Encyclopaedia Biblica/Beth Rehob-Box

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Beth Rehob-Box
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[irr\, n^3, pocoB [BAL]). an Aramaian town and district, which with Zob.\H and M.\ACAH sent men to the help of Ammon against David (2S. 106, ih. 8, RiaiOB [roaB A]; BaiBraaB [L in both]).2 See Aram, 5, 6. It is stated in Judg.

y In the Talmud, k:s also means ajaw or cheek, and from Dt. 18 3 we learn that the cheeks (Syr. has KJTS) belonged to the portion of the priests (cp Reland, 653). Hence^ on the .supposi- tion that IJcth-phage meant ' place of cheeks,' it was presumed that there was a school of priests here.

2 A reference to a similar defeat at the hands of Saul in i S. 1447 (cp Pai6tu}(> [B], -pow/Si [L], Pe0<op [A]) is open to suspicion ; see Saul, 3, and cp Wi. (jy/ 1 142^;

18 38 that Laish-Dan was in 'the valley that lieth by IJcth-ri'liob ' {oiKOi /)oo/3 [H], o. pow^ [L], o. rwfi [A]). Bcth-rehob is doubtless the Kkiiob of Nu. 13ai, which, according to P, was the most northern jxjint reached by the sf)ics* (/>a/^ [l^]- po<^^ t'J)- A connection with the Asherite Rkhob (i. 2, 3) is improbable (though not injpossible, see Akam, 5).*

The exact site of Heth-rehob is uncertain. It can hardly be the JcIk-I Hunm, finely situated above the great plain of Hiilch to the W. of Bflnias, and re- markable for the remains, partly ancient, of a fortress (so Kob. B/e 4370/.). Others have thought of Kul'at liusra, about 1 hour N. of Dan ; but may not the site of the fmvn Ik'th-rehob be placed quite as reason- ably at Hani.is itself =' (see CiCSAKEA, 7/.)?


1. Julias[edit]

(BneCAl^A [Ti]. BhGcaiAa [WH] ;

Syr. J^> fcs-fci ; place of tishing or hunting). Josephus tells us {Ant.xs\\\.2i) that the Tetrarch Philip raised a village (koim'/) liethsaida on the Lake of Gcniu-sareth to the rank of a city, and called it Julias, after Julia the daughter of Aujjustus. Else- where he descrites Julias as in the Lower Gaulonitis (/^/ii. 9i), close to the Jordan ( I'if. 72), near where the latter runs into the lake {BJ'\V\. IO7). Pliny (v. 15) and Jerome (Comm. Mt. I613) also place it E. of Jordan. In conformity with these data, the site has been fixed on the fertile and very grassy plain El-Buteiha, in the NE. corner of the lake, either at et-Tell, a mound with many ruins, close to the Jordan where the latter issues from the hills, or at Mas'adiyeh, by the mouth of the river (to which Thomson [Land nnd Book, ed. 1877, 360] heard the name Bethsaida attached by Bedouin). Fish abound on either side of the Jordan's mouth and (presumably) in the river itself. There can be little doubt that this was the ' city called Bethsaida ' (Lk. 9 10 ; e/y riirov fprifiov iroXews Ka\oviJ.ivrj^ ^V^- 's "ot found in K'^-^BL, etc. , which reads ds iroXiv KoXovfxivriv ^r]d. ; so Ti. \VH, etc. ) to which Jesus withdrew, as being in Philip's jurisdiction, when he heard of John's murder by Antipas (cp Mt. I413). Lk. places near it the feeding of the five thousand, which Mt. (14 14^) and Mk. (631^) describe as in a desert (i.e., uninhabited) but grassy place (Mt. I419 Mk. 639 'green grass,' such as grows in the Buteiha, in contrast to the paler herb- age of the higher and drier parts), to which Jesus pro- ceeded by boat, followed by multitudes on foot. J. also describes the scene on the E. shore of the lake (61), and says 'there was much grass in the place' (v. 10). A site on the Buteiha suits also the Bethsaida of Mk. 822, for Jesus was already E. of Jordan (v. 13) and went thence to the villages of Cassarea Philippi (v. 27). All interpreters of the Gospels are virtually agreed about this.

2. Mark 6:45[edit]

The question has been raised, whether there was not a second Bethsaida. After the feeding of the five thousand, Jesus, it is said, constrained his

  • ^' disciples to go before him to the other side

to Bethsaida (Mk. 645, (is t6 iripav irpbs t]9.). This has forced some scholars, one or two nmch against their will (Reland, Pal. 653/:, Henderson, /^rt/. 156/.), to conclude that there was a Bethsaida to the W. of Jordan, either a suburb of Julias, separated from it by the river, or at 'Ain Tabigha (Rob. LBR 358/.), 4 m. along the coast, where there is a b.ay containing fish in abundance, and the modern shrine of Sheikh \-ily es-Saiy<itf, 'Aly of the Fishermen, and strong streams (F^wing). But, in the first place, the phrase ' to go to the other side' does not necessarily imply the passage from the E. to the W. coast of the lake, for Josephus speaks of ' sailing over ' {SifvtpanJJdriv) from Tiberias to Taricheae

1 The mention of the ' entrance to Hamath ' here is possibly a gloss (cp Moore, Jud^. 399).

' In 2S. 83 12 the king of Zobah is called 'son of Rehob'; see Hauauezer.

So Thomson, Land and Bcok,(^)7iS ; Buhl, Pai. 240; Moore, /^r- 399-

(Vit, 59), though these towns lay on the same side; and, secondly, Jesus would not seek agaiei the territories of Herod Antipas so soon after leaving them for those of Philip, but would most probably return to what Lk. tells us he had just chosen as his lie.idquartt rs. We may \x certain, then, that the Ikthsaida of Mk. 645 is still Itothsaida Julias.

3. John 1:44 [45] 12:21[edit]

Nor need we seek for another in the ' liethsaida of Galilee' to which the Fourth Gos[x;l (1 44 [45] 122i) says

'^"'^-^' I'eter, and Philip Ix-longed.

f 112 ^ ^" " "*^ ^ '^"^ Great War (66-70 A.D.)

'*^ the name Galilee appears to have been

extended round the Lake Josephus calls Judas of Gamala the Galilean (.^/. xviii. 16) and at e\cn an earlier date the jurisdiction of the ruler of Galilee may have comprised part of the E. coast (cp /// xx. 4). Besides, a town which lay so immediately on the Jordan might easily be reckoned to Galilee. In any case, by 84 A.D. the E. coast was definitely attached to the province, and Ptolemy (v. 15), writing alx)ut 140, places Julias 'in Galilee.' That being so, it is sijjni- ficant that it is only the Fourth Gospel that sj^aks of ' Bethsaida of Galilee.' There is, therefore (as held by Wilson, Recov. of Jerus. ; Thomson, Land and Book, ed. 1877, 372 _/; Holtzmann, //^T', 1878, pp. 383/.; Furrer, ZDPV 266 ff.; Socin and Ben/inger in Baed. ed. 1891, p. 256; GASm./JG4S7f-: Buhl, /'a/. 241/:) no reason conijx:lling us to the theory of a second or western Bethsaida. It is interesting that the disciple of Jesus called Philip should come from Philip's Julias.

Karly Christian tradition and the medi.-cval works of travel agree in showing no trace of more than one Bettisaida. The site shown for it, however, is uncertain, and may have varied from age to age. Eusebius and Jerome define it only as on the Lake (C?."^). Epiphanius (//ai-r. ii. 51 13) merely says it was not far from Capernaum. Willibald's data (722 A. P.), which place it on his journey between C;ipernaum and Chora-'in, suit the E. bank of the Jordan (in spite of what Robinson says) even if Chorazin (y.v.) be Kerazeh, but Gergesa (Khersa) may be meant.

In all probability Bethsaida remained locally distinct from Julias after the erection of the latter by Philip. The custom of Jesus was not to enter such purely Greek towns as Julias must have been ; yet, according to Mt. 11 21, he did many 'wonderful works' in liethsaida. Julias had fourteen villages round about it (Jos. .-//. XX. 84). Schumacher suggests for Bethsaida some ruitis on the Lake called el-'Araj, which were joined with et-Tell (Julias) by a Roman road (ZDPr 9ig).

G. A. s.


(B<M0ACMCoe [A]), i Esd.5.8 AV ; RV"'- .AZM.WKTII {i/.v., i. ).


1. Position.[edit]

(JNy'Tl*?, 90, cp Ba-y-/i-.Sa-'d-ru, i.e.. ^Nirn^3, WMM .-/.r. u. Eur. 153 ; BaiGc^aJn , pn-.-i.:--, [B.\L]), or Beth-shan (ii.'-n*3, in /<;//.?*

^.^.j^^. BHecAN[Al,BAie.[L]).orBeth- san (i Mace. 552 T2 40 {ptQaa. (-A)]/), niod. Beisdn, 320 ft. below the sea-level, was finely situated on a low table-land above the Jordan valley, at the mouth of the W. J.ilud, which leads gently up from the Jordan to Zer'in (Jezreel). The Jordan itself is three miles ofr(cp Zakkthan, 1) ; but Beth-sh&in was unusually well supplied with water, being intersected by two streams. .Amid the extensive ruins rises the fell of the ancient fortress, 'a natural mound, artificially strength- ened by scarping the side* (PEP Mem. 2u>S).

The illustration given in the Memoirs of the Survey will enable the reader to divine the grandeur of the prosptct from this eminence. ' The eye sweeps from four to ten miles of the plain all round, and follows the road westward to Jezreel, covers the thickets of Jordan where the fords lie, .ind ranges the edge of the eastern hills from Gadara to the Jabbok ' (G.\Sm. JJC 357).

2. History[edit]

This 'farthest-seeing, farthest-seen fortress' must have been hard for the Israelites to conquer ; yet . . till it was in their hands they were ex- ^.i^jjgjj from one of the main roads between western and eastern Palestine, and from the occupation of a coveted portion of the Jordan valley. That Beth-Shean was included in one of the prefectures of Solomon's kinsjilom is certain (i K. 4 iz, 6 oIkos Sav and [iaicra(l)ovT i.e., ly 'iff 'a [B], 6 oikoj crav ami ^edcrav [A], oIkos aaav and ^aiOtr. [L]).' On the death of Saul, on the other hand, we find it in the hands of the Philistines (i S. 31io, jSai^e.u [B], 12, -dcrafj. [B], 2 S. 21 12, ^atO [B]) ; and, though Beth-shean may be one of the 'cities of the Jordan' (i S. '.ilj, corr. text) which the Israelites deserted after the battle of Gilboa, it is equally likely that it was still a Canaanitish city when captured by the Philistines. We know, at any rate, that it retained its Canaanite population for some time after the Israelite occupation of Palestine (Judg. 1 27, ^aidrjX [B], ^eOffav [L] ; Josh. 17", Kcudoav [B*], ^aiOaav [B""K], 16 ^aidaiirav [B]). It may possibly have been as late as the time of David that this great fortress fell into the hands of the Israelites. Standing on the road from Damascus to Egypt and also from Damascus by Shechem to Jerusalem and Hebron, it liad a commercial as well as a military importance which would have attracted the notice of such a keen-sighted king as David.

From the Macedonian period onwards Beth-shean bore the strange Greek name Scythopolis (see Judg. 1 27, (3. ^ eariv I,KvdCov ttjXis ; 2 Mace. 1229-31, etc.), which probably records the fact (or belief) that some of the Scythian invaders of the seventh cent. B.C. (see ScYTHi.\.N"s) had settled here. In NT times it was one of the most important cities of the Dkc.-M'OI.is (^.v., 2).


(::^D-J' n*2, 95//.^., 'temple of the sun' BaiGCAMYC [B.\L] ; gcntilic 'L^'Pt^nT!?, 6 V /3. [B.\], 6 eK /3. [L], in i S. 614, . iS ^aLdcra/jiv- ffsiT-qi [BL], ^edda/jLvaiTijs [A], EVBeth-shemite). I. Bethshemesh or Ik-shemesh (C'Ow' Tl?, Josh. I941. TTOAlC CAMeC [AL], TTOAeiC CAMM^YC [B]). a Levitical city (Josh. 21 16, BeGCAMec [A], thn CAMec [L] ; I Ch. 659 [44]. BacamyC [B]) on the borders of Judah (Josh. IT) 10, noAiN hAiOY [B.\L]) but assigned to Dan (Josh. I941), is the modern '.Ain Shcms, 917 feet above sea level, on the south side of the broad and beautiful and still well -cultivated W. es-Sarar, opposite Zorah and two 'm. from it : 'a noble site for a city ; a low plateau at the junction of two fine plr'ns' (Robinson). It is a point in the lowland on the road from Philistia (Kkron) to the hill-country of Judah ( I Sam. 6 9 i2h 13 15 19 I3ee9atj.vs [A], i2'i 20 '^eOaa. [A]), and probably was an ancient sanctuary, since the field of Joshua the Beth-shemite was for some time during the Philistine domination the resting-place of the ark. In truth, it is difficult not to identify it with the Sama- sana of the Palestinian lists of Rameses II. (A'/^C-*627 ; WMM .4s. u. Eur. 166) and Rameses III. 2 [RPV) 639), whose sanctuary may be presumed to be connected with the myth of S.VMSON [q.v.). It was at Beth- shemesh that Amaziah of Judah was defeated and made prisoner by Jehoash, king of Israel (2 K. 14u-i3, II pT]d<TafJi.ve [A], 13 ^0. [.\], 2 Ch. 2.")2i-23). According to the Chronicler, it was one of the cities in the lowland of Judah taken by the Philistines from Ahaz, ' king of Israel' (2Ch. 28iS). The place was still shown in the days of Eusebius and Jerome, who give its position as 10 R.m. E. of Eleutheropolis on the road to Xico- polis a statement which suits the identification given above. There are many traces of ancient buildings.

2. An unidentified city within the territory of Naph- tali. apparently in its northward portion (Josh. 19 38, 0<ra-anvi [B], OacrfMoi'^ [.A], fitOa-afii^ [L]). From Judg. I33 ijieda-afj-vi [.\]) we learn that, along with Bethanath, its population continued to be chiefly Canaanite.

3. An unidentified city on the border of Issachar (Josh. 1922, /3ai^(r/xas [-A], ^i^o-a/MS [L]), perhaps = (2), if the latter lay in the extreme south of Naphtali.

1 The double mention of Beth-shean probably ari.ses from a corruption of the text.

3 '1 he latter was discovered by Sayce at Medlnet Habu in 1892.

4. A city of Egypt, mentioned in Jer. 43 13, (rjXtou TToXews [BNAQ]) ' he shall break the obelisks of I^'th- shemesh in the land of Egypt. ' It is commonly supposed (t'.i,--. , by Griffith in Hastings' DB) that what is meant is Heliopolis, the city of the sun (see On) ; but n'3 is simply dittographed from nu in nuss. We should read cdc nuso, ' pillars of the sun ' or obelisks (Wi. AT Unters. 80/ ; Che. Intr. Is, 102, n. 2).


(HtSt^H 71*3 .^., 'place of acacias') is mentioned in Judg. 722 (Bh9CAt& [B], BACeeTTA [A], B&ieACeTTA \yA) as a point to which the panic-stricken Midianites fled before Gideon. It was on the way toward Zererah (see Zaretiian, begin. ), but has not been identified ; probably it was well down in the Jordan valley, at the mouth of some wady where acacias flourished. The identification with Shatta on the north side of the W. Jalud, 5 m. NW. of Beisan and 6 m. E. of Zer'in (cp Rob., Conder, etc.) has little to recommend it : it lies much too near the supposed scene of the surprise. More, perhaps, could be said for Beisan. Others compare el-Meshetta (see iMDPV, 1895, pp. 8i ff.; Schumacher, ZDPV, 1564 writes mashatta) 14 m. SSE. of Jogl>ehah. The whole narrative is, however, composite (see Judges, 8), and the Heb. construction favours the assumption that Zererah does not belong to the same source as Beth- shittah. In J Midian flees east from Shechem to the other side of the Jordan, whereas from v. 24 it appears that in E's narrative they turn S. (to Zarethan) through the Jordan valley, where they are intercepted by the Ephraimites (cp Moore, Judg. 212).


(h BeBcoYPA [A]), i Mace. 46i; 2 Mace. 11 5 k\' Bethsuron. See Beth-zur.


(msri-n^3. 103 ?.<?., 'place of tappoah' ; sec Ai'I'i.e), a town in the hill-country of Judah (Josh. 1553. BaiGaxoy [^^l BeeeAnct)OYe [A]. Bh09a4)- [E])i having a traditional connection with its greater neighbour Hebron (i Ch. 243, see Tappuah, i), and very possibly identical with the fortified town called Taphon [q.v.) in i Mace. 950. If the similarity of names, the vicinity of Hebron, and the fruitfulness of the district prove anything, the modern Teffi'ih is the ancient Beth-tappuah. The village so named is 3i m. W. by N. from Hebron, and stands on a high hill, the slopes of which are planted with aged olive-trees; indeed, the whole of the Wddy Tuffdh abounds in fruit- trees of all kinds. Traces of old buildings remain, and there are two ancient wells (Rob. LBR 2428 ; Gu(5rin, JudJe, 3374). Several ancient sites named Beth have lost this prefix. Thus the ,tcj n'3 of Xu. 32 36 is modern Nimrln.

The notices of Eus. and Jer. (a? 235 17 104 17 ; cp 156 20) are of interest only as showing that there was another place on the confines of Palestine and Egypt bearing the same name. Whatever the fruit called t.-vppuah was (see Afi'Le), it was as common in Palestine as quinces and apricots are now.


('PN-'in?, for "pX-inO, ' man of El ? cp Methushael, and .see Caimtks, 7 ; hardly for Ass. bit Hi, ' house of a deity ' ; BaBoyhX [.ADEL]).

1. B. Nahor ; father of Laban and Rebekah (Gen. 2222/. 24 15 [J]). In Gen. 252o285 [P] he is called an ' Aramaean,' as is also his son Laban in 31 2024. See Aram, 3.

2. See Bethul.


(>in3), aSimeonitetown(Josh. 194, BoyAa [B], BaGoyA [AE]). called Bethuel ("PN-IDa, BaGoyn [B], -oyA [A1. -OYhA [E]) in i Ch. 430, and corruptly Chesii, (^"-03) in 11 Josh. 1030 (BaiGhA [B], XAceip[A]. CeieiA [E]). The form 'yif.ni may perhaps be classed with Penuel ; for elision of N cp Hamul. It is doubtless the Bethel C^K-n^a. ^aidr/X [AL], ^aiOaovp i.e., Beth-zur [B])i of i S. 30 27, mentioned along with 1 The situation of Beth-zur is less suitable (We., Dr.).

Jattir and other places in the Negeb ; but the site has not yet been identified. There was probably a liethel near tjaza. '


(BctyAoya [I5XA1, [the preferable reading; but B&itoyA{)YA l'*'*!- BaityAoya C^XA] are also found]; Hinmi.i.i [\'g.]; N'J> f^. ^^ ), the centre of the action in tlie book of Judith ('2 21 [X*] 46 [N], BaitoyAia 6iof. h7 iff.). In the shorter version of the narrative its place is taken by Jeru- salem, and there is little doubt that Bethulia (properly Bctylua) represents Sk-H'S, "* the house of God viz., Jerusalem (sec Judith, ii. ). So already Reuss, who, however, together with Welte, derived the name from n'i'?i n'3. liertholdt's conjecture .tSw3, ' virgin of Yahw(!>,' may b<! worth noticing.'

Accordingto the representations of the book (cp 4673), Bethulia lay near Jezret;!, upon a rock by a valley, i commanding the pa.sses to the S. (so Hulil, J\il. 201, ! n. 627). \'arious id(.'ntifications have been suggested. |

Some have sought for it near the nioilern Kefr Kud, formerly j Capharcotia, NE. of the plain of Dolhan (Hi., cp also Kiehm) ; other suKRestions are the fortress SAnur (Grove in Smith's DB), \ Kh. Haifiik el-Mellah (Marta, quoted in ZOPl' 12 117), lenln (Ew.), IJeit Ufa (Schultz), and plausibly no doubt ('- and tii being often confounded), Mithiliyeh or Misilia (Conder ; Socin, also inclines to this view, Biid. (2), 226). More recently, Torrey (Joum. Am. Or. Soc. 20 160 j: ['99]) argues ably in favour of Shechem.

So large and important a place as Bethulia with its rulers and ciders (61416), its streets and towers (72232), and its siege, lasting for foiir-and-thirty days, by an immensely suijerior army (720) cannot reasonably be identified with any small and insignificant locality. It remains to be added that the mention of Jerusalem and Bethulia as two distinct places (cp 46 I55/) is probably to Ije assigned to a time when the identity of the ideal Bethulia with Jerusalem was forgotten.

s. A. C.


AV (by misprint?) B.\th- z.\cnAKi.\s(BeezAXApiA[A], BA'tB. [NV] ; Jos. Beez., BHT2.)r the scene of the defeat of Judas the Maccabee by Lysias, and of the death of his brother Eleazar (i Mace. 632/). Its position is defined by Josephus {An/, xii. 94) as 70 stadia (N. ) from Bethsur ; it is thus represented by the modern Bi-i/-Sakdrid (described by Robinson'-' 8283/. and PEF Mem. 835108).


(BhOzaGa). the reading adopted by Ti.WH in Jn. 62, where TR has Bictiiksu.v. For the evidence, see WH. ii. App. 76 : perhaps the purest form would be 'R-qe^aj.da., ' the place of the olive ' (cp Br.zi.TH).


(1-1 Vrr-a, BeecOYP [AL], 96, ' house of rock,' or. on the analogy of Belh-el, ' house of /.ur' a divine name. Nestle, Eigennatitcn,.\7,r\. i ; Honunel AHT 319; see Zuk), a city in the hill-country of Judah, mentioned between Halhul and Gedor- (josh. 1558. /3at^(Tocp [B] ; cp i Ch. 245. where Bethzur 7e5(Toi'/) [B], [itjOarovp [.\L] is the 'son' of Maon), is stated in 2 Ch. 11 7 {^aiOffovpa [B], rr)v ^ai0(T. [.\], Tr)v jiaidffovp [L]) to have lx;en fortified by Rehoboam. It was head of a district in Nehemiah's time (Xeh. 3 16, ^-rjffop [BN], jBijdffovp [.\]). FrcMjuently an object of struggle in the Macc.abean wars (r; ^aidffoi'pa, ra (/3. [NV], -^ ^eda-.. raji. [AN], i Mace. 42961 6726314950 95 ; IO14 fiai0(Tovpoi [V*] ; II65 I4733),* it was in the time of Josephus (An/, .xiii. 56) ' the strongest place in

1 Rethel (Ptj9(Xia), a populous village of Gaza with very ancient and mucb-revered temples, is mentioned by Sozomen (v. I.'. 14, p. 202). [ MS note of WRS.]

2 For the form lietylua, cp the magical stones Rjetylia, which derive their name from Heth-el ; and on interchange of the forms Hethu- and Beth-, see Hethul.

  • So Jerusalem is referred to as (tomj in Sibyl!. 3784-786

(Apocalvptic Litekatl'kk, g 86 ^.). Cp Daughter, 4.

  • Possibly also in i S. 30 27 (see Bethel, 2).
  • In 2. Mace. 13 1932 a has t. ^aiOo-. 11 5 Pt0<TOvpo>v (A],

paiBaovputv [V],

all Judtca,' and was still an inhabited village {^r)d<Tupu Kethsoro) in the days of i:u.sebiub and Jerome (OS 10427; 32626). It is represented by Be/ Stir (liurj Sur), and occupies a position of strategic iniiwrt- ance as commanding the road from Jerusalem to Hebron, 4^ m. N. from the latter city. The modern village has a ruined tower, and ' there are hewn stones scattered about, as also some fragments of colunms, and many foundations of buildings. ... It must have been a small place' (Robinson).

If the statements in 2 Mace. 11 5 (KV BETHsuK<)N)are reliable there must have been a second Betli-zur in the neighbourhtMxl of Jeru.salem. Grimm suggests the modern village of Uet-Sahur, half-an-hour SE from Jerusalem. .Schick, with more probability, identifies it with the modern Kf/r-et- fur (ihc Kt. form of Beth- zur) on the central height of the Mount of Olives (PEFQ, Jan. 895. P- 37. see Camb. liih/e on i Mace. 429). See, however, Beth I'd AGE.


(BeroAico [B]), i I.sd. 52. AV ; RV Betolion ^ ICzra 2 28, Bkthkl.


RV Betomesthaim in Judith 4 6, or Betomasthem, 1<\' Betomasthaim in 1.54 (BaitomaLiJcBaim [BJ, -AceeN ,NJ, BeTOMecBAiM [A]; ^iSJa-- fcwwS ; om. 6< Vg. in 46 and * Vg. .Syr. in 1^4) lay ' over against Jezreel in face of the plain thai is near Uothan. ' If ' toward ' (Kara irpbai>nrov) can be taken as meaning ' eastward of ' the plain of Dothan, %ve are able to determine its position pretty nearly ; but the exact site has not been identified.


(D*Jb3, 103 .?., 'pistachio nuts,' BoTANei [B], -NIN [^]. -NeiM [I']*, in Gadite territory (Josh. 1826), may perhaps be Ba/anah, 3 m. W. from es-Salt (Ramoth-gilead).


The Heb. verb is tHN 'dras (6 MNHCTeYec9Ai). on which see Makkiagk. 1. In 2.S. 814, RV rightly has 'betrothed' instead of AV 'espoused.' So also in Mt. 1 18 Lk. 1 2 25. InLev. IQaot the verb is rpn, and seems to denote marriage by capture rather than marriage by purchase. In l^x. 21 8/. f it is ij", RV ' espouse. ' There is some disorder in tlie text.


(n^H;3. 'married'; 01KOYAA6NH [BN.XQ], Aq. ecxHAACNH. Symm. Theod. CYNCOKiCMeNH). the symbolical name (Is. 624) by which Zion may fitly be called when her land is ' married ' (Sysn ; cp B.\al). Two primitive and related ideas underlie the expression. The first is that the people of a land, as well as all other 'fruits' (Dt. 284), arise from the fertilising influ- ence of the land's Baal or divine Husband (cp A'i"'-> 107/); the second, that a peojile which remains faithful to the land's divine Husband is sure of his pro- tection. The former is merely hinted by means of the contrast of the two names ' Desolate ' and ' Married ' (Is. 624) ; in Is. 54 1-6, on the other hand, it engrosses the mind of the prophetic writer. It is on the latter, as the context shows, that the writer of Is. 62 (who is not the author of Is. 54) wishes to concentrate our attention. Zion is at present despised (v. 7), and her harvests are plundered by the heathen (f. 8/ ); but when her land is once more ' married,' she will be entitled to the protection of the God of the whole earth. The sense of the passage has been obscured by an error in the vowel points. For ^'J3, ' thy sons' (p. 5), read ~":3 'he who buildeth thee up' (cp 54iiy: Ps. 147 2). See Du., Che. (SBOV), and on the other side IJi., who gives no parallel, how- ever, for the startling play upon meanings which he assumes.

T. K. C.


(D*3?ry3) occurs in Josh. 19 33 RV'tr-' ' the cak of Bezaanannim,' where EV has 'the oak in Zaananmm,' a view of the text now pretty generally abandoned. The ' oak (or sacred tree) of Itezaa- nannim ' is a landmark on the \\'. border of Naphtali, following Heleph, and jireceding Adami-nekeb and Jabneel, and is usually identified with ' the oak of Bezaa- naini' (following the points), or of ' Bezaanim," or 'of Bezaanannim (K're) in Judg. 4ii, where RV has 'the oak in J^anannim,' and has inconsistently omitted to record the modern view of the text in the margin. roads in Josh. 19 33 Kal /twXa Kal (iecrefufiv [B], k. /iijXwi' Kal (ifCfvavtn [A], at. wXa/j. attyavfijj. [L] ; in Judg. 4 II ?a)j Spi'is trXfOfeKTOvvTUf [IJ ; so Thcod. ], rpbi Spvy ava-travotJ.evwv [AL] ; see Field's Hexapla.

The difficulty connected with the phrase is twofold, (i) In Joshua I.e., this famous tree is placed on the border of .Naphtali ; but Judges I.e., read in the light of J'ldg. 4 17 624, makes the tree much nearer to the battle- field, which, according to Judg. 01921, was by the stream Kishon. (2) The name is inexplicable, whether we read Q-jysa (Bezaanim?) or D':jys3 (Bezaanannim ?). If, however, several times in Judges (see Kadksh), and once in Judg. 4 (see HAROsiiETJi). the name pB'-ii3 = rnp has lieen correctly restored, it is plausible to suppose that the incomprehensible name, pronounced sometimes Bezaanaim or (better) Bezaanim, sonieliines Bezaanannim, may conceal the same old name, especially as in Judg. 4 11 the words 'which is by Kedesh ' are added. It is extremely probable that both in the far north (see Kauksh, 2) and in the territory of Issachar there was a place which bore the name of Kadshon (Kidshon); the people of either place could be called Kadshonim (Kidshonim). Nor need we hesitate to emend D'jysa (the form which the best critics prefer) to D':iP"i3. a form which should be restored, as the present writer has sought to show, in Judg. 522^ (see Kadesh^). It is easier to suppose that the ' oak' or ' sacred tree ' which forms the subject of this article was near the Kidshon (Kedesh) of Issachar than to follow the Priestly Writer in Joshua, who places it on the border of Naphtali. The error of the latter seems to have arisen from the statements in Judg. 469/. , which place the mustering of the Israelitish warriors at Kedesh- Naphtali. The error of the scribe who wrote c'jysa was facilitated by an inopportune recollection of the form D'Ji'jD Kena'anim (Canaanites). Whether he also thought of the new Heb. nj;s3, 'ditch, dike, pond' (cp ,15(3, 'marsh,' Job 811 4O21), cannot be determined (cp Neub. Giogr. Talrn. 225).

An identification of ' Bezaanim ' with Kliirbet BessOm, E. of Tabor, on the plateau of the Sea of Clalilee, was proposed by Conder in PEFQ '77, p. 25 (so Tent Work, 2132); cp GASm. HG 396, who considers it 'well supported.' But we must first of all be sure of the reading of the name. It is remarkable that tradition still affirmed that the 'oak of . . .,' which was a fixed element in the story, was 'by Kedesh.' Of course, cnp"nx "IC'K is not required when we read ^-ytn'p 'iS^V.~~{'i< to 'he sacred tree of the Kidshonim.'

T. K. C.


(*V5. 52 ; Hilprecht has found the Jewish name Bisa on a tablet from Nippur [PEFQ, Jan. 1898, P- 55])- ^'^^ t)'ne Bezai, a f;imily in the great post- exilic list (see Ezra, ii., 9, 8^), Ezra2i7 (Bacoy [B], -cc. [A], BAcei [L]) = Neh.723 (Becei [BX], Baci [A], -CCH [L] = iEsd.5i6 Bassa, RV Bassai (BacCAI [B]. -CCA [A], -ccei [I-]); represented among the sig;natories to the covenant (see EzR.\, i. 7), Neh. 10 18 [.9] (BHcei [BA], BHBei [N], Becei [L]).


RV Bezalel (Sn'?V3. 22. 29. ' in the shadow of God'; cp Bksodkiah ; ^ecreXerjX [BAL]). The form is improbable. .Sil-Bel, ' Bel is a shelter,' the name of a king of Gaza in Sennacherib's time {A'A T^) 162), even if correctly represented, is not parallel. Read VxsSn. 'God rescues,' and cp the Phcen. names h'iZ^i^n, \hnyaziK. The number of the artificial religious names of later times has been exaggerated.

I. b. Uri b. Hur of the tribe of Judah, a Calebite (i Ch. 2 20), a .skilled workm.in in gold, silver, and br.iss, who together with Aholiab executed the work of the tal>ornacle (Ex.31 2 8630 8 1/ 37 1 38 22, all P). He is mentioned in 2 Ch. 1 5 as having made the brazen altar.

a. One of the b'ne Pahath-Moab in the list of those with

1 JQR, 10 567/C rgS].

foreign wives (see Ezra, L j 5, endX Ezra 10 30 OttreATjA [BA], Ptva. [K], p*(T(rKtri\ IL]= i EsU. 9 31, Sesthel (<r<r#j|X [BA]).

T. K. C.


(PI?, cp 100, 'gravel'? cp Syr. ; BezeK [BAL] ; JiE^iu). I. A place at which Saul mustered the force he had raised for the relief of Jabesh-gilcad ; 1 S. 118 (a^if^eK fv (iafia [H] ; fv /Sefe/c [A] ; ^aov\ tv pafia [L]). Eusebius {OS*"^ 23752) locates two neigh- bouring villages of this name 17 R. m. from Neapolis on the road to Scythopolis ; beyond doubt Khirbet Ibzik, 14 Eng. m. from Nabulus and nearly opposite the lower end of Wady Yabis, with which Eshtori Parchi (a.d. 1322) identified it. See I'EF Mem. 2231237.

2. A place at which Judah and Simeon, in invading the S. of Palestine, encountered and routed the Canaanites under Adoni-bezek ; Judg. 1 4 /. (jSoffic [A] ; om. B* in v. 5). Many scholars, from Eusebius downwards, identify this with No. i ; but this is in- admissible.

Judah and Simeon set out from the neighbourhood of Gilgal (Judg. 1 \(>/. '2 i) to invade the region in which they afterwards settled ; the end 'of the story of Adoni-bezek conducts him to Jerusalem, which was probably his own city (Adoni-zedek, king of Jerusalem ; see Adoni-Hkzkk and Adoni-Zedec). Ibzik lies wholly out of this sphere of action and in a quite different direction.

The Bezek of Judg. 1 must be sought much farther south. Conder would find it at Bezkeh, 6 m. SE. of Lydda {PEF Mctn.Z^lb) ; but this view is scarcely probable. In view of the change which the name of the king has suffered, it may be questioned whether the name of the place has been correctly preserved.

G. F. M.


("I>*3, 106, 'fortress'; Bocop [B.\L]). a levitical city and city of refuge, Dt. 443 Josh. 208 21 36 (om. MT ; Boctop [E]). i <^h. 678[63j the Bozrah [i] (n^VH) of Jer. 4824 (6 /3offop) is described in Josh. 208 as lying in the wilderness on the (.Amorite) ' Mishor' or Tableland, and is usually identified with the modern fCesur el-Besheir (or lieshir), about 2 m. SW. of Dibon, and about the same distance N. of Aroer. King Mesha of Moab in his inscription (/. 27) says: ' I built Bezcr, for ruins had it become.' With this place some have identified BosoR (</.i'., 2).


("1V3 ; coBaA [B], Bacar [AL]), in genealogy of .\SHER [ 4 (ii.)], I Ch. 737t.


(BHzee [A], BhOzaiG [S], BaiGzhG [V]. BHRZHeoi [Jos. .-//. xii. IO2 ; but BHezHeu), ib., BHRZHGco.xii. 11 1 ; Schlatter, ZDPVlSt^:^]), a place near Jerusalem where Bacchides encamped, and, having slain some deserters and prisoners, threw them into ' the great pit ' which was there ( i Mace. 7 19). 'I"he readings of @< and Syr. in this passage (J? fc** [ed. I-ag.]) point to an original Beih-zaith (house of thtr olive). Hence it is possible that Bezeth may lje the later liezetha (' place of olives '), the name given to the N. end of the plateau, on the S. part of which lay Jerusalem. See Bethz.\tha, Jerusalem, Olives, Mount ok.


(c})iAeAC [A]), iEsd.948 AV = Neh.87. Pei.aiah, 2.


{*"p3, 61 ; Boxopei [BA], BeA^AAi [L]) in Sheba b. Bichri (2S. 20 1/:), a gcntilic from Becher y.v.\ The plural BichritieB (D^^DSn) is postulated by (S"* (fttl irctires iv \appti) in 2 S. 20 14 in place of Bkrites [</.-.'.]. SeeSHKUA, ii. (i), Benjamin, 9, ii. /3.


(ip^na : BAAeK [L], -ka [B], -kar [B^A]). BaAgkar [B], Jehu's adjutant (K"X*), 2 K. 925. The name is noteworthy, because the chief support of the theory that 3 at the l>eginning of proffer names some- times stands for ' son of is that Pesh. here has bar-elikar (hence '3 = "ijjTp. ' son of piercing ' a suitable name for a warrior ; cp Lanzknecht ; cp Ass. bindikiri [Del. ZKF

2i7]. and see Bkndeker). For other examples, all doubtful, see Ges. Thes. col. 349 ; Kanig. Uhrgeb. 2248; and against this Ols. Heb. Gr. 613. Halevy {Kech. /m/.ui., KliJ, Jan.-June 1885) thinks 3 in all these words = ['l^K. For this 3 = p theory we can hardly cite the one or two cases in rhai-nician, probably accidental {CIS i. 192a, 3933). Dofs "-s WaltK imply a rendiri},' vc?p n fna. ' H- chief (pNi) of his (Jehu's) captains ' ? w. R. s.


(n^p. kAinh). 2S.331: (copoc). Lk. 7.4- See Dr. AD. i.


(Nn33 ; Bcop&ZH [BNL"]. [oApe] BooA [.A]), a chamberlain of Ahasucrus (Ivstli. 1 10). Marq. \Fund. 71) finds its Gr. equivalent in i^rifiadaOa [A], for Pa^tjOaOa, whence he restores httmi (misre;id Kmts) = O. Pers. biigaJdta, ' given by God ' ; cp UagoAS, and see ESTHKK. ii. 3.


(|n32. etymology doubtful ; BAfAQAN [Xc.ai..,: su|..] . lJX.\Lom. ; Jos. B&rA0coOc). Kslh. 22i. or Bigthana. Esih. 6a (NJOjII ; as in '2ai ; Jos.

EaBatmoc)p a chamlx^rlain of Ahasuerns, who, in sth. 12 I. is called Gabatha {yaSada [BNAL*]). See lusTHi.K, ii. 3.


('133, rather lUr.oi, i.e., Bagoas [(/.v.];

BAfOYA r '*^1' -OYiA [I-])-

1. .\ Ic.iiltr (see K/ka, ii. 8 8<-)in the great post-exilic list (ib. ii. 9), Kzra ;i 2 (fiarovai IB], ^ayouot [L])= N'eh. 7 7 (fiaroei [BK], /Sayomai [Al)=i Esd. 5 8, AV Reki.ius (/3opoAftov [I!\l, fiayovai [L]) ; signatory to the covenant (see Kzka, i. g 7), Neh. 10 16 I17I Oayo<ri (I!), -o" 1<A1, /3a<roui [L]).

2. Family in great post-exihc list (see Ezra, ii. $$ 9, 8<r), Ezra '2i4'<fiaoyti IH), ^oyoua [.\viclj, .oai (!.])= Neh. 7 19 (fianti [BKA])=i Esd. 5 14, Bagoi OSocroi [B], ^ayoi [A], -ovat [LI).

3. Family in F^zra's carav.-in (see Ezra, i. 2, ii. 15 |i.] </), Ezra 8 14 (fiayo |l!|, yafiovaei (A), yo^ovia [L))= i Esd. S40 BAl.oOal-ai II'.], ^ayo(AI). Cp HkgAI.


(JJX-nr|"52), Am. I5 AV^e See AVEN, 3.


n^)2. 43. BaA^aA [BNAC], -Aac [A]), the Shuhite (see SiiUAii), one of Job's friends (Job 2 n and elsewhere). The name either means ' liel has loved' (cp Nold. 7.DMG 42 479 ['88]), or is a softened form of Bir-dad, which appears to lie at the root of Bedad (so Del. Far. 298). See ElidaD, and cp DoD.


(D;;*??, ^^), i Ch. 6 7 [55]- See Ibleam.


(nS*??, 'cheerfulness'?).

1. Hr.i(i of the fifteenth course of priests, i Ch. 24 14 (/3fAya \A\, -oi |I-1). (P" lias tji^rip, which must represent Immcr, tne bead of the sixteenth course. (ytX/Sa, the name of the head of the fourteenth in " (MT 3K3S], is merely a transposed form of Bilgah in a different pl.-ice in the list.)

2. A priest OSoAyat [Kc.amfr.]^ p,A. [L] ; cm. BKA) in Zerub- bahel's band (Ezra, ii. 6/0. Neh. 12 5 ; in z/. i8(j3<iAya[Kc.ame.], /5<Aya? [L] ; om. RN.\) a ' father's house.' Cp also Bit-CAi.


(BeArA[ell [AL], -Ac[eliA [BN]). a priestly sit;ii:itory to the covenant (see l.ZKA, i. 6, 7), Neh. lOS [9]. No doubt the same as Bii.GAll.


(nnba : BaXAa [BADEL], but I Ch. 7 13 BaAam[B], -Aaam[I.])-

1. The 'mother' of the tribes Dan and Naphtali, according to J ; also represented as the maid of Rachel (mother of the house of Joseph) and concubine of Jacob and his eldest son Reuben.

We have not. unfortunately, the means of detetmining how far we are warranted in regarding these relations as representing traditions of fact, and how far they may be imaginative incidents of the story. W.-is Bilhah, e.g. , a tribe (Canaanitish ? .\ram:ean ?), elements of which were taken up into some of the clans of the house of Joseph (the first Israel) in the earliest days after their arrival in W. Palestine before they crystallized into the three well-known branches (Manasseh-Machir, Ephraim, Benjamin) ? Or does the name, which occurs nowhere outside of Genesis (and the equivalent i Ch. 7 13), simply indicate that not only Dan but once also Naphtali tried unsuccessfully to settle somewhere in the Highlands of Ephraim before betaking itself to the extreme north ? Or, once more, is this true only of Dan, the inclusion of Naphtali being then due simply to its geographical nearness to Dan in its later seat, and to its worthiness to stand by the side of the noble Rachel tribes (Judg. 5 18)? Again, is the Reuben story (Gen. 35 aa i Ch. [> 1) to be brought into connection with the other traces oif the extension of the house of Joseph (cp Reuben's interest in the fortunes of Joseph : Gen. 37 aa a9 : E. ) beyond Jordan (Maciiik ; Ei-hkai.m, Wool) ui), or is it to be explained, as .Stade {GescA. 1 119) explains it, as a memorial of the primitive society that survived E. of the Jordan when there had been a change in W. Palestine ? Or are we to give serious consideration to a combination (G. H. B. Wright) with the story of BOHAN (cp BILHAH, 2) the son of Reuben (Josh. l.Ob 18 17), as an indication that Reubenite elements were once actually to be found W. of the Jordan ( ' in that land ; ' Gen. 3;') 22) ? That there really was contact between Benjamin and the Bilhah trilje Dan was a matter of course ; Ono and Lod ultimately l>ecame Benjamite (cp Be.njami.n, 3 ; We. L>e lient. 12 n. i). It was Rachel, however, not Bilhah, that died when Ben-oni was born.

2. In Simeon (i Ch. 429). See Baalah, 2.

n. \v. 11.


(;n'?3, %77; cp Bilhah ; BaAaan [BA]).

1. A HoKiTE {g.v.), Gen. 8627 (^oAoo^ [D" EL]) ; i Ch. 1 4a (-aoMlBLl).

2. In genealogy of Benjamin ( 9, ii. o) : i Ch. 7 10 OSoAaofi I LI).


{\^h^. 83 ; perhaps Bab. BeHun ; but more probably we should read Bel-sar, a mutilated form of Bel-sar-ezer i.e., liab. Bel-sar-usur ; cp "*' in I Esd. ). A name in the great post-exilic list (see EzKA, ii. 9), borne by one of the ten (Ezra), or eleven (Neh., I Esd. ), persons w ho accompanied Zerubbabel from Babylon (see Ezra, ii. 8 <). Ezra2a {^affcpafi [B], ^aXaffafx. [A], -Xacrai' [L]) = Neh. 77 {(iaaipav [N], ^aaaav [.\], jiaKcr. [ B]. Lom.)=i Esd. 58 Beki.sakus (^(eXaapov [H.\], /jaXcrap [L]). If Bel-sar is correct, may not this be the Sharezer of Zech. 72 (see Sharezer, 2)? This undesigned coincidence (if accepted) may have important bearings on criticism. T. K. C.


(Sn?D3), in genealogy of Asher ( 4 [ii.]), 1 Ch. 733 (imaBahA [B], BamahA [A], BaamaB [L])-


(Mt.1619 18. 8+). The explanation givi-n uncU'r Ma(;ic ( 3 [4]) may account for the origin of the Jewish phrase 'binding {~sti) and loosing' (I'n.i) ; but in usage 'to bind' and "to loose' mean simply ' to forbid ' and ' to permit ' by an indis- putable authority, the words of authoritative prohibition and permission being considered to be as effectual as he spell of an enchanter (cp tok, Targ. Ps. 585[6]). The wise men or rabbis had, in virtue of their ordination, the power of deciding disputes relating to the Law. A practice which was permitted by them was said to be ' loosed ' (inio), and one which was forbidden was called ' bound ' (iick). Such pronouncements were made by the diflferent schools ; hence it was said, ' The school of Shammai binds; the school of Hillel looses.' Theoretically, however, they proceeded from the San- hedrin, and there is a Talmuilic statement that there were three decisions made by the lower ' house of judg- ment ' to which the upper 'house of judgment' {i.e., the heavenly one) gave its supreme sanction {Afassoth, 23^). Probably, therefore, Jesus adopted a current mode of speech when he said to the disciples that what- soever they bound or loosed on earth {i.e., in expound- ing the new Law) should be bound or looj^ed in heaven (Mt. 18 18). Probably, too, it is a less authentic tradition which makes Jesus give the same promise to Peter individually (Mt. I619). Nowhere is it recorded that the great Teacher made Peter the president (kx-o) of his council of wise men. The words which immediately precede Mt. lt)i9(J self-evidently taken by the editor from another context rei)rcsent Peter, not as an ex- pounder of the new transfigured Law, but as a practical administrator (cp Is. 2222). It is in favour of the view here adopted (viz., that the words on 'binding' and ' loosing ' were addressetl to the disciples in general and not to Peter individually) that in Jn. 20 23 the power to remit and to retain is granted to the disciples collectively, not to any one of them individually. Though the use of Kpareiv in that passage has no exact Hebrew or Aramaic equivalent, the saying is not a new one, but a paraphrase of Mt. 18 18. T. K. C.


(n^;2, Ny:3), in genealogy of Bknjamin (9, ii. [ji}), /Ch.837 (Bana [B], BA&N. [AL]) = 943 (Baana[15XL], Ban. [A]).


('"133, ' a building up" ; on form cp Na.mes, 5).

1. F.-imily in great post-exilic list (see Ezra, ii. 9, 8 c), Neh. 7 1 5 (/Sat-om [BNA], -v<xiOV [Ll) = Ezra2 10, Bani [g.7:, 2] Oai-ov [H], -oui [.\], -vaia [L])=i Esd. 612, Bam (/3ai/ei [B.\], -i/aia [L]).

2. A Levite, temp. Ezra (see Ezra, i. 2, ii. g i; [i}d), Ezra 833 (aTrb e^avvaia. [B], uios /Saraia [.\L])= i Esd. 863 Sabha.v, R\' Sadannus {(Ta^avvov [BA], vibs ^afaiou [L]), and prob.ibly Neh. \i2\ (MT 'the son of; Kai vloi [BNA], k. oi v. avrov [L]) ; so Sinend, /J/V Listen, etc. Most probably the same as

3. A Levite in the list of wall-builders (see Nehe.miah, \/., Ezra, ii. i6[i], 15 ,T), Neh.324 (/Sai-fi [BNA], -i/aifl.]): sig- natory to the covenant (see Ezra, i. 7), IO9 [10] (^ava.iov [BN.VL], aj3. [X*^-^]), possibly the s.ame as the Levite Binnui in Zerubb-ibel's band (see Ezra, ii. 6/5) 128 0a>'ovi [BN.\], (cat 01 viol amoO [L]). In Neh. 3 '8, Bavai C.^a ; /3eei [B], /Sefep fN), /Sei/ei [.\], jSai'ttt [L]) seems a textual error.

4. and 5. One of the b'ne Pahath-nioab, Ezra 10 30 (^avouei [BN], 3arou[e]i [\L])=i Esd. 31, Bai.nius {&aXvov% [B], -ouos [.\], /Sai'oui [L]) and one of the b'ne 15ani (Ezra 10 38; Bai/out [BKA], jSoi'm [L])= I Esd. 834, Ei.iALi ; both in the list of those with foreign wives (see Ezra, i. 5 end).


References to birds generally are very frequent in or and XT.

1. Kinds referred to.[edit]

The following terms (translated in EV ' bird ' or ' fowl ') are used to denote the members of the family Avcs collectively:

,,. , '|iy, 'oph, Eccles. 10 20 Is. 16 2 Hos. 9 11 : niss. I ' ' ">^'" Gen. 714 Lev.uey: ^x ff.-. r^i "rya,

ha'al kdnu/ih, Prov. 1 17 ; and [of birds of prey] b;V, 'ayit, Gen. 15 11 Is. 18 6 4; 11 Jer. 129 Ezek. 39 4 Job 28 7 (li.TN, 'ayyah); ntTfiva. and ra Trereifa, Mt.820 1832 Lk. 58 Rom. 1 23 Jas. 3 7 ; to. nrriva, i Cor. 15 39, and [of birds of prey] opreov. Rev. 18 2 19 17 21.

Birds of the smaller kinds are not so often distinguished as the larger ; but special reference is made to several species, both large and small. Mention seems to be made, for example, of the Bittern, Buzzard (see Glede), Blue Thrush (see Sparrow), Cormorant, Crane, Dove, Egyptian Vulture (see Gier Eagle), Griffon (see Eagle), Hawk, Heron, Hooi'OE. Sacred Ibis (see Swan), Kite, Night Hawk (?), Osprey, Ossifr.'\ge, Ostrich, Owl, Pigeon (see Dove), Par- tridge, Peacock, Pelican, Quail, Raven, Stork, Swallow, Tern (see Cuckow), Black Vulture (see Vulture), and the domestic fowl (see Cock), details and discussions concerning all of which will be found in the special articles. Sp.vrrow occurs occasionally in the EV as a translation of the word (i\s^) which denoted any small passerine bird.

2. Use.[edit]

That feathered animals (f|33 Vya) abounded in Palestine is clear from the many references to them in OT and NT, and lapse of time has produced ^Q change in this respect (see Palestine). Naturally the eggs and the birds themselves were used for food '(Ex. 16 12/ Nu. 11 32 Job66 Neh. 5i8 Ps. 7827 Lk.lli2 Acts 10 12 116; see Fowls, 4, 6, and cp Food, 8) ; the Torah divides them into clean and un- clean (Lev. 11 13 Dt. 1420; see Clean and Unclean, 9). Many contrivances for capturing birds were in common use (PS.9I3 1247 Prov. 1 17 6s 723 Am. 85 Eccles. 9 12 Jer. 027 Hos. 7 12 98 Ecclus. 11 30). The Torah protects them against cruelty (Dt. 226/.). Sometimes the captives were tamed and treated as pets (Job4l5 [4O29], Bar.3i7 Ecclus.27i9 Jas.37). Only in cases of extreme poverty does the Torah allow birds to be used for sacrifice (see Sacrifice). Naturally, common small birds, on account of their abundance, were of little value ; they were probably so numerous as to prove a nuisance (Mt. 10 29 31 Lk. 126/ ; cp LnnJ and Book, 43). To what extent if any birds were studied for omens in Israel as in Babylonia (see Baby- lonia, 32, Magic. Babylonian, 3) it is difficult to determine (see Lev. I926 Dt. I810 2K.2I6 2Ch. 336 iK. 433 [5 13], and cp DiviN.vnoN, 2, beg., and Schultz, OT Theol. 1 250^ ET).

3. Literary and popular allusions[edit]

Allusions to their habits in metaphors, similes, and proverbial expressions prove how prominent they were in the life and thought of the people (cp Agriculture, [5, and see Lowth,^fiusXs;;f-" - f ^--t ^-/.^ ^//^^^ J/ebrews, Lect. vii. vol. 1. E I 1787).

They were evidently observed with the keenest interest as being links between earth and heaven, and regarded with a certain awe (Job 12 7 2821 35 11 Eccles. 10 20). It was noticed how thev cared for and protected their young (Dt. 32ii E.x. 194 is. 31 5 Mt. 2837); how and where they made their nests (Ps. IO41217 Ezek. 316) some- times (according to a pleasing but very doubtful inter- pretation) in the very temple itself^ (Ps. 843 [4]); in what sad plight they wandered about when cast out of the nest (Prov. 278 Is. I62 Ps. 1027[8]); how swiftly they flew away when .scared (Hos. 9ii Ps. lli); how eagerly they returned to their nest (Hos. 11 11); how free from care they were (Mt. 626) ; how regularly they migrated (Jer. 87 Prov. 262); how voracious they were (Gen. 40 17 Mt. 184 Mk. 44 Lk. 8s) ; how they descended from the clouds in a bevy (Ecclus. 4817), and with what delight they gathered in a leafy tree (Dan. 49 [12] Ecclus. 279 Mt. 1832 Lk. 1819); how sweetly they warbled (Eccles. 124 Wisd. 17i8 Cant. 2i2 [see, however. Vine] Ps. 104 12) ; how God recognises and protects them (Ps. 50 1 1 Lk. 1224); and how they praise and reverence him (Ps. 148io Ezek. 38 20). Further, Israel's enemy is often pictured as a rapacious bird that sights its prey afar off and swoops down ujxjn it (Is. 46 11 Jer. 129* Dt. 2849 Rev. 19 17 21). Thus, ' to destroy ' is to give a man's flesh to the birds of the air for meat (Gen. 40 19 Dt. 2826 I S. 174446 I K. 14 II I64 21 24 Ps. 792 Jer. 733 I64 197 3420 Ezek. 29s). A place is desolate when its only inhabitants are the birds of the air (Jer. Ezek. 31 13 324 Is. 186), and an utter desolation when even these too have perished (Jer. 425 I24 Hos. 43 Zeph. 1 3). The saying in Mt.820, where Jesus contrasts himself with the birds which have nests, has not yet been made perfectly clear (but see Son of Man).


(yu'n?. scarcely ' with [or, in] wickedness ': the name is corrupt ; cp Bera), king of Gomorrah who joined the league anainst . Heduki.ao.MER ( a), Gen. 14 J (BAPCA [A/JKL] ; B&A.MAC. Jos. Ant. i.9i).

1 Cp WRS Rel.Sem.f^> 160, and Che.'s note, Psa/msiV. The common view of the meaning is untenable on all grounds- exegetical, historical, metrical. 1. No natural exegesis can be given, if 'id nx. ' thine altars,' has any relation to the bird.s. 2. The sanctity of the temple proper would certainly have excluded the winged visitors ; Jos. BJ v. 56 speaks of pointed spikes on the top of the (Herodian) temple to prevent birds from sitting even on the outside. This seems to have been generally over- looked. 3. The psalm consists of long verses (lines) divided by a caesura into two unequal parts. ' Thine altars, my King and my tiod,' is too much to form the second and shorter portion of one of the.se verses. See Che. /'sa//its,(^l and cp Baethg. ati ioc. .who attempts an exegetical compromise.

2 Read thus, ' Do I count my heritage a carcase torn by hyaenas (i'ias HEIpri ; o-TrijAaioc vai'iT)? = 's nij'c)^ Are vultures round about it ? '


(Dn^n DV, hmcra reNecccoc [ADK], r. H. [I.]. (;<n.402o; rCNeclA LTi ^VM]. Mt. 116 Mk. tiiil. The only express nienlion of the celebra- tion of the anniversary of birth in O T or NT is in con- nection with kings: Pharaoh's birthday (Gen. 40ao), when the ' chief butler ' was restored to his ottice and the ' chief Ixiker ' hanged ; Antiochus Kpiphanes' birth- day (a .\Iacc. (>7) ; ' and Herod's birthday (Mt. 146 Mk. fiai), when Herodias's dancing was the occasion of the execution of John the liaptist. When it is said in Jobl4 that Job's sons 'were wont to go and feast in the house of each one upon his day," 'his day' denotes a weekly and not an annual feast ; and in Hos. 75 'the day of our king' may refer to the anniversary of his succession quite as well as to a birthday. How- ever, this silence on the subject is no warrant for us to conclude that the Israelites did not follow the general custom of observing birthdays, especially those of kings (see, for Egypt. A"/'"'* 4 77. and for Persia, Herod. 9 no). The curses invoked by Job (.'^i-ia) and Jeremiah (20 14-18) on the days of their birth imply that under happier conditions these days would have been re- membered in more cheerful fashion.

Doubts have been raised as to whether Herod's yeviaia, meant his birthday or the anniversary of his accession. The Mishna {Ahoda /.ara, 1 3) mentions as heathen festivals, calends, saturnalia, Kparrifffis, kings' days of ffv^ffia (H-D'yj cr). and the day of birth and the day of death. It is probable that the last two mean the actual days and not the anniversaries ; the /tpar^trets would naturally be the anniversaries of accessions and the tt'O-yi cv the birthday. So Talm. Jer. Aioi/a Zara, \y)C takes 'j cv as .Tt'Sn cv (birthday), but Bab. Aboda Zara, loa understands 'j cv as anniversary of accession. Tfv^aia is used as birthday in late Greek (in classical Greek it is anniversary of death) and never as anni- versary of accession : thus the sense of birthday seems well established. Cp .Scliiirer, Nisi. 226, and the Talm. Lexx. of Levy and Jastrow on H'D'yi ; also Griitz, A/GU7 2O230 ['71]. See also Lord's D.\y, 2.

\V. H. B.


{r^'i)22, Gen. 2531: npcoTOTOKiA, Hob. 12 10) ; see FiKsmoKN. Law and Jistice, 14. On the stcjry of Esau and Jacob sec I'.s.M', g 2.


(n'na, Kr. ), AVBirzavith(nin3, Kt. ; BHZAie [H], Bepz&ie [A], B<\pzee [L], in genealogy of AsiiKK ( 4 i'-). I Ch. 73it. The name (? fl'T 1X3, ' well of the olive tree ') seems to suggest a locality.


(QX*'3 ; eN eipHNH [RA], cn eipHNH peOYV\ BeAxee/w [L]), Ezra47, for which i Esd. 2i6 has Hki.k.mus (BHAeAAOC [HA] or BeeAciMOc [L]). the name of a Persian otlicer of unknown origin, who joined with others in writing a letter of complaint against the Jews. (5"* takes the name as descriptive of the tranquil state of the writers of the letter {it> "'pV??) ; but Bishlam is clearly a proper name. It either means 'in jieace,' cp Bkzalkel, Hiksiia, or, more probably, like those names, it is a corruption. The true name may Ije lialiylonian. It may perhaps be recovered if we start from one or the other of the forms presented in the MSS of i Esd., where the proper names are sometimes more accurately preserved. Ball (I'ar. A/>ocr. ad loc). adopting fi-fi\(fj.os, supposes a corruption of Bab. Bel -i bus /.<-., 'Bel made.' It would seem, however, that the /SefXiriyuoj of <5'- nuist be more original, and this form may have arisen from Bel-Sum-ikun i.^., 'Bel m.ade a name ' (Nestle, A/arg. 23. 29)- T.K.C.

V ' i?X/ '**' *^^^' ^ '*" king's birth every month ' : so 9 and Pesh., \ g- oni. Kara piriva. Grimm siigRested that 'every month ' IS from 1 Mace. 1 59 ; but it is probably genuine (see Lord's ^'^v, g 2).



1. Occurrence of name in NT.[edit]

- The word is of rare occurrence in the NT.'

'1 he elders of the church, sunimonrd from KphcMis to .Milrlu* to receive Pauls farewell charge (Atls JO 17), are llius addrc^vrd :

, r, ' ' "'"= '"=<='l '" yourselves and to the whole

fltk. wherein the Holy Ghost halh set you a'* overseers (viiat . . . ierro <iri<ricbirov) to feed (or rule : irotfiotVeif) the church of God ' (t'. 28). It is not clear from this passage whether the word ia used as a definite title, or merely as a description implying that r<r(torj, oversight or superintendence, was a function of the presbytcrate. In the address of the Kpistle to the Philippians, however, we have ' bishops and de.-icons formally mentioned ; it IS difficult, in view of the later us;ige of the words, to sup|x>se that this is merely a general description of 'those who rule and those who serve. In i Tim. 3 j J. the bishop and the de.icon are again brought together. The qualifications of a bishop arc enumerated : 6ti GUI' t'ou iiriaKowov .t.A., where the article U commonly regarded as generic, or at lea.st as not implying that there was only one bishop in the Kphesian church. In "Tit. 1 sjf-, in connection with the duty of appointinj? presbyters in the towns of Crete, a similar description of a bishop's qualifications is given (6tl yap TOy iiti<TKonov k.t.K.) ; but no reference Ls m.-ide to deacons. The only other occurrence of the word is in I Pet. 225 where it is applied to Christ himself, 'the shepherd and bishop of your souls. It is not ncessary to interpret these titles as metaphors drawn from the Christian ministry.

We note, then, that the word is found in all cases on Greek ground, and it \Mjuld seem as if those who in the Palestinian churches were called ' presbyters ' were in the Greek churches spoken of at first as ' bishops ' and then indifferently as ' jjresbyters ' or as ' bishops.' This view, however, assumes that iiriaKowo% was already at this time in use as a title of office ; and the assumption requires a careful examination. It will Ix- lH.-st to Ugin such an examination with what is admittedly the latest portion of the NT evidence.

2. (a) Pastoral Epistles.[edit]

I Tim. 3i^ ' If a man seeketh iiriaKovT) he desireth a good work. The bishop, therefore, luust be without ';<'Poach,' etc. {d ti% iinaKoirr,s opJyfTai. KaXoO (pyov (iridvfiet btl olv rbv iiriaKoirov avfiriXrjfjLirTov (li>ai Af.T.X. ). The whole conception of the function of an iwluKovos, as it is here descriljcd, suggests that the authority which he wields is indeijcndent, not merely that of a memlx.-r of a governing board. To begin with, (iriffKoirri does not give any idea of assessors : it is distinctly personal. It is a position of independent importance and control, such as a man may naturally desire. Secondly, the epithet ' given to hospitality ' {(f>i\6^evos) suggests a personal responsibility ; the Church's duty of showing hospitality to Christians from other parts seems naturally to centre in some one person ; we could scarcely have had ' Presliyters must be given to hospitality' {du oT^v irpta-^vT^pov^ (t>i\o^^voi>s flyai). In like manner, ' apt to teach ' (oiSanTiKoi) would scarcely be a qualification for a member of the prcsbyteral Ixsdy as such ; and the same may Ije said of the epithets fj.r} irdpotvos, fj.r] TrXriKTrji, ' not passionate or ungoverned in temper.' The control of his own house, again, gives the thought of independent jurisdiction in the case to which it is made a parallel how shall he act as (TTifjLfXtjTTfii of the church of God ? '

The singul.ar noun with the article may, according to Greek usage, be taken generically ; but we must ob- serve that ( I ) when the w riter passes on to give a similar list of qualifications for a deacon the plural is use<l : Deacons in like manner . . . Women in like manner . . . Let deactnis \>c husbands of one wife ' [diaKOfovs uxraiTw^ . . . 7i'i'a(Acas uxraiTwj . . . Sidicovoi laTwaoty fiids yvvaiKos &v5pfs (in the last case the use of the singular with the generic article would have avoidetl an awkward phrase)]; (2) in Tit. 1 7, we have an e.xact parallel: Sti yap t6v (Trianoirov k.t.\., where we might easily have had 5ft yap <Vt(7/c6iroij k.t.X. ; (3) the usage of the article in the Pastoral I'.pistles is a. further reason for hesitating to explain it here as generic, for the article is very sparingly employed, and then:

1 (.\naIogous to MH fjn, superintendent in the synagogue or elsewhere. See Jastrow's Z.*jr.].

seems no example at all parallel to these in any of the three Epistles.

The difficulty is to some extent met by insisting on the use of iiri(TKOiroi as a descriptive epithet rather than as a formal title : ' He who exercises iiriaKOiry).' In so far as his status in the Church is dwelt on, such a man would be spoken of most naturally as ' one of the elders ' ; but here the subject in hand is the function to be exercised by him individually. That function is iirtffKOTrr) : in the exercise of it he is (irLffKoiros. The watchful oversight which is regarded as ' an excellent work ' is not an eminent position, but a responsible activity. He who is lo exercise it needs to have certain special qualifications We feel the contrast when we come to SiaKSvovT waaiTus, which introduces in an ordinary way the members of a large and subordinate class.

3. (b) Other NT writings[edit]

The passage in Acts 20 is, as we have seen, quite indeterminate. If eirlffKoiros can be shown to be a title in use at the time in question, we may render the words, ' hath set you as , jjj^^opg . Otherwise we should perhaps render them, ' hath set you for oversight.' The phrase in the Epistle to the Philippians, if taken quite by itself, would, in the light of later history, be naturally rendered ' with the bishops and deacons ' {ffvi> i-jna-Kdiroa Kal SiaKJfois), notwithstanding the absence of the definite article. If, however, iirldKotros be not yet found as a title, a less definite interpretation may be allowed. The decision between the two views must depend on a further consideration which shall include the use of the term 5iaKovo% at this period [see DEACON, 6], and the use of (iriaKoiros outside the NT, in other than Christian contexts, and in the earliest Christian writings.

4. Non-Christian usage.[edit]

In the use of iwlaKOTro's, iiriffKOTre'li/, in other than Christian contexts, a great width of meaning is noticeable, due, no doubt, to the original signification which fitted the words for application to any person who exercised an office of superintendence. The commissioners who superintended Athenian colonies, various other commis- sioners or inspectors, magistrates who regulated the sale of provisions, and, apparently, financial officers of a temple or of a guild (Lightf Phil. 95 ; Hatch, Organisa- iion of Early Christian Churches, 2>7 /) ^H these are spoken of as iiricTKOiroi, or are said iiricrKoirf'tv. Nor was this the only term which had a similar largeness of reference : quite parallel is the usage of iwifieXelv and iirififX-qT-qs (Hatch, see above).

In the EXX the word eiriaKoiroi is equally wide in the persons and offices which it embraces. Taskmasters, captains or presidents, and commissioners, are in turn so entitled ; and as a synonym in the last of these cases we find also iiriaraTai (Lightf.; see above).

All this evidence points to the fact that i-rrlffKOiro^ and iiriffKowfLi' were words which naturally offered themselves as descriptions of any persons charged with responsible oversight, and were the more available in that they had no predominant association with any one class of officers in particular. The words were, as far as possible, colourless, much as our words ' preside' and ' president' are to-day.

Hatch's position, adopted by Harnack, in reference to iri(TKoiroi is as follows : The most important corporate B Hatch's '^u'^'^"" ^ ^^^ earliest Christian communities '. , was that of providing for their poor and sick

^' memliers. They were, in fact, benevolent societies, and as such they had p.arallels all around them in the heathen world, in the countless clubs and guilds wliich combined social purposes with certain religious practices. The finance officers of these heathen societies were called iiriaKoirot. Now, the duties which the Christian iiri(TKOiros had to perform .are described as intimately connected with the care of the poor, with hospitality to travelling brethren, and with the management of the common fund which was devoted to these and similar purposes. It is probable, therefore, that both the title and the functions of the Christian iwLaKOiroi are directly derived from his heathen counterpart.

6 Criticism of it.[edit]

The best examination of this theory is that by Loening [Gemeindevcrfassung des Urchristenthums, 21 ff.). ^'^^ Pointing out the very general signification of the word ivlffKowoi in Greek literature a signification which enabled it to be applied to any person in authority for whom there was no fixed title already, and so to be used with great freedom by the LXX as a rendering for various officers mentioned in the O T he takes up the evidence of the inscriptions on which Hatch's theory mainly rests. They fall chronologically into two classes. The first class is pre-Christian : one inscription of the Macedonian period in the island of Thera, which contains a decree ordering certain iwlaKoiroi to receive moneys and invest them ; and two inscriptions of the second century b. c. , in the island of Rhodes, relating to municipal officers not further defined. Those of the second class lx.'long to the second and the third century A. n. , and are found in a district E. of the Jordan. They are ten, and refer to municipal officers. In one case the officers are charged with some responsibility for the moneys of a temple. In this district they seem to have formed a kind of municipal board, chosen from various \.r\\y&s or divisions of the community. Further, in a Latin inscription of the fourth century certain episcopi regulate prices in the market.

This appears to Ix; the whole of the evidence on which the statement that iirlffKoiroi were the finance-officers of clubs and guilds is found to rest. In Loening's opinion it points exactly in the opposite direction.

As to the other part of the argument, viz., that the Christian iirlcKoiros is, as a matter of fact, a finance- officer, that is no peculiarity of function linking itself especially to the title. To the presbyters at Jerusalem gifts are brought ; and presbyters are warned not to e.xercise their office ' for filthy lucre ' (EV ; alffxpoKepSws, 1 Pet. 52) : moreover, in Polycarp's letter tp the Philip- pians (chap. 11) presbyters are charged with duties to- wards the poor and are warned against covetousness. The word iiriaKoiros in itself suggests a far wider re- sponsibility than the mere charge of finance : it implies superintendence of persons as well as of things.

Loening even goes so far as to suggest that the word iwi(TKoiros was chosen just because it had no fixed associations either in the Jewish or in the Greek world, and was, therefore, free to be used in a community which stood in contrast to all other communities sur- rounding it.

In the extreme scarcity of evidence, we may be content to say that the theory that the Christian iwl(TKOiros derived his title and functions from those of the officers of the Greek guilds or of the Greek munici- palities has not been established.

7. General conclusions[edit]

We may say, then, that the NT evidence seems to point to the existence in the apostolic age of two classes of administration: a class of rulers and a class of humbler ministrants who acted ^^^j^^ ^^^-^ ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^ ^j^^ j^^^,

of these has a distinctive official title its members are called Elders ; but, since their function was summed up in the general responsibility of oversight (iirurKOTrT/)), they could be spoken of as 'overseers' {iiriffKOwoi). a term which was already passing from a mere description of function into a definite title. The men of the second class aided those of the first in the humbler parts of their ministration. They were naturally described liy the general designation of 'servants' {SidKovoi) ; but this term too is passing in the apostolic age into a recognised title. On the whole, it seems simpler to suppose that the latter stage has been reached in Phil. 1 1 and in the Pastoral Epistles ; but the decision of this point is not a matter of serious importance.

In the later history, the second class retains its desipnalion, which in some localities conies to te a. title of considerable dignity. The first class, on the other hand, presently underRtxis a subdivision : one nieniljer comes to stand out alxjve his fellows, and, whilst all continue alike to be Klders, the title of iiriffKoiros, which in itself connotes an individual responsibility and importance, is not unnaturally appropriate*! as the designation of the one who has come to lie the supreme officer of the community. The causes which led to a monarchical development are still wrapt in obscurity ; but the appropriation of the name iirla Koiroi to the chief ruler is not hard to understand.

8. Clement of Rome[edit]

We are fortunate in possessing a document of the last decade of the first century, by which we can, to some extent, test the position which we have taken up. The Epistle of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians was occasioned by the ejection from their oflice of certain lilders of the church in Corinth. As the writer may cjuite well have had personal knowledge of one or more of the apostles, his evidence is of high importance, not only for determining the existing organisation of the church in Corinth (and probably in Koine as well) in his time, but also as indicating the Iwlief that this organisation was instituted by the apostles themselves.

First let us consider the use of the designations in question in the most important passage.

(8 42) ' The apostles . . . appointed their first fruits (cp i Cor. 10 15), having tested them by the Spirit, to be ori-rstYrs and servants (U eirtcritojrouv cai ftoxoi'ovf) of them which should believe.' The words have clearly become titles, and their use as such is justified as being not new, but foretold in Is. 61 6. It is curious that iioKoi/ous in this citation is an insertion of Clement's, and is not found in the I-XX. He is clearly quoting from memory, and his memor)- h.is played him false. (8 44) ' The apostles foresaw that there wouKl be strife about the title (or 'oflTice ') of oversight (trtpl toO ofo^arot tVj? kir>.<iKoiri\<i).' Hence they appointed the aforesaid and provided for successors to them. It is a sin to turn such, if they have discharged their ministry bhimelessly, out of their jri<r>cojn}. ' Blessed,' he goes on at once, 'are the Ehicrs who have gone before,' and are safe from such treatment. In 47 we have the offence described as a revolt '.igainst the KIders ' ; in 8 54 we re.id ' Let the flock of Christ be at pe.ice along with the appointed KIders ' ; and in f 57, ' Do ye wlio began this sedition submit yourselves to the Elders.'

It is plain, then, that the persons whom the apostles ' appointed as iirlaKoiroi' and as their successors, are spoken of also as ' the apjxjinted l-llders." These Polders are not to be rashly ejected from their XeiTovpryia or iirtffKotrrj.

The difficulty which Clement's epistle presents in the matter of these designations belongs to the earlier chapters, liefore he has come to speak definitely of the Corinthian disorders : he seems to use the term ' elders ' as though he referred not to an office, but only to a grade of persons dignified by that name in contrast to the young {oi v^ot).

In the first of the passages in question ( i) he praises their former orderliness, 'submitting yourselves to your rulers (or " leaders," roit jfyovfitt^n vfLutv), and paying the due honour to the elders that were among you : and on the young ye enjoined modesty and gravity ; and on the women ' certain appropriate duties. Similarly, in g 21 we h.ive, Met us reverence our rulers (toit^ irpoTf-yovfifVout rifiuiv), and let us honour our elilcrs, let us instruct the young ... let us guide our women aright." Here we seem to have a contrast between 'rulers' and 'elders' : and it has been held (r.g^., by Harn.ick) that the ' nders ' are a class of persons whose authority came from their possessing the charisma of te.nching (cp Heb. 13 7 24), whilst the KIders are an undefined grade of senior members of the Church to whom honour is due on .iccount of age and length of disciplesbip. But the word I'f'oi, occurring in f)oth passages (not t'eioTtpoi, as elsewhere so often), Ls an important clue, which has not been sufficiently attended to. Clement is in fact alluding to a pssage of Isaiah, which he cites with some additions in 3 : so,' he says, 'of old the mean rose up against the honourable, the

Toung against the elder (oi viox. irii Toiit irp<r^vT'pout),' Is. 85. t would be possible to interpret 'the nders' as the civil rulers to whom Clement several times applied the term ^you- ftrrat (I 37); but on the whole it seems most natural to sup- pose that at first he is c-\refully avoiding definite references to the Corinthian revolt, and only preparing the way for ius direct rebuke. Thus he spteaks in the most general terms of 'the rulers,' and passes rapidly away from the word 'elders,'

just introducing it as a hint beforehand, but dwelling on the root-meaning which was still strongly felt in the word, and contrasting it with ot vioi in accordance with the OT pasjtoge which is in his mind.

No argument, therefore, can safely be baseil on the rhetorical use of the word ' elders ' in the o|)ening part of the letter. No doubt the KIders were elder men ; and no doubt the revolt came from some of the younger men : this was a part of its heinousncss, and the covert allusion would Ix: understood by those to whom the letter was addressed.

9. Later development[edit]

The development of the monarchical episcopate lies outside the limits of the NT ; but even within the Canon we find indications of a tj.njej,y ^hich the later history enables us to interpret as moving in this direction.

We have noticed that all passages which descrilw the functions and responsibilities of Elders sjxink of them as a class and in the plural numljer ; whilst, on the other hand, where the duties of oversight {iitiaKoiri)) are pourtrayed, the iirhKowo^ is spoken of as a single person, charged with responsibility and this in one place in sharp contrast to the diaKovoi, and in the other immediately after KIders have been mentioned in the plural number. From this we may gather that, in as far as a memljer of the ruling class was thought of as ^TTt'cr/iOTros, it was natural to consider him by himself as exercising an independent control and holding a position of eminent authority.

10. ' Episcopos ' easily individualised.[edit]

As far as terminologj', then, is concerned, the way was prepared for the distinction that presently came into force.

The word Airier Kowoi suggests an in- dividual, just as the word irpfff^vTfpoi suggests the nienilx.'r of a ruling class.

the word dtaKovoi the memV)er of a serving class. The class of rulers, however, did not need two designations, and when the course of develop- ment led to a suiireme officer it was easy and natural to appropriate to him the word (jrlaKoiroi. while his inferior colleagues were simply termed irpeff^vTepot.

11. Change foreshadowed in NT[edit]

But this consideration does not really give us any guidance as to the causes of the change from government, by a body of co-ordinate iirianoiroi or

^'p^^'P<.'^ government by a single . _, f 7rt(r*.-07ro5 with a consultative college ot

TrptfffivTtpoi., among whom he is primi/s inter pares. The apostolic age, however, presents us with several foreshadowings of the monarchical rule which presently became universal. In the church in Jerusalem the position of James, the Lord's brother, was one of real if undefined authority, and, though not marked by any special title, it closely resembles that of the bishop of the second century. We have the statement of Hegesippus that on the death of James his cousin Symeon was appointed by general consent to fill his place (Kus. HE iii. 11). Here, then, was a monarchical type of government, naturally evolved an<l continuously recognised ; and such an example could not fail, as time went on, to exercise an influence on other communities.

In the Greek world the churches of Paul's foundation were from the first controlled by the strong hand of their foimder. It is true that he urged them to corporate action of their own in the exercise of juristliction and discipline ; but he himself commanded them with an authority beyond challenge, and his commands were otieyed. In certain cases he transferred this his apf- tolic authority to delegates, such as Timothy and Titus ; but only, it would stem, for a period, and in order to cope with s[XK.-ial neetls. Still, in doing this, he had given a practical proof of the advantage gainetl by the presence in a conununity of one who could rule with supreme authority ; and this temporarj' sway would doubtless help in determining the tendency of subse- quent development.

12. Bishop not chairman.[edit]

These examples, however, would have been powerless by themselves to produce so great a change, had there not been elements in the life of the communities which made for the concentration of authority , . in particular hands. It is often said that ^^^^^^ ^^ element is discoverable in the working of the presbyleral college itself. Any board which meets for the transaction of business nuist needs have a president. The ho der of this position would naturally acquire a large share of the authority of the Ixsard itself ; in time he would tend to become a supreme officer over the whole community. This suggestion is open to two serious criticisms. On ihe one hand, there is no ground for thinking that in parallel cases at that period such a development from oligarchical to monarchical rule came about. Presidents of this kind were often elected for a month or for a year, and in any case did not acquire an independent authority. Moreover, the term ' presbyteral college ' may be challenged, if it is intended to suggest that the practical administration of the Church was carried on by means of formal meetings of the Elders as such. We have no evidence of any kind that they regularly met in this way. It is probable that they had special seats in the assembly of the community ; but that they met by themselves for the transaction of business and required a chairman is a hypothesis for which no evi- dence has yet been given.

13. Rather leader in worship.[edit]

It is only when we turn our attention away from the administration and fi.\ it on the common worship of the '^'^"^'^' ^^^' ^^*^ begin to get any rays of light on this problem. If we knew better the history of the eucharist, it is not un- likely that the history of the episcopate would cease to be so perplexing. In the disorders which disgraced the Lord's Supper in Corinth, and in Paul's regulations for checking them, we hear nothing at all of any kind of presidency or leadership. In the same church before the end of the century we find elders spoken of as the leaders of the eucharistic worship and as ' offering the gifts. '

14 Justin's account[edit]

The picture which, fifty years later, Justin draws of the eucharist in Rome, shows us a single officer, spoken simply as 'the president' (6 Trpoeorws Tuiv d8e\(pui'), receiving and offering the eucharistic elements, and making the eucharistic prayer, to which the whole congregation re- sponds with the Amen* ( 3). Likewise, after the read- ing of the Gospels or the Prophets ' the president ' makes an exhortation based upon what has been read. He is, moreover, the depositary of the collection made in behalf of the poor, and has a general responsibility for widows and orphans, for the sick and needy, for prisoners, and for travelling brethren from other communities (.4/>. i. 65-67). This president is clearly the bishop, though Justin's language does not help us to decide whether he was at that time known in Rome by the title iwiaKowos or not. If he was, it by no means follows that Justin would have said so. He is writing for heathen readers, and he avoids technical terms ; or, if he finds it convenient to use them, he explains them. Thus, in speaking of the deacons, he describes them as ' those who with us are called SiaKovoL ' (oi KoXovfievoi Trap' i]fjuv dLOLKOvot) ; and his usual term for the Gospels is ' the memoirs of the apostles,' to which in one place he adds 'which are called gospels' (A KoXe'iTai (uayyeXLa). We can argue nothing from the absence of the designation ' bishop ' : had he cared to introduce it, he would no doubt have done so by the phrase ' he who with us is called iiriffKOiroi' (6 KaXoOfjievoi trap' rjfjuv eiriffKoiroi). But the person is there, if the name is not ; and we see that important collateral functions belong to the officer who presides at the eucharistic service. He appears as at once the instructor and the almoner of the whole community.

15. Eastern Church[edit]

It is a long step, however, from Clement to Justin, and it is of some importance to us that we should have evidence of a like development in other parts of the Church.

Two passages may be cited which point in the same direction for the eastern side of the Medi- ^'-""^"^^"- ^- I" 'he Didaa^ (chap. 10/ ) the prophets are spoken of as holding a position of special importance in reference to the eucharist: they are not bound by the prescrilxid formuUi; of thanks- givings, but may ' give thanks as they will.' This implies that, if present, they naturally take a prominent part in the service. They may order an atfa/)^ to be held {opi^ftv Tpiir fi^av) ; and to them the first fruits are to be given, ' for they are your chief-priests' (chap. 13). The same document declares, however, that the ministry (XfiTovpyia) of the prophets and teachers was likewise exercised by the bishops and deacons (chap. 15). It is safe to suppose that if no prophet were present the conduct of the service would \>e in the hands of the permanent local ministry, .although in this case there woulfl be no exemption from the duty of using the prescriljed formulae.

2. The Ignatian Epistles, as is well known, portray the completed development of the three orders for certain Asiatic churches at a comparatively early period. It is noteworthy that the one bishop is expressly con- nected with the one eucharist (for references, see Eucharist). No eucharist is to be held without the bishop, or some person deputed by him to conduct it. There is ' One bishop, one altar, one eucharist ' (eh iiricTKOiroi, iv dvcnacTTripiov, fxla evxcLpicrrla).

We may feel confident, then, that in the development of the eucharistic service we have an element jx;rhaps the most important element of the development of the monarchical episcopate.

16. Final stages[edit]

As soon as this monarchical rule had been established in a church various sacred parallels which would be taken as confirmatory of the divine order of the institution, would l>e observed. The bishop and his presbyters might be compared with Christ and his apostles. Or again, the three orders of the Christian Church bishop, presbyters, and deacons would find a ready analogy in the high priest, priests, and Levites of the Jewish ritual. Such parallels would serve to confirm the validity of the institution, and would facilitate its adoption in other localities.

Meanwhile, the extraordinary ministry of apostles and prophets had passed or was rapidly passing away. Some of the functions which they had e.xercised were essential in the Church ; and these devolved as a heritage upon the permanent ministry. The prestige which had attached to their e.xercise passed over in the main to the chief officers of the community, who thus came to lie regarded, with a large measure of truth, as the successors of the apostles, wielding apostolic authority as the rulers of the Church and the defenders of the Christian faith. J. A. R.


ip!. dison), Dt. 14 st AV^e- ; RV l;as PYGARG [q.V.].


(:n?D), Ps. 329 EV. See Bridle, 3


(n;n3; reAiA [B], BeeeiA [A], <l)<\e- Goyi'Sk {}-])' ' daughter of Pharaoh," and wife of Mered ben Ezrah, in the genealogy of jLii.VH (i Ch. 4 18). On the assumption that 'Pharaoh' (,ny-i9) is correctly read, Bithiah (which might lie explained 'daughter i.e., worshipper of Yahwe ' [Olsh. 277^]) mi^ht be a Hebraised form of an Egyptian name such as Bint-Anta, ' daughter of Anta ' ('Anath), to indicate that the bearer of the name had entered the Israelitish community.

This, however, does not accord with the view implied in the vowels of the name of Bithiah's husband. Mered apparently means 'rebellion,' and suggests a warning against the wickedness of taking foreign wives (see Ezra9i, and cp 2 Ch. 2426). It would be inconsistent with this that Mered's wife should bear the honourable name ' daughter of Yahwi- ' : we should expect to find the old heathen name retained. I'erhaps, then, Hithiah is not the rijjht name ; "'s ytXia suggests to Kittcl .tH'- '*" * <t>ciOdovia may conceivably Ix; based on nina. which in turn may have sprung from nSna. pro- ducing a description of Mered's non-Jewish wife as 'a young Egyptian princess' (Mered's otlier wife 'the Jewess' (JKIHIJIJAH (</-t:)] is not named). However, the corruption is antecedent to , and the whole story (half-told, half-implied, by the text as it now stands) is imaginary. The idea of the double m.arriage of Mered had not occurred to the original compiler ; the true text conveys no warning against mixed m.arriages. Four at least out of the live names, Mered. Hitliiah, Pharaoh, Jehudijah, arul Hodiah, are corrupt; [x-rhaps indeed all five are. Mered, or, more strictly, M-R-D, has probably come from M-R-TH, which is an incorrect form of R-M-TH i.e., Ramoth or rather of Jarnmth (see Mkkku). * Hithiah ' is not improbably a corruption of 'Kcaliah' (.rSya, i Ch. 12s [<^^i- ^i- 6]). Pharaoh should rather be n^ps, a clan name (cp Pirathon). Ha-Jehudijah (RV'"*.') and Hodiah are plainly the same name (in v. 19 read Snvit, ' his wife"). Accepting this view, we have two accounts of the family of Mered. It is not cjuite certain, however, that the i)erson mis- called Mered is represented as having two wives. Hodiah may have been deliberately substituted for Bealiah, from a dislike to the first element in that name.

We are now rid of the only case in the OT of a name compounded with Jah (,t) of such names there are 157 being borne by a foreigner (cp Gray, Hl^N 158). Next, another mistake has to be noted. It is plain that I (h. 4 17 as it stands is not right. The remedy is (with Berth, and Kitt.) to transpose j'. \%b to the middle of V. 17, inserting of course I'^m after n,nni. This gives us, as the children of Rithiah or Realiah, Miriam (?), Shammai, and Ishbah the father of Eshtemoa. Eshtemoa also occurs (together with Keilah) in the list of the children of Hodiah [v. 19), while Gedor, Soco, and 2^inoah are connected with Mered through Hodiah's double, Ha-Jehudijah an important notice (seeMERKu). It is perhaps sad to have lost what was supposed to Ixj an early testimony to the presence of an l'",gyptian ele- ment at and about Eshtemoa, as contrasted with the more purely Jewish character of Gedor, Soco, and Zanoah ; but we gain an attestation of the traditional importance of Jarmuth. It may be added that in Jewish legend Hithiah becomes the foster-mother of Moses {Wtyyikra, K.. par. i ). T. K. C.


(prisn. THN nARATeiNoycAN [BAL], )Qa^^ w-djL, beth-horon) ' the groove' or 'cleft' par exieUrme situated between the Jordan and Maha- naim (2 S. 2291), and possibly to be identified with the \V. 'Ajliin, along which, though at a later time, ran a Roman road from 'Ajlun to Mahanaim (Buhl, Pal. 121); see Im'hr.mm, Wood ok. For the sense of Bithron cp s rendering of ina in Cant. 2 17 [iprj) KoiXwfjArwv (like KoiXds in for pcy). The reading Bithron is not certain, and the \'ss. give little help.^ although 'Vg. (cp also Aq.'s fiedwpwy) suggests that there was another Beth-horon E. of Jordan (see HoRO- NAIM). Thenius's conjecture, Beth-haram, is im- probaV)le.


1 Geography[edit]

(BieYNlA[Ti. WH]), the district round the central Sangarius (SaJtaria) in the NW. corner of '^^^ Minor, extending from the mouth 6 P y- Qj- ji^g Rhyndacus [EJrenos Chai) east- wards to that of the Sangarius.

The Ixiiimlary between liithynia and the province of Asia coinciiie<l, not, as niisht have Ijeen expected, with the line of the Rhvndacus, hut with that of the range of the Mysian Olympus {Kcshish Dagh ) lying N. of the river (Fliny, //.V5i4a). The

8 is unintelligible and, to judge from its similarity to the Heb. (cp We. Dr. iui loc), has arisen perhaps from a trans- literation.

eastern frontier is often made to coincide with the Billaios or with the I'arlhenioit, or even to extend Ixryond the Litter river, in spile of Stralxj's statement that the mouth of the .Sangarius marked the Uiiindary (543, rrtv BitfvKtay opi'^tt irpif roit cK/3oAaif). Inland, it ran out far K. of the river ; but the line is indeterminate. .\uCording to I'li.iy (/AV 6 149), the Micro* or Sibcris separated iiithynia from the province (iaialia; but the boundary fell some la m. K. of that stream (Kanis. Hist, lirogr. 0/ A.M 195), whence it ran W. between the Sangarius and its tributary, the Tcmbris.

2 Historv[edit]

The will of Nicomedes III., the last of its kings, left Hithyiiia to the Romans in 74 B.c:. ; but it was not until ^'* "' ' ^'"-" '^'-' sultan of Pontus had been finally expelled from Asia, that Pomjjcius could undertake the organisation of the jirovincc (cp Plin. /-'/. aii J'rai. 79). With it was now combined the whole of the kingdom of Pontus, with the exception of those districts towards the IC. , as well as those in the interior (Paphlagonia), which were assigned to native dynasts in recognition of their services to Rome (Str. 541. See Niese in Hermes, 1839, and Rhein Mus. 38 567 ['83]). Amisos, which lay immediately E. of the Halys {/s'izil /rntck), was the most easterly community of that part of Pontus which was combined with the old kingdom of Nicomedes to form the Roman province.

This dual origin of the province was recognised in its official title, Pontus et Iiithynia (so generally in inscriptions, both Lat. and Gr. ; cp Appian, Mithr. 121, CIG 3532 3548, CI L l>%iti). The reverse order is perhaps upon the whole later, encouraged by the gradual growth in importance of the western section. Either name, apparently, niigiit be used to denote the entire province (cp Tac. Ann. 12 21 with Dio Cas. tK)33; CH'i ly^r,, Bull. Hell. 11 212). In administration also the two pans retained a certain degree of foriiLiI independence, each having its own metropolis and Diet {com ilium).

3. Post Apostolic.[edit]

In the distribution of provinces by Augustus in 27 B.C. Pontus-Bithynia remained senatorial i.e., its p . governors, who were of Pnvtorian rank, bore the title 'proconsul' (Str. 840, Tac. ^^^ l74lt)i8). The ofticial residence was Nicomedeia. Under the ineffective supervision of the Senate the province gradually became disorganised : its finances fell into disorder, and unregulated collegia gave birth to turbulence and faction. In order to carry out the necessary reforms, the younger Pliny was sent into the province in 112 A.d. His importance arises from his official contact with Christianity {pp- "d 'J'rai. 96 and 97. See Hardy, Pliny'.': Correspondence, 51 /, Rams. Church, 196/, and cp Christia.v, 6/.).

In the early period of post-apostolic history Hithynia is illustrious ; but it has little connection with the apostles themselves. The salutation of i Pet. 1 1, where Pontus and Hithynia are mentioned separately, bears witness to the rapid evangelisation of the province. Before 112 A.D. Christianity had made such progress in Biihynia that jjagan ritual was interrupted and the temi^les in great part deserted (Pliny, Ep. ad Trai. 96). We get a hint that there, as in Ephesus, trade interests were at the bottom of the att.ack then made upon the Christians. The conlagio istius superstition is (super- stilio prava immodica), as Pliny calls the faith, would most easily enter the province by way of Amisus, along the route leading from the Cilician Gates by Ty.lna and Cit'sarea MazAca in Cappadocia. Ramsay {Church, 225) conjectures from Pliny's letter that its introduction nmst fall about 65-75 A.D.

Amisus is now Samsun. Even in Strabo's time it was gradually displacing Sinopg (Sinufi) as the great harbour on the north coast. The route from Carsarea Ma/aca northwards T'/Vi Aqux Saravenx, Euagina, and .\m.Tseia, to .\inisus, is even to-day ' the only ro.-id practicable for arabas, and must always have been a great trade-route' (Rams. //ist. Geo^r. a/ AM, 268).

4. Acts 34:7.[edit]

The interpretation of the word Bithynia in Acts I67 is connected with the question concerning the Galatian churches (see Galatia). On the N. Galatian theory, the object of Paul's vain attempt to enter Bithynia must have been to reach either Amisus or Amastris ; for a design of preaching in the barbarous interior is improbable. The direct route to Amastris went, it is true, by way of AncjTa in Galatia. ;

but on the other hand no such route could have brought the apostle ' over against Mysia ' (so RV ; Kara ryjv "hlvalav). F'urther, both in Roman and in ordinary usage Amastris, and still more Amisus, was a city of Pontus, not of Hithynia ; and only the word Pontus could have been allowable as a single term to express the dual province to which it belonged (as is clear from Str. 541 compared with 543, in sjieaking of Heraclea). The expression ' to go into Bithynia ' can only be taken to imply W. Bithynia i.e., the district round Niccea and Nicomedeia, where the wealth and administrative machinery of the province were centred. Dorylaion (E-iki-shehr), only a few miles S. of the Bithynian frontier, was the point to which all the roads from the south converged ; Paul and his companions must have l)een somewhere in this neighbourhood when they were suddenly diverted westwards (Acts I67). W. J. W.


(Dni?? ; ni- KpiAec' laitunr agnstcs, Ex.128 Xu. 9ii; niKpiA. ainarltudiries. Lain. 3 15 ; in Mishna also in sing.) are twice mentioned along with nWD as the accompaniment of the paschal feast. Probably such herbs whether separately or mi.xed as lettuce [Lactuca Scariola, var. sativa), chicory {Cichorium Intybus), and endive {Cich- oriuin Endivia) are meant. Doubtless they originally came into use simply as a relish or salad, ^ though the prescription of them in the Law may have to do with the atoning significance of the Passover ; their association with the sufferings of the people in Egypt is probably a later view (Xowack, HA 2 173). See, further, PASSOVKK.

'Bitter herbs,' rather than 'bitterness' (, EV), seems to be the projier rendering in Lam. 3 15, where D'TO answers to n:v'?, ' wormwood,' in the parallel clause. N. M. w. T. T.-D.


RV Porcupine ("liSf?, eyiNOC, ej-icius ; Is. II23 34ii Zcpli. 2i4t).

1. Philology.[edit]

The identity of this animal (Hebr C^^'^- '^/A'"') 's far from certain : opinions ^j. ^^^^^ variety have been held.

The ancient versions un.-inimously render 'Hedgehog' (or 'Porcupine' the two were scarcely di.^Hinguished), and this is in general supported by Jewish tradition, though Rashi thinks that in Is. 34 11 Zeph.214 a bird is meant, and D. J^imhi interprets 'Tortoise* in all three pass.iges (see their com- mentaries in locc.\ Of modern Bibles Wycliffe's has in all three pl.-ices 'Urchin,' and so Luther (followed as usual by the Dutch), ' Igel.' Junius and Tremellius in their Latin O T render anataria (' duck-eagle ') ; Coverdale, followed by the Great Bible, has 'Otter' in Is. I423 and 'Stork' in Is. 34 11 Zeph. 2i4, while the Geneva Bible has in Isaiah 'Hedgehog' (I423 mg. or 'tortoise'), and ni Zephaniah 'Owl' (mg. or 'hedge- hog'). The p'rench Protestant version seems alone to have anticipated AV in the rendering 'butor' (mg. ou ' bievre '). The Roman Catholic Bibles follow the Vulgate. 5

The etymology of the Hebrew word is not, however, uncertain.

It is derived from a verb which in Assyrian means ' to plot,' transitively (Sargon, KIB 2 b6/.), and in Arabic (i) 'to inflict a blow on the neck of another' ; (2) ' to have a thick or loose neck.' The original sense is perhaps better seen in Syriac, where the saijie verb meatis 'to gather iiito a heap orball (trans, or intrans.); the sense of drawmg together also underlies the Assyrian use (cp 'intrigue,' intricarc). The verb occurs but once in OT Hebrew (in Piel form), Is. 38 12' I have rolled up (or possibly 'shortened,' see Dillmann ad he.') like a weaver my life,' a simile referring to the treatment of the finished

J iriitpi's is, according to Dioscorides (2 159), the wild variety of iript.% (chicory or endive); Pliny (xix. 838) mentions it as the bitterest sort of Icutuca (see the reff. in Di. on E.x. 128, and in Nowack, If. 4 2173): Picris echioides is probably intended by both. It does not of course follow that the meaning of On'nO is identical with that of niKpiSe^.

3 Vegetable food with meat is a dietetic necessity, and wodld naturally be e.iten raw until it was disco' ered th.-it certain kinds were best cooked. It is a matter for curious inquiry why so many .salad herbs were bitter, at any rate in their feral form. Dandelion is a striking example.

' Also used to render fPl, Is. 1823, and TIBp, Is.34i5.

  • Which he wrongly supposes to be the meaning of Ar.


  • Explanations of these various renderings will 1>e found in

Fuller's Miscellanea Sacra, 1 18 ; Bochart's Hieroz. 836.

web : t the use of the noun .TTSjp in Ezek. 725 accords well enough with this derivation.

Kipp5d is equivalent in form to Aram. kuppHdha, Ar. kunfudh ;'-' and that these are the words for 'hedge- hog ' in their respective languages is made clear for Ar. (e.g. ) by Uamiri's account (Haydt al-Haiwdn, Bulak edition, ii. 219) and for Aram, by the Syr. Physiologus (Xjun^s Anecdota Syriaca, 442/.).' The instances of ni3j3. Kisip, in late Heb. and Aram, prove the same for post-biblical Jewish usage (see Lewysohn, Zoologie dcs Talmuds, 100).

2. Zoology[edit]

Whilst the philological evidence is thus entirely in favour of the rendering 'hedgehog' or 'porcupine,' it "^"^^ ^^ admitted that, zoologically, ^' there are considerable difficulties. The animal is always spoken of in connection with desola- tion, and once in relation to pools of water ; and, whilst both these conditions would be natural in the habitat of the Bittern, they have no particular associa- tion with either ths Hedgehog or the Porcupine. Again, in Is. 34 n, the nisp is mentioned among birds ; and in Zeph. 2 14 it is prophesied that the Pelican and the kippod shall lodge together in the capitals of ruined Nineveh, while 'a voice' (if the text may be trusted) shall sing in the windows. The answers made by Bochart to these objections that the Porcupine or Hedgehog was regarded as an unfriendly, desert-loving animal on account of its formidable equipments ; that we can find parallels to the mention of a beast among birds in such enumerations as Lucian's ' large oxen, and horses, and eagles, and bears, and lions ' ; and that the capitals on which the animal is to sit may tie those of fallen columns are ingenious, but perhaps scarcely satisfying. It has been suggested that the translation ' bittern ' may be reconciled with the etymology by considering the fact that this bird has the power of drawing in its long neck so that its head almost rests upon its breast.'* .Still, it is not easy to set aside the argument derived from the meaning of the word in the cognate languages.

The Bittern, Botaurus stellaris, is found in marshy and reedy places throughout Europe, Asia (including India), and Africa, Canon Tristram records its occur- rence in the marshes of Hideh. It is a nocturnal bird of considerable size, and is remarkable for its loud booming note. Formerly a conmion bird in suitable localities in Britain, it is now but a winter visitor. It is grouped with the Herons in the family Ardeidce. (Cp also CoRMORA.NT and Pelican.)

For Is. 34 1 1 (I'lrr; RVin*:. ' bittern ') see Owl, 2(4)

1 This evidence seems enough to show that the original sense was 'to contract or 'cause contraction by striking,' not to 'cut ; and that those were misled who, like Fuller and nearly all the older scholars, explained the name of the animal from the latter sense. In post-biblical Hebrew and W. Aramaic the sense of cutting is fairly common ; but this may be explained partly perhaps from a misinterpretation of WEj? in Is. 38 13, and partly from association with Or. kotttm and its derivatives : cp Syr. Kupdd (N.S. kiipta), 'a piece of flesh' late Or. KOiraZiov.

2 So i^tbiopic kefi/iz. It seems more probable that the Arabic word is a loan-word from .Aramaic, than that llEp is borrowed. Frankel, however (/I ra/. Fremdw. xiv.), holds that the latter is the case.

3 Cp, for Syriac, the other references cited by P. Smith. Kuppedkd appears to be used for the ' owl ' in Kul. iv. Dim. (367).

4 Cp Brehm's Thierleben (Leipsic, '79) 6 388. ' When it (the Bittern) rests and is at ease, it holds the body erect in a somewhat forward position and draws in its long neck to such an extent that its head rests upon its neck.'

5 Ar. homar. Perhaps with reference to the reddish colour occasionally observed ? (Diosc. 1 99).

N. M. A. K. .S.


(D-I^n -D), Xu. 5i8 RV, AV ' bitter water.' See JEALOUSY, ORDEAL OF


the proper rendering (i) of 'HDn,' as RVniK- recognises (ac4)aAtOC ; bitumen; EV has slime") in Gen. 11 3 14 10 Kx. 23t; Imt also (a) of ")^l3, which, like its Aram, cognate, is an .\ss. loan-word (KV riTcil) in (Jen. 6 14!, where its occurrence furnishes one of the proofs of the liabylonian origin of the Deluge- Story (see Dkluge, 13). In the Ilab. Deluge-Story six ' !ars' of kupru (las. ' bitumen") and three of (W//* (naphtha : Jensen) are poured upon the outer and inner sides of the ship, respectively. Iddu, ' naphtha," is the word used in the legendary account of the infancy of Sargon I. (3 K. 458a ; A'/^< 556) : ' she placed me in a basket of reeds, with iddu my door she shut " ; in the similar story of Moses the words TOn, 'bitumen,' and npj. Pitch {q.v.), are combined (I'.\. 23 do-^aXroj tnaao. [B*'*"], but d<r^aXr6m<ro'o [U*.\K]). The origin of bitumen, or asphalt, and naphtha need not delay us long. Together with petroleum and mineral tar, they form a series of sub- stances which are the result of certain changes in organised matter. These substances merge into each other by insensible degrees, and it is impossible to say at what point mineral tar ends and asphalt begins.

N.iphth.-i, which is the first of the scries, is in some places found flowing out of the earth as a clear, limpid, and colourless liquid. As such it is a mixture of hydrocarbon.s, some of which are verv volatile and evaporate on exposure ; it fakes up oxygen frocn the .-lir, becomes brown and thick, and in this state it is called petroleum. A continuation of the same process of evaporation and oxidation graduallv Iraiisfnrms the material into mineral tar, and still later into solid ghissy asphalt.

Asphaltic deposits are widely diffused throughout the world, more especially in tropical and sub-tropical regions for example in the basin of the Dkad Sea (q.v., 6). The asphalt of the Dead Sea (which was very well known to the ancients) is not at present of commercial importance ; but the sources of the supply of ancient Babylon, the bitumen springs of Hit (the Is of Herod. I179), are still used. At this very old city on the Euphrates the shipwrights adhere to the ancient fashion of boat-buikling. Tamarisk and mulberry branches form the substratum, which is covered with mats and thickly Ixismeared with bitumen (cp Ex. 23).- Bitumen was much used in architecture (see Gen. 11 3). Unburned brick protected by a plaster of bitumen proved the most indestructible of materials (see Assyria, 6, Bahyi.onia, 15, and cp Peters, Nippur, 2162). Bitumen was used in ancient times as a fuel (Verg. Eel. 883), for medicinal purposes (Jos. Zf/ iv. 84) and for embalming (see I^.mhai.ming).


RV Biziothiah (H^nvn), among the cities of Judah in the Xegeb (Josh. I528). C*-^ {koL oX Kuifiai avrOiv k. at Trav\(ii av. [L om.]) enables us to restore thus .Tni:3l ( ' and her villages '). See We. C// 132, and HoUenberg, A/ex. Uebers. d. B. Jos. ("76), 14.


(Kn-T3 [Ba., Ginsb. for common 'T3], AAAZAN [BXL^],' B&Z. [X<=-*]. -ZA [A]), a chamberlain of.-\hasiierus (lOsth. lie). If any reliance could be put on the reading of the Vss. , one might, with Marq. (I-'und. 71), compare /uaj'av with O. Pers. mazddna i.e., pia, or (ia^av, with ^a^avrjs, the name of a eunuch of Darius III.

==BLACK== (D-in. "irrj*, nii^, "^^'n) and blackish

("l"ip) Job6i6 ; see Coi.oL-Rs, 8. " BLACKNESS; for Prov. 79 RV and Joel 26 Xah. 2io, see Colours, 17 ; for Jol)3 5 ib. 8 n., for Is. 0O3 id. 8.


(nyarn^X), E.x. 99/ 1. See Boil, 3.


(nVKJ 2K.I93 Is. 373: niVN3 Neh. 91S26; 'X: EzJk'soij; BA&c4)HMi<\ Tob. TiS ' ^'"- '^^ ^"- ^'-^3' 2665).

1. The word.[edit]

The word so translated is derived from a root ({Kj) meaning literally 'to scorn or reject" (see 2 S. 12 14 Ps. 74 10 18 Is. 525). In Hebrew, therefore, it can naturally be used to describe an attitude of hostility

1 Perhaps connected with hamtu, ' burning, fiery ' (HaKvy). 2 .See the illustration called 'A Noachian Boatyard at Hit,' Peters, Nippur, 2 16a.

towards God or man, things holy or things pro fan (Jer. 3324 Is. GO 14 i S. 217).

  • lihi-sphemc' (tp the verb 'to blame" Romanic hlatimare,

L. hlatphitmlre, and sec Murray, s.v.), however, occurs in (he

KV as a rendering also of the following words : ina i K. 21 1013 AV (RV 'curse'J RVmg. 'renounce"; cp DaC. on Job I5); (JIJ aK..10633 EV:=^Is.37623 KV, Kzek.2027 KV, N. 1530 KV(AV ' reproach "), Ps. 44 i6[i7) KV ; (Cy.TnK) apj Lev. 24ii C' DC*) V. 16 EV, and the Gk. ^Ao<r<^i)>icif 2 Mace 10^4 (not V) 12 14 Mt. 2739 Mk. 828 (followed by to 6m< toO oC), Rev. 136, I Pet. 4 14.

In I Mace. 738 'blasphemies' is the rendering of 8vff<priijdai ; in v. 41 ' to blaspheme ' represents the related verb Svfftprjfxfiv ; the object of the blasphemies is the temple. It is important to determine the sen.se of (i\aff<pT]fi.(ii' accurately, lx.'cause the sense of ' to blas- pheme' in EV follows this exactly. In a word, the conce[)tion of 'blasphemy ' in current English is narrower than the conception that we find in this supposed pattern of English speech, which includes all modes of reviling or calumniating (jod or man (see on 2 K. 196 [Heb. lEijJ 194 [Heb. n':i,i] and Is. 525 [Heb. ^kjo uncertain coiij.]. and cp Acts 1845 186 Jude 9 with Lk. 521 Jn. IO36).

2 OT sentiment[edit]

Among the Hebrews (whose view, it is needless to say, profoundly affected our own common law) '^^P'i"'y or the expression of unjust, derogatory opinions regarding God or his government of the world was made a capital ofl'ence (Lev. 24 11 ; cp i K. 21 13, and see Jos. iv. 86) ; the blasphemer must be 'cut off' from his people (Lev. 24 15 P; see Law and Jr.sricE, 13). It was forbidden to use the name of God lightly (can Dt. 5 11), whether to ask a blessing or to invoke a curse (cp Ex. 2O7, and see Blessi.n(; and Cl'Rsi.ng, i, and Schultz, OT Theol. 2 122^ [I'"I ]) Whenever I.sr..el is brought to shame Gods name is scoffed at by the heathen (Ps. 74 10 18). At a later date it was held to be a mark of profanity even to pronounce the real name of the God of Israel (see Lev. 24 11 and cp Names, loq). Josephus [Ant. iv. 86), and the Rabbis interpret I'^x. 2228 as a prohibition of blaspheming 'strange gods' ; but the interpretation, however much in the interests of the Jews themselves, imjilies a misunderstanding of the use of eiohim (see Schultz, 2127).

3. NT[edit]

It was on a charge of blasphemy claiming to be the Christ, the Son of God that Jesus was found wortiiy of death (Mk. I461-64 Mt. 266s ; cp Jn. IO33), and ' for blasphemous words against ' the holy place and the law" Stephen was condemned to be stoned (.Actseis 756^). See Stei'iik.ni. By blasphemy against the Holy Spirit in Mk. 829, Mt. I232, was meant originally a definite offence of the scrilx.'s and Pharisees, who had ascribed Jesus" cures of demoniacs to a power derived from the prince of the demons. This was blasphemy against the divine power which had come upon Jesus at his baptism (.\Ik. lio Mt. 3i6 Lk. 822). In Mt. 1232, however, a later interpretation is given, which implies that the disciples of Jesus had thorou.i;hly absorbed the idea of the indwelling Spirit. The Holy Spirit is put in .antithesis to the 'Son of Man.' One who fails to pierce below the humble exterior of Jesus may be forgiven. One who not merely rejects, but o[x>nly disp;irages, that great gift which ' the Heavenly lather will give to those who ask him" (Lk. II13) cannot Ix; forgiven : the inward impediment in the nuui himself is too strong. The idea of the original distinc- tion was suggested by that in the Law (Num. 1627-31), A parallel to it will be found in the Mishna (Sanhedr. 10 i) ' He who says that the Law is not from Heaven has no ^wrt in the world to come ' (n3.t oSiy)- The later interpretation, however, has no parallel, and is a

1 This rendering of Tp3 is very doubtful ; but it is quite possible that in passages like Job 1 5 i K.21 10 13 a later editor substituted ij-q for siyp or J'kj. In Ps. IO3 we may even have side by side the correction ^H? *nd the original reading j'KJ.

profhict of the Spirit of Christ working in the hearts of tlie lirst disciples.


(liDTj'; e^^^^ ANeMo4)eopi& [Dt. 2822 2Ch. G28], eNnypiCMOC [i K. 837]; ""-' nYPcocicL'*^m. 49]; 6^Qr, A(})opi<\. 6* A<t)eo. ><* airo. [Hag. 217]) is, as we learn from Gen. 41, a term specially applied to the blighting effect of wind upon corn. The root in Arabic means blackness ; and the Heb. word thus descrii)es a blackening (almost burning) process which is regarded as due to a severe wind a sense which is expressed by the various renderings of . The word is in each passage coupled with pp-\- ' mildew." Nevertheless, it is doubtful whether wind is in itself sufficient to account for such a blackening. In the British Islands wheat when young assumes a yellow colour from cold, a well-known physiological effect. Under a burning drying wind, it might turn brown, but scarcely fi/aci. Further, it must be noted that in Gen. 41 6 the corn was in ear ; it had made its growth, but the ears were /kin i.e., diseased. It seems prob- able, then, that the effect conceived in the dream was that produced by ' corn smut,' Ustilago Carbo ; and that this is the real meaning of \-\tpr3. ' Mildew ' is the other common disease of corn, Puccinia graminis.

N. M. w. T. T.-D.


(BAactoc [Ti. WH]), the chamberlain (6 ivl Tov KOLTu)vos, prcffectus cubiculi) of King Herod Agrippa I. (.\cts 12 20).


(Tjl?, to bless a denominative from "^IS, tlie knee, with the lower part of the leg; perhaps 'to cause to make progress,' and ")"!X, to curse [cp Ass. anini (i) 'to curse,' ardru (2) 'to bind '], and their derivatives n3"13, rT^XP, in parallelism, chiefly in poetic and legal sources of JED and later imitations ; cp Gen. 27 29 Dt. 11 26 Josh. 8 34 etc. ).

represents -^^ by fvXoyeiu, ^^-^.z ^Y fvXoyia (also NT words). In Hebrew for 'cursing' we find also (a) 77pi ri7 7p (prop, to belittle?) frequently. (/') T\h, verb and noun, cp ny32' ,"I^X ' oath of cursing ' Nu. 5 21 (RVn'S- ' adjuration '), rendered 'execration,' Jer. 42 18 44 22, and RV only Jer. 29i8; its derivative n7Nri occurs in Lam. 365t. (c) CVn Dnnrt) see Ban. ('0 3:ip only in the Balaam stories (Nu. 22ii 23 8 24 10) and possibly to be connected with ^pj (prop. ' to pierce') rendered in Lev. 24 II 16 'blaspheme.' From the Jewish tradition which explained it to mean ' pronounce, .speak aloud ' arose the deep- rooted belief that the divine name was not to be uttered under any circumst.ance (see Names, 109 n.). Idolatry, 8. (f) n^Ur, Is. 65 15, EV ' curse,' properly ' oath ' as in RVmg. ; see Oath and cp Covenant, 5.

The NT words are {a) a^aee^ari^iu Mk. 14 71 (in for mn> Cinn) ; KaTafaee/u.alTi^w], Mt. 26 74 Rev. 22 3 ; see Ban. (/') (caTapafofiai] Rom. 12 14 Jam. 89 (in for ^Sp, "IINX also KttTapa lial.3ioi3 .and (caTdSenia (RV'"S- 'anything accursed') Rev. 22 3 ; cp also cTriicaTapaTos ' under a curse,' Gal. 3 10. (c) KaKoKoyeiv Mt. 15 4 Mk. 7 10, RV ' speak evil of (in for '?'?p) ; see Oath.

In the primitive sense of the word, a blessing or a curse was a spell, pronounced by ' holy ' persons, and containing a divine name, or divine names, which drew down the divine favour or disfavour {i.e., prosperity or adversity), as the case might require, on certain other persons. It was a consequence of the hardness of life that curses were more frequently in demand than blessings. Thus (a) the breaking out of hostilities between states naturally led to the solemn utterance of formulae of cursing against the enemy. These invoca- tions would be uttered at the opening of a campaign, and especially when the warriors were on the point of advancing against the foe. Goliath, we are told, 'cursed David by his gods' (i S. I743). The battle- shout certainly had a religious character ; and, if it did not always devote the enemy to destruction, at any rate it invoked a blessing on the national side. Cp Ps. 68 1-3 and the story of Bai.AAM [q.v.].'^ (b) The laws too had

1 Nu. 22 6 shows that Balak, according to the narrator, was about to tight with the Israelites.

sometimes an increased sanction through the cursing formulas attached. Thus KB iv. mentions a statute respecting the maintenance of boundaries, which is enforced by a curse on any one who should violate it. To this category of curses belong those in Dt. 28.

It is true that a series of blessings is attached to the series of cursings. Moses, from his close connection with the Deity, had a special power of blessing and cursing. After him the priests had a similar power, which they e.xerted in the interests of the faithful community (cp Ukim and Thu.mmim, 6). The uplifted hands of the priest drew down (as it were) a blessing on Israel (cp Lev. 922 Nu. 623-27) and a curse on Israel's enemies. So potent, indeed, were the blessings and the curses ot the reputed founder of Israel that they could be said to lie on the two sacred mountains which enclose the original centre of the people the valley of Shechem ready to descend, as the case might be, with rewards or punishments (Dt. 11 29).^

Within the family it was the father who (according to primitive ideas not unconnected with the worship of ancestors) had the mystic privilege of determining the weal or woe of his children (Gen. 925^), and more especially when his days were manifestly numbered (see Esau, 2, Isaac, 5, Jacob). Nor does it appear that the early Israelites limited this power by moral con- siderations (see Gen. 27 35). Obviously, however, such a limitation was a necessary consequence of a pure monotheism. The post-exilic writers declare that only the offspring of the righteous can be blessed (Ps. 37 26), and that the observance of God's laws ensures his favour without the aid of priests or enchanters. Fear not, then, said the later sages to their pupils, if thine enemy curses thee : ' the curse causeless shall not come ' ( Prov. 262).

Still, even in post-exilic time we sometimes find a strange half-consciousness that curses had an inherent power. It was worth while to curse a bad man, to ensure his full punishment such is the idea of Ps. 109 a strange survival of primitive superstition.

In the discourses of Jesus we find blessings and curses. They are, however, simply authoritative declara- tions of the eternal connection between right-doing and happiness, wrong-doing and misery {e.g., in the case of Judas).

Parallels to the Israelitish view of blessings and cursings outside of the Semitic peoples hardly need to be quoted. The objective existence of both, but especially of curses, was strongly felt by the Assyrians and Babylonians, as the magical texts show. The Arabian beliefs on the subject are also very suggestive, as Goldziher has pointed out. See Magic, 2 n. , and on the ' curse-bringing water' (Nu. 5i8^)see Jk.-vlousv, Watkr of. t. k. c.


(DniJD, Gen. 19 n 2K. 618; p-Vir, Dt. 2828 Zech. 124). See Eye, Diseases, and Medi-



For blood in law and ritual, see Sacrifice ; Passover ; Clean and Unclean, iff. ; Covenant, g 5/. ; Kinship, ly. ; and Food, 9. For 'avenger of blood' ("TKj D^n ; Dt. 196), see GoEL. For ' issue of blood ' (putrts a'i^arot ; Mk. 525), see Disease, Medicine.

BLOOD, Field of[edit]

(Arpoc AlMATOc). Mt. 2/8. See Aceldama.


(n^53^). E.x. 254, etc., a variety of Purple. See Colours, 13, 15.

' Blue ' is employed in EV of Esth. 1 6 to distinguish certain kinds of stones. "Thus for ^^ we have AV ' blue marble,' AVmg.

1 The blessing and the curse referred to were those attaching to the fulfilment and the non-fulfilment of the commands of the Law. They were ' laid before ' Israel _ by Moses, and were to be ' laid ' by them on their arrival in the promised land, probably by solemn proclamation, on Mounts Geririin and Ebal respectively. In Dt. 27 i2y; we have a later writer's interpreta- tion of this command. See Kue. ThT, 1878, pp. 297.^

'marlile,' RV 'while marl.le ' ; ;inil for ninb KVinK- 'stone of l)lue colour,' KV ' black inurbic' See, however, iMakulk, and cp Colours, | i6.

Kor ' lilucnc-is ' in I'rov. 20 3i)t AV (yijg n^Tan, ' blucness of wouiul ') k\' lia>, belter, 'Mriiws that wound.'


(BoANHprec [Ti. Treg. WH follow- ing NAIU', etc. ; BoANAp. L-^*J. '^'^ BoANCp-)' a name given, according to Mk. 3 17,' to James [i] and John the sons of /oliedce. The reading of N, etc., points to Poavi) pyti as the accepted an.ilysis of the name, and the evangelist explains it by viol fipovrrjt, ' sons of thunder." Kach element, however, presents some difficulty.

1. The difficulty in taking Boane- to be '33, line, ' sons of, ' is to account for oa = sheivd.

Attempts to explain it as ,-\ phonetic 'corruption' have been unsatisfactory. '1 here does not appear to be any historical foundation'-'for Hretschneider'scxplanationSofoa as a corrupt pro- nunciation of a provincial (Galilean) a, or for Hugh liroughton's statement-' {Works, 620) that the Jews pronounced s/i,"!i'ii as oa.

It is more plausible to regard the corruption as textual. Since shinuii = a. is natural enough (cp jSanj-^opafc, Josh. 11*45 (.\]), and shnvit=o is not unknown (cp e.g. lepoPoafi), oa might be a conflate reading.* Dalman (Cram. 122, n. 2) supposed the transposition of an o which originally stood after p (see l>elow). He now prefers to regard either o or a as a gloss ((/ arte Jesu, 39, n. 4). In some such way the double vowel must have arisen ; it is strange that the MSS have not preserved any trace of variation in the first syllabli-.

The orthography, therefore, cannot be explained quite satisfactorily. We may be reasonably certain, however, about the signification.

2. This cannot be said of the second element in the word. The evangelist (or a scholiast) understood p-^i^ to njean ^povT-fj, ' thunder ' ; but we do not know what Semitic word it was supposed to represent, nor can we say whether the interpretation was an original hypothesis or a really current belief.

(o) In the Syriac versions (Pesh. and Sin.) pye? appears as Vi-\. That may, however, be nothing more than a translitera- tion. Only in Arabic does c*:! me.^n ' thunder.' If it occurs in the OT at all 8 it probably means 'throng.' In Aram, it means 'tumult," rushing,' etc. Ifpyc^is cit, therefore, it can hardly mean ' thunder.' i*

Jerome, indeed, conscious of this, declares {Connii. ad Dan. 1 7) that the true reading is {ciiieniiatius Ugitur) benercem (var. banertein, banare/ieiii) i.e.. sons of r^'eiii, C'JTI (cp V.\. li' 16 Pseudo-Jon.) and this reading he quietly assumes in his I.i/>. tie nomiit. Heb. under ' John.' That he ignores it in the Comm. on Mk., however, probably shows that it is a mere hypothetical emendation,!" not a variant reading (cp IJartim^us, 2). Apparently, therefore, we must adhere to pyfs.

(/3) The second letter of pyes, however, might represent not j but y, as in pey^ii = ncy-l ; but pyT is no nearer ^pom; than c':n- Hesides, y Iwcomes y, as a rule, only when it is represented in Arabic by g, not by ' ; but although there is in .\r. a word ragasa, the phonetic equivalent of which in Hebrew would be Cjn> ra'aSa (not ra'^asa) agrees most closely with g-y-i in meaning, and a B'jn = n'a/a would not as a rule appear as py.

The common word for 'thunder' in Hebrew and Aramaic would not conflict with this phonetic principle ; the nearest word in Arabic to Hebrew ra'am is ragama. Drusius (.Jr/ voces NT Comm. prior 30 [1616)) therefore and Glassius (/',*//. Sacra, [1625]) revived the theory of Jerome that pyt should be pytii, regarding the s as merely a Greek termination substituted for a final consonant, dropped as, e.^., in Gehenna. No doubt -es would be rather a strange termination for a man's name ; but Boanerges is not a man's name : it is the name of two men. Indeed Suidas gives the name as ^ooi/epyet? (as if the

' There is no hint of such a name anywhere else in the NT (cp, however, || I,k. ll 14 [D]) ; but too much must not l)e made of that. Glassius pointed out that Boanerges is professedly a name shared by two men (more conveniently called ' the sons of Zebedee'), one of whom met an early death (Acts 12).

2 Cp the strong language of Kautzsch, Gram. d. Bibl.- Aratn. q.

3 NT Lex., s.v.

  • Adopted by Lightf. {Hor. Heb. ad loc), who instances

Moao-fliia (Slrabo, 764) for *<7>?.

So (practically) GlassiusYd. 1656).

  • So now Arnold Meyer, /fiw Mutterspraclu.

7 See below ifi).

8 MT has B-n in Ps. 55 15 and nifJT in (54 3 (cp im in 2 i) ; but m each case it has been questioned whether the text is correct. See Che. /'f.<2i.

  • There is no reason to suppose that in the passage cited by

Lightfoot (Megillah B. acjrt, mid.) the word means ' thunder."

1" A corruption of oyn into pyn (see /3) would be easy.

plural of PoaKtpvjjt). Be/a, on the other hand (Adnotationtt majores, ati loc. [1594]), tried to improve on I>rusius by .suggest- ing that a mistake had occurred in a Semitic text : cjn was misread ojn- It 's difficult to sec how this could I>c. A Semitic text containing the name Din'33 would not need t<j give an explanation of the name (cp col. 490, n. i). On the other hand, a Greek translator could not have given the supposed Correct translation if he had misread the word.l

(y) There remains the possibility that s = \ (see e.g. Ahaz, BoAZ). Kautz.sch (.I.e.) suggests that pyt may represent Ml'^ ('"?!)> ' anger ' (cp Dan. 3 13 and, as used of thunder, the Ar. irtajaza 'r-ra'd") ; and this solution is adopted by I ).ilman (I.e.), who further accounts for the translation ^po^<). by comparing Job 372, 'iVp Tjn, used of thunder^ l\ ^^*--> O*!^*).

The historical origin of the name not lx.-ing known (cp Jamks, i. i), we cannot determine the second Semitic element with certainty. There is no evidence that ' Hoanergcs " can ever have meant strictly ' sons of thunder.' On the other hand, what is said in the Gospels of the sons of Zebedee gives a certain appro- priateness to such a title as i:i <33, taken in the sense of ' angry," ' soon angered " (or the like). h. \v. h.


(Tm. eye). Ps. SOisCm]- See Swi.ne (end).


I. (Tr'a hardly, 'quickness' [BDB Lex.'\; Ass. piazu or biazu means a wild boar or the like ; but sec jAcuiN AND HoAZ ; Booc [HA], ooz A and L in Ku. 2i5 48iCh.2ii/.) of liethlehem. kinsman of Naomi and husband of Rltii [y.f. ]. According to the post-exilic genealogy, Ku. 4i8_^ (cp i Ch. 2ix ff.), he was the son of Salmon or Sai.mah. and the ancestor of David ( i, n. 2). See Ruth, Huzitk.

2. The name of one of the two pillars set up before Solomon's temple (i K. 72i = 2 Ch. 317). See JACHIN AND BOAZ.


(Bokka[HA]), I Ksd. 82= !':zra74, Hikki, i.


("n^a, 61 ; for the ending -u, cp Jethro and see Gkshk.m), a son of Azrikam, .Saul's descendant (rCh. 838 = 944). '**<AL_ however, punctuated and read doubtless correctly ' Azrikam his firstborn ' (TrpiiyTl}TOKo% avToO : nba).

'- makes up the six sons of Azel by enumerating irMpta in the fifth place, besides a^apias in the third.


(D'D3, 103, 'weepers," kA&y0mcon [HAL]), the name of a place near Gilgal, where tlie b'ne Israel sacrificed after the visit of the angel of Vahwe (Judg. 2irt D-Sari; S" KAAYGMCONec [H]). and also probably of a place in Judah (Mic. 1 10 emended text ; see below). The name of the former place is interpreted ' Weepers " ; but the passage which refers to this (tf. i^- 5a) is an insertion (see Judges, 4) based upon la, where we may expect to find the older and more gener- ally used name of the place. Here, however, com- bining two readings gives ^Trt rbf KXaiO/j-Qva Kal iwl ^aiOijX (on the corrupt Kal [firl] rbv oIkov laparjX, see Moore ud loc. ), and the latter, which suits the con- text well, is accepted as correct by most critics ( Hu. Ri. Sam. 10 ff.. We., Mey. , Kue. , Hu. , Kilt.). We nmst therefore correct Bochim in \a to 'Bethel." The explanation of ' Itochim " in v. 5a suggests a doubt as to the correctness of the present form, which may have been changed to agree with a more than half sportive derivation from n:2. ' to weep. ' The correct pronunciation must have been BCka'im (d'K33. D"23) /.?., 'Baca-trees' (seeMui.BEKKY). These trees were probably abundant near Bethel, and it is possible that the 'Tree of Weeping' (Ai.i.on B.vclth) grew near them. The play on the name would, at any rate, be familiar to the ancient Israelites, and may have led to a variety in the pronunciation of the name (cp Mareshah, Moresheth).

1 Of course a gloss embodying a true tradition may have made its way into a translation of a faulty MS.

  • J. F. K. Gurlitt had considered this word in his careful

discussion in St. Kr. (1829, pp. 715-738).

  • So now also Arnold Meyer, Jesu Muttersprache, 51/.

There is an early testimony to the form Bochim in Mic. lio, if iodd^Vk 133 (I"'V ' wt-ep not at all ') may be emended into i^^n 0"33a ('!'" [I^V] /3axM). ' '" Hocliim (HOka'im) weep' (Eihorst, We., Now., Che., omitting the intrusive Sk, 'not'; cp Che. JQR, July 1898). No locality called Bekaim near Micah's native town is known to us. This causes no difficulty. There may have been many places where Haca-trees grew. The alternative correction, ' In Acco weep not ' (Reland, Hitzig, etc. ), is geographically inadmissible. We cannot well suppose a Philistine city of that name (G. A. Smith), nor does Micah concern himself with Philistia(cpGiLOH).


(;n3 jaX, Baicon [BA]). an unknown point on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin ( 3), Josh. 156 (BecoN [I^]). I817 (Baam [A], -N [I^])- Bolian is called in both places the son (sometimes sons ['"- in 18 17]) of Rkuhen ; possibly, however, the stone or rock was a well-known landmark, thus designated on account of its supposed resemblance to a thumb (jna)-


1 OT names and references[edit]

The Heb. word {*nr, si'/iin [\\U 'an inflammation,' from a root found '" ^^^' ^"'^ '^'"- ' '"caning ' to be hot ') for the ' boil in the si.xth plague of Egypt, and the ' botch of Egypt ' in Dt. 2827, is applied again to the ' boil ' of Hezekiah and to some diagnostic sign that occurred in one or more of the various contagious and mostly parasite skin-affections included under the common name of njns (see Leprosy) in Lev. 13 18/ 2023 the variety called ' burn- ing boil'- (really a pleonasm) being clean, and the j variety of boil which gave place to a white or bright spot being unclean. The reference is almost certainly to local or limited spots of inllammation, although it is hardly possible to give a modern name to them or to identify them.

In Dt. 2835 and Job 2 7,' the same word is applied to a skin- disease ' from the sole of tlie foot to the crown of the head ' ; but probably it is so used without any precise nosological intention, and merely to express a peculiarly loathsome affliction.

It is only the boil disease specially associated with Egypt that is here considered.

There occur four other references to diseases specially Kgyptian but not called ie/tin. Two of these (Dt. 7 15 and 2S 60, Dni-2 nnp ['in::], 'the evil diseases of Egypt,' and 'all the diseases of Kgypt ') are in admonitory passages written in a popular style. In the third (Zech.l4 18), a plague is to smite the Egyptians if they do not come up to keep the Feast of Booths. It is the same afTliction that is to befall the olher peoples who neglect this ordinance, and there is nothing, as the text now stands,-* to indicate that the writer is

1 Botch is a name commonly, and with the definite article distinctively, given to plague in the Elizabethan and the Stuart periods. In the Edinburgh treatise on pla^iue by Dr. Gilbert Skene (1568) it occurs in the form of ' boiche." In the l-'ision 0/ Piers Ploughman the spelling is bocke, and the meaning specific or generic (' byles and boches and brennyng agues '). The most probable etymology is Fr. />oche, meaning pocket, poke, pock (cp also It. bozza, a bubble), and applied in the plural, les poches, like the Spanish las bubas, to epidemics of camp sick- ness, about A. n. 1528, which seem to have been typhus, but may have included bubonic cases, or perhaps cases of true plague. The translators of the AV seem to have meant by 'botch' the familiar bubo plague of their time. Milton also may use the word in its exact sense of bubo plague, where he says of the sixth plague of Egypt : ' botches and blains must all his flesh emboss' (PLVliZo). With the disappearance of plague from Britain after 1666, the word lost its technical incaaing.

2 Rather, 'scar of the boll,' J'na'.T riDlS (r/. 23 ; cp RV).

3 [.\s Budde points out, the expressions in Dt. I.e. are borrowed from the Prologue to Job. That section of tho book appears to be based on a folk-tale ; the designation which it gives to Job's malady is, therefore, general, not technical. We must remember, however, that in Lev. 13 i8_^ the pnc is the forerunner of leprosy, and that in the speeches of Job the symptoms of his malady, though poetically expressed, point (as most scholarsadmit) to leprosy in its worst form. See Lei'osv.]

[The text is disfi,^ured by two errors due to dittography. One is the word ' not ' before ' ujxjn them,' repeated from v. 17 ; the other is ' the nations that go not up to keep the Feast of Booths," repeated from v. 19. has simply koI cb-I tovtovs,

thinking of the ' botch of Egypt.' The reference in the fourth {Am. 4 10), however, may possibly be to some actual epidemic in the liistory of the northern kingdom. The ' pestilence in the manner of Egypt ' may well be equivalent to the yrx or ' botch ' of Dt. 28 27, which should mean some specific disease, such as the ' cinerods ' (KV ' tumours ' ; or plague-boils) of i S. 56, with which it is coupled, ceitainly means. As the sixth plague is specially called one of ' boils and blains,' this also may be taken to stand for some definite boil-disease of Egypt.

2 Shekhin of Egypt[edit]

We must now consider which of the boil diseases of Egypt is meant by /<%/. It is stated that the boil ^'^'-o'^P'^"^^ ^X blains broke forth upon

^^ '"^'^ ^"'^ beast. This, if nosologically 

^" meant, would exclude bubo plague, as being unknown in cattle. On the other hand, anthrax, which might be correctly described as the boil of cattle, is equally excluded, inasmuch as in man it is never epidemic, but only sporadic. If we might suppose the narrative, or (as the critics say) the interwoven narratives, of the plagues to be based on a simpler narrative, or simpler narratives, which would bear to be treated as matter-of-fact description, we might expect that in the original narrative the sixth plague repre- sented the plague proper (bubo plague), which is con- fined to man, whilst the fifth stood for epizootic disease in general.'

Certainly the special association of bubo plague with ancient Egypt is historically correct, so that the word 'botch' in the AV is a happy choice (cp i, n. i). Besides the constructive evidence as to the disaster which is said to have befallen Sennacherib's army before Pelusium (see Pestilence, and, on the historical points, Hezekiah, i), there is, indeed, no extra-biblical testimony to bubo plague in Egypt earlier than about 300 K. c. , and even this testimony has been only indirectly preserved.

Oribasius, who was physician to the Emperor Julian, cites a passage from Rufus of Ephesus, a physician in the time of Trajan, wherein he describes bubo plague with singular clear- ness ; it is indeed rare, as Darembcrg remarks, to find in ancient authors such positive marks of the identity of a pestilential type. Rufus says that the disease was most common, and very mortal, in Libya, Egypt, and Syria. He adds that Dioscorides and Poseidonios had enlarged upon pestilential buboes in writing upon the pestilence which in their time ravaged Libya supposed to have been the same great epidemic, about 127 B.C., which is mentioned by Livy, Julius Obsequens, and Orosius. Rufus further says that the pupils of one Dionysius, 6 KupTos, make mention of these pestilential buboes. An ancient Greek gloss to the Vatican codex of Oribasius explains that Dionysius with the above surname (' Hunchback ') comes into the bio- graphies of Hetmippus. This would fix his date prior to 280 B.C.

Whilst the botch of Egypt cannot, upon independent testimony, be traced farther back than 300 B.C., it is highly improbable that it was first seen then. As Lorinser points out, the endemic influences favouring plague in Egypt, depending upon the peculiar alterna- tions of wet and dry soil (caused by the periodic rise and fall of the Nile), were there long before.

Pariset {Causes de la Peste. etc., Paris, 1837) has argued with great cogency that the elaborate pains taken in the best period of ancient Egypt to preserve the soil from putrefying animal matters, human and other, were inspired by the risk of plague, and must have been in a high degree effective. It is clear, however, that any failure of the sanitarj' code would give plague its opportunity, the pressure of population and the climate or hydrology being constant, and that such failure may reasonably be assumed at first as an occasional thing, and then from the time that the ancient civilisation, with sanitation (en- forced by religious sanctions) a principal part of it, began to decay under the influence of Persian, Greek, and Roman con- questsas permanent.

without the negative particle, but it has the second insertion. A critical edition should give the text thus: 'And if the Egyptian people go not up nor come, upon them will the stroke come with which Yahwfe will strike. . . .' The close of the sentence may early h.ave become effaced. The plague intended A^as, at any rate, not that of the other nations, which was want of rain.]

1 The qualification (' in general') is designed. What is said of the 'murrain' upon the horses, camels, asses, oxen, and sheep is expressed in .-x sense too comprehensive for any single epizootic malady (e.g., anthrax is a disease that oxen and sheep suflTer from in common, but not horses, nor, so far as is known, asses and camels).

That the sanitary precautions did utterly break down under Mohamnictlan con<iucst, and that l)ul)o plague did Ix'come for fourteen centuries the standing |x;stilenc-e of I'".gypt. we know as matter of fact. We know also that it was from IVlusiuin that the great plague of Justinian's reign (543 A.n. ) starte<l to overrun the whole known world. It is probable, further, that the pestilence in Lower Kgypt at the time of the mass;icrc of Christians in the episcopate of Cyprian included bubo plague. The valuable testimony pre- served by Orilxisius as to Kgyplian, Libyan, and Syrian pestilential bulxjes, as Kirly as 300 B.C., has been already cited. If beyond that date we are left to conjecture, there is still a high probability that the plague was known in Kgypt at a much earlier date.

3 Nature of disease[edit]

This historical bubo plague of Kgypt answers best to the sixth plague. The bf^il brt-aks out in the "^^^nncr of the plague bubo, which may be '>'"K' or multiple. Its situations are the armpits, groins, and the sides of the neck ; and it consists of one (or of a packet) of the natural lymphatic or absorl)ent glands of those regions enlarged to the size of a hen's (or even a turkey's) egg, often of a livid colour, hard, tense, painful, and attended with inflanmiatory swelling of the skin for sciie distance around it. Just as in Asiatic cholera and yellow fever there are ' e.xplosive ' attacks so suddenly fatal that the distinctive symptoms have hardly time to develop, so there may be death from plague without the bubo or the botch. Still, the latter is the distinctive mark of plague, the same in all countries and in all periods of history.

Other signs of plague were livid or red h-xmorrhagic spots of the skin (called ' the tokens ' in Knglish epidemics), large car- buncles (especially on the fleshy parts), and blains (niyay^K), which were really smaller carbuncular formations or cores with a collection of lluiil on their summits. Besides the pain of the hard and tense buboes, there were often delirium, gentle or raving, vomiting, quivering of muscles (affecting gait and speech), and many other symptoms as if from a deadly poison. .\bout three days was perhaps the average duration of fatal cases.

4 Mortality[edit]

Usually half the attacks were mortal. In the beginning of the epidemic there would Ixj but few recoveries, while

'^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^  ^^ many as four out of 

^' five might recover. Recovery was most likely when the buboes broke and ran ; sometimes the suppuration, esjjecially in the groin, would continue for months, the victims being able to go limping in the streets. In the history of plague in London, which is continuous from the Hlack Death of 1348 to 1666, the great epidemics came at intervals, and, in those for which we have the statistics, carried off from a fifth to a si.xth of the population, including but few of the richer class. With a population of nearly half a million in 1665, the highest mortality from plague was 7165 in the week i2th-i9lh .Sejjtemlxjr. Scjmetimes for a suc- cession of years the deaths from plague kept at a high annual level, especially during the sunmier and autunm months. During the whole three centuries of plague in Ivondon there were few years which did not have some deaths in the warmer months. From what is known of the mediaival history of plague in Cairo (from Arabic annals ; cp von Kremer in S IVA W, Fhil. Hist. Class. Hd. .xcvi. ), and of its modern history (cp Pruner, h'rank. des Orients), it appears to have come, as in London, in terrific outbursts at intervals of years, and to have l)een at a low level or apparently extinct in the years between.

The plague season in Egypt, within the period of exact records, h.-is begun as early as September and as late as Januarj', has reached its height in March and April, and has ended with great regularity, almost suddenly, about St. John's day (24th June), the height of the epidemic corresponding with the lowest level of the Nile. There has l>een no plague since 1844. The last Kr<-at epidemic was that of 1835, described by Kingiake in ' Ilothcn.' C. C.


(D'V^T). Deut.28a7 RV. See EMMERODS.


fni^V'50). I-:2ek.46a3. EV ; iQ?'5?pn n'3), v. a^, RV,



{i.e., 'swollen,' see Skeat, Elym. Diet.; RV'-u- 'in flower'; ^V'^l, cnepMATlZON [BAL] : Ex. 93it). The Hebrew word occurs only once, but s evidently (see Ges. Thes., I^vy, Targ. IJ'^. l4ai, NHWB 1 296) connected with yaj, 'cup'; and the Mishnic usage (Ges. I.e.) is in favour of its referring to the flower-cup (perhaps as a closed bud), rather than (as <5 supposed) to the formation of the seed-pods (see, however, Tristram, NUB^'^) 445).


(nb'vS"!?), I S. 19 13 267. See Bed, 4 (a).


(m'nr, AoyAeiA). Ex. I14 Rom. 815. etc., and BONDMAN (13^. AoyAoc). Dt. 15i5 Rom. 6 16, etc. See Slavery.


For nrSJO, migbadh. Ex. 2840, etc. (RV 'headtire'), see Mitre, 1(1); for "IX^, pl'er. Is. 320 (RV 'headtire'). Ezek.44i8 (RV 'tire'), see TURBAN, 2.


(IDD, Gen. 5i etc.; BiBAoc, Lk. 84 etc., BiBAiON, Lk.4i7 etc.). .See WRITING, 3, and HISTORICAL LITERATURE, ^g 3, 5, 16 ; CANON, 1-4, 20.


([h]BiBAoc [thc] zcohc). Philip. 43 Rev. 85. Cp Ex. 3232 Is. 43. and see LAW AND JUSTICE:, 14.


(jiXp), Is. 95 Wt. RV">c- See SHOES, 3.


(ni3D), I^v.2342/. See TABERNACLES. Pavilion, i, Succoth, and cp Te.vt, i, and Cattle. i, 5.


(T5, etc.), Jer. 4932, etc. See Si'oiL.


(Boec [Ti. WH], MLI5, Booc [Ti- WH], Lk. 832). RV has BoAZ.


(IV'r^ia ; Bcopacan[A], BhrcaBeg

[BL]; \^. lacu Asan; Pesh. btralan), the true MT reading (Gi. Bit.) in iS. 8O30, where many printed edd. have }trr~l"l3 (AV Chok-ashan, RV Cuk- ASHAN). Probably the same as Ash AN [q.v. ).


For mJDD, misgerefh (a) in Ex. 2025 27 {(TToliavT)), 371214 ("S oni.), in P's description of the 'table,' see Ai. lAK, S 10 ; (/') in i K. 728y; 317; 357^ 2 K. l(i 17 in descrip- tion of the laver bases (trv^xAeta'^a ; in 7 28 trvvK^fifTTov : in 7 29 <7vy<Ai^a [A); in 7 31/; ^laTnfya [.\ ; om. HL] : KVnit'. ' panels'), see Lavek, i ; for pj3, i,,ttih (Kpd<TneSoy) in Nu. 1538 (RV"!*:- 'corner' [of garment)), see Fki.sges ; for Kpda- nt&ov, -Mt. 9 20 1436 RV, see Fkinoes.


(soR/ru), 4E:sd. I2. See Bukki, i.

BORROW and LEND[edit]

{hii'C', E.X. 322; AanicacGai, Mt- 542). (lend:HiSh, Ex. 2224 [25] : Aanizgin, I-k. 634). See Law and Justice, 16, Trade and Com.merce.


(ni^Va). 2 K.22i AV ; RV IJozkath.


(Bocop [Ti.]), 2 Pet. 2.5 AV, RV Beor

(?.-... 2).


(Boccop [A], -oco. [NV*], -cctop [V]. and in t. 36 -qco- [A ; cp Is. 846 681, in ]), a town of (jalaaditis, taken by Judas the Maccabec in 164 B.C. (i Mace. 52636), is identified by some with Rezkr {f.v., i.) in Moab. Galaaditis, however, was the name of the country N. of Moab (G.\Sm. f/G 549, n. 5), and the campaign in which Judas took Bosor was waged in the latitude of the Yarmuk. If Bosora {y.v.) be the present Busra, Bosor may be the present Busr-el- Hartri, in the SE. corner of the Leja, which the Arabian geographer Yakut in 1225 A.n. (1 621) still calls only Busr \_sic\ The passage in which it is mentioned is obscure; w.idf. are probably corrupt. (Cp We.

//^W 212, n. i). Herod the Great, in order to keep the Leja. in his power (Jos. Ant. xvii. I2), fortified a villaije called Bathyra, and this may have been the same as Hosor (cp GASm. HG 6i8). G. A. s.


(B0CCOP& [A], -oco. [N], -ocoppA [V ; cp iCh. I44]. I Mace. 526; Jos. BocopA[--^^- xii. 83]), in Gilead, held by some to be the Bozrah in Moab spoken of in Jer. 4824, must have lain farther N. (see BosoR, ii. ). Hence many (Ewald; PEF Map; etc.) more plausibly take it to have Ijoen Bostra, the capital of the Roman province of Arabia, modern liusrd, 22 m. SE. of Kdrei (cp Porter, Fii'e years^'^\ 12 ; Merrill, E. of Jordan, 53, 58 ; Key, Dans le Haouran Atlas ; Buhl, Pal. 251). See, however, Bathyra under BosoR, ii.

G. A. s.


(33, text doubtful), Job 1526. See Shield.


(rnL*'), Dt. 282735 AV; RV Boil [q.v., 2/.).


The statement that ' what we call bottles were unknown to the Hebrews' (Riehm, H\VB<-\ art. 'Flasche') needs qualification. It has long been known that the Egyptians manufactured glass from an early period. The Phoenicians and the Assyrians were well acquainted with glass (see the relative volumes of Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, de l' Art, etc. ), that manufactured by the former being of special repute in antiquity (see Glass). It is impossible, therefore, that among the imports from Phoenicia, glass bottles should have had no place. They must alwavs, however, have been a luxury of the rich (cp Job 28 17' [RV]).

The ' bottles ' of Scripture fall into two very different classes : ( i ) leather skins for holding and carrying water, wine, and other liquids, and (2) earthenware jars for the same and other purposes.

1. Skins as bottles.[edit]

For the Hebrews in the nomadic stage of civilisation, as for the Bedouin of the present day, the skins of beasts of their Hocks supplied the readiest and most efficient means of storing and transporting the necessary supply of water in the camp and on the march. This method was found so simple and so satisfactory that it was retained in a more settled state of society, and, indeed, has prevailed throughout the East until the present day. The writers of classical antiquity, from Homer down- wards, contain many references to this use of the skins of domestic animals. The skins used by the Hebrews for this i^urpose, as in modern Syria and Arabia, were chiefly skins of the goat and of the sheep. When a smaller size than ordinary was required, the skin of a lamb or of a kid sufficed ; for larger quantities there was the skin of the ox} and, perhaps, of the camel (Herod. 89). Among the Hebrews the pig-skin was, of course, excluded.

The method of preparation varied in complexity and efficiency according as the peasant prepared his own skins (cp Doughty, Ar. Des. 1 227) or employed a professional tanner. The head and the lower part of the legs are cut off (such is the method at the present day), and the animal is skinned from the neck downwards, somewhat as one removes a tight-fitting glove, care being taken that no incision is made in the .skin of the carcase. When the tanning process is completed (cp Tristram, iV7/.5(6) 92, Robinson, .5A'(') 2 440), all other apertures having previously been closed, the neck is fitted with a leather thong, by means of which the skin is opened and closed (cp Leathek). In the OT we find such skin bottles designated by a variety of names.

Such are (a) non, h?meth (aa-Kot [ADL]), the water-skin (probably of a kid) which .\braham put upon Hagar's shoulder (Gen. 21 nj^-i)- The Hedouin name is gi'riy i.e., iirfiai"" (Doughty, ofi. cit. index). In Hos 7 5 (RV 'heat'), and in Hab. 2 15 (RV ' venom.' mg. 'fury'), the RV more advisedly finds another word of similar sound (non). {b) 1K3, nodh, like the senilly (samilat"") of the modern Bedouin, is the milk-skin of the nomad Jael (Judg. 4 19 ; cp Doughty op. cit. passim). It

1 According to Lane (Afod. Rg^.) an ox-hide holds three or four times as much as a goat-skin {kirba).

also occurs frequently as a wine-skin Josh. 8413 1 S. 16 ao, etc. As a water-skin it is used metaphorically in Ps. 5(5 8(9] (' put my tears into thy bottle'), where there is no reference to the much later ' tear-liottles,' so called, and where the text is doubted (see ). The exact sense of Ps.11983, where the poet likens himself to a 'bottle (RVnig. "wine-skin") in the smoke,' is doubtful (see the comm. in loc.). (c) 733, nehhel, and 733, nebhel, also frequently of the ordinary wine-skin (d<r<cdt [BAL]), i S. 10 3, etc. {d) 3iK, '/'/t, has the .same signification in Job 32 19, where we read of 'new bottles . . . ready to burst. Budde ('96) renders ' skins with new (wine),' which gives us an 1" parallel to the familiar passage in the NT (Mt. i) 17= Mk. 222 = Lk. 637/;) 'Neither do men put new wine into old wine- skins,' etc. where the RV has rightly discarded the mislead- ing rendering 'bottles.' In Judith 10 5 we have the curious word ao-fcoTrvTiVr/ [BA], RV a leathern l)ottle' of wine.

2. Earthenware bottles.[edit]

Vessels of earthenware also are mentioned in the OT as receptacles for wine. Such was (a) the papa, Jer. l^"" {^^^^o, ^,,6,), mad^ by the potter, jxjrhaps with a narrow neck

which caused a gurgling sound {.\t. bakbakat"'*) when the jar was being em[)tie(l. It was also used to hold honey, i K. I43 (ord/i^'os [.\L ; om. B] ; EV Cruse {([.v., 2]). {b) The name V33 was also given to wine-jars or ampullee of earthenware, as is clear from Is. 30 14 ( EV ' [potters' J vessel ' ; AV"'K- ' bottle of potters'), and Lam. 42 (EV 'pitcher'). In both these passages has 6.-y^iov. We have no indication of the size or even of the shape of the earthen nebhel (see PoTTKRY ; also Crlsk). a. r. s. k.


(ni:'i5), Gen. 27 3, Bowstrings (Dnn^O), Ps. 21 12, RV. See Weapons.


The various Hebrew and Cireek words will be dealt with in the articles mentioned below.

1- i?'?i. g'il<a-', Ex. 25 31. See CuF, Meals, 12.

2- '"'^r'l gullAh, the bowl or reservoir of a lamp, Zech. 4 2 yC (AajnTToSioi/) ; see Candlestick, 2. Used in a simile in Eccles. 12 6 (to afSeVioi). The globe-shaped bowls or capitals of the twin pillars of Jachin a.su ]jO.\z (i Y^.~ ^if., ra <rTpenTa [as though D'Sli? see Fringes] 1| 2Ch. 4i2/, AV 'pommels,' YuAae [BA], /3<i(Teis [L]). See Pii.i.ak.

3. -liS3, i-ep/ior, I Ch. 28 17, etc., RV. See Bason, 2.

4. pniD, fuizrak, Ex. 27 3. See Bason, 3.

5. nVpyO, vtenakkiyyoth, icuaflos [BAFL], used in temple ritual especially upon the table of shew-bread, Ex. 25 29 3" 16 Nu. 4 7 Jer. 52 19 (where AV ' cups ').

6. ^^, kaph, I K. 7 50 ; see Bason, 4.

7. 7Sp, sephel, a larger bowl or bason, probably of wood, Jud. 525638 (Ac<inj [BAL]; in 525 Aok. [.\L]); cp Pal.-Syr.

8. <TKd<t>ri, Bel, 33, a vessel for holding food (in .\cts27 163032, a boat).

9. (^laAij, Rev. 5 8 15 7, etc. (.W 'vial'). In OT it represents p^JS; see Bason, 3; Meals, 12, and cp generally Bason, Cui', Goblet, Pottery.


synonymous in AV with jar or cruise, not a case of wood or metal.'

1. -S.//l-A(2K.9i3; RV and in i S. 10 i, AV ' vial' ; (ESbal <j>aK6i). Shape and material are both uncertain.

2. For the ' alabaster box ' (r) aAajSaerrpos) of Mk. 14 3, etc. AV (RV 'alabaster cruse '), see Ckuse, 4, Alabastkk.

3. In RVrntJ. of Jn. 12 6 13 29, where EV has lUo, 'box' is suggested as an alternative rendering of yXuxraoKOiiov, which originally and etymologically signified a case in which the mouth- pieces (yKuxTtrai) of wind instruments were kept. Later it assumed a more general significance and denoted any similarly shaped box or case. hal employs it to indicate the chest (piK) set up by Josiah in the Temple (2Ch. 24 8^), whilst Josephus uses it of the ' coffer ' (t;ix i S. 6 B^. EV ; see Coffer), or small chest, in which the Philistine princes deposited the golden mice. In the Mishna it is used to signify a cnse for books (NDpDl^J in Lexx.) and even a coffin (cp the parallel u.se of. loculus) ; in the latter sense also in Aquila (Gen. 50 26, of Joseph's mummy-case ; .see Coffin). Thus it would appear that the preferable rendering in John (I.e.) is that of RVnig.

A. R. S. K.