Aramaic dialects, including that of the oldest inscriptions, have this characteristic among others in common, that they form the third fx^r.son singular masculine and the third person plural masculine and feminine in the im- perfect by prefixing^, as do the other .Semitic languages. And in these dialects the termination d (the so-called status emphaticus) still retained the meaning of a definite article down to a tolerably late period.

As early as the seventh century the conquests of the Moslems greatly circumscribed the domain of ,'\ramaic, and a few centuries later it was almost completely supplanted in the W. by Arabic. For the Christians of those countries, who, like every one else, spoke Arabic, the Palestinian dialect was no longer of importance. They adopted as their ecclesiastical language the dialect of the other Aramaean Christians, the Syriac ( Edessan ; see 1.1 Jf.). The only localities where a \\'. Aramaic dialect still survives are a few villages in Anti-Libanus.^ The popular Aramaic dialect of Babylonia, from the fourth to the sixth century of our era, is exhibited in the , ^ T, \. t Babvlonian Talmud, in which, however, ^^^l^""^*^ as in the Jerusalem Talmud, there is and MandsQan. 1 r \ i

a constant mmglmg of Aramaic and Hebrew passages. To a somewhat later period, and probably to a somewhat different district of Babylonia, belong the writings of the Mandaeans, a strange sect, half Christian and half heathen, who, from a linguistic point of view, possess the peculiar advantage of having remained almost entirely free from the influence of Hebrew, which is so perceptible in the Aramaic writings of Jews as well as in those of Christians. The orthography of the Mandaeans comes nearer than that of the Talmud to the real pronunciation, and in it the softening of the gutturals is most clearly seen. In other respects there is a close resemblance between Manda;an and the language of the Babylonian Talmud. The forms of the imperfect which we have enumerated above take in these dialects n or /. In Babylonia, as in Syria, the language of the Arabic conquerors rapidly drove out that of the country. The latter has long been extinct unless, which is possible, a few surviving Mandajans still speak among themselves a more modern form of their dialect.

At Edessa, in the W. of Mesopotamia, the native dialect had already been used for some time as a literary language, and had been reduced to rule ^y'^**' through the influence of the schools (as \ ^ . is proved by the fixity of the grammar and Aramaic, ^j^^ orthography) even before Christianity

1 On this subiect we h.-ive now very valuable information in a series of articles by M. P.irisot (/<Mr. As., 1898); moie- o\er it is hoped that Professors Prym and Socin will soon be able to furnisn more ample details.

acquired power in the country, in the second century. At an early period the Old and the New Testaments were here translated, with the help of Jewish tradition (see Tkxt, 59). This version (the so-called PesWtta or I'eshito) be- came the Bible of Aram^an Christendom, and Kdessa became its capital. Thus the Aramx-an Christians of the neighlxjuring countries, even those who were subjects of the Persian empire, adopted the Edessan dialect as the l;\nguai;e of the church, of literature, and of cultivated ituercourse. Since the ancient name of the inhabitants, ' .Xramu-ans,' just like that of "EXXTji/ej, had acc|uired in the niinils of Jews and t^hristians the unpleasant signifi- cation of 'heathens,' it was generally avoided, and in its place the Greek terms ' Syrians ' and ' .Syriac ' were used. '.Syriac,' however, was also the name given by the Jews and the C hristians of I'alestine to their own language, and ' Syrians ' was applied by both Greeks ancl Persians to the .\rama;ans of liabylonia. It is, there- fore, incorrect to employ the word ' Syriac ' as mean- ing the language of ICdessa alone ; but, since it was the most important of these dialects, it has the best claim to this generally received apjiellatioa. It has, as we have said, a form very definitely fixed ; and in it the above-mentioned forms of the imperfect take an n. As in the Babylonian dialects, the termination li has become so completely a part of the substantive to which it is addetl that it has wholly lost the meaning of the definite article ; whereby the clearness of the language is j^er- ceptibly impaired. The influence exercised by Greek is very apparent in Syriac.

From the third to the seventh century an extensive literature was produced in this language, consisting _. ... chietlv, but not entire! v, of ecclesiastical

12. Its history.[edit]

^^.^^j,^ j^^ ^^^ development of this 

literature the Syrians of the Persian empire took an c.iger part. In the Kastern Roman empire Syriac was, after (ireek, by far the most important language ; and under the Persian kings it virtually occupied a more prominent position as an organ of culture than the Persian language itself. The conquests of the Arabs totally changed this state of things. Meanwhile, even in Edessa, a considerable difference had arisen lx,'tween the written language and the popular speech, in which the process of modification was still going on. About the year 700 it became a matter of absolute necessity to systematise the grammar of the language and to introduce some means of clearly expressing the vowels. The chief object aimed at was that the text of the Syri.ac Bible should Ix; recited in a correct manner. It happened, however, that the eastern pronun- ciation differed in manyrcspects from that of the W. The local dialects had, to some extent, exercised an influence over the pronunciation of the literary tongue ; and, on the other hand, the political separation Ixjtween Rome and Persia, and yet more the ecclesiastical schism since the SjTians of the ?2. were mostly Nestorians, those of the W. Monophysites and Catholics had produced divergences l)etween the traditions of the various schools. Starting, therefore, from a common source, two dis- tinct systems of punctuation were formed, of which the western is the more convenient, but the eastern the more e.vact, and generally more in accordance with the ancient pronunciation : it has, for example, a in place of the western <>, and in many cases where the western Syrians pronounce u. In later times the two systems have been intermingletl in various w.ays.

Arabic everywhere put a speedy end to the pre dominance of Aramaic a predominance which had lasted for more than a thousand years and soon began to drive Syri.ac out of use. Nevertheless, up to the present day Syriac has remained in use for literary and ecclesiastical purposes, and may perhaps be even spoken in some monasteries and schools ; but it has long Ijeen a dead language. When Syriac became extinct in Edessa and its neighlxjurhood is not known with certainty. It is very desirable that theologians who interest themselves scientifically in the history of the first centuries of Christianity should karn some Syriac. 1 he task is not very difhcult for those who know Hebrew.

In somedistricts of northern Mesopotamia, of the Mosul territory, of Kurdistan, and on Lake Urmia, Aramaic 19 w H dialects are spoken by Christians and

13. Weo Bynaxs oc^-^ionaHy ,,y j^ws. Among these

la ec 8. jj^.^j ^j. L,'pp,i^ fj^j liecome the most important, since American missionaries have formed a new literary language of it. Moreover, the Roman Prop.aganda has primed books in two of the Neo-Syriac dialects.

On the Aramaic dialects In general, see Nnldeke, ' Die X.Tmen

d. Aram. Nation u. Spraclie,' in /.DMC '.'.'> 113 _ff. ('71);

Wrisht, CwA Cratiim. Sctii. \^Jf.\ K.ui.

14. Literature.[edit]

Cramtn. d. JIM.-Aram. bff. The 'Aramaic inscriptions from Assyria, Habylonia, Asia Minor, and F.>;ypt are found in the .second part of the C7.S'(tlie Sinaitic and I'ahnyrene inscriptions have not yet appeared). For the Nabata-an the most im|>ortant publication is Kutin^'s

Nahattiische /nschri/titi, lierlin, 1885. Others are to be found in various journals. Of these the most considerable is the i^reat inscription of Petra, first edited by l)c Vo^\\i, J.As., 1896, 8304^ Many Sinaitic are contained in Kuting's .V/a;//V/<' Inschr. ('gt), and of the Palmyrene the (comparatively small) collection in iJe Vogiii's La Syrie C'-/rrt/f( 1868-77) is the most convenient for use. Majiy others are to be found scattered through journals devoted to Oriental subjects, the most imp<jrtant being the great Fiscal biscription in P.ilmjTcne and (Ireek: see ZDMG 42370^ ('88), where the literature is cited. .\ few Palmyrene inscriptions, annotated, are appended to Sevan's Coiinnentary on Daniel.

The most complete S>riac grammar is Nf'ildeke's Syrisclie C>n>/n/ia(iA: {Leip^ic, '80; 2nd ed., 'gS). Duval's (Paris, '81) is useful for comparison with the other Aramaic dialects, and Neslle's, in the Porta Lin^tarvm ( ^rientalium (2nd ed. , Berlin, '88), is an introductory handbook. To theologians wishing to learn Syriac, Roediger's Chrcstomathia .<:yrinca(yrA ed., Halle, '92) may l>e highly recommended. .Articles on the Nabataian, the Palmyrene, and the Cbristian-Pnl.-tinian dialects by Noldcke are to be fecund in the / '> 1 ', > , - ' 111537/; 'lAa^jf. ['63, '65, '70]. Of S\ri;i. (iiiii f .r a long time was the only otie of i;. m r.\l : three have appeared,

P.iyne Siiiiih's Liriat / // ; inately not yet finished),

Brockelmaiin's and lirun s. Of j.;|..ssaries to the Aramaic in- scriptions, we must now add to Ledrain's J>ict. ties noiiis froprcs Paltuyreniens ('87) the glossary of Stanley A. Cook (Cambridge, '98) and Lidzbarski's J/anMuch der nordsetiii- tischen Ef'igraphik ('98).

For the various dialects used in early Jewish literature, includ- ing the Hebrew parts of it, we have, besides the old lUiMorf (Hasel, 1639), J.^cob Levi's Neuheb. u. Chald. llorU)/'. (Leipsic, 1876-89), and the shorter one of J. I>alman (part 1, Leipsic, '07). Levy h.ad previously edited a Chald. M'ortcrh. iihcr die Tar^nanim (leipsic, '67).

On the biblical Aramaic there are, besides the grammar of Kautzsch ('84), the little lx>oks of .Strack (2nd ed., Leipsic, '97) and of Marti (Leipsic, '96). For the Targum dialects there is no grannnar that meets the requirements of modern science. Nor is there yet an adequate grammar of the Aramaic dialect of the Babylonian Talmud, although the little tract of S. 1). l.,uzzatto, Elevicnti gramtnaticaiidi Caldeo Inhliio e dcldialetto Taliitudico Bahilontse (Padua, '65), is a verj- useful work. For the Palestine Jewish dialects see iJalman's Clranmiar (Leipsic, '94); for the Samaritan, the grammar of IJhlemann (Leipsic, '37) and Petermann (Berlin, '73). Neither of these, naturally, repre- , sents the results of modern scholarship. For the Mandaic, see that of Niildeke (Halle, '75), for the Neo-Syriac that of the s.-ime author (Ijeipsic, '68), and especially the most valuable grammar of A. T. Maclean (Cambridge, '95). T. N.