Encyclopaedia Biblica/Box Tree-Camp

From Wikisource
Jump to: navigation, search
Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Box Tree-Camp
see Encyclopaedia Biblica for other articles, typographic issues, links to PDF copies, and public domain status



RV^g. -cypress"; once (Ezek. 276 ; otVoi'S d\<ra>5ets) RV' Boxwood ("l-'ltJ'NJH, 1 For this EV employs 'chest.'

KCApoc* Is. 41 19 60 13) is by several modern scholars idciitifie<l as the 'sherl)iir (Ar. and Syr.), a kind of juni[H-r, = .\ss. lurmenu (see Ix-Iow). K V"'if- and SliO T, however, give ' cypress ' ; the sherbin resembles the cypress in its habit and general appearance (Tristram). Cp note 4, Ixilow.

The Hebrew word was formerly explained as derived from the rod ncK (akin to ic*'! Ar. yanira), ' to be straight ' (lies. Thet.), and so as denoting a tall straight tree ; but such different views h.ive recently been put forward as to the affinities and meaning of the root that it is unsafe to form any inference from this etymology.- Hofrni.inn,-' indeed, rejecting the traditional vocali- sation of llcKn, suggests that it is philologically akin to Assyr. iurnihiu (\ic\. Par. 107), Aram, lartvaind or iurblnd.* If this were made out we should be tolerably certain that mp-Kn is the ihtrbin or a similar tree ; but the pfiiloloiiical step is difficult. Cheyne (Is., SHOT [Heb] 129) 'can hardlv doubt that the obscure ^^CO i" Is. 4O20 is a corruption of pic -/.f., sherbin.' If so, nifKB would seem to be distinct from the sherbin.

The interesting mention of this tree in ICzek. 2/6 (RV b(ix-wo6d ') is concealed in AV by a false division of the word in MT;* the second clause most probably means ' thy deck they have made of ivory inlaid in' h'iissi/r-wood from Cyprus' (see ClirrriM).

It is clear from Is. 60 13 that nio-Kn was a familiar tree in the forest growth of Lebanon ; and this favours the identification with the box [liuxus loiii^i/olia), which grows there as a small tree about 20 ft. hijjh (Tristram, NHli. 339). In support of this Rosenmiiller (Mineral, and Hot. of Bible [ET], 301/.) aptly compares Verg. ..^w. 10 137 (' quale per artem inclusum buxo . . , lucet ebur') with Ezek.'276. Others (Ges.<'->- Bu.C-') have thought that the latter reference rather points to a// tree, so often used in antiquity for ship-building ; but "iiB'Kn is at least distinct from c'iia (fir) and n,-nn (pine?), along with which it is twice mentioned in Is. 40-66.

The sherbin, according to Tristram (I.e.) is Juniperus phd' nieea, but in the Survey of W. Palestine he expressly says of this mm vidi ; nor does it, according to the authorities, grow on Lebanon. It seems more prob.able that xhttskerlnn i\i Juniperus o.vyeedrus, which is known to grow on Lebanon.

On the whole there seems no sufficient reason for abandoning the tradition that tb-kh is the lx>x.

N. M. w. T. T. -D.


(VVi3 ; BAzec [H], -e [I-l). and Seneh (i^^'P ; ceNNAAp [BI-]). two rocky points, one on the N. the otlier on the S. side of the Michmash gorge ( r S.

14 4/ t). See MlCllM.ASH.


and 2 K. 22 1 AV Bosc.vth (ni^Va ; BDB Lex. quotes .Ar. bcnkat"", an elevated region covered with volcanic stones). One of the towns of the lowland of Judah mentioned between Lachish and Kglon, but as

1 O's rendering of Is. 41 19 is so defective that it is im- possible to tell wliich Greek word represents TB'Kn ; but in 60 13 it is Kt5po<; [HN.\Q]. .\q. and The. simply tr.insliter.ite (6aa<Tovp): Sym. h.is jrufos in chap. 41 and wcukj) in ch.i]). tK) (unless TTufos is out of its order). I'esh. also is defective in Is. 41 19, giving for IIK'K^? innn ril^ simply 'goodly cypresses' (sanvaine), while in Is. GO 13 IIC'KB is rendered 'cypresses.' Targ. has in both places J'^iaCN. ' l^ox trees' (so the Jewish commentators) ; Vg. renders fiu.rus in 41 19, but pinus in t>0 13.

2 .See especially No. in /^P.MGWjiis ['Sei ; Honimcl, il>. ^53' ['92I; Lag. [//>ers. 143. N<5. connects all Heb. deriva- tives of ^eJ^ with the single root (meaning ' to go ' or ' step ') which appears in Ar. '////rand Syr. alkni ; Hommel still main- tains a second root, akin to -yo' Ar. yasara; while Lagarde ex- plains 7!>r? (Ps. 1 I etc.) by invoking a third .\r. root asara.

' P. 27 of his tract 't'obcr einige phonik. Inschriften' (in , Ahhandl. d. A-Snifrl. Ceselheliaft d. Ifiss: zu Gdtt. v.il. 36). !

4 Low (387/) holds that the two Syr. words do not mean miite the same tree : that the former is Juniperus flxyeedms ; the latter (fern, in form surMntd) is the ordinary cypress Cupressus sempemirens ; but he does not make out a clear case. Hoissier (['lorn Oricntalis, 5 705) h.ns under Cupressus setiiper!'it-rns:\^ a localitv' Persia borealis in montanis ibi Ssiin>i Kuhi audit.' This looks as if it might be philologically akin to suri'an and sanvaina.

s For C*"ir><-n3 read D"iyKn3.

  • According to Sir Joseph Hooker the wood of Pu.rus lon^-

folia is still prized in Damascus for making domestic utensils and inlaid wood.

yet unidentified (Josh. 1539 ; fiaaridwe [B], -fftxaff [L], liaaxo-9 [.A]). A certain Adaiah (i) of Bozkath was the grandfather of King Josiah (2K. '."2i; -vovowB [BALJ).


(nnV3, 106 ; BocoppA [HAD in (Jen. Ch.]. Bocop [BN.\(^r in Is.]).

Elsewhere translates: iv ni<rv avri)s [B**AQ), }cT.A9fi; 6xvpui^aTa<iuTi7t(BK.\Q], r. 22; TetVfiuc oirriK (H.\Q), Am. 1 12; i'At>.i(BA(^], .Mit.aia.

1. A capital of the land of Edom (Am. 1 12 Is. .34 6 63 I ;' /3o(rpa [<J"'i>' ] ; Jer. 491322), also mentioned in Gen. 3633 (liwToppa [L]. om. K)=i Ch. 1 44 i^oaa. [L]) as the city of Jotjab b. Zerah, king of Kdom, and less certainly, though still probably, under the name MiBZAR (if.v.) in (ien. 3642. All these passages may be exilic or even jwst-exilic ; but it is hardly safe to infer that Bozrah was not known to the Jews before the Exile; indeed. Gen. 3633 may be ultimately derived from a pre -exilic document. Bozrah is the JloM>r (o(iop) of f).S<-) 23258 102 18. descrilxjd as 'in the mountains of Idumaa.' It seems to Ije the modern Buseire, in the district of Jebal (CJebalenc), northward from I'etra, and 2J hours SSW. from 'I'afileh, called ' little Bozrah ' to distinguish it from the more famous Bozrah in the Hauran. So Buhl, Edomiter, 37 ; cp Doughty, Ar. I)es. 1 31 38/.

2. (Jer. 4824.) See Bezkr, ii. T. K. c.


Bracelets were worn to protect the exposed parts of the arm and hand against physical injury, and as amulets against the malign influences which were believed to affect the organs of action (WKS, Kel. iV;.<'^* 453)- 'I'hey served also as ornaments. They were made of gold (Gen. 24 22 Nu. 31 50) ; but doubtless, like other ancient peoples, the Hebrews em- ployed other less precious materials, as horn and enamelled earthenware. Signet rings were sometimes worn round the wrist (see Ring). Bracelets were worn by )nen and women ; the finer forms were among the insignia of royalty and the adornments of brides (for references see below).

Five words have to Ix; considered.

Of these we may first of all reject two words, (i) nn (Kx. 85 22), and (2) '?'ri3 (Gen. 38 1825), which are wrongly rendered 'bracelet ' in .W. See Hook, 2 ; Rino, g i, and cp Conn.

3. TCi, s/iiid (Geti. 24 22, etc. Nu. 31 50 Kzek. 10 11 'J342 EV 'bracelets,' (P i^e'Aca) ; cp.Ass. samiidu, to bind on ; the same root ap|X-ars in the Heb. IDij, yoke. Golden Cn'OS, weighing ten shekels, were given to Rebekah by Elea/ar, who placed them on I'Oth her hands. So in Kzek. 1(5 11, the br.icelels are worn on both hands. In Nu. (I.e.), TCS i"* conjoined with .Til'^N, a'ld the Conimenlators mostly explain the former as an ornament for the wrist, the latter for the upper part of the arm. Targ. usually renders 'S by K^I'C', 'chains.' The form of these bracelets varied, a favourite device being the serpent. On ICgyplian br.icelets see Wilk., Anc. g. 2342 ; on .Assyrian, Per. and Chip., Art in CItaldea, 2357, and see fig. 241.

4. T\-V0, "ierdh. Is. 3 19 (EV ' bracelets,' RV'nin. ' chain.' Targ.

      • ?' !!'??> 'chains of the hands'). Cp modern .Arabic ornamtnt

j/^ivSr (Frank. 56). The root Is Ttc", to twist. Perh.ips a nnv of spirals made of twisted gold is meant. In the Mishnah "^ '^' is applied to chains round the necks of horses and al.so to bracelets worn by women.

5. rriysK, ^ei ddah. This word occurs in MT in Nu. 31 50 (AV ' chains,' RV ' ankle-ch.iins ') .ind 2 S. 1 10 (EV' bracelet ' ; in both places xAi'Swf). Wellhauscn's suggestion to read '"^^l^V'??, after Is. 820, has been widely accepted; but Nestle (Marg. 15) defends MT and supposes that .Saul was des|>oiled by the Amalekite of only one of the several bracelets that he wore. Hudde in SBOr accepts VVellhausen's correction, but (on the basis of Nu. 81 50) regards ^^i'SJfJI as also possible. That kings went into K-tttle with various ornaments is well attested (see Crown); this is further supported by i K. 2230. It may l)e that .S.iul's bracelet contained his signet (King, Antique Gems, 1 38). As with .Saul, so with Joash, the crown and bracelet are associ.ited as royal insignia if (with We.) niiS^V.T is read for nnyri, 2 K. 11 12 (WRS, (r/ycW 311, n.)t

1 Text doubtful : see Text, | 64, and cp SBOT\\ii\i.\ adloc.

^imhi, however, obtained much the same sense by connecting nny with 'ij;, 'ornament.' The Targum on 2 S. 1 lo renders by KnsalC. which is usually applied to the phylactery (Dt. 68). A phylactery was, however, also worn on the left arm. 'sK is apparently connected with niys (occurring only in Is. 520), into which We.'s emendation reduces mysK- If the ar- I rangcment in Is. 3 18-23 's suggested by the natural order of the parts of the body, niVi' may be an ornament rather of the arm than of the leg. IJarth, A7> 151, compares Ar. W</, ' arm,' which removes some of the difficulty presented by the usual derivation from ^y^i, to step or walk. See, however, Anklets.

I. A.


has in EV three meanings.

1. ISN, 'at,i<l (fidtivof, rhainntts); Gen. 50 lo/T (EV Atad as in '), Judg. 9 147:, EV 'brambles,' and Ps. 689 [10], EV 'thorns.' It is a genuine Semitic word, found also in W. Aramaic as ^-ycM or KQBKi >" Syriac as hatta 1 (? hatela), in Arabic as atad (ligna rhamni nigri, Fr.), and in Assyrian as etidu, etidt'u (Ges.-Bu., s.v.). The root with which it appears to be connected (cax) has in Arabic the sense of ' uttering a rasping, though not loud,- sound]; and the possibility of a connection with the sense of pricking or tearing like a thorn Ls apparent. There is general agreement that pdfi.vo% was about equivalent to the modern botanical genus Rhatnnus. Dioscorides-* distinguished three sorts (cp Fraas, Syn. Plant. Flor. Class.); while in modern times Tristram (_FFP 264/;) has enumerated sixteen species of Rliamnece as found in Palestine.

Perhaps the most likely identification for ncK is with Rhamnus palirstina (Boiss.), which represents in Syria the R. oleoides of Greece and S. Europe.

2. nin, ko^h, very frequent; EV usually 'thorn' or 'thistle,' AV once (Is. 34 13) 'bramble.' It denotes a plant of the thorn or perhaps of the thistle kind : see Thorn.

3 ^oTOV, which occurs seven times in (in six of these as the rendering of ^30) and five times in NT, is once (Lk. G44) rendered 'bramble bush,' elsewhere Bush {q.v., i [i]).

N. M. W. T. T.-D.


(ta niTYPA [BAQ]). The ' burning of bran for incense' {0vfj.iu>ffai r. ir. ; to Mylitta?) is mentioned in Bar. 6 (Pip. Jer. ) 43 [42]! as one of the incidents in the unchaste idolatrous worship of the women of Babylon. See Incknse, 8.


[T\^n}r\ D^), 2 K. 25 13 ; see Layer ; Sea, Brazen.


(n"J'n3il ^U^), 2 K. I84. See NEHUSHTAN, 2.


(nX), Jer. 8622/ RV. See Coal, 3.


EV's_ rendering of n^TO, n'hoseth (Gen. 422 and often), C^-inj, ndhui {]oh^x-2.-\), Hw'-im, n'hrddh (Lev. 2619, etc.), VpIJ, n'hui (Dan. 232 etc.), xaAkoc (Mt. IO9, I Cor. 13 I, Rev. 18 12), and xaAkion (Mk. 74)-

EV invariably renders thus except in Ezra 8 27 AV (see Coi'PEr), in 2 S. 22 35 AV, where nrmj 'ndtoseth, is rendered 'steel,' and in Jer. 15 12 AV has 'steel,' see Ikon, 2) ; cp 2 Tim. 4 14, where xa\Kev<; is ' coppersmith ' In Gen. 4 22 RVmg. gives 'copper, and so elsewhere' as a note on 'brass.' In Ezek. I7 ^Vd ncn: 'S rightly rendered 'burnished brass ' ( e^a.(TTp6.nTmv XoAicos ; Tg. below), as also is x'J^^toAi/Sacos in Rev. I15 2 18. In Ezra 8 27 T\Vni is qualified by the epithet 3ni'P(RV 'bright'), which we should probably point an!sp = 3n7sp, 'glittering' (in Tg. Ezek. I7 for "rS,?, 'polished'). .1310, which follows (EV 'fine'), arises out of dittography, and should not be rendered (Che.).

That copper is meant is shown by the words, ' out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass' (Dt. 89); cp the chapter in Holland's Pliny (1601), headed 'Mines of Brass. ' See Copper and cp Egypt, 36 end.

1 This the Syriac lexicographers render into Arabic as 'ausaj, which means a ' thorny shrub ' (this is the right meaning of our word bramble, see .Skeat, s i>.\

2 From the absence 0/ loudness in the sound is derived the sense of Heb. b properly a 'whisper,' and thence 'softness,' 'stillness.' See also Divination, 4, iv.

3 It should be noticed that the Auctarium ad Dioscoridem confirms the identification of riBIJ and pdfivoi by the gloss 'Pdiivof 'A.(t>po\ ('Africans' /.r, probably Carthaginians) 'AraiiV.


1. Preparation.[edit]

From the earliest times of which we have any record, bread was the principal article of food among the Hebrews, a fact which e.x-

,.^^ ^j^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ 
. , , , . " \ , . . 

for food in general. The prmiitive custom of making the ears of wheat and barley more palatable by the simple process of roasting ( 'Sa, ' parched corn ' ; i S. 17 17, etc. ) was still common in historical times. For the preparation of bread, however, the ears must be crushed or ground so as to admit of being kneaded into a paste. In early times the flour was produced by crushing the ears between two stones (see illustrations of these primitive ' corn -grinders' found in Palestine in Bliss, Mound of Many Cities, 85), a process common in Egypt under the Old Empire and later (see Ernian's Egypt, 190), and still practised in the ILast. The mortar and pestle were a later develop- ment. The preparation of flour by pounding the ears in a mortar (nDTD, Nu. 118) is a familiar scene on Egyptian monuments. The flour obtained by these pro- cesses must have been of a coarser grain (c-nj) than that procured by the use of the handmill (D'rri ; see Ml 1,1,). A still finer quality than the ordinary npjD was named nSo (see Food, 3 \b\).

In the earliest times bread was entirely unleavened. The requisite quantity of flour or barley- meal, which varied, naturally, according to the size of the household, was placed in a shallow wooden basin (rriKB'D ; E.\. 728) earthenware, for obvious reasons, is little used by nomads well mixed with water and kneaded. Salt was no doubt added when procurable (cp Lev. 2 13/^). When the kneading was completed, the dough (pss) was ready for the firing. Cakes thus prepared were named niva, 'unleavened cakes,' and these still form the usual bread of the Bedouin. In a more advanced stage of society, the bread was made in this way only in cases of emergency (Gen.lQs), or for purposes of ritual, as at the Passover. The ordinary bread of the Hebrews was made lighter by fermentation. A small piece of to-day's ' batch ' was laid aside, and when the time for the next baking arrived this piece of leaven (ixb) was broken down into the water in the mxc'S, the flour was mixed therewith, and the whole thoroughly kneaded and allowed to stand ' till the whole was leavened. '

2. Firing kinds of cakes.[edit]

The next stage is the process of firing, or rendering the dough more digestible by the application of heat. Three modes of ^^\^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ -^ ^^^ q^_ ^ -^ ^^^

East at the present day.

{a) The simplest method is that still in use among the Bedouin. A fire of wood, or of wood mixed with camel's dung, is kindled on the sand, or on extempor- ised hearthstones. When these have been well heated, the embers are raked aside, and the flat pieces of dough laid on the hot stones and covered with the ashes just removed. After a few minutes, the ashes are again raked aside, the cakes turned, and the ashes replaced. In a few minutes more the cakes are ready (see Rob. BA' 2416/., Doughty, Aral/. Des. 1 131 etc.). Such 'a cake baked on the coals' was termed njy D'Dyi (IK. 196; cp Gen. 186 Hos. 78. ai-^ ^y^p^l <pla$, by the Vg. correctly rendered fanis subcinericius, ' ash cakes ' ).

(b) A second mode of firing bread is one much in vogue at the present day among Bedouin and fellahin alike. A girdle or thin iron plate (Siia npnp ; Lev. 25 Ezek. 43, ^^'^^ Ti](ya.vov), slightly convex in shape, is laid over a small fire-pit, in which a fire has been kindled as before, and on this plate or girdle the cakes are fired. Its Syrian name is sag (Landberg, Prov. et Diet, du Peuple Arabe, 14). Cakes baked in this way seem to have been called by the Hebrews D'nn (i Ch.

(c) The most usual mode of firing, however, especially in towns, was no doubt by means of the oven ("n:ri). The tannur, then as now, was a large earthenware jar in the Ixittom of which the fire was placed. As reprcsentLHl on Kgyptian monuments, the cakes were fired by tn-ing applicii to the oulsiiU of the jar (Wilkinson 234; Krman, l:gypf, 191). The usual method at the present day, however, is to allow the fire to burn down, and, while the enibcrs are still glowing, to api)ly the cake to the inside of the jar. The dough is first pressed into flat round cakes (like a .Scotch bannock); each of these in its turn is made to revolve by a rapid movement of the hands, till it has expanded to a diameter of about 18 inches, and become as thin as a sheet of thick paper. It is then laid on a cushion, by means of which it is applied to the wall of the tannur. These thin wafer-cakes are called in the OT p'p (in Syria, markiik). The tannUr may be larger, and consist of a pit, wider at the bottom and narrowing towards the top, pl.astered with clay. The ovens used by the txikers of the street in Jerusalem named after them (Jer. 3721) were jirobably of this sort. (For further details see FURNACK, 5).

The preparation of the daily supply of bread for the household was essentially the care of the women (Gen. 186 i S. 2824 etc. ). In the wealthier households this duty would devolve on slaves, male and female (i S. 813). In later times baking became a special trade in the cities (Jos. Ant. xv. 92), and especially in Jerusalem (see alx)ve and cp the ' oven tower,' Neh. 3 n 1238), where the large influx of pilgrims at the great festivals would promote the industry.

It is impossible now tD identify the various species of cakes mentioned in the O T. If to those mentioned in the course of this article we add 133 the ordinary round cake or bannock (i S. 236), and ,i^n, the etymology of which points to its being pricked or perforated, like the modern passover cakes, we have exhausted the varieties that can be identified with any approach to certainty. See further B.\kkme.\t.s, also F(X)D, 1-3.

A. K. s. K.


(aricton [Ti. WH]), Lk. II38 kV"i.'- See .\ 1 1. A IS, 2.


(pntr [^T.^ i_K.'J-Jj4 Is.r.917], I'V-li," or pnp Jer. 464 51 3, Syr. Kl'iJk)- ^^'e find the Uryon mentioned as part of the defensive armour of Goliath and David. That it was commonly worn by Israelite kings is evident from i K. 2234 (aCh. 1833). In the description of Goliath's armour in i S. 175 ( ' coat-of-mail' KV) the addition of the word D'a'pirp to pny gives a valuable clue : Goliath's coat of mail was covered with bronze scales.

This meaning is certified by Dt. 14 9 (Lev. 11 9), where nt-^rg denotes the scales of .1 fish. Moreover, it is derived from a root, L-L"p, ihat signifies rubbing or peeling off. Ar. ka'ssa. in cunj. iv. expresses the peeling off of .skin during recovery from disease.^

The weight of Goliath's armour, according to i S. 175, was 5000 shekels, which m.iy lie roughly computed as .ibout 200 lbs. The close intercourse that tliere was between Egypt and I'hilisiia'- makes it not improbable

In Job4l2[i81 the word nnc* (in-. Xry.) is taken by , Vg., and Targum as = jin;r> and modern comm., including Ew., have adopted this view. Some colour is given to this inter- pretation by V. i5(Heb.), which describes the .scales of Levia- than, which the coat of mail of the enemy might be held to resemble ; biic this is too slight as an argument. The immediate context suggests weapons of offenct, and if is correct in translating the preceding aw. Ary. I'BD by lapv we have a fair piesumption that Del. is ri^ht in comparing Ar. tiryafn or sinvat", ' pointed dart ' or ' arrow," with the word "T?? in this passage (so RV). Duhm follows Hoffm. and reads n-jp 'javelin,' cp Syr. itdkatthd.

Meyer, GA, it<iff., i-fiff., 298.

that the heavy coat of mail worn by Goliath trsrmWed the Egyptian cuirass worn by a royal (x5rsona;.:e, in which yellow, blue, red, and green metallic scales were tastefully arranged in symmetrical rows (Weiss, Kos- tiimkunde, Abth. 1 56). Wilkinson has descrilx-d the ICgyptian cuira.ss as consisting of about ' eleven horizon- tal rows of metal plates well secured by bronze pins.' At ' the hollow of the throat a narrower range of plates was introduced. The breadth of each plate or scale was little more than an inch, twelve of them suflRcing to cover the front of the body, and the sleeves, which were sometimes so short as to extend less than half-way to the cltjow, consisted of two rows of similar plates.'

The Assyrian warriors in earlier times wore a heavy coat of mail covering the entire Ixxly with the exception of the arms. Occasionally the coat of mail did not reach farther than the knees. In later times the leading warriors were i)rotected by jackets made of leather or of stout material, on which metal plates were sewn or rivetted (or they were provided with iron or bronze studs). Broad girdles were used for tying in the long coats of mail. Upon a bas-relief, from Niiiirud, portrayed in Layard's work we see an Assyrian chariot in which the bowman is mail-clad even around his neck and ears. It is not improbable that Ahab wore a heavy coat of mail somewhat resembling the Assyrian (but shorter), as we know that he took every precaution for personal protection.

The statement that he was mortally wounded by an arrow which pieiced ' between D"rl!' a"d the coat of mail ' has been variously interpreted, hal ia y.iov toO Tivt<>^ova% k.-i.K. does not yield any satisfactory sense. The use of ^2^ in Ls. 41 7 ((B <TuV^At)yu,), and the fundamental signification of the root, point to 'nvcis' as a probable rendering, if it could yield any ndecjuate sense in the context. Thenius and other authorities follow Luther in holding that what is meant here is an attach- ment or appendage to the coat of mail. The coat of mail protected the breast, whereas the appendage guarded the lower portion of the body, and the arrow jienetrated through the intcrv.-xl that separated them (so Kichm, IllFIl). This ajjj^ars to be the only intelligible explanation, and etymology warrants the rendering of the word c'pai.l by 'attachments' or 'append- ages ' {i.e., to the cuirass).

Respecting the coats of mail or corslets with which Uzziah is said to have provided his troops (2 Ch. 2tii4) we have not definite information or any sufiicient clue to guide us. The corslets (AV ' brigandines ') which Jeremiah (164) bids the cavalry of Pharaoh Necho put on may have consisted of some thick woven material covered with metal scales ; but here, as in the case of Neh. 4 16 [10], we are left in much uncertainty. For Xeh. 4i6[io] a useful hint m.iy be derived from Herod. 763, where we learn that the ."-iyrian (or Assyrian) contingent of Xerxes' army wore \lveoi OuiprjKei, which were probably close-fitting sleeveless jackets of co.irse felt. Probably the ta/ini (unnn). AV ' halrgeon,* RV 'coat-of-mail,' of Ex.2832 (cp 3O23. both passages from P), was a corslet of this character.

Etymology here does not help us as the word is from the Aramaic root .|; ^^ {fthj>eal 'to fight') and therefore means simply 'fighting garb.' Targ. Onk. renders it J^r, 'breast- plate.' (Ex. 28 28) is based on another text. Kn.'hcl is on the right track when he says in his comment (cited by Di., ad loc): ' We are reminded of the KivoOwpa^ of the Greeks (//. 2529 Sjo). Egypt excelled in its manufacture.'

In the Greek period (300 P.C. and later), the ordinary heavy-armed soldiers wore coats of fine iron chain-mail {OJipa^ aXi;<r(5arr6s), a series of links connected into a continuous chain (Rich).

It is significant that 5 gives this intcrjiretation in I S. 175. and we may conclude from i Mace. 635 that during the entire Greek period this was the kind of cuirass usually worn. What form of breastplate was pictured before Pauls imatjination as a symbol for the righteousness of a Christian w.irrior (Eph. 614, cp Is. 59x7 and i Mace. 58) whether a corslet of scale armour (column of Antoninus), or a cuirass of broad metal plates across the chest and long flexible bands (laminct) of steel over the shoulders ' (depicted on the column of Trajan) can only be conjectured. Excellent woodcuts representing both may be found in Rich's Diet, of Roman and Greek Antiquities. Compare also Warre-Cornish's Concise Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiquities. O. C. VV.

BREASTPLATE, Priestly[edit]

(]wn ; Ex. 284. nepi- CTHSion [I'AL]; elsewhere jO AoriON [BAF], to AoreioN [I'J. ' oracle ' ; but twice [Hx. 256 (7) 3r.8 (9)] 6"'" has no^HRHC where MT has j^H) or BREAST- PLATE OF JUDGMENT (DD^'P ' ;t*n, Ex. '28 15 ; A. TOON KRlcecON [B.VL] ; often in 0). an object worn on the ephod of the High Priest. It seems to have been a square piece attached by its corners to the shoulder-straps of the ephod (see Ephod, 3) and of like material probably a species of pocket whose outer side was adorned with precious stones. The etymology of the word is uncertain.

Di. rejects the probable derivation from the root hasuna, ' to be beautiful,' and would prefer to connect it with j^h, sinus or 'fold' in which something is carried; cp Ewald, Alterth. 390. Oil the stones in the breastplate, see I'KKCiors Stones, and cp Ukim anl) Thum.mim, and Nowack, UA -1 119.

O. C. W.


in the proper usage of the word, denotes the (iividcci garment reaching from the waist to just below the knees, eciuivalent to the Lat. feminalia and Gr. nepiCKeAH. a.s distinguished from braca (jbracctr) or anaSyPI^^C. which reached to the ankles the garment ordinarily denoted by the word ' hosen ' at the time when the AV was ntade. The earliest form of the garment seems to have been simply a loin cloth (cp GiRDi.K, 1). Generally, however, the long mantle worn in the East made a special covering for the legs unnecessary, and even the warriors who are depicted upon the monuments with their short tunics have the leg l)elow the knee wholly bare with the exception of sandals. Noteworthy, on the other hand, are the lacings which protect the shins and knees of the follower of Asur-bani-pal ( Per. and Chip. , Art in Chald. ii. pi. X.); see further .Shoi-.s. Breeches, in fact, seem to be a distinctively Persian dress (see Herod. I71 7 61), and do not appear to have been known among the Israelites at all events not before the exile. 1 Apart from the ch.aracleristic priestly d'DJDO (see below, 3), g.arments of this nature are mentioned only in Dan. 3 21

1. ?2-ia, sarhdl (Dan. 821 27t), RV ' hosen,' ^ sup- ported by a consensus of opinion (Theod., Aq., Sym. Pesh. , Hi., Ew. , Behrmann, etc.).

In this case the word is derived from Gr. (rapa^apa, crapd^aXXa (I.ag. GVj. AMi. 207, p"ra. Aram. Lehniu. 48), probably of Pers. origin (cp mod. Pers. shahvdr). In Targ. and Talm., on the otlier hand, 'q (originally not connected with the above) denotes a 'mantle'; so Jewish exegetes (.\ben-Ezra, etc.) and AV ('coats,' mg. 'mantles') in this passage.

For more than one reason the AV is probably better. ' Coats ' or ' mantles ' suits the climax in v. 27, which describes the powerlessness of the fire over the Three, better than RV their bodies were uninjured ; nor was their hair singed ; their mantles (flowing loose robes, easily inflammable) were unchanged, nor had the smell of fire passed on them.

2. c"29. patlis, in j'i,T;r'DS (or rather jirt'ras [Bii. Gi. ]), Dan. 821, is an exceedingly obscure term for which are offered such diverse renderings as ' hosen ' ( AV), ' tunics ' (RV), -turbans' (RV">.').

' Turb.ans ' m.ay be safely dismissed as unphilological and im- probable (see TuRii an) ; for the rest cp Syr. |>A^^ (") Persian tunic (cp RV) (1^) breeches, also a kind of leggings (cp A V) ; .see Payne-Smith, Thes. The Jew. -Aram, p'^s occurs in only one passage independent of Dan. 821, and apparently denotes some-

1 Much later, in the Roman period, hiaccte, feminalid, and fascitr all found their way into Juda:a (Hriill, Trachten d. Judtn, 87).

2 Evidently retained in its older sense. The modem 'hosen is applied to stockings.

thing worn upon the feet ; but the text is prob.-bly corrupt (see I^vy, S' tiW'li, s.v. rirs), although Kohut (Aruch Coni/ileluiii, s.v. c'as) argues for its authenticity. It is not improbable that POB 's ? ^^-s. ' "^aio; this is indirectly suggested by the philological evidence and the versions (C^ reads only ttvo of the three terms), and is directly .supported by quotations in the old Latin fathers. For a discussion of ^310 and tro^ see further Journ. Phil. 'IfijpTff. ['99].

3. The priestly linen breeches (na-'pJDO [0:3 to cover, hide], ir(pi(TKe\rj Xiva, feminalia, Pesh. transliterates Trepi^tofia) were to be worn along with the holy linen coat, the linen girdle, and the linen turban by Aaron on the Day of Atonement as he entered the holy place within the curtain (Lev. I64 [P]). It is probably by an oversight that they are specially mentioned in I,cclus. 45 8 along with the long robe and ephod (or rather the kuttdneth and ine'il ; so Heb. ) as part of his ' apparel of honour. ' Ordinary priests also wore them on sacrificial occasions (Ex.2842 3928 Lev. 6 10 [3] [all P], lizek. 44 18 [the b'ne Zadok]).

According to Jos. {.'Int. iii. 7i) the ixavaxatniv [Niese] was a girdle (Siafujxa) t of line twisted linen. It was the undermost of the priestly garments and possibly the most primitive, since the older law of Ex. 'M 26 (J E (according to liacon, E]) seems to imply that the wearing of the garment was not originally compulsory for priest or layman. The change seems to l>e due to a primitive conception of holiness. Clothes which had come in cont.act with a holy place or function became taboo (Ar. hartm), and therefore useless in ordinary life. The way to avoid this misfortune was to perform holy ceremonies naked (just as the Hedouins made the sacred circuit of the Kaaba at IVIecca in a nude condition), or in holy vestments borrowed from the priests (cp 2 K. IO22). The law of Kx. 2026 is apparently aimed against the former custom (for which see further WRS, A'5"(-') 45iyC). See Dkess, Priest. i. a. S. A. C.


(Mt. 12 47 Mk. 832 Lk. 820). See CLOPAS, >i'itt-' JAMES, 3, SIMON, 4.


1. Of the Hebrews[edit]

(n:?"?, derived by Gcs. from ^/ p"?, 'to be white,' as if bricks were originally made of a whitish clay ; but this is a forced etymology ; TtAinBoc)-^ The Hebrew word for brick is not limited to sun-dried bricks. There is no doubt, however, that the Israelites, like most Eastern nations, used this kind almost exclusively ; in Gen. 11 3 burning bricks is mentioned as a foreign custom, analogous to the use of asphalt (see Bitumen) for mortar, and we may safely disregard EVs rendering brickkiln' in 2 S. I231, N'ah. 814.* Sun-dried bricks of a very early period have been found in Palestine ; burnt bricks seem to date generally from the Roman period. It will be remembered that the houses of the mass of the Israelites were made of sun-dried clay (see Housk) ; it was of the same material that their bricks were composed.*

The true countries of brick-m.^kers and brick-builders were Egypt' and Mesopotamia. In Egypt, not only all houses, but also all palaces, many tombs (including several of the smaller pyramids), and some temples, were constructed of Nile-mud bricks.

2. Brick-making[edit]

The representations of brick-making which are to be found in Egyptian wall - pictures are very instructive. They not only show the process with great clearness, but also illustrate most vividly the serfdom of the Israelites on Egyptian ground. The most famous picture, for example, represents foreigners chiefly of a Semitic type at work, superintendcd by Egyptian ' task masters ' armed with sticks.

1 We are reminded of the manner in which the Ar. m'tzar has evolved from the simple izdr ; see Girule, 1.

2 Some scholars consider itKivOaurers hoeing the ground with the wooden Egypti.in hoe (see At;mcLi.ruKK, fig. 3), carrying the black earth (.Nile-inuil deposited at the aimiial inundation) in baskets 1 to a clean (sandy r) place, moistening it with water taken from shallow ponds, cvidetitly at some distance from the Nile, and kneading it with their feet. The wooden moulding-frame Is filled with m.iterial of the right consistency, and emptied on the ground ; then the square heaps of mud, placed in rows side by tide, are left to dry.-

3 Egyptian brick[edit]

These Egyptian bricks were usually twice the size of our modern ones. Many of thcin (from dynasty 18

'^"^^'^^) ^^"'^ stamix-d with the name  ^ ^ '^'"' '" ^^"^^ ^'^' '^"^ belonged to public buildings ; someliines the 

stamp shows the name of the building, and sometimes in addition to this the name of the oflicer charged with the construction of the building. Stamps as well as moulds have been preserved to modern times, and bricks with the name of Rameses II., ' the Pharaoh of the oppression' (but see Kcypt, l,^ ff-), are shown in our museums. We often find chopped straw or reed mi.xed with the mud to make it more consistent and to prevent cracking during the drying. According to E.x. 5i8 the pharaoh showed his malice by doubling the work of the Isr.ielites. Apparently we are to under- stand that, instead of furnishing straw from the royal domains and from the magazines of a fifth part of the other fields, he forced tlie oppressed strangers to gather the straw from the fields themselves. This, however, they could not well accomplish tluring their scanty leisure time ; besides, the stalks wtre used (and are still used) as fodtier, esjx'cially when not quite dry. Nor is it any e.isier to see how they could get old straw of the previous year (from the refuse heaps of farm- yards, etc. ?) in quantities sufticient for their ' tale of bricks." For the rest, we frecjuently find not only foreign captives, but also the I'.gyptian serfs, referred to in Egyptian texts as making bricks under constraint.

4. Babylonian[edit]

We now turn to the second brick-building country Mesopotamia. Owing to the scarcity of stone in ^'^^^-^'o"'^ proper, brick was the only building material, stone iK'ing reserved

for the ornamentation of edifices, and the construction of certain parts, such as the threshold(see H.MiYi.oMA, 15). Whilst in 10gy])t rain is so scarce that buildings of sun- dried brick have a certain durability, the climate of Babylonia is less favourable. The Babylonians, accord- ingly, made their constructions more solid. They built walls of an enormous thickness : for example, the great enclosure of Ribylon which Nebuchadrezzar erected with the clay dug from the ditch of the city (cp Babylon, 5). Moreover, their unfavourable climate forced the liibylonians, though wood was at least as scarce in their country as in I'^gypt, to use burnt bricks, esixicially for the outer layers of their thick walls. This led to a high development of the art of glazing and colouring bricks. We find large walls covered with elalxjrate paintings, whilst in Egypt such enamelled

> [Does the phrase, 'his hands were freed from the basket' (Ps. SI 6 [7) RV; 'task-Uasket,' I)e Witt), refer to these baskets? Cp Del. ad lac.; but ^1'^0 is open to grave suspicion (sec Che. Ps.n\ a.n,u:.).\

i-i^'i* "Sypdan method of representing obiects in [perspective IS likely to give the impression that the bricks are placed one above another.

  • It has been inferred from this stamp that the government

manufactured bricks for sale, and even that it had a brick- monopoly ; but this is verj- improbable.

tiles were used much more rarely and always on a smaller scale. Crude bricks, however, sometimes of enormous size and always without straw, were the common material, especially in the earlier times. Hence we have brick stamps with, for example, the name of such old kings as Sargon of AgadiS and Naram-sin.

In Nineveh, sun-dried bricks seem to have been the building material in general use. On Ezek. 4i, which mentions Ezekiel as portraying the siege of Jerusalem on clay-tiles, see Ezek. SHOT (\Lng.), p. 98^

w. .M. M.


(jaiptj). 2.S. I'ij. Nah.3.4 and (RV Brickwork I J<r. 489. See above. i.


(n^2) Is. 025. Bridegroom (inn) Jer. 7j4. See .\I.\KKiA(;i;.


(re(t)YPOYN [A]), 2 Mace. I213 AV ; RV Gkfuvkun.


The various I leb. and Gr. words will be found dealt with in the articles s|>ecified below.

1. Di0.-.3, nia/tsdin (^vKoK^), Ps. 3! 1 1 12] KV, lA'nn;- ' muz/le ' (cp Catti.k, 8 9). Most inappropriate ; read -?, ' a guard ' (Ps. 141 3 nT.CC'), with Her/, Che.

2. ni'?SS, tn*sii/,Hh, 2ech. 14 2o AVms;., KV Hi:r.Ls [^.r'., 2].

3- ^?> nietlug, 2 K. 10 28(xaAivot) || Is.3;29 (xoAti-o?), I'rov. 263 (Kti-Tpof). EV is no doubt correct. Cp the place-name in 3 S..SI, .MKrHH<;-.\.M.MAii.

4- 19"}} resen. Is. 30 28 ((B doubtful), Job 30 11 ixakivot), Ps. 32 9 (r>)(uos). Job 41 13 [5] EV (flw/>a|). Perhaps ' bit ' would be a better renilcrint;.

5. X"-^'""* Jas. 33 RV, .\V 'bit'; Rev. 14 20 KV (cp Eur. Aicesiis, 492); cp HoKSK, jj 2.


Six Hebrcw words have to Ix; considered.

I- D':,713,' barkdnhn (Judg. 87 i6t), are mentioned along with ' thorns of the wilderness ' as the instruments with which Gideon ' taught,' or rather ' threshed ' (r. 7 ; C|) Moore's comm. ad loc. ), the men of Succoth. The etymology of the Hebrew word being unknown and its occurrence so rare, it is scarcely worth while to speculate as to the kind of thorn intendeil.

We may notice that according to I5oissier, 3 602 (quoted by Aschcrson in l,o\v, 429), h-rkiin is in nio<iern times an .Araliic name for I'haceof'af'pus scoparius, Hoiss. The r'arallcli-in witli 'thorns of the wilderness' in lx)th places is enou^ih to rt'";ite the absurd idea invented by Micbaelis and adopted by dtsenius that C'J^"13 meant 'threshing-wains.' The method of torture alluded to is that of carding (see Moore).

2. TCC*. samir, occurs eight limes in Is. (56 "232425 9 18 [17] 10 17 274 32 13),"- in seven of these along with n'c*, a word of similar meaning, tc;? is a genuine Semitic word, and Celsius (2 188 cp Friinkel, 89) pointed out its aftinity with Ar. sumur, some kind of thorny plant. The Hebrew word seems a general one for thorny plants, of which there are many kinds in Palestine (Tristram enumerates sixteen sjiecies of Kluiiii- nctc, Fl'P 263 ff. ). The ancient versions give no help towards a nearer determination of the species.

3- 1S"0, iii-par (Kovvi'a [Sym. kvU] Is. 55i3t). a wilderness-plant, probably of the nettle kind, as its name is apparently connected with r^-c ;= rx-, ' to burn.'

.Aq. Theod. took it to Ije the ' fleah.nne' ; Sym. and Vg. the 'nettle'; Pesh. renders ftitkra, prolnbly 'savory.' Any of these will suit the passage well ei)oiii;h ; under the new dis- pensation this plant was to give place to the myrtle.

4- C"3T3. sdrdbhini, AV"'>:- 'rebels' (irapoiaTp-fiaovai [Sym. Irafjiol, Th. 5v<tko\oi] Ezek. 26t), is not a plant name.

According to the testimony of all the ancient versions, the word is almost certainly to be read as the participle (C':"I3) of a verb common in Aram., 'to gainsay falsely" or 'iilly' ; and the following word, D'JPD, is perhaps a mistake for D^bb (' despising ') or some such word, so that the clause would read ' though they gainsay and contemn thee ' (see Co. ad loc). There is no support anywhere for a word D'3^0 meaning 'briers.'

' O merely transliterates ; in v. 7 .\q. renders rpayaxiu^ac and Sym. rpt^oAot/f (see KiKi.D, a J Ak:).

2 In the other three places where TCC* occurs (Jcr. 17 i E/ek. 89 Zech. "12) it is rendered 'diamond' or 'adamant' (se AuA.MA.vT, S 3)-

5- p'?p. sillan (<tk6\o^, Ezek. 2824),' is connected with Jewish Aram. kiS'o. Syr. salwd, Ar. sulld, Mand. Kn'S'O (Low, 150), all of which mean a 'thorn' or 'pricking point.'

6. pin, hedek (dKavdai,^ Prov. 15i9 [where EV thorns'"] Mic. 74t). is by Wellhausen (A7. ProphS^^ 149) connected with Ar. hadika, .an enclosed garden or orchard ; he reads in Micah n3iD20 mtr' pinp D3ia (' ihr Bester ist aus der Dornhecke und ihr Gradester aus dem Gestriipp '), thus producing a good parallelism. On the other hand, Low (147), following Celsius (ii. 35^), ex- plains the word by reference to Ar. hadak, which, accord- ing to Lane [s.v.), is Solanum cordatum. Tristram (FFP, 368) identifies it with Solanum sanctum, L. (sometimes called the apple of Sodom : see Biid.*^' 152). We m.iy at all events gather from Prov. 15 19 that a thorny plant capable of forming a hedge is intended. For Heb. 68 AV [r/st'/JoXotj, see THISTLE [4]. N. M.


(|np), Jer. 464, RV ' coats of mail' ; see BREASTPL.\TE (i. ).


{i.e., brenston, 'burning stone'; T\yZi\, gophrith; ddoy -.^ sulphur).

The passages are Gen. 19 24 Dt. 29 23 [22] Job 18 15 Ps. 11 6 [7] Is. 30 33 349 Ezek. 3822 Lk. 1729 Rev. 917/ 14 10 19 20 20 10 21 8t). Gophr'ith is apparently connected with TS3i ' bitumen '

(cp the Aram, and Ar. forms with initial k\ but surely not of Bactrian origin, as L.igardc-* supposed.

Almost invariably the passages in which brimstone is mentioned relate to divine judgments ; there is no direct statement of any use to which sulphur was put by the Hebrews. They cannot have known any- thing of the industrial uses of that mineral, which have so largely added to the wealth of the regions where it is most easily obtained [e.g., Sicily). The only objects to which it was applied by the ancients, according to Plin. HNZhis, are the making of lamp wicks [ellychnia], the fumigation and cleansing of wool, certain medical remedies, and, lastly, religious purifications * (cp Od.11 481 483 ; after the slaughter of the suitors).

It may be conjectured, however, that sulphur was used in the so-called Toi-heth (q.v.) of the Valley of Hinnom (cp Is. 80 33), and one conclusion may safely be drawn from the many descriptions in which brimstone is referred to that the Israelites were not unacquainted with the volcanic phenomena known as 'solfatara ' or those known as 'fire-wells' (as emanations of car- buretted hydrogen, when they take fire, are frequently called). These ' fire-wells 'occur in many of the districts where mud- volcanoes appear, in Europe, Asia, and N. America.** Reminis- cences of phenomena of this kind apparently underlie certain parts of the account of the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah in Gen. 19 and the other passages (see above) where the same narrative is directly or indirectly alluded to.

It is probable that the Hebrews, like the Greeks (see //. 14415 Od. 12417) and the Romans (Plin. HN Sois), associated the ozonic smell whicn often so perceptibly accompanies lightning discharges with the presence of sulphur. This may help to explain the passages which describe or allude to the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah as having been brought about by a rain of fire and brimstone from heaven (Job 18 15 ? Gen. 19 25j Ps. 116 Ezek. 3822 Lk. 1729).


RV ' coat of chequer work '

1 On D':i?D, Ezek. 2 6 see above, 4.

2 The reading of in Mic. 7 4 (dn <rr\<s iKTjMyoiv) presupposes a reading pnh^J (Vollers in ZA TiVi 10).

S Probably from the same root as dvia,/uinus, and wholly un- connected with Seo9.

4 Beitr. 74 27 ; .?^w. 1 64/ ; Sym. 2 93/ CpOv. Met.U^<)^/.,

Lurida supponunt foecundo .sulfura fonti, Incenduntque cavas fumante bitumine venas. 8 See Sir Archibald Geikie in Ency. r/f.fJ) 10 251. 7 Fulmina, fuU^ura quoque sulpuris odurem habent, ac lux ipsa eorum sulpurea est.

()*2t?'n nana), ex.

See Embroidery, i ; See Tunic, 2.


(Hap-I), Ezek. 16 EMBkOIDEKV, 1.


(D^nn), Ex.3522 RV ; AV 'bracelets' [see Hook, 2]. See also Buckle, 1.


The Hebrew word usually thus rendered is?n3, nakal {xeifidft^ovs; cp in NT Jn. I81), which, like the Ar. wiidy, denotes not only the flowing brook itself (cp |n*X 7n3, Am. 524), but also, like the Ar. %uddy, the drierl-up river bed ' (cp the term 3T3X, Jer. 15 18). Hence Job likens his unstable brethren to a brook whose supply of water cannot be counted on (Job 615).

In Is. 19 6, lii-D nk'i y'Dre mdfSr, 'the brooks of defence," means rather ' streams of Egypt ' (so RV). ^^<', y'Sr, a word which bears resemblance both to the Eg. 'io{t)ru*, ' river,' and to the Ass. ia'uru, 'stream,' is applied usually to the Nii-E.

P*SX. 'aphik, in D^'O 'P'BK, aphikc mayim, ' water-brooks,' Ps. 42 2 [3] Joel 1 20 (irijyou, a<f>t<Tfii v&dTiov), is a poetical word which, from its radical idea of holding or confining, denotes properly a channel (cp Is. 8 7). It is otherwise rendered ' stream," 'river,' ' waters,' etc., and occurs in various involved figurative meanings, in Job 12 21 (AV 'the mighty'), 40 18 (AV 'strong pieces'), 41 15 [7] (D'^O T?*^, AV 'scales").

Vs'D, mii/ial, rendered ' brook ' in 2 S. 17 20, is a word of un- known etymological history (for Fr. Del. 's identification with the Ass. mekaltu, ' a canal,' cp Dr. ad loc. and ZDMG 40 724). The word, if not corrupt (We. conjectures some such word as ~ni) or out of its place, is quite unknown.'

'For Brook Of Egypt (cn-^O Sn:), Is. 27 12 RV, see Egypt, River ok. For Brook of the Arabah (.lanjjn '^np). Am. 614 RV, sec- Arauah, Brook of the. s. A. C.


(Dn'l), I K. 194 RV^e-. AV Juniper.


(P"1^), Judg. 619/ Is. 65 4t. See Cooking, 3 ; S.\ckifice.


(Din), Gen. 30 32/ AV ; see Colours, 8.


[h'^, cp Ar. dalw'"', Ass. dilAtu), Is. 40 15 ((cdSos [BX.'\Qr]) ; in Nu. 1i^ {(r-KipjM [BAFL]), used figuratively of Israel's prosperity. See Agriculture,



I. According to some authorities the nn (c(|)pAr'AAC, armillas) of Ex.3522 was a buckle (AV 'bracelets,' RV 'brooches'). See Ring.

2. So, too, the mi'i'K of 2 S. 1 10. See Bracelet


3. irSpirr] (iMacc. IO89 II58 I444) was a gold buckle, bestowed in one instance as an honourable distinction on Jonathan by king Alexander Balas, ' as the use is to give to such as are the kindred of the king (i Mace. 10 89).

Such buckles or brooches formed the fastenings of the outer garment on the breast or over the shoulder. They were of various shapes, the commonest being a flat circular ring with a pin passing through the centre (Rawlinson). The use of golden buckles (like that of the purple robe) was reserved to men of dis- tinction (see passages cited, and cp llivy, 3931) ; see Crown, S 4.


For |3p, mJgen (2 S. 2231 --VV), T\yi. ftnnak (Ps. 352), "I'lnb, sohcrah (Ps. 9I4) see Shield. For npn, romah (i Ch. l/s) see Spear (so R'V).


(BoYfAlOC [BNAL"], bugaius), Est. 126 AV. See Agagite.


("pa, 52 ; abbreviated from -in'ipa ; BOKx[e]i [L]; see Bukkiah).

1. .'^aid to have been the fourth in descent from Aaron in the line of Eleazar : i Ch. 5 51 [5316 36] (?/. 5 B [B), -luxai [.\] ;

^ ^n: is accordingly sometimes rendered ' valley ' : cp, e.g., Dt. 2 36 2 Ch. -.'O i6 33 14 in RV.

2 The Targ. identifies 'j^'o with the Jordan. No help can be obtained from the Versions, unless the JieAjjAuflacri (rireuioiTtsof (Bl be correct, in which case Q'on ^3*0 "i^y ^ > corruption of some such word as D'lJSD or Q'ViiJJO (elsewhere late). See also H. P. Smith, ad loc.

v.^i .t (P.AD; Ezra 7^ (BoK(fli (UAl)=i Ed.8a, Uoccas (IloKita [ItA]). In4KMl. la the name appears as Ituritb (Honth).

1. l>.inite ; one of the chiefs chosen to divide Canaan (Baxi^ [Il. -XX' I' 1. -"P I'l. o' I'^l). Nu.34aa [P).


(in'pa. jx-rhaps connected with the Syr. verb \es.^ . and. if pointed H^'i^S. signifying 'Yahwe has tested,' 39, 52); one of the sons of Hcnian. l C h. 2r)4 13 ( BOYKCIAC [B]. BOKKIAC, KOKK. [A], BoKXiAC \\'\ Ui-oa). See Bakbukiah.


(713, [xrhaps ' r;un-month,' from 7l3* ; cp in Ph. 73, CIS i. no. 31 ; its identification with the Pahn. divine name 713 (in 7l313y, etc. ) is not certain ; B&aA [BA]. BoyA ['^l). ' K. 638. See Month, 2, 5.


(T,3. Jt-r. f>2ao; 19, Gen. 32i5[i6] ; litr. Job21 10 ; T3k I's. 50 13. and T&YPOC, Heb. 9 13). See Caitle, 2. For the bull in mythological representa- tions, see Calf, Goi.dkn ; Catti.k, 14; CiiKKtu. 7 ; anfl cp Stars, 3 a. For the brazen bulls (2 K. 16 17), see Ska, Brazkn. It is worth adding th.at bull-lights are often represented on wall-paintings in Egyptian tombs (see P. E. Newberry, El Bersheh, pt. i. , p. 28, n. 1).


("IS), Ex. 29 10. See Cattle, 2.

BULL, WILD[edit]

(Nin). Is. 51 20, AV ; RV Antelope


(lb;iX). Is. 585 (RV 'rush'), and BuL- Rusiiics (N^i), K.\. 23 Is. I82 (RV in the latter 'papy- rus'), both words elsewhere Rushes [q-v.).


For h^X), hel (AV occasionally, RV usually ' rampart '), see Fortress, 5 ; for n39, pinnah, 2 Ch. 2615 (RV ' battlements,' mg. ' corner towers '), see HATTLEMENT and FouTKEss, s; for ^ii^D, wa/A^ (Eccl.9 14), and lisO, ni.isor ( I )t . 20 20), see War.


(n:-13 'intelligence': cp in Palm. W13, Vog. Syr. Ceri., no. 3), a Jerahmeelite (BanaiA [B], Baana [A], amina[L]). iCh. 225.


(l'n>*), Gen. 4235 of money; Ct. I13 of mvrrh ; i S. 25 29 of life. See Bag (4).


('33, :-13 and '])-13, 5. 79 ; cp Bani).

1. A Levite, Neh. !>4 Oofnat [L] ; transl. vi6<: (BKA]), see Ezra, ii. i:j(y.); possibly identical with the signatory to the covenant (see Kzka, i., 8 7), Neh. 10 15 [16] Oan [I5KA], fioKxti or vioi [1.]), whose name, however, is perhaps due to ditto- graphyofliAM [n. 4I in ;. 14 (.-,].

2. Another Levite, one of the overseers of the temple, Neh, 11 15 (\\H.\ om., ^vva [L], -ou [Kc.amg. sup.]) ; not mentioned in y iCh.'.ii4.


(Nb??, massdi.e., 'lifting up"; hence either ' burden ' or ' utterance ' [' to utter 'is 'to lift up the voice']). 'Burden' in EV, when used of a pro- phetic revelation, should rather be 'oracle' (as RV'"*.'- 2 K. 925 etc.). Cp Pkophecy. The term innssd became a subject of popular derision in the time of Jeremiah, owing to its double meaning (see above), so that Jeremiah pronounces a divine prohibition of its use (Jer. 23 33,^ ). It continued, however, to be used in the headings of prophecy. As to the application of masui, once only it denotes divine judicial sentence (2 K. 925; cp Jer. 2336); elsewhere there is no such limitation of meaning. In Prov. 30i beyond doubt K3p should be emended to Scto, in 31 1 to VtrD (see Agur, Lemuel).

HKAQ renders variously A^fx^xa (In the Minor Prophets regularly), pi^a (Is. \:> i 17 i 22 i and 21 1 [Q]), opa/xa (Is. 21 i also iK 15 1 [A], 22 1 [A], and 23 1 [KAQn>K ]), and opa<rit (Is.


(n-yi3p), Is. 14 20. See Dead, i.


(ns-l^). 2Ch.21t9. See Dead. i ; Law and Justice, 12.


(nnii?; iKTpoc[AFL], ikthp

[? B]i, l.<v. ijt; lof ; see Diseases, 6, Medicine.


(H^ir). Ix.-v.l3; see Sacrifice.


(H^yn n3|p). Ex. 3O28; see Altar, 2/ ; Sacrifice.


1 Hebrew terms[edit]

'Bush' represents in AV three different Hebrew words.

1. njo. ifn<!h (/Sdroi, rubus : Kx. 82-4 Dt.33i6 Mk. 1236 Lk. 644 [EV 'bramble bush'] 2O37 ActsTsosst) ^^'"^'^'^ ^ rough thorny bush which is

* original sense of our ' bramble ' as is shown by the use of the same word in later Hebrew, in Aramaic, Arabic, and As.syrian, and confirmed by the rendering of the ancient Versions. Low (275), following Forskfd (Flor. Aig. Ar. cxiii. ), identifies it with Kubus fruticosus. Some, on the ground that the bramble is not found on Sinai, assume that a kind of acacia is referred to. These Hebrew and Greek words are used in OT and NT respectively only in connection with the theophany to Moses in Iloreb (Sinai), except in Lk. 644.' In OT (Kx. 82-4 I)t. 33 16). and in Acts? 3035, the term refers to the actual bush; in Mk. 1226=Lk. 2O37 (see RV) to the section of Exodus containing the narrative (see below, 2).

2. n'bi iidh (x^w/xij', virgultum, EV 'plant,' Gen. 25; AciTi7, arbor, EV 'shrub,' Gen. 21 15 ; also Job 304 7t") is in Gen. 25 probably used in a general sense of any wild-growing shrub ; in the other passages the reference may be more specific. Low (78), who cites the Syriac and Arabic equivalents sihd and //"// identifies it with Artemisia judaica L, but allows that the Arabic word is used by Syriac lexicographers for various species. See also W'etzstein, Keiseber., 41.

3- C'V^n^.' nahilOiim [JM-yas, foramina, AV ' bushes," RV 'pastures,' mg. 'bushes,' Is. 7i9t) is almost certainly connected with the root Snj, Ar. nahata (see Barth, /V/i2i5), whose projjer sense is that of leading cattle to the drinking-place. The noun, therefore, means ' drinking-places ' like Ar. manhal or maurid. This is better than the more general rendering 'pastures.' 'Clefts' (5, Vg. ) rests on a false ety- mology; and 'bushes' (Saad. etc., A\') is seemingly due to conjecture (Ges. Thcs.).

2. The 'burning bush'[edit]

The theophany in the bush (Ex. 82-4) is remark.able. Elsewhere the ' angel of Yahwe' is a theophany inhuman ^"\=^"' ^T ^^P^^^'^'y <"' . , , x'-L'.ibT,) the only special appearance

^^ is that of fire. The nearest parallel is Judg. 1320, where the angel ascends in a flame of fire ; but the human form of the appearance is there unmistakable. The story in the form which it assumes in E.xodus appears to have resulted from a fusion of two widely current beliefs that fire indicated the divine presence (see Theoi-hany, 5), and that certain trees were the permanent abodes of deities. It seems probable from the character of the reference in I)t. 3oi6 that there was current a different form of the story, according to which the bush was Yahwc's pi-rmanent dwelling ; for the phraseology (.130 'J2C*. ' who dwelt in the bush ' ) indicates the same per- manency of the divine presence as was subsecjuenlly supposed to characterise the teniple. Renaii, however, would read *3'o -i,zc, ' who dwells in Sinai ' (cp v. 2), and certainly in Exodus the fiery appearance is clearly re- garded as, like other thcophanies, teni|X)rarj'. Rolx-rt- son Smith (A"*"/. iVw.'-' 193/ ) cites some parallels from non-biblical sources, and argues that ' the origin.al seat of a conception like the burning bush, which must have its physical basis in electrical phenomena, must probably be sought in the clear dry air of the desert or of lofty mountains. '

' mo occurs also as the proper name of a Rock, i S. I44 (see Michmash).

3 Where & (^x*"*^ '"^x""') '>** been led a.stray by the likeness of the word to the verb n'S? i but Aq. and Sym. have ^vrd (in r'. 7 .Sym. ifivTa. iypia).

We need not rationalise and suppose a bush of the nedk, overgrown with the Loranthus acacift, which has an abuntiance of fire-red blossoms (so the botanist traveller Kotschy, in Furrcr's art. ' Dorn," DL2ii). Cp further Baudissin, Stud, zur sem. Religionsgesch. 2 223 ; Jacob, Altarab. Parallelen sum ATjf. N. M., i; G. B. G., 2.


(MOAlOCi modius), a measure of capacity ; Mt. 5i5 Mk. 421 Lk. Il33.t See Weights and Measures.


(ni5^"P), Gen. 40 1 41 9; cp Cupbearer, and see Mkals, 11.


(HNOn). Gen. 188. See Milk.


(n3). I. Second son of Nahor, Gen. 222i (Bar^ [A] -f [L])- As Buz is mentioned in connec- tion with Dedan and Tema in Jer. 2523 (Pwy [BN^AQ], -d [K*], Bci^f [Q'"^]), it must have been an Arabian people. Buz and Hazo (q.v.) are connected by Del. (Par. 307 ; Riehm's H\.VB(-), 124) with the Biizu and Hazii of the annals of Esarhaddon (Budge, Hist, of Esark. 59-61, KB, 2130/". ), two districts not to be exactly identified, but evidently in close pro.vimity to N. Arabia. Esarhaddon's description of the land of Bazu is not an inviting one ; it was a desolate, snake-haunted region. Probably Buz should Ix; vocalised Boz (t"i3), to accord with Bazu and the vowels av and w in the Gk. forms (cp Erankel, Vorstudien su der Sept. 116).

2. A Gadite {ia^ovx<Ht. [BJ, Bou^' [L], Axt/Sovf (A ; see Ahi, I]), iCh.6i4t.


(*TU, probably a gentilic ; see Buz), father of the prophet E/.ekiki. {q.v., i), Ez. l3[2] (BoyzLejl [BAQ], ne(t)<\YAiCMeNOC [Q""-'])-


(nia. o BoYz[e]iTHC [BNC], oToy Boyzi [A]; uNAc ajds thc AydellTiAoc Xt*JPAc). a gentilic noun from Buz {q.v.), applied to Elihu, the fourth speaker in the poem of Job (Job322), who is also said to have been 'of the family of Ram." From the fact that Ram is the name of a Judahite family, to which Boaz and David are said to have belonged (Ruth 41921), and that an Milm appears in i Ch. 27i8 as 'one of the brethren of David,' Dcrenbourg (REJlb) conjectures that ' Buzite ' should rather be "Bozite' = ' Boazite ' ('lyia). To complete this theory Elihu ought, it would seem, to be David's brother. Unfortunately ' Elihu ' in i Ch. 27 18 is most probably corrupt, and, even if not, ' brethren ' is a vague and uncertain term (see Ei.iHU, 2). Moreover, dramatic propriety naturally suggested the description of Elihu as an Aramwan Arab. Ram (q.v., 2) is probably a fictitious name, like Elihu and Barachel. t. k. c.


RV Kab (ip ; kaBoc [BAL]), 2K.625t, a dry measure, one-si.\th of a seah (see Wkights and Measures). So at least Jewish authorities (see Bu.x- torf, s.v. 3i?) ; but in this passage 2p ('cab ') is prob- ably a scribe's error for 13 ('cor'). See Dove's Dung, Husks.


(p23, xaBra [RA], xaBBco [L]), an un- identified city in the lowland of Judah, mentioned between Eglon and Lahmas (Josh. I540). It is pos- sibly the same as the M.\chbe.n.\ AV M.\chbenah (mzzrp; /j-axaji-nva [B], -afxrjva [A], /xax^ava [L]) mentioned among the Calebite towns enumerated in iCh. 249, and may perhaps be represented by the present el-Kubeibeh, lying between Kh. 'Ajlan and Kh. el-Lahm, sites that have been proposed for Eglon and Lahmas.


(nr.Jn), Jer. 37 i6t, AV ; RV Cells {q.v. ).


("p-na; xooBa [macomcA] [B], xaBcoA [A]. XO. [E]), a town in the territory of Asher (Josh. 1927), the xa^wXw (variants -\y\ -/3o\. , -^a\. , 7a/xaXa)>') mentioned by Josephus ( I'it. 43, 44, 45) as a village on the confines of Ptolemais, 40 stadia from Jotapata (modern Jefat), may safely be identified with the modern A'a^///, 236 ft. above sea-level, 9 m. SE. from Acco. It is probably the xa/SonXw;/ (but other codd. read fa/3oi/\wv), which Josephus (5/83) gives as on the sea coast of Tyre and forming the E. frontier of Lower Galilee. The name was current at the time of the Crusaders as Cabor or Cabour, a fief presented in 1186 to Count Joscelin by King Baldwin IV., and it gave its name to a family ( Rey, Colonies Franques en Syrie).

In I K. 9 10-13 it is told how Solomon, on the com- pletion of his buildings in Jerusalem to which Hiram contributed, gave to the latter ' twenty cities in the land of Galilee,' but Hiram was dissatisfied with them and ' they were called the land of Cabul unto this day ' ^Heb. Vns jnx, (S"-^'- 6piov for "joa ; Jos. ^/. viii. 53,

XO/SaXwy, described as bordering on Tyre ; c. A p. I17, XO-^ov\(i3v, ' a piece of land in Galilee ').^ For the state- ment of Josephus that in Phoenician the name means 'unpleasing' (ovk a.pi(jKOv) there is no evidence. Yet the true explanation ought not to be far away. If we could recover it we should see that the popular wit was not so poor as Hiller, Ewald, and Thenius supfwsed [i^22-':'^. 'as nought"). Cheyne (PSBA, 21 inf. ['99]) would correct 'land of Cabul' into 'land of Zebulun ' ; ['?i3] may have l)een written 'Sist, and when the mark of abbreviation had been lost, some learned scrilje may have corrected ^ui into Su3. The witticism would be like that which explained Beelzebul as ' lord of dung,' and 'Izebel as 'what dung' (see Beelzebul, Jezebel) ; it would be a new popular etymology of Zebulun. The ' twenty cities,' on this hypothesis, were in the lower part of the Galil, which, in the time of Josephus, and probably also when iK. 911-13 was edited, extended as far as Xa/3oi'\wi' or Cabul. Of course the writer does not mean to say that the name Zebulon was now given for the first time ; he only offers a new justification for the name. For a less probable view C^ua corrupted from '??j ; cp S^a, 'dung'), see Klostermann. (Cp also Bottg. , Topogr.-hist. Lex. zu Josephus, s.i'. ' Chalabon.') By its own evidence (' unto this day') the story, in its present form, is by no means contemporary with the events with which it deals.

The Chronicler, whose views would not allow him to record the cession of a p.irt of the Holy Land to the Gentile, so alters the story as to make it appear that it was Hiram who 'gave the cities to Solomon'! (2Ch.8 2). The AV translators have attempted to reconcile this with the story in Kings by rendering ' gave ' ' restored ' (RV ' had given ').


RV Gaddis (taAAic [AV], -ei [N]), sur- name of JOANNAN (1 Mace. 22). See Maccabees, J- I 3-


RV Kedesh (KHAec [AN], kgA. [V], I Mace. 11 63). See Kedesh, 3.

1 A scholiast (Field's //ex., I.e.) interprets Vl3D l>y iowAo.


UaAhc Barnh [BNA]). Juciith5M AV ; k\' Kadimi-Haknka.


(kaAmihAoy [A]). iEsd.56 AV. k\' Kaumh-.l.


(kaicap [Ti. WH]) is used in the NT as a tale ol Augustus (Lk. 2i) and Tilierius (id. Si). The latter emperor is. moreover, the ' C.x-sar ' of Mt. 2217/: Mk. 1-.>m/: I.k. 2022^ (cp 232) and Jn. 19.2/: Claudius C';i'sar is named in Acts 11 28 (AV. but KV om. C;i'sar with Ti. W'H). and is alluded to in ActslT;. The 'C:vsar' of Paul (Acts258/: 2632 2724 2819) is Nero, whose 'household' is mentioned in I'hil. 422(0! iK TTJi Kalffapos olniai). The reference here is hanlly to n)en>l>ers of his family, but. as in the case of Stephanas in i Cor. 16 15. to ihe /amt/ia or household slaves. See further Ai'OCALVPSE, 43^, Iskakl, 87-115.


1 Earlier history[edit]

I. Csesarea Palsestinse (kaicaria

[Ti. Wll], -eiA [Jos.]; in Talm. '<-\D'P. mod. Arab. ^'^-^'^'^y^^' ^ only real port south of *^>*"'*^ *'^ built by Herod the CJreat (on the nanie, see 3) in time for it to become the capital of the Roman province of Judrta. and to play the great part in the passage of Christianity west- ward from Palestine which is described in Acts. The site was that of a Phcinician (cp Jos. .//. xiii. I54) settlement with a fortification called the Tower of Straton C^Tpdruvoi llvpyos) a Hellenic form of a Phcenician proper name. Astartyaton (Pielschmann. GescA. der I'hon. 81 ; Hildcsheimer, ]ieilr. z. Ccoi,'. Palest, ^ff., where the variant reading ti? '?-i:a or ic, ' Devil's -Tower," given in Talmud W Shchiith, vi. 1 36, and in Talmud B Mfi^i/la is explained as a Jewish nickname for a town called after a worshipper of Astarte). There was, according to Strabo, a landing- place {irpdaop/jiov /x^")- At the end of the second century n.i. . the town was under a 'tyrant.' Zoilus (Jos. .Int. xiii. Pia); but Alexander Jann.x-us took it for the Jews, along with the other coast towns {/fi. 15). These were enfranchised by Pompey and made suljject to the province of Syria (/</. xiv. 44). After the Rattle of Actiunj they were presented to Herod the Great along with Samaria and other places by Augustus (id. "^J.^'-

2. Rebuilt by Herod[edit]

yP ' !*^' 'T^ ""^ ^"^'^ confined his building designs to the L. side of the Central Range. Now, however, in alliance with Rome, he came over the watershed, and out of Samaria built himself a capital which he called after his patron, Sebast6. Requiring for this a seaport that should keep him in touch with Rome, he chose Straton's Tower as the nearest suitable site to Sebaste. He laid the lines of a magnificent city, which took him twelve years to build (id. xv. 96 ; ' ten years,' xvi. 5 1 ).

Josephus describes the thorough and lavish architecture.

In the usual Creek fashion, there were palaces, temple, theatre, ampliithentre, and many arches and altars. There were also vaults for draining the city as carefully constructed as the buildings .nlxjve ground. A bieakwater 200 ft. wide was formed in 20 fathoms depth by drooping enormous stones. The south end was connected by a mole with the shore, and the mouth of the harlwur looked N., the prevailing winds on this coast Iwing from the SW. (id. xv. it6 ; Ji/ i. 'Jl 5-8). 'lo-day the remains of the breakwater are 160 yards from shore, and the mouth of the harbour measures 180 yariis (P/:/- At em.).

3. Names[edit]

Herod called his litv, like Sebaste, after Augustus, Kattro/Mta "Xtfiatrrri, and his harbour .\ifi>)i' 2^a<rTO. When Cl.-tsarea Philippi was built (see below, 8), Herod's sea-p^rt came to be diNtinguished from it by the names Kaiirapfta irapoAiof, K. t\ iir'i SaAoTTT), and even K. 1^ rp<K Sc^aarijt .\i^(Vt (on a coin of Nero, l)e Saulcy, NHiiiism. de la Terre Sninte, 116), and Carsarea Palajstina;. The name of Straton survived long (Jos. Ant. xvii. 11 4, Slrab. XV., Kiiiphanius /> pond, et nuns. 125, Ptol. v. 16). The Talmud calls the city after the harbour, Leminah.

Csesarea became the virtual capital of all Palestine. 'Ccesarea Jud.i-.Ts caput est.' says Tacitus {//isf.ijt).

4. A Roman city[edit]

^^ thoroughly Roman ; the Talmud

' ^.<'^* ^) <:"* 't daughter of Edom. the mystic name for Rome. The 

Procurator lived there ; there was an Italian garrison (ActslOi; cp CoKNKi.its. 1); and in the temple there were two statues- of Augustus and of Rome.* Though there were many Jews (Jos. Ant. xx. 879. BJ ii. 13; 144/. iii. 9:), the inhabitants were mainly (Jcntile.

5. NT references.[edit]

Here, then, very fitly, was poured out upon the Gentiles the gift of the Holy Ghost (Actsl045). There had been a Christian congregation from

'^^ ^'"""\ P"^^'*^' V"'" ?" "^' ' the seven Deacons, took up his residence there ( Acts 8 40 ; cp 21 8 16). Atx)Ut 41 A.l). there came to a Roman centurion CoKNKMLS (q.v.) a divine mess;ige to send to Jojjpa for Peter, who was prepared for this by a vision which taught him that God would make clean all that the Jewish law had hitherto prohibited as unclean. Peter came to C;vsarea. made the profound and tiecisive acknowledgment that God accepts in every nation him ' that feareth him and worketh righteous- ness." preached Jesus, saw the descent of the Spirit upon the little Gentile company, and baptized them (.\ctslO). This proved the turning-point in the opinion of the church at Jerusalem (chap. 11). and prepared the way for the acceptance of the missionary labours of Paul, to which from this stage onwards the Book of Acts is devoted.

Ca-sarea is next mentioned as the scene of the awful death of Herod Agrippa I. (I219I, to whose government it had Ijeen given over : some of its coins bear his superscription (.Madden, Coins of the Jeii's, 133, 136). After him it passed again to the Roman procurator of Judaea, and became tlie chief garrison of the troops under him. Paul arrived at Citsarca on his voyage from rCphesus (Acts 18 22). and there he was tried with a fairness and security that were impossible in Jeru- salem (chap. 2.')). The contrast between the two cities, which is so evident in this story, proves how thoroughly Roman and imperial Ca-sarea was. liesides receiving so fair a trial. Paul, during his two years of residence in the town, was not threatened by the Jews, as he had been in Jerusalem. From the harbour of Ca.-sarea Paul sailed on his voyage to Italy (27 i).

6. Later history.[edit]

The subsequent history of the town is soon told. Contests between its Jewish and CJentile inhabitants led to, and were among the first incidents of, the great revolt of the Jews against Rome, 66 y/; a.d. (Jos. Ant. xx.

7 9; /i/ii.iSy ^^*/- ISi v'n.^j). Vespasian 

made the town his headouarters, and was there proclaimed emperor in 69. He established there a colony, but without the 'jus Italicum," under the title Piima Flavia Augusta Carsarea, to which, under .\le\ander Seveius, was added Metro- polis Provincial Syri;e Pale^tina; (Pliny, //A' v. 13 69 ; and coins m De Saulcy, Aum. dt la V.S. 112 ^. pi. vii.). This deter- mined the rank of Ca;sarea in the subsequent organisation of the Church. Its bishop became the Metropolitan of Syria : Eusebius occupied the oflTice from 315 to 318. Otigen had made it his home. Procopius was born there. When the Arabs came it was still the headquarters of the commander of the imiwrial tro<jps ; ill 638 it was occupied by 'Abu "Obeida. Like all the coast towns, it lost under Arab domination the supremacy which the Greek masters of Syria, in their nccevsity for a centre of power on the sea, had Iwstowed upon it. It became a country town, known only for its agricultural produce (Le Strange, J'at. uniter the .Mosleiiis, 474). '1 he advent of a western power with the Crusaders revived it for a little ; |{aldwin II. took it in 1102, and rebuilt it ; the present niins are mostly of Crusaders" masonry. Saladin took it in 1187, Richard I. in 1191 ; and St. Louis added to its fortiticati.ms. It wa.s linally demolished by the Sultan Hibars in 1265, and since his time has lain in ruin. (See further on details Keland, J'al. 670^ ; Schurer, hist. 4 84if; ; GASm. JIG I ;& jr.).

7 Site of C. Philippi[edit]

2. Casarea Philippi (KAiCAp[e]iA h 4)iAinnoY. both in NT [Ti. WH] and Jos. 1, so called after its

'^""^'"' I^""-"' (see Hkkodian Family, 
^* ^^ "-"'"'^h, son of Herod, to whom 

"" ' the district w.as granted in 4 B.C., occu- pied a site which had been of the utmost religious 1 Philo, Legat. adCaJum, 38, mentions the 'S.tfiacttlov.

and military importance from remote antiquity. Just under the S. buttress of Hermon, at the head of the Jordan valley, alxjut 1150 ft. .above the sea, is a high cliff of limestone ('from 100 to 150 ft.,' Robinson, LBR 406) reddened by the water, infused with iron, that oozes over it from above. A cavern occupies the lower part of the cliff, filled with the debris of its upper portion, and from this debris there breaks one of the sources of the Jordan. It is probably the sanctuary known as B.\.\L-c;.\i) (q.v.) or Baal-hermon.' Close by is a steep hill, crowned with the ruins of a mediaeval castle, Kal'at es-Sulx-beh, and at its foot the miserable village of Hiinias. Probably here (G.ASm. //(/ 480), rather than at Tell el-Kadi, the site favoured by most authorities, lay the city of Laish that was afterwards Dam [q.v.).

8. Its history and name.[edit]

The place must have been early occupied by the Greeks, both because of its sanctity, and because of its _ ... strategical position. Polybius (16 18 ,^g^^ mentions it as the scene of the

^^^^^ ,^^^^^^ j^ ^^^^^ Antiochus the 

Great won Palestine from the Ptolemies. The Greeks displaced the worship of Baal by that of Pan.

The uave, in which there is still legible an inscription, Ilai't T <coc Niific^ac?, was called to \\a.vti.ov (Jos. ^i'. xv. IO3, BJ i. 21 3 iii. 10 7), a name afterwards extended to the whole hill (lUis. //A' " 17). The village and the country around were designated bv a feminine form of the same adjective, Waviasi or IIawas(Jos. 'Ant. xviii. 2 i xv. 10 3 xvii. 8 i, etc. ; Pliny, v. 18 74).

In 20 B.C. Herod, having received the district from Augustus on the death of Zenodorus, the previous lord of these parts {Ant. xv. IO3 B/ i. 21 3), built a temple to Augustus and set in it the emperor's bust. The first year that it came into his possession, 3-2 B.C., Philip the Tetrarch founded his new town, and called it Cfesarea after Augustus (--^w/. xviii. 21 /?/ ii. 9i ; coins in De Saulcy, TVurn. de la T.S. 313^ pi. xviii.). So it came to be known as Philip's Ccesarea {A/it.xx. 93), or as Caesarea Panias (see the coins). When Philip died the Romans administered the district directly, both^ before Agrippa I. to whom it was given, and in the interval Ixitween him and .Vgrippa II., who embellished it and changed the official designation to Nepwcids in honour of .\ero {.Int. xx. 94). The town's full title was ' C;i'sarea Sebasti, Sacred and with Rights of -Sanctuary under Paneion ' (De Saulcy, pi. xviii. 8). Later the name C;sarea was dropped and Paneas survived, the Arabs when they came changing it to its present form of Bfinias. A shrine of El-Khidr ( = Elias = St. George) now occupies the site of the temple to Augustus.

9. NT references[edit]

CiKsarea Phijijipi is twice mentioned in the Gospels. Jesus is said to have come not to the town itself, but to the parts {to, fiipt), Mt. I613) or villages thereoH^ll^- 827). Probably he avoided it as he avoided other Gentile centres (e.^^., Tiberias) established by the Herods, but in the great saying which he is said to have uttered in this neighbourhood, 'Thou art Peter and on this rock will I build my church," it is possible to see some reference by contrast to the heathen worship founded upon that cliff of immemorial sanctity above the source of Jordan.

In the Jewish war Vespasian rested his troops in Cicsarea (Jos. B/ iii. 97), and in celebration of the close of the war Titus and .\grippa II. exhibited shows on a large scale (ib. vii. 2 i). In Christian times Caesarea Philippi was the seat of a bishop ; and Eusebius {HE 6 18) relates that the woman whom Christ healed of an issue of blood (I.k. 843) was a native of the town, where a statue commemorated her cure. Castle and town were the sub- ject of frequent contests by both sides during the Crusades. For further details see Rel. Pal. ' Pane.xs ' ; Schurer, Hist. iii. 132 ; Stanley, SP 391 ; G.VSm. HG \Tiff. G. A. S.


Cages (or rather wicker-baskets, cp Am. 82) for confining birds in are mentioned twice in EV (see Fowls, 10): (i) in Jer. 527 the houses of the wicked are as full of (the grains of) deceit as a cage (aiSs kilub = K\ia?b%, AV"B- 'coop,' ira7ty [BXAQ]) is full of birds ; and (2) in Ecclus. 11 30 the heart of a proud man

t Once corruptly Baal-hamon {q.v.)

is like a decoy partridge in a cage (or basket : iv Kap- TdWifi [BX.\]. cp Ar. kirtall"", a fruit -Ijasket). A cage (njiD) for lions also is mentioned in Ezelc lOg RV (see Lion).

(3) ^\iKaKr\, rendered 'hold' and 'cage' in Rev. I82 (RV ' hold '), denotes rather a prison (so RVmit-).


(K&i&ct>&c [Ti.], K&i&'<})AC [WH], K(\f4>AC [CDabc]), Mt. 20 3 Lk. 82 Jn. 18 13, or perhaps Caiphas. See .Annas and Caiaphas.


("i^ri ; [zaJkanagim [B], [zanco] akcim i.e., I^i'pn : m^T [A], [zANOy] AKCN [I^]). a town in the hill country of Judah (Josh. 1557), niay possibly Ije the mod. Vakin, 3 m. SE. from Hebron {PKF Mem. ii. 312, 371 ; but see G.ASm. HG 37Q). CpAMALKK, 6.


(Pi5; KAIN [.ADEL], ca/n). In Gen. 4 we have accounts of two different Cains, linked together by the editor. The proof of this will Ix: briefly indicated below ( 2-4) ; it will be convenient to treat first the more ancient and simpler of the two stories.

1. The city-builder of Genesis 4:27+, 5:9+[edit]

I. Cain is the name of the hero who in Gen. 417 is represented as the founder of the city of Enoch' (Hanok). The name evi ff ^'^"y comes from an early, though not a genuine Hebrew, tradition; another document (5 ^ff. ) gives it as Cainan {q.v. ). Its natural meanings are 'smith,' 'artificer' (Ar. kain, Aram. kaindyd) ; '^ for the connection with kdndh, ' to produce ' (also ' to acquire'), suggested in Gen. 4i,^ is philologi- cally difficult. The more general sense ' artificer ' suits best for Cain the city-builder, and the more special one ' smith ' for the second part of the compound name Tubal-cain. Both these names are attached to heroes who at the outset of the tradition must have possessed a divine character (see Cainites, 5, 10).

2. The nomad of Gen. 4:2b-16.[edit]

2. The central figure of the narrative in Gen. 4 2^-16 also is called Cain. The story has come to us in a somewhat abbreviated form. Its substance is as follows. Once upon a time Cain and his brother Abel sacrificed to Yahwe. Cain, being a husljand- nian, brought of the fruits of the ground ; .Abel, as a .shepherd, offered the fat parts of some of his first-born lambs (cp Nu. 18 17). Both, as w.-is usual in ancient religion, looked for a visible sign that their gifts were accepted. What the expected sign was at the .sanctuary to which they resorted, we are not told (cp WRS, Ret. Sem.i"^) 178), and we may pass over later conjectures. At any rate, we learn that only Abel's sacrifice wa.s accepted (see AiiF.L [i.]). Now Cain, had he been wise, would have demeaned himself humbly towards Abel, for who can .say to God, What doest thou? (Job 9 12). Instead of this, he cherished evil thoughts,-* as an oracle, perhaps sought by Cain, warned him. ' And Vahw^ said to Cain, Why art thou wroth ? and why is thy countenance fallen? Surely, if thou doest well, thou ctnst lift up thy head, and if thou doest not well, thy sin must cause it to fall : from irritating words abstain, and thou take heed to thyself? And Cain quarrelled with his brother .Abel, and when they were in the open country . . . ; and Cain assaulted his brother .Abel, and slew him.' Then follows a fresh oracle, containing a curse upon Cain, who is condemned, not only to banishment (cp Hom. //. 2 6^5), but also to a life of restless wandering. The curse, however, is mitigated by the promise of protection against outrage, by means of a 'sign' which will indicate that Cain is under the care of Yahwe.

^ See, however, col. 623, note 3.

2 Di. and Del. support this etymolog>' by the very doubtful ^rj3 commonly rendered 'his spear' (so bal), 2 Sam. 21 16, where a better reading is i>3'p, ' his helmet ' (Kau. JfS, Bu., H. P. Smith, .tfter Klo.).

3 Kve exclaims, nn-nK P'K Tl'jp. 'I have wrought, or produced, a man with the help of Vahwe.' This can hardly be right ; "HK is too vague, and the variations of the comment- ators prove their dis.satififaction with the text. On Marti's view see col. 621, n. 2. Considering that .-jjp is one of the words mean- ing ' to create ' (see Crhation, S 30), we may as,sume that Eve, in the pride of her motherhood, likens herself to her ( ".o<l, and says, ' I have created a man even as Yahwfe.' Targ. Onk. re.-ids for nKi DKO- This is nearer the truth, pio probably comes from r\T(i- ih fell out, and D was confounded with K (cp Judg.

  • Che. Exp. T., July 1899 ; cp Box, ib., June 1899, and Ball


3. Not son of Adam[edit]

According to the older commentators, with whom even Delitzsch must be grouped, this b the same Cain as the builder of the first city, and he is also the first-born son of the first man. ' This view is critically untenable (see t AIM I IS, 2), mainly on account of the improbabilities of the course of events which it assumes.

The first man has been, as we know, driven out of Paradise for traiisKrevsinK a divine command. According to the traditional view, however, nis first-born son Cain is so little imorcs-sed by the punishment that he murders his own brother. More than this, he Ix-comes the direct .inccstor of another murderer, who apparently goes unpunished, and who is also (contr.iry to the spirit of 2is) a polygamist. Now note another point. The original dwelling of Cain is not, as we are to suppose was that of the first m.in and his wife after their expulsion from Paradise, to the east of the garden of Eden (see 334), but in a cultivated and well-pcouled land where Yahwi is worshipped with sacri- fices, and holds familiar intercourse with men (even with Cain) apparently S. Palestine (on 4 t6 sec later). Nor is there any curse upon the ground which Cain tills; it is his own self-caused curse that drives him unwillingly into the land of wandering i.e., into the desert. There, however, without any explanation, he gives up his unsettled life, and advances further in civilisation than before. He builds a 'city.' This is not to be explained by the ingenious remark' that even nom.id tril)es in Arabia have central market stations (Ar. karya, plur. iitrd), for 'city' is evidently used as a general term ; Cain is as much a city- builder as Nimrod, and only .as such (or, upon IJudde's theory, as the father of a city -builder) could he find a place in the Hebrew legend of civilisation. How are these inconsistent statements to be reconciled ? Every possible way has been tried and has failed. It was high time to .ipply the key of analysis ; and no one who has once done this will wish to return to past theories (see Cai.nitks, 2).

4. Origin of story.[edit]

It may Ije assumed, then, that the story of Cain and Abel once had an independent existence, and circulated at one of the sanctuaries of Southern Palestine. It is probably not a borrowed Canaanitish inyth, but an independent Israelitish attempt to explain the strange phenomena of nomad life the per{x;tual wandering in the desert and the cruelly excessive development of the custom (in itself a {xjrfectly legitimate one, according to the Israelites) of vengeance for bloodshed. As Robertson Smith (follow- ing Wellhausen) rightly remarks, Cain is the embodiment of ' the old Hebrew conception of the lawless nomad life, where only the blood-feud prevents the wanderer in the desert from falling a victim to the first man who meets him," .and the mark which Yahwe sets on Cain's person for his protection is ' theskarf or tribal mark (cp Dt-), without which the ancient form of blood-feud, as the nflfair of a whole stock, however scattered, and not of near relatives alone, could hardly have been worked '2 (cp KiNsmi', 1/, and (Juttings, i ).

5. Source of name[edit]

Now we can guess why the nomad of the story is called _ Cain ; Cain is the eponym of the Kenites

(^^ "'^ '" '^'^^ called ]]?. ; but cp Amalek, 6 / ), whose close alliance with the Israelites and location in the wilderness of Judah are well known. That the Kenites should be so well acquainted with a more civilised mode of life, and yet adhere to their nomadic customs, was a surprise to the Israelites,' and the stor)' of Cain and Alx;l grew up to account for it. Nothing but a curse seemed to explain this inveterate repugnance to city life, and a curse implied guilt ; while the unbridled vindictiveness of the nomads (see Gokl, 2/ ) was explicable only by a compassionate command of Yahwi. who after all was the God of the Kenites as well as of the Israelites, so that the distinguishing mark of this tribe was also a sign that its members worshipped Yahwe and were under his protection. Cain, then, represents the nomad trilx; l)est known to the Israelites. He is contrasted with Abel (i.e. the 'herdman' ; see Abel [i.]), because the pastoral

HaKvy, RE/Un.

a W. R. Smith, Kinship, ais/; cp Stade, Z.-i TW 14, t^ff. 1*94]. Marti (/,//. Ccntraibl. May 22, 1897) finds a prophetic reference to this mark in Oen. 4 i, pointing rij<, and rendering ' I have acquired a man, a bearer of the sign of Yahwe.' .So inde- pendently Zeydner [Z.4Tlf^ IHiioJf. ('98)]; but the sign is surely not circumcision. See Stade, o/. cit. 267.

Ewald suggested this (//isi. 1 271). The theory is most fully worked out by Stade, not, however, without extravagances (see Amalek, | 7).

life, when combimed with a fixed domicile, seemed to the Israelites the ideal one. That the Kenites them- selves would have sanctioned this portrait of their eponym is not probable. They presumably represented him with some of the noble features natural to a hero of solar origin. We cannot, therefore, say with Neubauer (PSD A 11 283) that the story of Cain and Abel is a fragment of Kenite folk-lore.

To the memlKr of the Yahwist circle who worked up the two (not to say three) Cain stories together we niay ascribe 4 i 2<7, and the words ' on the east of Kden ' in V. 16. The addition of the latter words converts nij in the poetical phrase lij j-ik. ' land of wandering ' de- rived presumably from the old tradition into a prosaic proper name, which is boldly identifictl by Sayce and Boscawen with the land of the Manda or nomads i.e., the mountain ranges of Kurdistan and Luristan. The original narrator meant presumably the land between Judah and Edom, where the Kenites lived.

The above contains some fresh points ; but Stade's es.say, 'Das Kainszeichen,' Z.XllV 14250^. \')\^Tjff'. l'94-'95] = Aktuieiiiische Reiien ['99], 229-273, gives the most complete critical treatment of the subject. Cp Houtsnia, ' Israel en (jain,' Till', '76, pp. 82-98. T. K. C.


or rather, as in i Ch. 1 2 and RV, Kk.nan (|J'p. ; KAINAN [KAL]). I. Thesonof Enosh (Gen. 59-14). That Kenan is a humanised god has been shown already (sec Cai.n, i) ; Cain and Kenan are forms of one name (cp Lot and Lotan ). pp or p'p, it may be added, is the name of a god in Himyaritic inscrip- tions ( ZZ;J/<7 31 86; CIS 4. no. 20; WRS, i<el. iVw.43).

2. A son of Arphaxad in aukl of (len. IO24 (Kaicofi [.A]) 11 13, and therefore in Lk.336. The name is due to an inler|)ola- tion, made in order to bring out ten members in the Kentalu;;y of (jen. 11 10-26. The real tenth from Noah, however, is 1 crah, the failier of .\braham. x. K. C


1. Hebrew Tradition.[edit]

the name generally given to the descendants of Cain mentioned in (ien. 417-24. Tra-dition, as Ewald said long ago, is the commencement and the native soil of all narrative and of all history, and its circle tends continually to expand, as the curiosity of a peojile awakens to fresh objects, and as foreign tratlitions are intermixed with those of home growth. Questions alxsut the origins of things are especially prone to crowd into the circle of tr.adition, and, when the various traditions respecting remote antiquity come to lie arrangetl, it is natural to connect them by a thread of genealogy. There is a real, though but half-conscious, sense among the arrangers that what is being produced is not history but a working substitute for it, and so there is the less scruple in taking considerable liberties with the form of the traditions, many of which indeed, being of tliverse origin, are inconsistent. The Hebrew traditionists, in particular, were evidently filled with a desire to bring the traditions into harmony with the purest Hebrew spirit. In minor matters they agree with the tradition- ists of other nations : in particul.ar they limit the super- abundant material for genealogies by the use of round numbers, especially ten.

2. Gen. 4:17-24.[edit]

Much progress has been made in the study of Gen. 4 and 5 since liwald's time ; but that profound critic has the credit of having alre.ndv noticed that the story ^^ (.^j .,^j ^j^., is not as early as the genealogy which follows. This conclusion may now be taken as settled : Gen. 4:1-16 and 17-24 are, generally sjxiaking, derived from separate traditional sources. 1 Both sections are indeed Yaliwistic ; but the tone and character of their contents is radically different.

The true meaning of Gen. 4 17-24 was seen first by Wellhausen. The section contains relics of an Israelitish legend which made no reference to the destruction of the old order of things by a deluge, and traced the

I See Wellh. JDT, 1876, p. -K^iJ- { = C/r 10/), who was followed by WRS, EB{}'), .art. ' 1-imech ' (Sa), .ind Che. EB(V^ art. 'Deluge' ('77]. So Ryle, Early Surrattvts, 79 [92].

beginnings of the existing civilisations. The legend is partly based on nature-myths, for the Hebrews wore not as unmythological as Renan once supposed. Their myths, however, were to a large extent borrowed : when the Hebrews stepped into the inheritance of Canaanitish culture, they could not help adopting in part the answers which the Canaanites had given to the question, ' Whence came civilisation ? '

3. Canaanitish culture legend.[edit]

The Canaanitish culture-legend is unhappily lost ; but the fragments of Philo of Hyblus (Miiller, Fr. Hist.

_ -t- Vi ^'^- 3566/!), when critically treated, ^^^,^^j ^^^^^^ ^^ j,^^ elements of two Phoenician culture-legends, in one of which the invention of the useful arts and of occupations was ascribed to divine lieings, whilst in the other it was ascribed to men (Gruppe, Z>/V,^/-wA. Culte u. Mythen, \i,oT ff. ; cp Pucenicia). HOrossus, too, as far as we can judge from fragmentary reports, appears to have accounted for knowledge of the arts by a series of mani- festations of a divine being called Oannes, which took place in the days of the first seven antediluvian kings of Babylon ( Lenormant, Les Origines, 1 588/. ). This sub- stantially agrees with the statements of the tablets that the bringers of culture were the great gods, such as Ea, ' the lord of wisdom," and his more active firstborn son Marduk (Merodach), the creator. A striking confirma- tion of this is supplied by the mythic story translated by Pinches [see Creation, 16 (r)], where Marduk is said to have made, not only the Tigris and the Euphrates, but also cities and temples.^ City-building is in fact everywhere one of the characteristic actions of humanised nature-deities (Osiris, Jemshid, etc.), and it would be inevitable that the civilised Canaanites should trace the origin of cities to semi-divine heroes {y)yj.Oiuiv y^fos av8pQv, II. 12 33), if not to the creator himself. Still, though the Canaanitish culture-myth is lost, we may be sure of one point viz. , that it was largely in- fluenced by Babylonian myths, the supremacy of Baby- lonian culture in Palestine at a remote age being amply proved by the Amarna tablets.

4. List of Berossus[edit]

When, therefore, we find in Berossus^ a list of ten antediluvian kings at the head of the mythic history of , Babylonia, it is not unnatural to suppose that the genealogy of the ten patriarchs in

^^^ g_ ^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ shorter one in Gen. 4 is so closely allied, is derived from it, and to attempt conjectural identifications of the Hebrew and of the Hellenised Babylonian names. This course, w hich has lx;en adopted by Hommel, the present writer does not think it prudent to take, ( i ) because we are ignorant of the phases through which the Berossian list has passed, and {2) because of the violent hypotheses to which this course would often drive us.

5. Cain[edit]

By taking the Hebrew names, however, one by one, and using Babylonian clues, it does not seem hopeless _ . to reach probable results. C.\IN, for in- stance the name which meets us first - means 'artificer.' Can we avoid regarding this as the translation of a title of the divine demiurge, borrowed from Babylonia through the medium of the Canaanites ?

6. Enoch[edit]

Moreover since E.noch, the son of Cain, evidently belongs to the same legend, and indeed shares with his father the honour of the foundation of the first city' (to which his own name is given), we cannot hesitate to regard Enoch too as of divine origin. This view, indeed, is as good as proved if the statements

1 RT*^ 6 I to; Zimmern in Gunkel's Schdff. 120. Cp these lines (01)v. 37, 39, 4c)

Lord Merodach [constructed the housel, he built the city, [He built the city of Nifler], he built K-kura the temple, He built the city Erech, he built K-anna the temple.

2 Fragm. ix.-xi. in Lenormant, Essai de Coiiim. sur liirose, 341-251.

3 Or did Enoch not rather build the city himself? So Budde, who emends 133 cr:> ' '"ifter his son's name,' into icrD. ' af'er his own name' {Urgfst/t. xioff.), thus making 'Enoch' the subject of the verbs ' builded ' and ' called.'

in Gen. 5 22-24 (P) are traditional.' We are told that Enoch lived 365 years (a solar numljer).'- that he ' walked with God, and (then) disappeared, for God had taken him.' The number is attested alike by the Hebrew, the Sam. and the LXX text, and even if we lay but little stress on that, the phrases quoted seem unmistakably primitive, and imply that, in the original form of the story, Enoch was a semi-divine hero who, at the close of his earthly days, was taken to the paradise of God.' When, too, we consider the clear parallelism Ixitween Enoch and Noah, and Ixilween Noah and Xisuthrus or Par-napistim (the hero of the Babylonian P'lood-story ; see Dki.UGK, 2), it Ixjconies reasonable to identify Enoch with Par-nai)istim's great visitor in Paradise (he went there to obtain healing for his leprosy), whose name is perhaps most correctly reail Gilgame.s. Gil- games, like Enoch, is a divine being whether we regard him as a hero who becomes a god, or (more plausibly) as a god who becomes a hero, is a matter of indifference and like Enoch he is associated with the sun. As Enoch in the Hebrew tradition is the an- cestor of Noah, so (inverting the relation) Par-napistim, the Babylonian Noah, is the ancestor of Gilgames. The latter is said to have crossed the ' waters of death ' * to pay a visit to Par-napistim in Paradise, and we may presume that, in the earlier form of the Hebrew narra- tive, his counterpart (whose original name was certainly not Noah) received the same reward as Enoch for ' walking with God.' Both Par-napistim and Enoch are distinguished for their piety, and not only Gilgames but also Enoch (as we may infer from the emended text of Ezek. 283, and as is expressly stated in the Book of Enoch., which has a substratum of genuine, even if turbid, tradition), has been initiated into secret lore, and knows both the past and the future. Lastly, Enoch gave his name to the city of Enoch, which at any rate implies lordship (cp 'city of David,' 2 .S. 579; 'castle of Sennacherib,' KB 289 ; and see 2 S. T228) ; and perhaps in the primitive myth was even represented as its builder. So Erech, of which the ideographic name is Unuki or Unuk {i.e. the dwelling), is incidentally called in the epic ' the city of Gilgames,' Gilgames being at once its king and (according to an old text) its builder.^ Why the Hebrew compiler did not adopt Gilgames as well as Unuk from his Babylonian in- formant,^ we cannot tell. The foundation of the

1 It is plain that there must have been some fairly complete account of P^noch in P's time ; indeed, the referenci;s in Kzek. 14 14 'J8 3 (emended text) imply such an account in e.\ilic times. See Enoch, i.

2 The Chaldeans at first estimated the duration of the astro- nomical revolution of the sun at 365 days, afterwards at 364 J days. To this they accommodated their civil year of 360 days by means of an intercalated cycle (Lenormant, Les Urigines, I250). Cp Year, 85.

3 The Egyptian kings, as sons of Re', were said (as early as the Pyramid Texts) to ascend to heaven, borne by the mystic griffin called ifr^(see Sera fhim).

4 We know from another text that GilgameS was the vicegerent ofthesun-god (Jeremias, op. cit. 3). hommel makes Gilgamei a form of Gibil the fire-god (Gibilgamis). On the epic of GilgameS see Deluge, g 2, and Jastrow, Keligion 0/ liahy Ionia and .-Issyria, chap. -'3, p. 467 T^T [The present article was written before the appearance of Prof. Jastrow 's work.]

  • On the 'waters of death' in the legend see Maspero, 585;

Jeremias, 87. The same mythic stream is found m a ver>- mythological section of a psalm (Ps. 185(4]), where the ' floixis of Death ' (:na '^:cO are parallel to the ' floods of Perdition ' ('?y'?3 '?: ; see Belial, 2). So Che. /'s.f^

t> On both points see Enoch, 2. Di. was before his time when, in 1853, he admitted that the late legend of Enoch might conceivably have some traditional basis (Das Buch Henoch, p. x.\vii).

1 See Jeremias, of-, cit. 17, and cp the inscription quoted from Hilpiecht by Winckler (.AOF 377) and Hommel (.-}//7" 129), in which occur the words ' the walls of Erech, the ancient building of Gilgames.'

8 The theory here advocated is that David's Babylonian scribe Shavsha brought several B.ibylonian myths and legends to Palestine, including that of the hero GilgameS, king of L'nuk or Erech. He thus opened a fresh period of Babylonian influence on Palestine. Hilprecht's discoveries give increased probability to the identification of Enoch with Unuk, which was already proposed by Sayce in 1887 (Hib. Led. 185).

extremely ancient city of l>ech (before 4500 B.C., Hilprccht), however, was at any rate well worthy of mention in the Hebrew culture - legend. It is, in the present writer's opinion, not improKnble that I-^noch once occujiied a still more dignified position as hero of the Israelitish FhxKl-story (see NoAll, Di.i.iCK, 17).

7. Irad Mehujael Methuselah[edit]

We take the next three names together. The last of th-m is evidently not a divine title, but a simple hero- . J nanie. This prepares us to exixxt that V . '. the first and second may be so too. In Twr fv!"^*f V, "i>vloMia, if Alorus, the first king in the metnuseian. ,j^.r,-,^^j.jn Ust, may be identified with some one of the great deities, his successors at any rate are only demi-g(Kls or extraordinary men. Moreover, to appreciate the Hebrew culture-legend, it is necessary to remind ourselves that when the city of Enoch had, by divine help, \xxn erected, there was still plenty of work for senu-divine men to do in triumphing over wild beasts and barbarians. The hunting exploits of Gilgames (who was first reduced from lx;ing a fire-god to the pro- portions of a heroic man, atid then restored in the same legend to the divine company) have in all probability a historical kernel. It is easy to believe, too. that the hero called Metiii".s.\el ^S.s'Cn.'2 ; as if Mittn-su-ili, ' the liegeman of Cod ' ; Ma^oira\a [AL] ; Mathumel ; Gen. 4iCt). or, following the tetter re.nding of 0'^'-, Methuselah ('the liegeman of Sarhu'), was originally viewed as a king who taught men good laws and restrained wild animals and wild nien.

The origin of the first of these names is obscure. Jered (so i Ch. I2 W) or J.\KKU (q.x\ for Or. read- ings ; (Jen. 515) might indeed be an adaptation of the Ribylonian .\rad in Arad-Sin ('servant of Sin, the moon-god'), which would be a possible title of the hero Gilg.ames (see tablet ix. of the epic). Ikad (q.v. ; Gen. 4 18) or nither I'.rad (cp adkl I'mgaJ) is, however, text-crilically a lietter reading, and to connect this with the city of Eridu ^ is not free from objections. Probably the word is based on a contraction of some Babylonian name. The next name, which is best read, with Lagarde and Roljertson Smith, not Mkiiuj.\ki, ((/.-:) but Mahalalel, can Ix; well explained by the help of the Bcrossian hero-names 'A/iTjXwc, 'A/u\\apoi. -Mahnlal is a Hebraised form of the conmion Babylonian word am/'/, 'man' (cp Evir.-MKKon.Acn) ; the final syllable, -e/, is a substitute for some Babylonian divme name. Selah in Mf.thl'SELAH {n^vtm, Gen. 52i/ 25^ i Ch. 1 3t : tmOovffaXa [AL], fiadd. [B in i Ch. 1 3] ; Afathit- sal(i) is doubtless Mabyloiiian ; it is reasonable to see in it a Hebraised form of .un/ru, 'brilliant' (Jensen) or 'gigantic, very stiong' (Del.), which is an epithet of Gibil the fire-god, and Xinib (?) the god of the eastern sun.'-^ One of the royal names in the lierossian list is 'Afi^lJ.\f/ifjLot, which Friedr. IX'lit7..sch and Hommel explain Aviil (Ainil) Sin i.e., 'liegeman of Sin," and, with great probability, identify with Methuselah. The moon-god in fact well deserves the title Inrhti, and the tradititmal connection of the Hebrews with Haran and Ur makes some veiled references to the moon-god almost indispensable in the culture-legend.

8 Lamech[edit]

Lamech (r;cS ; Xafxtx [B.\L ; Ti. W'H] ; Lamcck ; Gen. 4iS-24 525-31 i Ch. 13 Lk. 336t) must'have been an important personage in the old Hebrew culture-legend, for in the earlier of the two genealogies not only his three .sons, but also his two wives and his daughter, are mentioned by name. His own name admits of no explanation from the best-known Senntic languages, nor is it at all necessary that it should be specially approijriate for the barbaric eulogist of blood-vengeance who speaks in Gen. 4 23/. It is a needless

' So Sayce (////'. Led. 185), who infers from Gen. 5 18 that Krech (Unuk) rceived its earliest culture from Kridu. Gen. 4 18, however, makes Knoch the father of Ir.-\d.

- Jensen, Kosmol. 105, 464. .So Hommel (e.g. F.xf>. Timet 8 463), who atlopts the form Sarrahu (this is found with the determinative ilu, ' god ').

assumption that the song of Lamech is 'an exultant boast and menace called forth by lamech's savage delight at finding himself possessetl of the new and effective wcj|xns devised by his son TuUal-cain.' ' The song must be interpreted by itself, without preconceivetl opinions. In it the hero declares that not only seven lives (.as in the case of 'Cain'), but seventy-seven, will Ix: ret|uired to avenge the blo<xl of murdered ' Laniech.' This implies that Lamech's story was once told in connection w ith that of Cain the murderer : in fact, that Lamech, like Cain, is the representative of a trilje, and siK-aks thus fiercely out of regard for trilwl honour, which to him consists in the strict exaction of vengeance for bIoo<l.'^ Still, the Lamech who is descended frf)m Enoch ought to have some importance in the developtiient of culture ; he camiot Ijc merely a bloodthirsty nomad. It would seem, then, that the Lamech of Gen. 4 18 was originally distinct from the Lamech of 23/ The latter is. pro|x.'rly, the personification of a nomad tribe; which named itself after the divine hero Lamech, just as Kain (or the Kenites) named itself after the divine hero Kain or Cain. What, then, does the divine hero's name mean? .Sayce and Honmiel coimect it w ith Laiiiga ( = Ass. noc.i,'" ' artificer '), a non-.Semilic title of the mcKjn-god. This is plausible, though the Assyrian title ti<ii,\!;iir is applied also to Ea. A fragment may have been iiitnxluced here front a fresh culture-legend which took for its st.irting- point another divine teacher, the ' Ix-getter of gods and men,' ' whose will created law and justice.*

9. Lamech's wives[edit]

The names of Lamech's two wives are, of course, derived from the poem in tjen. 423. Sayce and Boscawen would make them feminine lunar tleitics one named Darkness, the other .Shadow but without indicating any similar titles of the moon in the tablets. I'robaljly the poet simply gave the tribal hero's wives the most Itecoming names he could think of. Adah {r.j;; A5a [AE], A'56a [LJ ; Ada; Gen. 419-23) may have been known to him already as the name of a wife of Esau (Cien. 3G2, I' ; but from an older source ; see Ai)AH, 2), and Zii.i.AH (.i^s, 'shadow'; "^tWa [.\EL] ; Selhi ; Gen. 419-23) w.as a suggestive description of a noble chieftainess, whose presence was like a refreshing and protecting shade (Is. 322). Naa.mah \,icj,;3, 67; votfjia [Ai;]. -fj-fia [L] ; Noema ; Gen. 422). too, the daughter of Zillah, may derive her name ('gracious') from her supp<3sed physical and moral charms ; another of Esau's wives lx.-ars the equivalent name Basemath (Gen. 363). It is possible, however, that, as she is the sister of Tubal-cain, her name may Ik." of mythic origin,* and that she had a role of her own in the original story.

10. Tubal-cain.[edit]

TUBAL-CAIN is described in Cien. 422 (emended text) as ' the father of all those who work in bronze and iron."

;^\ '" -* '*' "^""'^ ""^lit seem to 

... uw.A-%,<,4^ belong to the heroseponynms of Tubal

(so Lenormani,), which was a people famous for its ' instruments of bronze' in the time of lizekiel (Ezek. 2713). Tubal, however, was much too far from Pales- tine to be mentioned here, and 1 ahal\x\ the time of Asur- bani-pal seems rather to have been famous for horses {COT\(^). .Mxjve all. it is diflicult to disregard the general tradition of antic|uity that the first worker in metal was a divine Ijcing (cp Enoch 81, where the fallen angel Azazel teaches this art). Tubal-cain, then, is probably like xo<rwp (the Phu-nician Hephaistos*). a humanised goil. and the first part of the name is pre- sumably not of Persian but of Babylonian oiigin.* It

1 Drysdale, Early Bible Songs, 159, following Ewald and Budde.

Cp St. ZA rn; 14298 1^4] = .-ii-a,l. Reden, 259.

  • Hymn to the miwn-gfxl, .Sayce, Hibbert Led. 160/C

4 So WR.S (AA'(!*), art. ' I-imech '), comparing ' N'aaman,* originallv a divine title. Cp I^normant, Les Origines, aooyC

8 See ^hiIo of Byblus in Eus. PE i. IO9, and see Creation,


11. Jabal, Jubal.[edit]

We can h.irdly derive the name from Bil-gi ( = Gibil) with Ball, and it is the merest coincidence that tshdl or /ii/U/ in

should be noticed that -coin in Tubal-cain is wanting in {do^eX [AEL]). lYobably it was added to explain why the hero was regarded as the father of smiths. Tubal is, in fact, probably a pale form of the god of the solar fire, Gibil or Nusku ; but, of course, he is not only a fire -god. Like Gibil and like Hephaistos (see Roscher, /.ex. ), he is the heavenly smith ( fitly calls him xa^ff^s. a term which in //. 15309 is applied to Hephaistos), and was perhaps once addressed in the words of a famous Babylonian hymn :

'Gibil, renowned hero in the land, valiant, son of the Abyss, exalted in the land, Gibil, thy clear flame breaking forth, when it lightens up the darkness, assigns to all that bears a name its own destiny ; the copper and tin, it is thou who dost mix (?) them, gold and silver, it is thou who meltest them. ' *

We may well suppose that in the earliest form of the Hebrew legend Tubal was the instructor of men in the art of getting fire. According to Philo of Byblus, fire was discovered by three ' mortal men ' called Light, Fire, and Flame, and was produced by rubbing two pieces of wood together. 'This,' remarks Robertson Smith, 2 ' is the old Arabian way of getting fire, and indeed appears all over the world in early times, and also in later times in connection with ritual. Probably some ritual usage preserved the memory of the primeval fire-stock in Phoenicia.' There was no such ritual usage among the Israelites, and so the legend of the inven- tion of fire disappeared.

Jabal and Jubal have names descriptive of occupations, and evidently of I'alestinian origin. The former (^t ; o^eX [A], -13-nX [L], -7;5 [K] ; /aM ; Gen. 42ot) is the reputed ancestor of tent-dwelling shepherds. His name describes him, not as a ' wanderer ' (Dillm. very questionably), but as a herds- man (cp Heb. S^r, Phoen. h2\ 'ram'); it is another form of the name Abel (</.t;. ,*end). The latter, Jubal (hzv ; toi'^aX [AEL] ; Jubal; Gen. 42it), is the ' father* of the guild or class of musicians (cp Var, Ex. 19 13, 'ram's horn'). That the inventor of the kinnor and the ' I'igiih should be the younger brother of the first shepherd, is certainly appropriate. One of the thirty- seven 'Amu, or Asiatics, represented in the tomb of Hnum-hotep (see Music, 8, Joseph, 10) as desir- ing admission into Egypt, carries a lyre. (We must not quote the parallel of David, for i Sam. 16 14-23 does not recognise him as a shepherd ; see D.wid, i , note). Tubal, however, is less appropriate in this company, partly Ijecause of his lofty origin, partly be- cause smiths belong more naturally to agricultural and city life.

12. Orginal form of list.[edit]

The three names Jabal, Jubal, and Tubal stand outside the genealogy propjer, just as Shem, Ham, and to o 1 I=^pheth stand outside the genealogy of -^^,^j^_ ^^^ Abram. Nahor, and Haran outside that of Terah. By this knot in the genealogical thread the editor indicates that a new and broader development is about to begin (Ewald). How is it, then, that the Cainite genealogy as it stands contains but six names ? The parallel table in chap. 5, which has virtually all these names, adds three to them at the beginning, and one at the end. Now it is remarkable that the three prefixed names are also given in 425/ It is not improbable (cp ) that this passage in a simpler form omitting ' again,' ' another,' and ' instead of .Xbel,' etc. , and adding ' and Enos begat a son, and called his name Cain ' once stood before 4 17, and that Noah, who is the son of Lamech in 5i8/. , once took the place of Jabal, Jubal, and Tubal. This would make the table begin Adam, Seth, Enos, Cain, and close Lamech, Noah. We might also restore it thus,

Persian means (i) dross of metal, (2) copper or iron. 'I regard the h as resulting from a radical iv or v, and as changing later to /and/' (.Mr. J. T. Platts).

1 Maspero, Daiun of Civ. 635 (see references).

8 Burnett Lectures, second series (MS).

Enos (=adam), Seth, Kenan . . . Lamech, Jabal, Noah. This would have the advantage of retaining the founder of the pastoral mode of life as the father of the founder of agriculture, but seems to involve the excision of Jubal and Tubal. We might, more naturally perhaps, suppose that Jabal and Jubal were later additions from another cycle of legends, and that the earliest genealogy began with Cain and ended with Tubal, both originally divine beings. We should then get a genealogy of seven. In any case we must reject the common view that \-iif. is a fragment of a Yahwistic table which traced the genealogy of the Sethite side of the first family, and that the .Sethites, according to the Yahwist, were good, the Cainites bad. There is no valid evidence that the genealogist wished to represent any of the Cainites as wicked, or that culture was opposed to religion. Cain, the city-builder, was a worthy son of Enos, who was the first to use forms of worship (see E.NOs). For there was no more truly religious act, from a primitive point of view, than the building of a city. (For the continuation of this subject see Sp:thites. )

13. Literature.[edit]

Buttmann's Myihologus, vol. i. ('28), first led the criticism of the genealogies into the right track. For recent discussions, besides Siade's article alre.idy referred to and Dillmann's Gen., see Lenorniaiit, Les

Origincs, 1 5 ; Ho^cawen, Exp. 'limes, 5 351^ (M.-iy '94); Goldziher, Heb. Myth. 32, 113, 127-130, 200; Bu. Urgescli. 183-247 ; Kyle, Early Narratives 0/ Genesis, 78-83. On the Berossian list of ten antediluvian patriarchs see Maspero, Daivn 0/ Civ. 564/ ; Del. Par. 149; Hommcl, PSBA, 10243-246. "The last-named scholar holds that his identifications, especially AmIlu = Enosh, Ummanu = Kain.in, and Nuhnapi.sti = Noah, prove that there is the closest relation between the ten Hebrew patriarchs and the ten Babylonian antediluvian kings. He infers from this that the author of the so-called priestly code must have written centuries before the exile. This hasty inference will not captivate a careful student. That the priestly writer had access to early traditions is a part of the critical system here advocated. _ The identifications of Hommel, however, need very careful criticism (see Noah).

T. K. C.


It is impossible to ascertain precisely the meaning and characteristic feature of certain of the many Heb. words which are rendered ' cake ' in EV, and it must suffice merely to record the terms in question.

(a) nV'VK, asisah, Hos.Si (RV) etc., see Flagom (3), Fruit, 85.

(^) ^i'Pl, d'bhelah, i S.30i2 etc., see Fruit, 7.

(c) n'rn, hallah, 2 S. 619 etc., see Bakemeats, 2, Bread, 3- ^ '

(d) p3, /tawt</rt, Jer.7i8 44i9,t see Bakemeats, 2, Fruit, 5. ^'

(e) .1337, I'bhibhdh, 2 S. 1368 io,t see Bakemeats, 3. (_/) (jOE'rr) toS, I'sad, Nu. 11 8, see Bakemeats, 3.

ig) WD, maog, I K.17i2 etc., and (Ji) njj;, 'ug;gdh. Gen. 186 etc., cp Bread, 2.

(/)'?i'7!, stlol (Kt., V'"?^ kr.), Judg. 7 13, see Bakemeats, 2.

C/) P't?^. raklk, i Ch. 2829 etc., see Bakemeats, 3, Bread, 3.


(n*?!; xaAax [A]. "K [EL], kaA&X l^y, vs 12 XAAeK [E] ; Chale ; Ass. Kalhu, Kalah) is named in Gen. 10 n/ as one of the cities originally founded by Nimrod in Assyria. Asur-nasir-pal, king of Assyria, ascribed its high standing, at any rate as a capital, to Shalmaneser I. (A'/?lii6 //. 132-135). Layard, Rassam, and G. Smith proved by their excavations of the mounds of Nimrfid 20 m. S. of Nineveh (Kuyunjik) that the city lay in the fork between the Tigris on the W. and the Upper Zab on the E. Protected on two sides by these rivers and on the N. by hills, fortified by a long N. wall with at least fifty-eight towers, it was a strong city.

The town was an oblong, well supplied with water by a canal led through a covered conduit from the Upper Zab. and richly pl.inted with orchards and g.irdens. At the SW. are the remains of a platform, built of sun-dried bricks faced with stone, 600 yard* from N. to S., by 400 yards wide, and 13 feet above the level <>f ihc Tigris, which once washed its western face. On this platform stood palaces built or restored by the kings Shalmane.scr I., Aiur-nasir-pal, Shalmaneser II., Tiglath> pilescr III., Sargon, Ksarhaddon, and A.fur-etil-ilani. At its NW. corner stood the sikkuratu or temple-lower, 167 J feet s(|uareat the base and still 140 feet hit;h. Next to it was the temple of Nebo, but in the Sargonid period Ninip was the town-god {KB 4 133, no. i, /. 16).

Of municipal history, apart from the history of the country, we know little.

Calah was faithful to Shalmaneser II. during his son's rebellion (KB 1 176, //. 45-50), but revolted from Asur-nirari in 746 ii.c. (KB 1 in). It was clearly the court residence under the alx)ve- mentioned kings; but in the official lists it never stands first (cp Eponym lists KB 1 ao8^). As a centre of population it evidently was inferior to ASiur, and totally eclipsed by Nineveh. When AJur-nisir-pal rebuilt the town and palace, finished the great wall, and enclowed Calah with its canal, he peopled it with captives.

Like other great cities of Assyria and Babylonia, Calah probably had its archives which, with the literary collections of the kings, formed the nucleus of a library.

Few tablets have hitherto l)ccn found at Nimrfld, and it is inferred that Sennacherib removed the Calah librarr to Nineveh. Many astrological and omen tablets in the Kuyunjik col- lections were executed at Calah for Nabu-7ukup-keni, 'principal librarian,' ra/'-iiu^-tarri', 716-684 B.C. For explorations and identification of site cp Layard, Ninf7>eh ami its Remains, G. Smith's Assyrian PiscoTejit-s. For further conclusions respect- ing library, see C .Smith, Chald. CenesisX^ c. II. VV. J.


( kaAamwAaAoc [A]), orCalamo- calus (-cokaAoC l'^]), i Ksd. 522, represents the ' Lod (see l.Yi)U.\) Hadid' of II E/.ra233=Neh.737. '- has


(n.3|^) occurs in Cant. 414 Ezek. 27i9. and sweet calamus' in Hx. 3O23 Is. 4824 (RV""*!- ; but EV ' sweet cane ' in Is. ), for the usual Kkkd [q.v., i b).


(>3"73 ; on the name see Mahol ; xaAx^A [A]), a son of Zerah b. JuDAH, i Ch. 26 (xaAka [B], KaAxaA [I-]), clearly the same as the son of Mahol of 1 K. 431 [5 11], AVChalcol(xaAkaA [B], xaAkaA [L]). See Mahol.


AV rendering of the following words : nn^p I S. 214 Mi. 33. so RV; n*p Jer. 52i8/ (RV pots')Ezck. II3711, soRV; TH 2 Ch. 35i3, so RV for all of which see Cooking. 5 ; and |b3N Job4l2o [12], RV RisiiKS {q.v., 2).


(3 I'D, 66; on the meaning see below; XAAeB [HAL]; gent. ^3^3. 'Calebite,' EV 'of the house of Caleb,' i S. 'lil Kr. [kynikoc (BAL)], see Nab.\l ; Kt. reads 13^3 ; cp the similar variant in Judg. 1 15 BAL^ XAAcB KATATHN KApAlAN AYTHC).

1. Name.[edit]

No. ZDMC, 40 164, n. i. ('86), finds the sense 'raging with canine madness,' objecting to Robertson Smith's identification with 3V3, 'dog ' (see /. Ph. 989 ; Kin. 200, 219).

Dog-totems, nevertheless, were not impossible in the ancient Semitic world (see Dog, 4), and a connection with 373 was early surmised (see Nabal, n.). We find the name Kalba in Babylonian contract-tablets as late as the times of Nebuchadrezzar II. and Cambyses (KB 4 199293X Hommel (.AUT 115) makes kalibu or kalahi mean 'priest'; while Sayce (Early Hist. Heh. 265) compares kalhu as used in Am. Tah. (e.^., 54, 18) for 'officer, messenger' (but this is improbable). The name seems to be primarily tribal.

2. Early History[edit]

Caleb was a Kenizzite clan which at, or shortly before, the Israelite invasion of Western Palestine, established itself in Hebron and the region south of it, and in the course of time coalesced with its northern neighbour, the tribe of Judah (naturally, not without admixture of blood; cp. Maacah, Caleb's concubine, i Ch. 248).

The b'ne Kenaz, to whom Caleb and Othnikl belong (Nu. 32i2 Judg. I13J), were of Edomite extraction, and the Calebites were nearly related to the nomadic Jerahmeelites in the south-eastern quarter of the Negeb (i Ch. 29 etc. ) ; see Jerahmeei^ (On the Kenites, see below, 4.)

How Caleb came to be settled in what was regarded as the territory of Judah, is variously described (Josh. 15i3, cp 146_^ Dj, etc.). According to Josh. 1. '113 ^ (cp Judg. 1 10^), Caleb invaded from the N., in company with Judah, the region which he subsequently occupied (see Anak) ; but in the story of the spies, in the oldest version of which Caleb alone maintains the possibility of a successful invasion of Canaan from the S. and receives Hebron as the reward of his faith' (see Numbers), we seem to have a reminiscence of the fact that Caleb made his way into the land from that quarter. In David's time Caleb was still distinct from Judah ( i S, 30 14 ytXfiovt [B], x<Aoi'/^ [L] I for the conjecture that David was a Calebite prince, sec Davio, 4, n. ).

3 Pre-exilic[edit]

On the other hand, in the list of the spies (Nu. 136 P), and in the conmiission for the division of the land <^'"-^^'9 >' ^''*' ^- J'"-"'-^'^*--" oji.iiii<. appg^jps as the represent a live of Judah, a chief {nasi) of that tribe :'* and in the post-exilic genealogical systems, Caleb and Jerahmeel, ' sons of Hezkon ' {q.v., ii. [i]), are great-grandsons of the patri- arch Judah (I Ch. 29[CHEi.unAi = i Ch. 4 I, Cakmi(i)], i&Jf., 42 [xaXf/x. A]i^.), whilst Kenaz becomes a son of Caleb (4 15).

These representations reflect the fact that, in uniting with Judah, Caleb became the leading branch of that exceedingly mixed tribe. The Chronicler indeed hardly knows any other Judah ite stocks than these Hezronites.

The seats of the Calebites in pre-exilic times are to be learned most fully from 1 Ch. 242_^, where we find set down as sons and grandsons (branches) of Caleb the well-known cities and towns, Ziph, Mareshah (so read for Mesha), Hebron, Tappuah, Jokdeam (so for Jokko.vm), Maon, Beth-zur ; for Maon and Carmel cp also I S. 25 2/. The clan had possessions also in the Negeb (i .S. 3O14).

4. Post-exilic.[edit]

After the Exiie their old territory was chiefly in the possession of the l'"domites, and the CalcLites were p . ... pushed northwards into the old seats ^j j^^^j^ ^j^jg situation is reflected in another stratum of the composite genealogy ( i Ch. 2:8-24, 50-55, cp ig), where Caleb takes Ephrath (the region about Bethlehem) as a second wife (observe the significant name of the former wife Azub.\h \_q.v.'\ ; cp also Jekioth). Through his son Hur the clan falls into three divisions : Shobal, Salnia, and Hareph, the fathers of Kirjath-jearim, Bethleheiu, and Bethgader. The further notices of the subdivision of these clans are fragmentary and complex (see Beth-g.\uer, Jabez, Shobal). It is at all events noteworthy that the passage concludes with the end of a list of Kenites, and a connection between these and the Calebites becomes plausible if Chelub and Reciiah in 1 Ch. 4 11/. are indeed errors for Caleb and Rechab (cp Meyer. Entsteh. 147).*

It is not improbable that the names Azbuk, Colhozeh, Rephaiah b. Hur (temple-repairers, etc. , temp. Nehe- miah) are of Calebite origin {ib. 147, 167).

See further Kknaz ; also Kuenen, Rfl. Jsr. 1 135^, 176.^1 Gr.ntz, ' Die K'jlub.Yitcn odcr Kalebiten,' .1/G7<y 26461-492, and especially We. Dc Cent.; CII 337/


RV Caleb -Ephrathah (3^5 nn'^2N), is mentioned in i Ch. 224! -is the place where Hezron died. Wellhausen and Kittel, after "'^^^ {koX fitrb. rb airodavdv eaepuiv [eerpw/t, A ; -v, L] ^X^ei* Xa\e/3 ds e<f>pada [L dffrjKde XAe^ irpbi ppada]), read : ' after the death of Hezron. Caleb came unto Ephrath the wife of Hezron his father ' (We. De Gent. 14). Klostermann {Gesch. 112) thinks it more natural to read Segub (for Caleb).

1 In P Joshua is named along with Caleb.

2 The name Jephunneh as that of Caleb's father is not earlier than D3 ; on Josh. 146, 13 (JK and Dj), see Joshua, | 9

S Note also that xhv, tbe Targ. rendering of Kenites, is possibly derived from Salma. Cp Neub. Geogr. 427, ^29.

  • l.e., n'3K for .T3K ; Abijah, (4), thus disappears.

'Even after the Exile the Hebrew, like the Arab genealogists, seem to have used the marriage of a son with his father's wife as one device for throwing the relations of clans and townships into genealogical form.' (WRS Kin. 90, and see We. Pro/A*) 2i7yC ET 217.)


See Day. Week, Month. Year ;

cp also CHKONOLOGV, 1^


(h:V. Ex.324, etc.; mocxoc. Rev. 47). See C.\ TILE, 2 a-c.


1. References.[edit]

Portable images of a bull overlaid with gold occupied, down to the time of the prophets, '"^ P'-o"""^'"' Position in the equipment of the Israelitish sanctuaries. We hear of them in the great sanctuaries of the northern kiiigflom : in Dan ' and Bethel, where they are said to have been set up by Jeroboam (i K. 1223 jf. 2 K. IO29 Hos. IO5); in Samaria, the capital of the kingdom (Hos. 85/); and perhaps also in Gilgal (Am. 04/. Hos. 4 15 9 15 12 II [12]). On the other hand, there were none in the temple of Jerusalem (which had the brazen serpent : see Nehushtan), and, strange to say, we do not find any allusion to such images as existing in the otiier sanctuaries of Judah either in 1 K. I421-24, where such reference would have been apposite, or in Amos or Hosea. The last named in particular, who pursued the calf-worship of the northern kingdom with such bitter invectives (85/. 10s), would hardly have been silent on the subject had the same worship prevailed in Jerusalem also. Though Judah appears to have participated, more or less, in the cultus at Bethel, the worship of such images seems to have been confined chieHy to the northern kingdom.

The bulls belonged to the class of images called nzBD ('molten images ' ; see Idol, i c), which might be either solid or merely covered with a coating of metal. To the latter class the golden bull of Jeroboam (Hos. 182) probably belonged (see luor., 4/.). Because of the value of the metal it is not probable that the images were of great size. Hence we can understand the choice of the word Sjj?, ' calf : not the youth but the small size of the animal represented is the point to be conveyed not perhaps without an implication of contempt.

2 Origin[edit]

As for their origin, these images were originally foreign to the Yahwe religion. To the nomads of the ^^^^erness, who did not breed cattle, the ' idea of choosing the bull as an image of divinity could hardly have occurred. On this ground alone the narrative of the golden calf made by Aaron in the wilderness (Ex.32 JE) can prove nothing for the origin of this form of worship in Mosaic times. Apart from the impossibility of making such an image in the wilderness, the narrative seems rather to be intended as a scathing criticism on the absurdity and sinfulness of bull-worship as viewed from the prophetic standpoint. According to the Deuteronomist, Jeroboam was the originator of bull - worship ; but it is hardly likely that he would have introduced an entirely strange image into the sanctuaries of his kingdom. Probably the older Decalogue (Ex. 34i7; cp 2O23), in speaking of ' molten images ' as distinguished from plain wooden images, referred to images of this description, which also are intended perhaps by the images of Micah (Judg. 18).

It has often been held {e.g. by Renan and Maspero, and doubtfully by Kbnig) that bull-worship may have been an imitation of the worship of Apis at Memphis or of Mendes at Heliopolis ; but the Egyptians wor- shipped only living animals, and in any case the adoption from Egypt is unlikely. The nomad inhabit- ants of (Joshen took over from the Egyptians hardly anything of their culture and religion. On the other

1 The text of i K. 12 30 is obviously corrupt, or at least imperfect. '- adds, 'and before the other, to Bethel." Klo. conjectures th.it the original text said nothing of a ca(/"\n Dan. His_ restored text, however, only accentuates, if possible, the ancient fame of the sanctuary. See also Farrar, i.e., 2, end.

hand, the religion of Israel shows the strongest evidence of Canaanite influence. Among the Canaanites the bull was the symbol of Baal ; ^ the cow, the symbol of Astarte ; and these symbols were taken over from the Ph<jenicians by the Greeks. Thus the probabilities are that the Israelites derived the practice from the Canaan- ites. They changed the significance of the symbols, seeing in them a representation of Yahwe and his conquering might and strength (Xu. 2822 248). Though in the time of Jeroboam such worship was regarded as allowable, the so-called older decalogue certainly forbids molten images (see above). The later decalogue, which may be regarded as representative of prophetic times, forbids all idolatrous worship of Yahwe. Hosea rails at the worship of the bull (85 IO5). The Deuteronomistic narrator, too, in the Book of Kings regards the conduct of Jeroboam as an apostasy to idolatry. He emphatic- ally describes bull-worship as ' the sin of Jeroboam, wherewith he made Israel to sin ' (i K. 14 16 15 26 16 26 2 K. IO29 etc.). To the Apis-worship of Egypt we have but one reference in Jer. 4615, where we should probably read 'Why hath Apis fled? (why) hath thy steer not stood firm ? ' See Apis.

See Kon. Haitptprobleme, 57; Baethg. Beitr. 198/; Robertson, Early Kel. of Isr. 215-220; Farrar, 'Was there a Golden Calf at Han,' Expos. , i893(^,pp. 254-265 ; and cp Sayce, Hihhert Lectures, 289/. ; Jensen, Kosinol. 88/.; C. W. Goodwin, TSBA22S2. i. B.


(KAA[e]iTA[i]c [B]), i Esd. 9 23 = Ezra IO23, and I Esd. 948=Xeh. 87 Kelita.


(Ezek. 2797t; P"J3 'i^nTO). See Ship.


(KAAAicGeNHC [AV] . a follower of -Xicanor [i], who, according to 2 Mace, was burnt for firing the temple gates (2 Mace. 833).


(n3^?). I. (xaAannh [AD^L], taAanni [E]). A city included in the earlier kingdom of Ximrod, Gen. 10 10 (J). See Nimrod, i, Shinar.

Rawlinson {Anc. Monarchies, 1 i8) identifies it with Nippur, supposing that the Talmudic statement, 'Calneh means Nippar" (foiiia, loa), represents a genuine tradition. The context, how- ever, shows that it is a pure guess ; -13'j is connected with 'nj-j, a Greek loan-word (i/v/i^j;) meaning 'bride,' and m^-^ with n^3, the old Hebrew for 'bride' (see Levy). Pressel (/'i^A'i2)) claims a consensus of critics for identifying Calneh with Ctesiphon NE. of Babylon, on the left bank of the Tigris (so Targ. Jer., Kphr. .Syr., Eiis., Jer.), which Pliny (ti 30) places in the province of Chalonitis. 'J'his conjecture, too, may be dismissed.

The inscriptions alone should be consulted ; and, since none of the ordinary names of the Babylonian cities resembles Calneh (or Calno), we are justified in examin- ing the non-Semitic (ideographic) names. .Among these we find Kul-unu ('dwelling of offspring'), which, in Assyrian times, was pronounced Zir-la-ba or (in an inscription of Hammu-rabi) Za-ri-lab. The situation of Zirl,i!)a is uncertain (see Del. Par. 226) ; but the fact that Sargon mentions Zirlaba at the end of a list of Bal)ylonian cities which apparently proceeds from south to north (A'/? 252/ ) suggests to Hommel that it was not far from Babylon [Die semit. Vdlker, 1 234/ ). To P>ied. Del. in 1876 [Chald. Gen. 293) this identifica- tion appeared certain. It is, indeed, not improbable, especially if we may point .ij^p (cp as above, and \h') ; but we should like some fuller evidence that Kul-unu was really remembered as the old name of Zirlaba.

2. ("-^"S ?rdi/Tfs, as if Da'?!), a N. Syrian city, con- quered by the Assyrians (Am. 62, on which see Amos, 6 \b\). See Cai.no. t. k. c.


(ij'??. xaAannh [BNAQF]), Is. lOgt. the city called Calneh [2] in .Am. 62 (on which see

1 Cp Tob. 1 5, 'the heifer Baal' (r. ^aaX r% SafidXei [B], t<S lx6<rxH> W)-

Amos, 6 [*]) and Cannkii [j^.r.]- (rather Calneh) in E7.ek.'2723.

f> ciiiiroiinds it with Cai-nrh [i], and connects it with the builiiini; of the 'tower,' which, since Mabyloii is nientionetl just before, can only mean the tower of Italx-I (see Hahki.); itisnot im- probable ihiU ^ idcnli.ies Caliich with llorsipiia. according tn the Talinudic tradition that the tuwcr of Hai)el was at Uon>ippa. This is, "f course, worthless. 0's Hebrew text was corrupt : p'cana was misread T{^, ' fort ' ; tbik became aiy, Arabia.'

Doubtless Calno is Kullani, a place near Arpad, con- quered in 738 by riKlath-pileser III. (Tiele, Wi., Fried. Del., (Ik-., Killel). T. K. C.


RV Chalphi (a name formed from the root fptl, whereby a child is designated as a substitute for one lost ; cp aA<J>AIOC. and sec Names, 62), father of judas [3], i Mace. 11 7^^ (o TOY XAA<|>ei [^^' ]

o TOY XA<t>- L^J- o x^yeoY [Jo^- ^"- x"' ij?]; >" the Syr. \S^^ s-^nt and ../wft.^ V Cp Alph^klts, Clopas, I.


(kpan ION [Ti. WH], Calvaria). Lk. 23 j^t .W, tlie \'g. rendt-ring (I,at. calvariu?>V.\i\\) of Kpaviov (kV 'The skull ). The || passages preserve the .Si-mitic form G()i-(;<)Tii.\ ('/.".).


(V0|, kamhAoc; Gen.l2i6 24ioi4 etc., Kx.93 Judg.65 I K. IO2 iCh.2730 Ezra267 Tob. 92, and el.suwhere, including six prophetic passages; Mt. 34Mk. 16 etc. ; see also Dkomadaky).

1. Name.[edit]

The Hebrew name' is common to all the Semitic languages, which proves that the animal was known before the parent stock divided one of the facts from which Hommel and others have inferretl that the original home of the Semitic race was in Central Asia. The name was borrowed by the Egyptians ; it passotl also into Greek and Latin, and most modern languages. The origin of the word is uncertain f von Kremer {Sem. Cultiirent- lehnuiii^en, 4) connects it with Ar. jamala, ' to heap,' as meaning the ' humped animal ' ; whilst Lagarde ( I 'ebers. 49) follows Bochart in his etymology from Vpa. ' to requite.' the name thus indicating the revengeful temper often shown by the animal.

2. Biblical references[edit]

In the frequent mention of the camel in the historical books of the OT there can Ix; little doubt that Canielus dromedarius is meant (see below, 6), *^""^ *" ^^^'^'^ ambassador may conceivably have seen a two-humped camel at Nineveh or Babylon. ^ We naturally expect to hear of its use by the Arabian * and other nomad tribes ; and accordingly the Ishmaelites (Gen. 3725 [J]), the Midianites (Judg. 65),' and the Amalekites (i S. 153 279) by turns come before us as possessors of camels. The mention of them in connection with Job (Jobls), and with the Queen of Sheba (i K. 10 2), also needs no comment. David's camels (i Ch.

1 n^33, bikrHh, like the Ar. btUir (Lane, 1 240) and Ass. bakm (Del. Ass. HWB) denotes the 'youiiK camel," Is.iiOe Jcr. 223(RVnii.'.). EV renders less aptly Dko.mkdakv (,/.j/.). The word C'OTnrriK, aliaitlranlm (Ksth. 81014, .\V 'camels,' RVrng.' mules'), is rather an adj. qualifying ' swift steeds' ; so RV 'swift steeds that were used in the kind's service' (cp Pers. khshatra, realm; V>V>V> Lex.). The reauing, however, is dis- puted. See HoKSK, g 2.

  • See this and other views summarised in Wright's Comp.

Gram. Son. Lane. \ff.

  • See the l)as-reliefs on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser II.,

and this king's monolith inscr., obv. 28 (A'A 1 156^:), ' dromedaries (udrdti) with two humps ' ; cp Del. Par. 96.

  • For an account of the numerous references to the camel in

Arabian literature, and of the many names of the 'camel in Arabic, see Hommel, .Sdui^ethiere, \y)ff.

  • ' Iloth they and their cattle were numberless,' says the

narrator. So too the Reubenites carry away 50,000 camels from the Hagrites (i Ch. 621). Precisely so Tiglath-pileser II. states that he had taken 30,000 camels as prey from the Arabs (cp Hommel, GH.A 66!;), and A5ur-bani-pal says that he took so many camels from the Kedarenes that camels were sold in Assyria for from \\ (silver) shekels to half a shekel (A'.5 2 225). On the notice in Judg. 831 see Crescents.

27 30) may have been kept for purposes of trade ; they were put under the charge of an Ishmaelite, who from his calling Ijore the name of Omi.. Other kings may have followed David's example ; Hezekiah's camels were carried away by Sennacherib (Schr. LOT 2 286). That Syrians should have usetl them (2 K. 89) is natural ; but in the hilly region of Palestine the atmel cannot have been a common tjuadruixxl. It is true this animal appears again and again in the patriarchal story, and there is no difficulty in supixjsing that Jacob acquired camels in Mesopotamia. There i.s, however, great difficulty in the statement (Gen. 12 16) that camels formed part of a present given to Abraham by the pharaoh (see Ix;low, 3/ )

The camel's saddle is mentioned only once, Gen. 31 34 (jo:!-! 13, TO. aoL-yfuiTa, EV 'the camel's furiiiture '), and derives its name from its round basket-shaped form. See LiTTKK, Saddi.k.

The (lesh of camels was unclean food to the Israelites (Dt. 14? Lev. 11 4). By the Arabs, on the other hand, camels were both eaten and sacrificed (WkS A'el. Sem. i'-' 218). N. M. A. K. .s.

3. Not known in Egypt[edit]

[The assertion that the ancient Egyptians knew the camel is unfounded. The picture of a camel on one of "'*' C-'hiopian) pyramids at Meroc ^ ^j^^.^^g />/,>t/. 028) and on Greek terra-cotta figures e.g. , of a travelling

Arab (not, as has been supposed, an Egyptian) in Marietie [Abydus, 240) and the references in Greek papyri,'- prove nothing more than that the animal was known in Egypt in Roman times. It is surprising that it never appears earlier e.g., in representations of battles with the nomadic Semites who rode on camels. The Egyptian artists evidently disliked to represent the animal not lx;cause of its ungainly ap|x;arance, for they have rather a fancy for delineating strange creatures, but out of religious antipathy (WM.M As. u. Eur. 142). The statement that the camel is mentioned in Pap. Anast. i. 285 is groundless. The passage contains an exclamation of the Asiatic princes, awe-struck at the bravery of an Egyptian soldier a-ba-ta ka-ma \i-r(l)ii ma-ha-'ira n-'-mu, which seems to mean, 'Thou art lost (nian?) like God ('?)-icr) a hero (n,io) indeed {Xr.na'am).' Even if this explanation' be rejected, the idea of Chabas {Voyage, 220) that the Asiatics are here calling for ' camels meat ' is most ridiculous. The other passages ajjpealed to refer not to the camel (the pretended kamaly) but to a large species of monkey [kay. ky), which is said to come from Ethiopia (where there were no camels in 1300 B.C.; see above), and is described as docile learning an amusing kind of dance, and carr)ing its master's walking-stick. See the pa.ssages collected by \\MM {As. u. Eur. 370), and the judicious remarks of Wiede- mann, Sl>.-\ 13 32. Even the I'^gyptian name of the camel X (or cr) amOYA (ph'ral JaaaAY^I ) 's foreign (not irom gti mil I [Lagarde, i'ebers. 49] but from an original

  • gaiii,'>/}, and does not seem very old. W. M. M.]

4. OT ref. to Egypt[edit]

[The diflicuUy of the narrative in Gen. 12 10-20 is very great so long as it is assumed that it correctly represents ^_ . the Hebrew tradition. Supposing, how- ^^,^^^ jj^.^j jj^^ mention of the pharaoh were due to a misunderstanding, and that the early Hebrew tradition knew only of a visit of .Abraham to the land of Musri (see Mizraim, 2 [3]), the difficulty arising from the mention of camels in Gen. 12 16 would disappear. The dilliculty of Ex.93 (J), where a murrain is predicted on pharaoh's cattle including ' the camels,' cannot, however, be removed by such an expedient. Here it appears simplest to suppose that the narrator gave a list of those kinds of animals which, from a Palestinian point of view, would be liable to the murrain.

1 Roman period ? Even in Persian times orthodox Ethiopians were apparently deterred from using the animal by fear of contracting ceremonial defdement. The more southern tribes had no camels ; see, e.g:, Mariette, .lAwx. drv. 13, 87. The animal can hardly live in the regions .S. of Mero.

- /C.g-., in Grenfell, (7riei Papyri (245 etc.), camels appe.y fretjuently in the Kayum after 100 a.i>. It is, however, signifi- cant that they .sometimes bear 'ApafiiKa. xopayMo^a as brand- marks (i /. 50 a). The camels on the ro.'ds to the Red Sea (Petrie, Ko/>tos, 27, /. ai, Strabo, etc.) were driven by the desert- tril)es.

3 Partly after Erman, Z.A 'tj, 36.

Add the passage on >frv-apes from the St. Petersburg tale and De Morgan, Cat. Monum. i. 644 (^i-animals from th SQdan).

5. NT ref.[edit]

Two proverbial expressions about the camel occur in the Gospels (the one in Mt. 19 24 Mk. IO25 Lk. I825, the other in Mt. 2824). The reading Ka/xiXos (a rope?) for KafirjXoi has been suggested for the former. It is as old as Cyril of Alexandria and is evidently the conjecture of a non- Semitic scribe (see Nestle, ExJ>. T. 9474). Ka/xrjXot is correct. Analogous proverbs can be quoted e.g. , ' In Media a camel can dance on a bushel' (/eiam. 45 a) i.e., all things are possible. T. K. c]

6. Zoology.[edit]

As has been indicated above there are two species of camel. One, the Camelus drometiurius, is found in SE. Asia ranging from Afghanistan and Bokhara through NW. India, Persia, Arabia, .Syria, and Asia Minor, and in N. Africa ; this species reaches its most southern point in Somali-land. The second, or Bactrian, camel, C. bactriantis, lives in the high plateaus of central Asia. Both species are said to exist wild, but it is generally thought that the herds found in a state of nature are descended from domesticated animals and are not truly feral. This view is supported by the recent observations of Sven Hedin. They have been introduced into many parts of both the Old and the New World, and where the climate has proved suitable have been very useful as beasts of burden.

Numerous breeds of the C. dromedarius are found in the East, and show as great diversities in character and use as do the various breeds of horse. The breeds, many of which are distinguished by a complex system of branding, may be roughly divided into two classes : the riding, called in Egypt and Arabia Hagln and in Indian Saivari, and the baggage animal, called respectively the Gaiiial and Unt. The word dromedary is often restricted to the former animal, which often maintains a pace of 8-10 miles an hour for a long period, _ \yhereas the baggage camel rarely exceeds 3 miles an hour. Riding a camel for any length of time usually induces sickness^ the movement of the two legs of each side together producing a most un- pleasant swaying motion. Enormous herds, such as we read of in the OT, are still kept by the natives both of the Sudan and of NW. India, and breeding stables exist iti many parts of the East. Camels produce but one young at a time and the period of gestation is twelve months ; the young are suckled for a year or Ic^nger. The average length of life seems to be considerable from forty to fifty years and if well treated the camel will continue to work hard until well over thirty.

The power which it undoubtedly possesses of doing without food is to some extent dependent on the hump ; when the animal is underfed or overworked fhis structure begins to dis- appear and the condition of the hump is thus an unfailing sign of the state of its health. Similarly the power of doing without water is due to a structural peculiarity of the two first compart- ments the rumen and reticulum of the complex stomach of the camel. Each of these chambers has its wall pitted into a series of crypts or cells which are each guarded by a special sphincter muscle, and in these crypts a certain amount of water is stored perhaps two gallons at most. The fluid can be let out from time to time to mix with the more solid food. Camels ruminate, and their masticated food passes straight into the third division of the stomach. In spite of this provision for storing water, no opportunity should be lost of watering camels, as it is most inadvisable to trust to this reserve, and they are apt to overdrink themselves if kept without water for too long a time. The stories about travellers saving their lives by opening the stomachs of camels when dying of thirst are probably imaginary ; the camel exhausts its own supply of water, and even if a little be left it is quite undrinkable. Their flesh is eaten at times by natives, who consider the hump a delicacy. Their dung is used for fuel in the desert.

From the earliest times the hair of the camel has been woven into fabrics. The hair from the hump and back is torn or shorn and woven into a tough, har^h cloth ; but a finer, softer material is also prepared from the under-wool. The milk is consumed by the natives, who both drink it and convert it into butter and cheese.

Although the camel has been domesticated from a very early date, and although, without its aid, vast rej^ions of the world would prove untraversable, and consequently it has always been the servant of man, there is considerable divergence of opinion as to the real character of the animal. Perhaps the Latest writer, Alajor Leonard,! may be quoted as one who has had sixteen years' ' practical observation and experience of camels in India, .Afghanistan, Egypt, and the Soudan'; he says, 'To sum

The Camel, its Uses and Management ('94).

up the average specimen of a camel. He can abstain from food and water the latter more especially longer than any other animal. He is stupid and patient to excess, submissive and tenacious to a degree, docile and obstinate to a certain extent, vindictive and passionate when roused, not easily excited nor usually alarmed, though at times liable to a panic or stampede an animal in fact whose characteristics are every bit as peculiar as his structural peculiarities.' Another admirable epitome of the character of the camel as a baggage animal is given in kudyard Kipling's 'Oont.' a. K. S.

1/ 6 N. M. A. E. S. ; 3 W. M. M. ; 4/ T. K. C.


(pOj^; pamnoon [B]. -mmco [A], kaA- KCON [L]), an unknown locality in Gilead ; the burial- place of Jair {q.v. 1) (Judg. IO5). It was doubtless one of the Havvoth-Jair (q.v.). Reland (679) rightly combines it with the Kafj.ovv which, in 217 B.C., Antiochus III. the Great captured along with Pclla and Gefrun (Polyb. v. 7O12). To the W. of the place identified by Buhl with the ancient Gefrun or Ephron (q.v., i. 2) in N. Gilead, and i m. S. of the high road from Irbid (Arbela) to the Jordan, lies a village whose name, Kumeim, 'little summit,' is doubtless a corrup- tion of the ancient Kamon.

Eus. and Jer. (O^" 272 66 110 20) identify Camon with a place in the 'great plain' called Kaixfiiova, Cimona, situated 6 R. m. N. of Legio, on the way to Ptolemais. This Koiiij-utva., however, which is evidently Tell kaimun (see Jokneam), is clearly on the wrong side of the Jordan.


(n:TO;i nARCMBoAH [BADEFL], Gen. 322[3] Ex. 14 19 Heb. 1.3 n).

1. Military.[edit]

A camp is so called from the cut-c'in^ of the tents over their occupants ( i^'nn ; cp MH ni:n)."'^ The term

(n:no) is applied primarily to an assemblage of tents of nomads (Gen. 322i[22], EV 'company'; Nu. I319, EV 'camps'). Of the early Israelitish nomad camps we have no contemporary records ; Doughty (Ar. Des. I221 2309) observes that some Bedouin tribes pitch dis- persedly and without order ; others in a circle, to protect the cattle. The latter style is that of the m-a (Ar. duwdr), of which we hear in Gen. 25 16 Nu. 31io i Ch. 639 [54] Ezek. 254 (AV 'castle,' but in Ezek. 'palaces,' RV 'encampment').

The military camps of a later age are referred to elsewhere (see War). Suffice it to remark here ( i ) that the encampments of the Hebrews were probably round rather than square : this was a legacy from their nomad state (see above) ; the barricade which surrounded the camp was called Vjyp ([i S. 1720265.' AV 'trench,' RV 'place of the wagons,' mg. 'barricade'; in 17 20 (S'^ and in 265 Aq. and Sym. or Theod. (TTpOY^vXucis, Tg. Nsipn.D ie., xap'i'C'^Ma] i.e., a 'round' line of defence, cp hi^, 'round').'* Also (2) that their camps have left no impress on names of places, as the Roman castra has on English place-names. Mahaneh-D.'VN \(].v.'\ owes its name to a misunderstanding. We do find, how^ever, the strange archaising phrases, ' the camp of Vahw^' (2Ch. 3I2) and 'the camp of the Levites' (iCh. 9i8; cp Nu. 2i7 P), in connection with the description of the temple services. Is. 29 1 has been thought to describe Jerusalem as the camp i.e., dwell- ing of David (so BDB) ; but this is far from certain ; the prophecy of Yahw^'s encampment against Jerusalem is thereby obscured.

2. In the wilderness (P).[edit]

This leads us to speak of the camp in the wilderness, as conceived by P (Nu. 1-4). Of course, it must be ^ , . , historically true that there was a sacred

.__. .< , .u 1 u.,,. ,\^

tent in which the ark or chest containing the sacred objects of the Israelitish "nomads was placed when the Israelites halted in their wanderings (see Ark, 4). This tent, glorified into the so-called Tabernacle (see Tabernaclf.), forms the

1 *ninn 2 K. 68 '(shall be) my camp' is corrupt; Th. Klo. Gratz. Benz. after Pesh. read 'N?nri, ' ye shall be hid.

2 On 'jn in Jer. 37 16 see Cei.i..s._ 8 AVing- 'midst of his carriages.'

  • L in 17 20 has jropt>ij3oAij ; 2(5 5 bal Ao/uin^iTj and Aq. also


centre of the camp as dijscrit)0(l by P. The case is analogous to tliat of Kzc-kicl's ideal division of the Holy Land in tlie future ( Ilzok. 48), in which his sacerdotal con- ceptions tind expression. The ralx;rnacle is the place of Yahwe's presence. This is why it is the central point, ininiediately round which the Invites encamp, forming an inner ring of protection for the ordinary Hebrew lest by inadvertently drawing near he should bring down upon himself the wrath of Yahwe(Nu. 1 50-53)-

The positions of the various tribes are i^iycii in Nu. 2j on each side of the tabernacle, but separated from it by the Levite.s, three tril>es encamp -a leading trilje flanked by two other triljes with their ' ensigns ' (hik)- 1 ""* "" *"= K. is Judah flanked by Is-sachar and Zebuhm ; on the S. keulien flanked by Simeon and Gad ; on the W. Kphraim flanked by Manasseh and Benjamin ; u\d on the N. Dan flanked by .\sher and N.iphtali. It has generally been held that the four leading tribes were dis- tinguished by the possession of large standards {}'), whereas the other tribes had only sm.iller ensigns (niN) ; but this rests perhajjs on a misinterpretation of 7J31, which, as the contexts and. in part the versions show, means a company ; see the discussions in/^^A^ " ('98) 92-101 ; and cp Knsu..s.

The foregoing details are to be gathered from what have been

fenerally rej^arded as parts of the primary narrative of P. "urther details as to the Levites are given in 3 14-3, which has been attributed (i-.jtr., by We. // 179^) to secondary strata of P. Accordinc to this section the various Levitical divisions encamped as follows : Moses, Aaron and his sons (3 38) on the K., the Kohathites on the S. (3 29), the C.crshonites on the W. ^323), and the Merarites on the N. (3 35) of the tabernacle.

The K.istward is manifestly regarded as the superior position ; the relative importance of the remaininc three positions is less obvious ; but it may be observed that the E. and S. sides are occupied by the children of Leah (exclusive of Levi) together with ( ;.-id ; the W. by the children of R.-ichel, and the N. by the children of the handmaids (exclusive of Gad).

The priestly writers appear to have conceived of the camp as sc|iiare, and this is probably another indication that we have to do with an ideal (not a historical) camp ; for there is some reason for believing that the actual encampments of the Hebrews approximated to the round rather than the scjuare form (cp 1). Though the other hexateuchal sources furnish few details as to the camp, the direct statement of P^x. 33; (E) that the tabernacle was outside is quite irreconcilable with P's account that it formed the centre of the camp. The central position of the tabernacle, the intermediate position of the Levites between the tabernacle and the secular tribes, and the superior position assigned among the Levites to the sons of Aaron, are not matters of history, but the expression, in the form of an idealisation of the past, of a religious idea.

T. K. c. , I ; G. B. G. , 2.