Encyclopaedia Biblica/Cockatrice-Consul

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Cockatrice-Consul
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Contents

COCKATRICE[edit]

is an archaic English word, derived or corrupted from the mediaeval Lat. aiL atrix [see the New Eng. Diet., s.v.\ but often confounded with ' crocodile ' ; the form of the word suggested the fable that the animal was hatched by a cock from the egg of a viper. For Pr. 2832 AV (EV'nB- Adder; RV'"*.'- 'basilisk') and Is. 118 595 Jer. 8i7t AV(RV 'basilisk,' EV"'K- ' or adder ' ; 'j^b^, siph'oni) see Serpent, 1(7). For Is. 14 29t (j'Es, sepka, EV as before, \'g. regulus) see Serpent. r (6). has ^a<n\icrKos in Is. 59s (EV Viper, Heb. 'e/>/u'/i) and in Ps. 90[<1] 13 (EV Adder, Heb. pethen). Horapoilon (1 1) identifies the basilisk with the Egyptian urajus, a golden image of which is the usual ornament of the divine or royal head-dress. Probably this was the kind of serjjent meant by ; the urieus, being divine, had of course extraordinary powers (see Serpent, i, nos. 6 and 7). According to Furetiere, the cocatrix (cock.itrice) is a kind of basilisk which haunts caverns and pits. The name cakatrix, however, properly means the ichneumon. Under the form Chalcadri, we find it in the Slavonic Secrits of Enock{V2.i 15 i), where, however, the writer may be thinking of the crocodile. See Ck()Ci>uile. T. K. c.

COCKLE[edit]

EV">tr, better 'noisome weeds' (inC'N3, bd'sdh; Batoc [BXAC]), JobSUof. The cognate vei^b means in Hebrew ' to stink ' ; but the primary sense of the root, according to N'oldeke (/.D.\/G-iO 727 ['86]). is the more general one of badness or worthlessness. A kindred substantive is D'VVta, ' wild grapes ' (Is. 62 4). As nvKZ occurs only once in Hebrew and is unknown to the cognate languages, there is no evidence to justify the identification with a particular plant, such as the ' cockle' of EV ; still, as etyiuology seems to point to some 'stinking weed,' there is something to be said for the suggestion of Sir Joseph Hooker, that i^erhaps the reference is to the stinking arums.

Several of the arums are plentiful in Syria e.g-.. Arum Dios- coridis, Sibth., .Arum Paltestinum, Boi.ss., and species of Helico- phyllum (cp 'Tristram, NH/i ^39). The ancient versions, in supposing that a thorny plant is intended,' were no doubt guided by the parallelism of the verse. The older English Versions use ' cockle as the rendering of <I'i^d'ia in Mt. 13. See Tarrs. N. M. W. T. T.-D.

1 So bXaq renders C'CKS by aicai^at in Is. 624. Pesh., however, 'carobs'(see HusK.s). !2 K. is a few times omitted e.g., i Esd. 225 63, etc.


COELESYRIA[edit]

(koiAh cypiA [BAL]) .<.. 'hollow Syria,' first mentioned in 1 Esdras, where (koiKti)- "Zvpia K. ^oiviKrj represents Hinj 131?, the Aramaic equivalent of the Heb. "insn lar (cp Ezra 836 Xeh. 87).

1. Name[edit]

The name occurs in lEsd. 21724/! 27 = Ezra 4 10 16/; 20; I Esd.t>37i7 29=E;zra536t)68; i Esd. 7 i 867 = EzratJi3 S36. (P's vrsioii of the canonical Ezra regularly renders by iripav (but irifM Ezra<i6 7 2i25 (B.\]) toO jroTdfiou : once, however, ianipa t. wot., in Kzra4 3o[DA]. With ihit we may compare the "pav Eu^parov, which, wi(h ra icarw rqt '\triax u'pq (Asia Minor, N\V. of Tauruk) appears in the famouii Gaifatas ins.rii.tion of I larius \. (Hull. Corr. Hell. 13 5j,> (89), 14 6.8; cp iNleyer, Entst. 19/.). I he name Aramaic designation is found upon a coin of the Persian period ' M-i/dai . . . who is over Kinj nay' (cp Hal. .//. Epig. 6^/.), and seems to be the origin of the name of the I'ersian province Ar/iiijia (fur another weTi-supiMirted \iew, >ee Ahaiiia, f 3). ^ifiici) and 'Apafiia occur together as one archonship in the epilogue to the .-ina/'asii (see Marq. Eutul. yiff.)-^ That the Minican p.nj n;y is to be connected with 121". arhilya. though affirmed by Hartmann (/..^ 11 Hi), Meyer (;/-. 327), and Marq. (.</. lit. 74/, cp KliKK, i), is strenuously denied by (ilascr (cp .l//'<", 1897, 3 3 yf. ; see Hommcl, A HI ynff.), who is, however, perhaps too strongly prejudiced in fa>our of an exceedingly remote date for the inscriptions in question.

2. Extent[edit]

Coelesyria is. strictly, the designation applied since the time of the Seleucids to the depression between the the two Lebanons, otherwise known as the ^^.^..^ of Lebanon (cp Josh. 11 17 I27), the modern lieka ; cp LEBANON. In the Grecian period the term includes all E. I'alestine. Thus, according to Josephus {.Int. i. 11 5), the seats of the Ammonites and Moabites were in it, and among its towns he mentions Scythojwlis and (iadara [ih. xiii. \\\tf.). In its widest sense it included Kaphia (so I'olyb. 58o), and stretched ' as far as the river Euphrates and Kgypt ' {.Ant. xiv. 4 s). In I Esd. and Maccal)ees (see below) these are its limits ; and, rou'^hly ust-d, rather in a political than in a geographical sense, it and Phoenicia constitute the more southerly part of the kingdom of the Seleucidiu. At this periwl the districts referred to appear as one fiscal domain, under tlie suzerainty of one governor (viz., A|)ollonius [2.\Iacc. 35] Ptolemy [88] Lysias [10 u]). Under the Romans the term was again restricted, and Coelesyria ( with Damascus as its capital ; cp .Ant. xiii. 152 DJK.M) was officially separated from Phoenicia and Iud;va(.-7/. xii. 4 i and 4 ; Pliny, 5 7). When, therefore, in 47 and 43 B.C., Herod was in command of Ca-le- syria, he seems to have possessed no authority over the southern jirovince. s. A. C.

COFFER[edit]

(TnN). iS.Gs.nst. (P h.is : in v. 8 (v OffiaTi peotx^av [B*], -p(T(x- [H-it' vid.], (,, 0. apyoi I A I, (f e. Paipyai [ L] ; in rr: 1115, to fl.><a fpyafi [ U], to fl. apyo^[.\], tv Sf/naTi /Safpya^ and to 6. ^aepyaCi | L). Aq. Xdpi'af (or tx^of) ; Sym. XapvoKiov ; Jos. yAuxTcrbKOfioi'. Vg. always ea/'sella.

The foreign-looking but really corrupt word argiiz illustrates the need of a more correct Hebrew text (see Tk.xt, 44/ )

We cannot accept the far-fetched etymologies of Lag, (Uhtrs. 85) and Klo. (.SViw., nilloc). The i probably sprang out of a 'final nun" (j), which was attached as a correction to an ordinary nun thus pnx (cp -av [B]). In this case the ' coiier ' was really not distinguished in name from the ark (piXX Or tv Be^ari (ip, cp Lev. '246) ;.f., ri3>'C3 'in a pile,' may represent the true text ; but more probably 6tiia = 0ritia = 9riKr} 'box.' .See Che. E.t/>. 7". 10 521 (Aug. '09), and on the narrative which contain- the word, see Budde (.SHOf), who carefully separate- the interpolations. T. K. C.

1 It i.s mentioned in the Behistun Inscription of Darius Hystaspis t)etween Babylonia and Assyria. In another in- scription of the class, however, this position is occupied by Arbaya (cp /.>ttr. Koy. .-is. Soc. 10 28" ['47 J.

- On the supposed reference to this valley (rich in heathen remains) in .\m. 1 5 (' valley of Aven ' /'.<., of Sin), see .'Xvk.s, 3. "I'his district is also called Maacrvat (.Strabo, 2 16 17, ed. Meineke 1'661), or y\afrua.^ (Polyb. 5 45), a name which may l>e derived from a hypothetical rnyS, 'depression' ; cp \/ nid nnr, 'tosink.'

' Considerable confusion appears in the treatment of this and the preceding names in the Greek Versions,

COFFIN[edit]

(jhS, copoc). Gen. 5O26 ; also Lk. 7i4 AV""-'- .See De.\U, i.

COHORT[edit]

(cneip&). -VtslOi. See Akmv, 10; CORNELIUS, I.

COLA[edit]

RV Cnoi..\ (xcoAa [H], k(o. [-A]. KeeiAA [N*^-^], om. Vg. Syr.), mentioiud with Betomks- THAM, Hkb.M, and Chobai (see Choba),^ as places to which orders were sent to follow up the pursuit of the enemy after the death of Hoiofernes (Judith 164). Possibly the Hoi.ON of Josh. 15 51 may be intended (Zockhr). N'-' identifies the place with Kkii.AM ; cp Josh. l.)44.

COLROZEH[edit]

(TV(rrh2, 23, as if he sceth all), a Jerusalemite of Nehemiah's time (.\eh. 815; otn. li{<A, XoAozei [\']\ lis. XAAeA (HN]. -Aaza [A], xo. [L])- As misleading a name as Pahath-moab or as Hallohesh. A clan of ' seers ' at this |)eriod would of course lie interesting; but the name is miswritten for rn Sn (I'-V ' Hallohesh '). [jrobably under the influence of the name Hazaiah, which follows in Neh. 11 5. pmSn itself is miswritten. See Hai.lumesii. t. k. c.

COLIUS[edit]

(kcoAioc [A]), 1 P:sd. 923 = Kzral023, KELAIAH {</.;. ).

COLLAR[edit]

I. 'Collars' in AV Judg. 826 become in RV ' pendants ' (mS'U:). See RiNt;, 2.

2. ' Collar ' is also applied, inappropriately, to the round hole (.ns) for the head and neck in a garment. So in Job 30 18, 'It bindeth me alK)ut as the collar of my coat' (K\'), and in Ps. 1332 (R\"'), 'that Hows down to the collar of his robes' (Kay). 'Collar ' here should be 'opening.'

In Ps. i.c , however, it is thoiight that the border of the opening, rather than the opening itself, mu-l lie interrded. Sym. have iitX tiji/ way i.e., the lambskin trimming or edging on the neck-opening (cp Tg., H'CH 'fringe'). I-.V, however, ventures on 'skirts (skirt) of his garments'; the revisers felt that, even if .W gave an iniprol)al)le rendering, they had nothing letter to set in its place. The text can |>erhaps be corrected (see Che. /'j.i2i); it is certainly not right as it stands. In Job Ac, Budde and Duhm prefer to render 'even as my tunic' ; but this does not make the passage clear. There is reason to think (Che. A>/. Tinus, IO382J [May '9,]) that we .should read t'Sn\ in v. iSa ( tireAo^eTo) and 'B3 and '3inK' in 1: 186, and render

By (his) gre.-it power he takes hold of my garment, By the opening of my tunic he grasps me. The word rendered in these two passages 'collar' becomes 'hole' in KV of Kx. -'S 32 ; the context suggested this. The 'hole for the head ' (RV) in the priestly >f'/7 (rolw) was to have a ' binding (lit. lip) round about ' ; the material cut out was to be folded over, and so to make what might fairly l>e called a collar. In later Heb. we find the terms nnEO (opening) or iKlsn n'3 (receptacle of the neck).

3. RX'""*-'- gives ' collar ' for a certain instrument of punishment (pVs, si'noi, Jer. 2926, AV 'stocks,' RV 'shackles'). The root (like pa) in Aramaic and Talmudic means to bind, to confine. Kimhi takes it to be a manacle for hands, not a collar. Orelli, on the other hand, compares .-\rab. zi'mii (necklace). 0ao its rbv KarapaKTr/v represents nijs and can scarcely be correct.

COLLEGE[edit]

RV Skcond Qiartkr (nJl'TD ; Vg. Secumiii ). as if the ' new town ' of Jerusalem (2 K. 2'2 14 = 2 Ch. 34 22 ; Zeph. 1 10). i he reiidering ' college ' is due to Tg. Jon. 2 K.'22i4 WB^IN n3a. 'in the house of instruction.' .See JERUSALEM.

The text is, however, plainly corrupt. In Zeph. 1 10 the natural parallel to the ' fish gate' is the 'gate of the old' (see Neh. lL'39, where these gates are mentioned together). For njCTJ.T-p, therefore, read .IJC* .T lys-p 'from the gate of the old city.' Similarly in 2 K. and 2 Ch. I.e. (see Hui.dah). See also Hassem AH. In 2 K. -'"J 14, fiavtva (B.\], -two. [\.\, AVin. 'second part,' RV'nK- ' Heb. .Mishneh.' In 2 Ch. 84 22, y.aia.aava.1 [B|, \i.t<java.i. \\\. fiavtrti'va | I-l, .AV">r. ' in the .school," or ' in the second part,' RVintf. ' Heb. Mishneh." In Zeph. 1 10, TTJt itvTepa'! [\'k\Q] ; -W 'the second."

COLONNADE[edit]

(D^'N), Ezek. 40 16. RV"'e- See P()K( 11, TiMHi.t:.

COLONY[edit]

UoAcoNiA [Ti. WH]), Actsl6i2.t See Pmi.n'i'i.

COLOSSE[edit]

better Colosaa (koAoccai [Ti. WH. and coins and inscrip.]; koAacc&I. later MSS, Byz. writers, and some mod. edd. : the latter form was possibly the native pronunciation i).

1. Description.[edit]

A town on the S.bank of the Lycus (Churuk Su), a tributary of the Ma.'ander, in that part of the Roman province of Asia which the Greeks called Phrygia. In the neighbourhood of Colossai were Hierapolis and Laodicea (cp Col. 2i 41315/.). As tho.se two cities rose in importance, Colossce seems to have continuously declined (cp Rev. 1 n 814, where the church in Laodicea ranks among the seven great churches of Asia). Herodotus (730; cp Xen. Anab. i. 2 6) speaks of Colossa; as 'a city of great size': but in Strabo's time Laodicea is numbered among the greatest of the Phrygian cities, 'hilst Colossas, although it had some trade, is only a woXia/xa (Strabo, 576, 578). In Paul's time I 'liny (//A' .5 41) enumerates it among the ccleherrima oppida of tlie district ; but that is merely historical retrospect. Its geographical position, on the great route leading from Kphesus to the Kuphrates (it was passed, e.g., by Xerxes in his march through Asia Minor, Herod. I.e.), was important. Hence arises the question as to whether the place was ever visited by Paul.

2. Paul's connection with it[edit]

On his third journey Paul ' went over all the country of Galatia and Phrygia in order' (Actsl823), and, 'having passed through the upper coasts [to. cIj'w- ^^^'^\ '^ ' came to Ephesus' (Acts 19.). The natural route would certamly be that followed by commerce, which would i)ass through Colossa;, though travellers might, as Ramsay suggests [Ch. in R. Em p. 94), take a road to the north- ward, avoiding the Lycus valley entirely. It is, how- ever, open to us to admit that the apostle may have passed through the town without making any stay. It seems distinctly to follow from Col.2i ('as many as have not seen my face in the flesh ' ) that at the date of writing Paul was not personally acquainted with the Colossian church ; but it would be unsafe to argue that he had not seen the town itself If he did no missionary work there on his third journey through Asia Minor, it is impo.ssible to assign his assumed activity at Colossae to the second journey on the strenijth of the expression ' gone throughout Phrygia and the region of Galatia ' (.\cts 166) : on that occasion he diverged northwards from the eastern trade route leading by way of Colossas to Ephesus, and ultimately reached Troas {v. 7/). Further, although ethnologically Colossae ranked as a Phrygian town, politically it belonged to Asia, a province which was altogether barred to missionary effort on the occasion of the second journey (Acts 166; see Asi.-\, Phrygi.-\).

It would still be possible to argue that Paul established the Colossian church on an unrecorded visit made from Ephesus during his three years' stay there (cp .Acts 19 10, ' so that all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word '). Nevertheless, Col. I4 ('since we heard of your faith') 1 8 2 1 are opposed to tlie idea of personal effort on his part, especially when contrasted with such passages as Gal. 16 I Cor. 3i-io, where we have positive claim to the foundation of the churches addressed. Nor is it allowable to insist that Epaphras and Philemon, who were certainly Colossians (Col. 412), must necessarily have been converted by Paul at Colossa; itself. The r'olossian church was an indirect product of the apostle's activity at Kphesus. To whom, then, must the actual foundation be ascribed ? Probably to Epaphras, who is called ' a faithful minister of Christ ' for the Colossians [virkp vfiCbv, so AV : better virkp i)fi2v, ' on our behalf,' RV), and their teacher (Col. 1 7, cp 4 12 13), although the honour has been claimed for Timotheus, on the ground that his name is joined with that of Paul in the Salutation (Col. li).

1 The name is probably connected with Koloe (lake near Sardis. Str. 626), the form being grecized to suggest a connection with icoAo<7(ros. The more educated ethnic was KoAoo-otji/os, the illiterate form KoAaorcraeus being perhaps nearer the native word. See Rams. Cilies and Bishoprics 0/ Phrygia, 1 212.

3. The Colossian Church[edit]

It is clear from Philem. 22 that Paul looked forward to visiting Colossiv after his first imprisonment at Rome : wheher he effected his purpose is not known (but cp 2 Tim 4:20). Among the members of the Colossian church, besides l-"paphras, Philemon with his wife .-Xi'i'iii.v and slave Onesimus (Philem. 2 10'), we hear of Archippus, perhaps son of Epaphras (Philem. 2 Col. 417). With regard to the conifxjsition of the church, we may say that it con- sisted chiefly of (ientiles, in this case the descendants of Greek settlers and native Phrygians, deeply imbued with that tendency to mystical fanaticism which was charac- teristic of the Phrygian race. Very soon, therefore, they fell away to angel-worship and a misdirected asceticism (Col. 2 16-18 21-23). The former heresy is illustrated by the famous vaib% dpxayjfXiKos or vab^ rod' Apxt<rTpaTrjyov (church dedicated to Michael), mentioned by Nicetas Choniates as standing at the chasm of the Lycus. The tradition is that the archangel opened the chasm and so saved the Christians of Chonas from destruction by an inundation. In the fourth century a Council at Laodicea condemned this angel-worship. Theodoret also speaks of the existence of the heresy in this region. Cp .\.\GEL, 9.

The construction of a strong castle at Chonai (mod. Chflnas), 3 m. S. of Colossa;, wa.s perhaps the work of Justinian. During the seventh or eighth century A.D., under the pressure of Arab incursions, the town in the plain was gradually deserted and forgotten. Hence Nicet.is says that Chonai (his own birthplace) and Colo.ssa; were one and the .same place (ed. Bonn, 403). The idea even arose that the Colossians of the epistle were the Rhodians (cp Rams. Cit. nfui Bish. 1 214). The Colossians of Cedr. 1 758 are the Paulicians of the Church of Argaous in Armenia.

[Authorities : besides Lightfoot, Colossians, see Rams. Cit. and Bish. vol. i. with map ; id. Church in the Roman Empire, chap. 19 with map of the Lycus valley.] \v. J. \V.

COLOSSIANS 2 and EPHESIANS 3, Epistles to the.[edit]

These two epistles are related so closely that they cannot without disadvantage be considered separately.

1. Contents of Col.[edit]

Colossians consists of two distinct portions : the one didactic and polemical, the other practical and hortatory, the whole being rounded off by the superscription ( 1 1 /. ) at the beginning, and by commendations of the bearer, greetings and other messages, and the writer's autograph greeting at the close (47-18).

In the introduction, 1 3^, Paul, a.s his custom is, gives thanks for the conversion of those whom he is addressing, and expresses the wish that they may continue to grow in all wisdom.

At V. 13, by a gentle transition, he pas.ses over into a Christo- logical discourse setting forth the transcendent glory of the Son, and how he is head of the universe and of the Church, in whom all hea\en and the whole earth are reconciled to God {v^'. 14-20) ; in 7'.-'. 21-23 the re.-iders' personal interest in Christ's work of reconciliation is affirmed, and in tzk 24-25 Paul goes on to say that he has had it committed to his special charge to proclaim the great secret of the universality of salvation, whence it is that he labours and cares .so specially for the interests of hi;; readers. In 2 1-23 the main bu.siness of the epistle is entered upon an earnest warning against false teachers, who, holding out hopyes of an illu.sory perfection, wi.sh to substitute all sorts of Gentile and Jewish religious observances in the place of ' Christ alone.'

With the exhortation (3 1-4) to live their lives in the heavenly manner, and conformably to the new life, the apostle passes to the practical portion of the epistle. Here in the first instance (3 5-17) the sins of the old man that are to be laid a.side and the virtues of the new man that are to be put on are indicated somewhat generally ; then (3 i8-4 i) the duties of wives and husbands, children and p.arents, servants and masters are specially described, with (4 2-6) an urgent call to continual prayer (including prayer for the success of his own mission) and to wise and discreet employment of speech in their dealings with the unconverted.

1 Cp 'Am^ioit . . . yivti. M.o\aaa-<\v%, CIG 84380 k ; and Wolfe Exped. 482, '0Tjri>iO '.\<^i<} yuvatici.

2 Trpos KoAao-<raeis [WH]. irpo? KoAo(Tcros [Ti.].

3 irpos E<^<rtov [Ti. WH].


2. Contents of Ephesians[edit]

The contents of Ephesians are, on the whole, similar to those of Colossians ; but the polemical part and epistolary accessories are given much more briefly (only a superscription 1 i /. , and in 621-24, a sentence devoted to the bearer of the epistle, with parting good wishes), whilst all the rest is treated with greater amplitude. The doctrinal jxirtion exiends from 1 3 to 3 21. Here it cannot Ik; said that any one h:xs as yet quite succeeded in jwinting out any very clear and consecutive pr<Kess of thought, or methodical elaboration of definite themes. To lind, for example, in I3-14 'the operations of divine grace,' and, more explicitly, in vv. 7,ff. ' \vhat God the Father," in in<. j ff. ' what God the Son,' and in in: 13^ 'what (jod the Spirit has done," is to force the te.vt into moulds of thought that are foreign to it. Strictly, this part of the epistle is sim[)ly a parallel, carried out with unwonted fulness, to the thanksgivings with which Paul is accustomed to introduce all his letters : an act of praise to God who has wrought for all mankind deliver- ance from sin and misery through Christ and his gosjjel, and who has made the Church, of which Christ is the head, to be the centre of a new and glorious world.

In 1 3-14 Paul begins, then, with praise to God who from all eternity has graciousl]^ chosen his people to salvation ; in 1 15-^3 he expresses his special joy that his readers are among those who have thus been chosen. 2i-io brings into a strong and viviti light the absoluteness of the contrast between their former and their present state, and the fact that the happy change is due to divine grace alone ; further, it is taught that the distinc- tion between the uncircumcised and the circunic' .cd people of the promise has been obliterated by the blood of C hrist (2 i j i j), and that, in the new spiritual building, where Christ is the chief corner stone, those who were afar off are incorporated as well as those who were nigh (214-22); there are no more strangers and foreigners. To prix;laim the full and unimpaired interest of the Gentiles in the gospel has been the noble function divinely assigned to Paul (3 1-12) ; his readers must not allow his present tribulations to shake their confidence in any vay (813). His prayer (3 n^.\ closing with a dcxology (20/), is that they may ever go on growing in faith, in love, and in knowledge, until at last nothing more is wanting in them of all the fulness of CJod.

4 1-16, at the beginning of the practical section, urges the readers to give practical effect to the union that has thus been brought about, to walk worthily of the Christian vocation, and each to take his part in the common task according to the measure of his power, so that the whole may ever grow up more fully into Christ. What yet remains of the old man and heathen life must be sedulously put away (4 17-24) ; truthfulness, uprightness, and kindliness of speech and act must be cultivated as rhe true bases of social life (4 25-32) ; of these we have the best examples in the love of God and Christ (5 i/?). In 5 3-21 personal holiness and the walk of believers as wise and pure children of light are further descriljed. In 5 22-t;g the duties of members of house- holds in their several places and relations are treated in the same order as in Col. 3i3^; and the very elaborate figure of the Christian panoply in t> 10-20 with the exhortation to carry on the warfare against the powers of evil with counige and boldness a warfare in which he too would be so glad to join them as a free man forms a fine close.

3. Church of Colossae.[edit]

COLOSSE {q. v. ) lay not far from the larger cities of Laodicea and Hierajjolis, with the churches of which the Colossian (christians, it is clear, had kept up intimate relations from the first (Col. 2 1 4 13 15^ ). These churches were not among those which had been directly founded by Paul; according to 2i (123) they had not yet seen him personally; their founder, according to 4 12/. I7, had been a certain h'.paphras. The fact that at the time when the epistle is Ixjing written Epaphras is with Paul of itself goes far to prove that he stood to him in the relation of a disciple ; in any case Paul recognises the gosixil proclaimed by him as the true one and not requiring correction. When these churches were founded is not said ; but they do not seem to have had a long history ; we may venture to fi.\ the date somewhere between the years 55 and 60 A.D. As, according to 4 11/., their founder was a Gentife Christian, we may take it that the great majority of the meml)ers also were (Jentile Christians, an inference that is enforced by 1 21 27/ 'J 13. Thus Paul had a double right to regard them as belonging to his missionary field.

4 Of Ephesus[edit]

EPHESUS (q.v) is the city in which, according to Actsl98io (cp '2O31), Paul for more than two years - approximately between 55 and 58 A.D. (see Chronology, 68/.) -in the teeth of great hindrances (see i Cor.1532), had lalxmred with unwonted success in the cause of the gospel, which, until his arrival, had been practically unheard of there. At last the riot stirred up by Demetrius the silversmith, descriljed in Acts 1923^,exi)osed his life to such serious danger (2 Cor. \Z//.) that he was comfelled to abandon the city for gtxKl, and l>etake himself elsewhere to Macedonia, in the first instance (.Acts20t). The events of that period did not prove fatal to the church at Ephesus : in Rev. 2 1-7 it stands at the head of the churches in Asia, and it is highly probable that Rom. 16 is a fragment of a letter addressed to it by Paul (.\quila and Pri.sca, x: 3/, as well as Epaenetus. 'who is the first-fruits of Asia unto Christ,' v. 5, are among the saluted). In any case the apostle kept up a lively interest in this church, and maintained intimate rela- tions with it. The writer of the ' we-source," however, in Acts 20 17-30, descriljc-s a most affecting leave-taking between Paul and the elders of Ephesus, whom the former had asketl to meet him at Miletus as he was on his way to Jerusalem, and plainly he regards it as having bt>en final. Of what elements the Ephesian church was composed we have no means of judging, apart from Rom. 16 ; the probability Is that the majority were converted pagans ; but it is nevertheless certain that the Jews in Ephesus were numerous, atid we can well suppose that others of their number V)esides Aquila and Prisca had joined themselves to the company of believers in Jesus as the risen .Messiah. In fact, when Paul, in Acts2029^, In looking forward to the time after his departure, speaks of the apjjcarance of fal.se teachers and ravening wolves in Ephesus, Judaisers may very Weil have been meant. Unfortunately the references to Ephesus in the Pastoral Epistles ( i Tim. 1 3 2 Tim. lis 18 4 12) throw no light on the subsetjuent history of Christianity there. All we can be sure of is that the apostle, after so long a residence, must have become acquainted in a very special manner with the peculiarities of the situation.

5 Occasion of Col.[edit]

Even without any special occasion, perhaps, Paul might very well have written an epistle to the church Colossae at the time he did. Its founder had informed him of the orderly walk and steadfastness in the faith of its members, and doubtless also of their sympathy with himself. It was natural etiough, therefore, that he should at least assure them of his gladness over the good beginnings they had made, all the more as a suitable opportunity had offered itself for communicating with them. Onesimus (49) was lx.'ing sent back to his master, Philemon, with a short letter ; Tychicus, a member of the Pauline circle, was accompanying him, and it was almost a matter of course that he should be entrusted with letters of introduction to the churches whose hospitality he expected to enjo}'. The epistle to the Colossians, however, is more than a mt-re occasional writing. The probability is that Paul's determination ) write it was formed immediately on receiving the conmmnication from Epaphras as to the condition of Christianity in the Eycus valley ; false teachers had made their appearance in Coloss;t, and Epaphras himself felt unable, single-handed, to cojx' with their sophistries. To deal with these is the writer's main object; even where he is not expressly polemical, as in chaps. 1 and 3, his aim is to establish a correct under- standing of the gospel as against their wisdom, falsely so called.

6. False teachers[edit]

If the picture of the Colossian false teachers does not present such well-marked features as that of the Galatian false apostles, there is no occasion for surprise, for Paul knew the latter personally, the others only by hearsay. That the Colossian agitators must have belonged to the same class as others that we read of in other places is too much to assume. Many of the observations of Paul would apply well to Judaisers as for example the marked emphasis with which it is said (2 11/.) that the Colossians are circumcised with a circumcision not made with hands, and (214) that the handwriting against us has been nailed to the cross and so cancelled. In particular the exhortation of 2 16, ' I^t no man judge you in meat or in drink, or in respect of a feast day or a new moon or a sabbath day,' seems decisive as to the Jewish character of the new teachers ; in this connection the cjuestion of 220 (cp 28) cannot fail to suggest Gal. 43-9, and one is strongly inclined to presume the condition of matters in Colossas to have been similar to that in Galatia. Only, it is commands and precepts of men that are being imposed with a 'touch not, taste not, handle not' (2822), it is an ' arbitrary religion,' {ideXodpijaKia) that is Ixiing thrust upon the Colossians (223) in such terms I'aul could hardly have described a return to compliance with the injunctions of the O T law. As the ascetic interest (223, 'severity towards the body' ; 21823, 'humility') has a foremost place with the false teachers, many take them to have been Christian Essenes or ascetics of an Esscne character (cp Es.sknes, 3/). But it has to l)e rememlxired that ascetic tendencies were very widely spread at that time, and that they first came into Judaism from without. According to 28 the agitators gave themselves out to tx; philosophers. Paul indeed regards their wisdom as ' vain deceit ' according to 2 18 they 'are vainly puffed up by their fleshly mind,' and with deceiving speeches seek to lead their hearers astray and when he so strikingly emphasises that in Christ Christians already possess the 'truth' ('all wisdom and spiritual understanding,' "all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge,' 1691026^ 23), and so zealously points out what is the right way to perfection (I28 814 4 12), all that we can infer from this is, that the innovators in Colossns came forward with a claim to be able to lead their followers from faith to knowledge, true wisdom, and a perfect Christianity. In doing so they appealed to visions they had seen (2 18) ; their knowledge of the celestial world entitled them, they contended, formally to set up a worship of angels, by which, however, Christ was thrust out from his central position as the only redeemer (219). Paul supplies no details of their speculations as to the powers and functions of these celestial spirits ; but any such theosophy as this cannot be called Jewish in any specific sense. How far a religiously objectionable dualistic view of the universe lay at the bottom of the peculiar doctrines and precepts of these men will probably never be known ; Isut that Paul should raise his voice so earnestly against them while taking up an attitude so different towards the 'Essenising' weak brethren in Rome (Rom. 14/) although they do not appear to have attacked him p)ersonally at all shows that he, for his part, discerned in them a spirit that was foreign to Christianity and hostile to it. As their philosophical tendencies and their worship of angels do not fit in with the theory that they were Jews (here Ale.xandrianism helps us no better than Essenism), it will doubtless be lx,st to regard these Colossian false teachers as baptised ' mysteriosophists," who sought to bring their ascetic tendencies with them into the new religion, and had found means to satisfy their polytheistic instincts by the forms of a newly- invented worship of angels. In doing so they prided themselves on their compliance with all the demands of the OT, though in detail they of course interpreted these in an absolutely arbitrary way. It was this method of an affected interpretation of the OT, claimed by them to be a guarantee of wisdom, that gave them something of a Judaising appearance ; but in so far as their ideas had any individuality (as, for example, the notion that between man and the extra-mundane God there is a series of intermediate beings, and that the thing of essential importance is to secure the fav6ur of these mediators or to know how to avoid their evil influences) they were of heathen not Jewish origin.

7. Genuineness : vocabulary, etc.[edit]

The Pauline authorship of Colossians has been denied in various quarters since Mayerhoff (1838), and, in particular, by the Tubingen School en masse. The external testimony to its genuineness is the best possible ever since a collection of Pauline letters existed at all, Colossians seems to have been invariably included. In form, nevertheless, the epistle presents many striking peculiarities. It contains a large numljer of words which Paul nowhere else uses amongst them, especially, long composites such as iridavoXoyia (24), ifijiaTei'eiv (2 18) ; and on the other hand many of the apostle's most current expressions, such as fri, did, Apa, are absent, and in the structure of the sentences there are fewer anacoloutha than elsewhere in Paul, as well as a greater number of long periods built up of participial and relative clau.ses. These difficulties, however,

apply only to the first half of the epistle, and even here the genuine Pauline element is still more in evidence than the peculiarities just indicated ; the difticulty and obscurity of the style, so far as old age or passing ill- health may not be regarded as sufficient explanation, can be accounted for on the ground that Paul had not so lively and vivid a realisation of the exact opponents with whom he had to do, as in the case of those of Galatia or Corinth.

8. Ideas[edit]

But in substance also the Epistle has been held to be un-Pauline. It has been held to represent the transition stage between the Pauline and the Johannine theology a further development of the Pauline conception of the dignity of Christ (lisjT-), in the direction of the Alexandrian Logos-doctrine, according to which he is regarded as the centre of the cosmos, the first-born of all creation (I15), no longer as the first-born among many brethren only (Rom. 829). Eormula; like that in 29, ' in him dwells all the fulness of the Godhead bodily," it is urged, have a somewhat gnostic ring ; the repre- sentation of the Church as being the body of Christ ( 1 24 219), further, is said to be post-Pauline, whilst Paul him- self never gave ethical precepts in such detail as we find in 3i3f.

9. Genuineness not proved.[edit]

In answer to all this, it can hardly be denied that Colossians exhibits a new development of Pauline Christianity: but why should not Paul himself have carried it on to this development in view of new errors, which demanded new statements of truth? The fact is, that in some cases, probabl}', he has simply appropriated and applied to Christ formulae (as, say, in 29) which the false teachers had employed with reference to their mediating beings ; and his theology as a whole never became fully rounded and complete in such a sense as to exclude fresh points of view or new expressions.

Unmistakable traces of an undoubtedly later agecannot be shown in the epistle, while whole sections, such as chap. 4, can hardly l)e understood tis the work even of the most gifted imitator. None of the gnostic systems of the second century known to us can be shown to be present in Colossians, whilst the false teachers with whom the epistle makes us acquainted could have made their appearance within the Christian Church in the year 60 a.d. just as easily as in 120.

There seems no cogent reason even for the invention of a mediating hypothesis whether that of Ewald, which makes Timothy, joint-writer of Colossians, responsible for certain un-Pauline expressions, or that of Holtz- mann, according to which an epistle of Paul was gone over in the second century by the author of Ephesians. With the one hypothesis it is impossible to figure clearly to oneself how the work of writing the letter was gone about ; and the other it is impossible to accept unless we choose to admit irreconcilable traits in the picture of the false teachers as, perhaps, that Paul himself wrote only against ' Essenising ' ascetics, whilst the theosophic angelology was due entirely to the inter- polator, who had other opponents in his mind. ICven in its most difficult parts, however, the connection in the epistle is not so loose as ever to force upon one the impression that there must have been interpolation ; and, as regards certain of the difficulties raised by criticism, it is to be remarked that caution is always necessary in dealing with literary productions of a jx-'riod so obscure. Colossians may be Pauline quite as well as Pliilippians or i Thessalonians. The number of those who doubt its genuineness does not grow.

10. Date[edit]

Colossians was written in captivity (431018), at the same time as Thilemon, probably from Rome (not from Caesarea), alxiul 63 A.D. The apostle is surrounded by friends Epaphras, Mark, Aristarchus, Uenias, Luke, Jesus Justus. Whether Philippians was written before Colossians and Philemon, or whether Philippians should be regarded as the apostles last writing is diflicult to decide, quite apart from the question of a second captivity. The Chrbtological portion of Philippians ('24 J^.) has much in common with Colossi.ins.

11. Relation to Ephesians[edit]

If Ephesians also is really the work of Paul (see below, 15/), it must have been written almost contemporaneously with Colossians. It is true, indeed that in Col 1:1 as in Phil 1:1, Timothy is named as Joint-writer, while he is not mentioned in Ephesians. From this, however, it cannot be argued tliat the situations were materially ditt'erent, any more than it could be argued that Colos- sians and Philemon must l)e of different date because in the list of those who send greetings in I'hilcm. 23/. we do not find the Jesus Justus named in Col. 4ii, or Ixjcause, in Philem. 23/., Epaphras is called a fellow-prisoner and Aristarchus a fellow-worker, whilst in Col. 4 10^ Aristar- chus, as a fellow-prisoner, heads the list of those who send greetings, and ICpaphras .seems to be regarded as one of the fellow -workers. In Eph. 3i 13 6 20 also Paul is a prisoner, yet as much burdened with work as in Col. 1 24-29 43/ Tychicus is introduced in Eph. 621/. as bearer of the letter, and as one who will Ije able to give further particulars as to the apostle's state, in almost the same words as in Col. 4?/.; and although there is no mention of Onesimus in Ephesians, we must hold that both epistles refer to the same mission.

The frecjuent verbal coincidences between Colossians and I'lphesians even in points in which the phraseology is a matter of indifference (cp, for example, Eph. 1 15/. and Col. 1 3/ 9; Eph. 21 and (Jol. 1 21 213; I'.ph. 620 and Col. 434), unless we have here a case of deliberate imitation by a later writer, are intelligible only if we assume the one letter to have Ixien written when Paul's mind was still full of the thoughts and expressions of the other. Of Colossians the only portions not finding a parallel in Ephesians are : the jx)leinical section, 2 1-34 (although indeed 2 10-14 is again an exception), and the greetings in 4 lo-iSa ; of Ephesians, on the other hand, the only portions not finding a parallel in Colossians are : the introduction ( 1 3-14), the liturgically- phrased section (813-21), the exhortation to jx-aceful co- operation (4 1-16), and the figure of the spiritual armour, although in this case also some reminiscences are not wholly wanting in Colossians.

That the one letter is a pedantic reproduction of the other cannot be said. If we possessed only one of them it could not be called a mere compilation or paraphrase. The parallel passages to Col. 1 , for example, lie scattered up and down Eph. 1-4 (or 5) in a wholly different order, and there is no trace of any definite method according to which the one writing has l)cen used for the other. There is no sort of agreement among critics on the ques- tion as to which of the two is the original form ; but the present writer inclines to consider Ephesians the later, partly Ixjcause in Colossians the various details and peculiarities are Ijetter accounted for by the needs of a church not yet far advanced ethically, and ex|x>sed to danger from false teaching, and it would h:;ve Ijct-n rather contrary to what might have been expected if Paul had first sought to meet these very special needs by means of a letter of a more general character.

12. Character of Eph.[edit]

Of all Paul's epistles addressed to churches, Ephesians is certainly the least epistolary in character. One vainly examines the circumstances of those to whom it is addressed to find occasion for its composition. The epistle, which has a |jersonal tinge in only a few places, could have been written etjually well to almost any other church ; it is more of a sermon than of a letter a sermon on the greatness of that (jospel which is able to bridge over all the old contradictions in humanity, and on the grandeur of that one Church of Christ by which salvation is made sure, and on the precepts by which the memljers of this Church ought to regulate their lives. One conmientator imleed g(X"s so far as to say that in Ephesians ' we have the most mature and sustained of all the statements of ( hristian doctrine which have come down to us from tlie hand of the great ajxistle.' Other students may jx-rhaps think Galatians and Corinthians more vivid and jx)wer- ful, Romans richer, Philii)pians more sympathetic, but certainly so far as the thing can be done at all within the compass of one short letter, Paul has laid down in Ephesians something like an exhaustive outline of his Gospel. Viewed on its anti-Jewish or supra-Jewish side, however, it is much too slightly wrought out.

13. To whom addressed[edit]

With regard to the question, to whom Ephesians was addressed, the only thing quite certain is, that if the epistle was written by Paul it cannot have been addressed to Ephesus. Even after all has been said by the apologists it remains incredible that he should have written to a church to which he had devoted three years of his life and to which, even after his final parting, his heart still yearned so tenderly, in so cold a tone as here, without a word of greeting to anybody, without reference to any of their common memories, in short without a single individualising note of any kind. Even apart from 1 15 and 82-4 no one could suspect that the ajxistle is here speaking to a church with which his accjuaintance was so intimate as it was with the Ephesians. If his ac- quaintance with the Colossians was formed only by report, every reader of the present epistle must hold the same to be true of this. If the words ' in Ephesus' in 1 I are to \x held to t)e original, we have here no com- position of Paul the prisoner, writing in 63 A.D., but the work of a later hand who has artificially adapted himself to the part of the apostle but who wholly failed to reali.se how grossly improbable were the relations between Paul and the Ephesians as indicated by him. But these decisive words iv 'E<p4(T(f) are critically open to the gravest suspicion. It is true that from the date of the Muratorian Canon (about 180) onwards they are attested by witnesses innumerable ; but an older authority Marcion about 140, cannot have read them where they now stand, since he took the epistle to Ix; addressed to the Laodiceans ; they are absent also from both of the oldest extant MSS. (N and B) ; and learned Church fathers, such as Origen in the third century and Basil in the fourth, agree in their omission. Not till the fifth century do we find the words regularly established in the recognised texts. But it is highly improbable that an original reading tu 'E<pdcrcf} should ever have come to be deleted (let us suppose) on critical grounds ; for the exercise of criticism in this sense was unknown in the second century, and, if it had lx.'en, its exercise here would not have lx*en content with a mere negative, but would have gone on to substitute the reading that was considered to l)e more appropriate. It is absolutely impossible that the oldest text should not have contained the name of some place ; a name is rendered quite indispensable by the context ' to the saints which are ..."

14. A 'Catholic' epistle[edit]

The onlv remaining alternative is that we should suppose the original name to have accidentally disappeared and that ^v " 'E^'(T(f> was conjecturally inserted in its place, the determining consideration being that Paul must surely, once at least in his life, have written a letter to his beloved Ephesians. If Marcion read iu AaodiK(i(/. instead c." iv 'Kcpeffip, it was only because he thought this a preferable conjecture ; what he had in his mind was Col. 4 16, where an epistle to the I^iodi- ceans is spoken of, w hich the Colossians also are bidden obtain a reading of. 'I'he letter alluded to must have been nearly contemporaneous with that to the Colossians ; we may venture to conjecture that the then conditions in Laodicea were very similar to those in Coloss.e, so that on the present assumption the corre- spondences between tlie two letters become easily explicable. Tychicus then also will become the bearer of both letters. Only, on the other side again, it is not easy to understand in this case how it is that Paul treats the Colossians with so much greater intimacy and cordiality than he treats their neighbours the Laodiceans ; how, further, he should invite comparisons b)' bidding the churches exchange letters with each other ; and, lastly, how in spite of the laljour expended in behalf of the Laodiceans by F.paphras (Col. 4 13), Paul should not think it necessary to enclose a greeting from him. The attitude of Ephesians, with its absence of explicit and detailed reference to the circumstances and stage of growth of its readers, is, on the assumption of its being a Pauline letter, intelligible only if its destination excluded such individual reference ; in other words, if it was really not addressed to any one church, but was a circular intended for a number of Gentile Christian churches (in the jjresent case in Asia Minor, or, more precisely, in I'hrygia)^ which Tychicus on the occasion of his journey to Colossoe was to visit, conveying to them at the same time also a direct message from the great apostle of the Gentiles. It is not, after all, beyond possibility, however, that Ephesians may Ix; the epistle referred to in Col. 4i6; for there it is called, not the epistle fo Laodicea, but the epistle y>v)w Laodicea, by which expression may have been intended nothing more than a copy of ICphesians to be obtained at Laodicea. In the original superscri|)tion, if this be so, %ve may sup- pose Paul to have named the province or provinces to the churches of which he wished to address himself (cp 1 Pet. 1 1 ) ; the epistle would then have an almost ' catholic ' character, and, in point of fact, next to Colossians, i Peter, of all the other NT epistles, is the one that comes nearest Ephesians in substance.

15. Un-genuineness[edit]

The whole preceding discussion ( 13/) falls to the ground if, as was done by the Tiibingen school and still done by many recent writers, the Pauline authorship is denied. The external testimony is the best possible : from Marcion's time onwards the epistle is included in all lists of Paul's writings, and from the second century onwards the citations from it are exceptionally fre(|uent. On the other hand, in form and style it is removed still further than Colossians from the manner of the earlier epistles of Paul ; the nimiber of dna^ \ey6fj.eva is astonishingly great ; whilst in Paul the devil is called Satan, here (Eph. 427 611) he is called 5id/3o\os or (22) ' prince of the kingdom of the air ' -.^ the structure of the sentences is strikingly lumViering ; substantives closely allied in meaning are constantly linked together by prepositions especially ^v or b)- the use of the genitive, an expedient that conduces neither to freedom nor to clearness of style. At the same time the epistle has a numl)er of characteristically I'auline expressions, including some that do not occur in Colossians, and at every step genuinely Pauline turns of thought - are recalled.

2 In Paul he is called also, however, ^fAi'ap (2Cor. 6 15) and ' the god of this world ' (I'i. 4 4). See Belial.

The absence of concrete details in Ephesians has already been noted ; but, if it lie true that we have here a circular letter, the standards which we might apply to Corinthians or Philippians cease to be applicable. Peculiarities in statement of individual doctrines or in theological outlook generally, indifference of attitude upon controverted points of the Pauline period, and a preference for the ideas of the old Catholicism that was beginning to take shape cannot be denied ; but here again, as with Colossians, the case is met if we postulate a growth in the apostle himself, under the influence of new conditions. We fail to find in the epistle any direct evidence that the writer is a man of the second Christian generation, addressing men who have been born Christians ; on the contrary, the readers are addressed as persons who had formerly been heathens.

16. Uncertain.[edit]

The main obstacle to the traditional view of the authorship of the epistle is found in 4 1 1 2 20 3 5. In 4 II, in the enumeration of church officers, the peculiar spiritual gifts to which so great prominence is given in i Cor. 12 /. are almost entirely passed over ; in 220 it is the glory of the Church that she is ' built on the foundation of apostles and prophets, Christ Jesus himself being the chief corner stone,' and in 85, as if there had never been any such thing as a dispute in Jerusalem or in Antioch, the present time is spoken of as that in which the (ientiles" equality in privilege has been ' spiritually revealed to his holy apostles and prophets." In the mouth of the apostle who has devoted the unremitting efforts of a lifetime to the establishment of this equality of privilege, this lixst expression has a peculiar sound. In a disciple of the apostle, on the other hand, one who has in view the accomplished fact, the one and indivisible Church for which all the apostles and prophets are equally sacred authorities the phrases quoted are natural enough ; and on the whole the hypothesis that a Pauline Christian, intimately familiar with the Pauline epistles, especially with Colossians, writing about 90 A. D. , has in Ephesians sought to put in a plea for the true Catholi- cism in the meaning of Paul, and in his name, is free from any serious difficulty. It is very hard to decide ; perhaps the question ought to be left open as not yet ripe for settlement, and Ephesians in the meantime used only with caution when the Pauline system is being construed.

17. Text of Col. and Eph.[edit]

Like the Pauline epistles in general, Colossians and Ephesians are among the test preserved parts of the N'T. They have hardly at all been subjected to ' smoothing ' revision ; the majority of the variants (which, it must be said, are very numerous) are clearly mere cojiyists' errors. At the same time the readings vacillate at several important points e.g., (Eph. 89) between Koivuvia and oLKovofxia, (Col. 2 18) between & fiT} eopaKev and A iopaKev, (Col. 3 13) between xprr6s and Kvpios. Influence of the text of Ephesians upon Colossians can be some- times traced e.j^. , Col. 36, has Ix.>en supplied from I'.ph. 56. The obscurity of many of the sentences may have helped to protect them from gratuitous change ; in any case the exegete of cither epistle has a much harder task than the text-critic.

18. Literature[edit]

H. J. Holtzmann, Kritik tier Epheser u. Kolosserhriefe, {'T2), a most careful comparison of the two letters with each other and with those Pauline epistles of which the genuineness may be regarded as certain. Holtzmann's hypothesis Ls that in Colossians we have a genuine epistle of Paul to CoIossje, which has been expanded by later interpolations ; the interpolator is the author of theepistle to the Kphesians, a Gentile Christian, of Pauline training, who belonged to the post-apastolic age. Alb. Klopper, Der Brie/ an <iie Colosser Q%-2\ and Der Brie/ an die Kpheser(^(j\), a very thorougli if somewhat stilT exposi- tion : Colo.ssians is held to be genuine, Ephesians not. H. v. Soden in //'r, 1885, pp. 320^, 497 i?:, 672^ and 1887, 103^, ^yzff. substanti,illy accepted Holtzmann's hypothesis, and in the ilC ('91) has given a luminous commentary. H. Oltramare, Coiiim. sur les pitres tie S. f^aul aux Colcssiens, aux Kph. et Phil.., 3 vols., 1891-92, maintains the genuineness of both epistles. In the ca.se of Colossians this had already been argued most brilliantly by J. B. Lightfoot (St. Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and to Philtnicm, 1875, 8th ed. 1886). J. Mac- pherson in Commentary on St. Paufs Ep. to the Ephtsian.^. ('92), has sought with a painstaking care, worthy of Lightfoot himxelf, to vindicate tradition and solve the difficulties of the epUile. Kr. Haupt (the Ct/aHgfHuha/lshrit/t, 1899, an entirely new recast of the Krit.-Kxfgtl. Komm. of H. A. W. Meyer) takes, as regards the genuineness, a (HMiiiun similar to that of the present article, but decides agninsi the Komun oriein and in favour of Cxsarea. Some new points of view arc offered in Zahn's Einl. i. d. N.T., 1897, 310-398, \wk\\ on the question of introducliun and on details uf exegesis. The once justly pouular commentaries of Kllicott ('55) and Harless (and eel. 58) on Kphesians are now somewhat out of date. .See also tne (posthumous) FrolenomtHa to the Ef>f>. to the Romans a>ui Kfhetians ('95) by Prof. J. A. Hort ; and T. K. Ablxjtt, Coiitni. OH F/>hesiaMs and Coiossians ('97). ' A. J.

COLOURS[edit]

1. Artistic feeling[edit]

If in certain branches of art ihc ancient Hebrews fell far behind their contemporaries, they were not without artistic feeling ; if they had no drama, they were not devoid of dramatic instinct(CANTlCl,K.s.7; POETICAL LiTKKAiURE, 5) ; and if, through no inherent fault of their own, they were unable to attain any degree of competency in the hif^hest form of art, yet they had, as their ix>etry shows, a very real appreciation of -the sublime and lieautiful. The neglect to cultivate this taste was a necessary consequence of the effort to fulfil the ancient conuiiand in V.x.'lO^, a command which would of course apply as much to painting .is to sculp- ture and of the monotheism to which they subse- quently attained. (See Rushin, Tivo Paths, 7 f. ; Perrot and ("hipiez. History of Art in Sardinia, Judica, etc., 1 III /. ; and cp Atiikns, i.)'

2. Decoration.[edit]

A simple style of decoration and the use of some of the dyes and dyed stuffs they may indeed have learned at an early date."'^ When, however, the post-e.xilic writers wish to describe decorations of an ideal sanctuary, they are obliged to borrow their ideas of ornament from Egjpt, Babylonia, Persia, or (jreece. (See Wornum, Analysis of Ornamoit, 51 /. , and cp Israkl, 67.) Character- istic of this style of decoration was a love of costly display combined with brilliancy of colour (Analysis of Ornament, 5, and Habvi.oma, 18, Assyria, 10, ICr.vi'T, 36). From these countries, then, in which art was the ally, if not the offspring, of idolatry, came the jiractice of dcct)rating sculpture in the round with 1)01(1 colours and costly raiment,*' a practice condenmed by Kzekiel (2.'} 14) as Ix-ing an insult to Vahwe. That such cases, however, were exceptional among the Hebrews appears probable from the fact that their language contains no words for 'paint,' 'painting,' and 'painter' (see Paint). Nor (k)es this striking phenomenon stand alone. It is also noteworthy that in the original texts no term is found to express that projierty of light known to us as lolour.

1 On the natural stages in the ' expression of the imagination,' sec Shelley's Dt/rnce 0/ Poetrj; part i. />eg.

  • Already the poet who sang of the glorious victory over

Sisera knew of dyed stuffs (Cy?^ '?';)C), and seems to a.ssume that Israel could be expected to provide its enemies with booty of this kind (Judg. .'iio). Of what colours, however, thLs stuff was composed is not stated ; nor is it .said with what colours the needlework (TOJin, cp i Ch. 20 2 Kz. 17 3) mentioned in the same passage was embroidered. See Kmbrcmukrv.

3 For specimens of early tlr. coloured tieures see Ohnefalsch- Richter, Kyfros, die Bibel und Homer, T.ifel-Band, Ixviii. and cp the notes in Text-Band, 317, 418.


3. Colour vocabulary.[edit]

When a Hebrew writer wishes to compare one object with another in resjx-'ct to its colour he finds it necessary to use the word 'ayin (j-y ' eye ') in the sense of nppforaiia: So in Lev. 13 55 the pl.inue is spoken of as changing 'its appe;irance ' (KV, here and in the following examples, ' colour '), and in Nu. II 7 the ap|)earance of manna is descril)ed as lieing like the appearance (so here RV) of Ixlellium. The same word is used of the appearance of wine (Prov.'.'.S 31), of amber (Kz. 1 4 27 8 2), of burnished brass (K/. 1 7 Dan. lOe), of a beryl (Kz. 1 16 106), and of crystal (Ez. 1 22). Ccitainly the term colour occurs frequently in the I'.V ; but in such cases the translation is seldom warranted by the original text. In the Apocrypha, on the other hand, a word does once occur ixpuJAia, Wisd. 1.54) with reference to a painted image ; but in this instance the term denotes rather the paint or pigment used.

4. Colour sense.[edit]

Just as the want of a word to express the idea of ' painting ' tends to prove that the art was very little cultivated, so also the want of a word for colour (found in .Syriac gawna, Arabic lawn"", Kgyptian ' ;w) naturally suggests that colours were not much talked about by the Hebrews. This inference could indeed be shown to be unwarrantable if we found many names for different colours, and could prove archaeologically that many colours were in use. When, however, we come to examine the Hebrew colour-terms and this aj)plies also to those in use among the Greeks and the Romans^ at any rate in biblical times, we find that very few of them are real colour-terms at all, such terms Ix^ing used as denote rather a contrast l)etween light and darkness, brightness and dimness, than what we commonly understand by colour. Still, if colours are not sharjily distinguished in the languages of the ancient worltl it does not follow that the Hebrews and otlier primitive races were unable to distinguish shades of colour for which their language possessed no distinct terms, or that they were, at least with respect to certain colours, colour-blind.'

It is not so much a question of deficiency of colour-sense (as was contended some vears ago) as of an undeveloiK-d colour- vocabulary. (See Del., Iris, 20, and P.enzinger, Arh. under 'Farben ; also (;r.-int .Mien, C,>/iJ//r .SVj<-, chaps. 1 1 l.S.) If colour-blind people are in common life able to use correctly the names of colours that they do not .see, so conversely a people may be able to discriminate colours for which their language has not .set apart names.-* Besides, it now seems clear that even the lower animals are sensitive to colour (see drant Allen, 221 ; CloHd, Tke Story 0/ Crration, 87/. : and cp Drunmioinl, Ascfnt 0/ Stan, if>sjf^-, Mont.iiKiie, /assays ICotton], 1 vn [-jj]).

5. Scarcity of real colour names[edit]

From the use of the terms which the Hebrews did possess, we are led to conclude that one and the same word to denote several shades of one colour ; the context or object to which the colour was applied affording the clue as to the particular shade intended. Sometimes, however, in order to distinguish the shade of colour quite unmistakably, the thing described is comp;\red with anothi-r object of which the colour in question is peculiarly characteristic (cp Eng. salmon-pink, emerald-green, etc.).

It is indeed remarkable how few real colour-terms occur in the OT. Only three of the natural colours are distinguished by names, while for blue and yellow dis- tinct terms arc entirely wanting. The deficiency, how- ever, is made up for by the ti.se of the terms expressing degrees of light or dark ; and in aildition to these are found artificial colours with the name of the object from which they were derived like our crimson, cochineal, indigo, etc. Substances, t(K), of which a particular colour was characteristic, may have Ix^n used to repre- sent the colour itself (like I'.iig. oraiit;e, etc.).

1 Cp //, which means originally ' skin,' 'complexion.'

2 Cp De Quincey, Autchiogrupky, note to chap, tn Laxtcn : ' The truth is, colours were as loosely .-ind latitudinarially distinguished by the Greeks and Romans as degrees of affinity and consanguinity are everywhere.' See further Smith's Diet. ofClass. Antiqq., s.v. ' colorcs, ' and Robertson Smith vnNat^re, L)ec. fcili, 1877.

3 Hroiidly speaking we may say that all people see alike. Where, however, as in the c.i-^e of artists, the colour-sense has been .specially trained, colours are seen diflerentlv. Colour- blindness can only be regarded as a disea-e. [Cp Ruskin, A/odem Painters, new ed. in small form (< 7), 1 7?, $ 6.)

4. Even the modern Englishman does not i s: more il:.nn about half a dozen colour-names (red, yellow, preen, blue, pink, gray, brown, white, and black), though he is quite able to distinguish many other shades of colour for which the Kr^lish dicticr.ary has names, as well as probably others for which it has n..r.e.

6 Classification[edit]

It will be convenient to group and examine the words employed under the follow ing headings ; terms expressing (1) degrees of light, (2) darkness and degrees of dark, (3) natural colours (4) variegated surfaces, (5) pigments (6) objects.

Finally, it will be necessary to point out instances in which the EV expresses or implies a reference to colour where no such reference necessarily exists. Except in the case of (5) and (6) it is impossible to arrive at very definite conclusions, the interpretation being based mainly on philological considerations.

7. Degrees of light[edit]

( 1 ) Light and degrees of light. The word ns. sah, (from nn^, Syr. .c//;, 'to shine), used in Cant. 10 to denote the glow of a healthy complexion j.y . and translated ' white' in the EV, means primarily glowing or glistening (cp its use in Jer. 4ii, if the text is correct, of a wind [AV dry.' RV ' hot ']. in Is. 18 4 of heat [EV ' clear ']. and in 324 as an adverb [nini- EV 'plainly']). represents it in Cant, by \euc6s, a word which originally contained a similar idea, as is shown by its use in Mt. 17 2 Mk. 93 and Lk. 929.

Similarly nhs, sdhor, seems to mean literally ' dazzling," though in Judg. .'no it is applied to asses of a light colour, perhaps reddish-while (cp Ass, col. 344, n. 2). What particular shade of colour the word denotes in this passiige is doubtful ; but Moore may tje right when, following .A. Muller (Das Lied der Deborah), he supixsses it to Ix; ' gray or tawny inclining to red. ' "'s rendering, fjie(rr]fj.fipias, is a mere guess, intended to connect the word with D"ins (cp Jer. 20 16 ). A derivative (ins) from the | same root is traditionally found in Ez. 27i8 ("ini'ncs, EV' 'white wool' ; but see J.vv.\n), and probably also j the name ZOhar (Gen. 46 lo irrs \ see N.\mks, 66) | is to l>e derived from the same root. !

The term 2ns, .f.'AJM (from an-i. Ar. sahiba). 'glitter- ing like gold,' starts with the same idea. It is used of ' leprous hair in Lev. 18303236, where the EV represents ! it by 'yellow,' and in Ezr. 827 the Hophal participle of the same root is applied to ' brass' (.\V 'fine copper,' j RV bright brass'). In Lev. 13 3032 translates it by | ^avOi^i^v, and in 1836 by ^av^js, whereas in Ezra 827 j ( = I Esd. 857) it would seem to rentier by ariX^uiv I [B.\L].' To express 'brilliant,' as contrasted with j 'white,' the NT employs Xa/j-irpoi in Lk. 23ii (EV I 'gorgeous'), Actsl03o (EV 'bright'), Ja. 22 (AV I 'goodly,' RV 'fine'). Rev. 156 (AV 'white,' RV | 'bright'), and Rev. 198 (AV 'white,' RV 'bright'). \ In .\ctsl03o Ja. 22 Rev. 156 the Vulgate translates the word by Candidas.

8. Degrees of dark[edit]

(2) Darkness and degrees of dark. To express the idea of darkness the term inr, sahor (from nnc*, Syr. 'to be Black') is employed. It is used of the dark hair of a leprous rising (Lev. 1831 37), of a sunburnt skin or comple.vion (JobSOso, (aKorwrai [BX], /xf/ie\d- vurai [.\] ; Cant. 1 5), and of dark horses (Zech. 62); and a diminutive form nrnnc*, s'harhor, is applied in Cant. 1 6 ( fifUfXavwfjuivy)) to dark ringlets. When it is desired to express a particularly dark colour another substantive is sometimes added, as 'oven-black,' Lam. 5io (of skin ; ojs KXL^avos eweXiuidT)), 'raven-black,' Cant. 5 II (of hair), and in the NT 'sackcloth-black' (Rev. 612). In the EV .uihor is represented by 'black,' and in and NT by ^Aos. From the same root are derived nine*, ^hor (Lam. 48; seeCo.vi,, 1), and prob- ably lirrr, iihor (Josh. 183), another name for the Nile (see Shiiior).

1 The Hcb. has anjs rnisn d;5P nzia ansa nc'n: 'Spv

For this i Esd. ha.s icat <ricrvT) x"^* ""<> X"^*" XP')""*'" O'tCK- ^vTa (TKfvri SfKa [B] and . a: x- ""O X- XPI"^" o'Ti'A/Soi'TOt XpviTottSovf itKa Svo [L].

2 There is also a form TTCa. Icatnrlr (Job 3 5 plur. constr. I om.J) which occurs in job (AV blackness), and has often been connected with an Aram, root . ^^. ' to be black." BDB,

Another word c?n, hum (from nn = ccn), applied to sheep whose wool has been scorched by the sun, though really meaning simply 'dark,' may be trans- lated 'brown,' as is done by AV in Gen. 8032/ 3540. In it is rendered by ipaidi and once {v. 40) by jrotAciXoj. - To express the idea of gloom and sorrow we meet with the root mp, kddhar, which has the primary meaning ' to be dirty." Thus it can be applied to the turbid water of a brook (Jobt)i6), to a sorrowful countenance (Jer. 821), to mourning garments (142), and even to gates of a mourning city (Jer. Ha) and to the heavens (Jer. 4 28 i K. 1845)- In Is. 5O3 a derivative (nn-1,7) from the same root is used of the mourning garb of the heavens (EV 'blackness'). To the same root also probably belong the names Kedar (nip Gen. 25 13) and Kidron (jimp 2.S. I523; see Namk.s, 102). Further, rtyg, hdsak, 'to lie dark," a word generally used of the darkness of approaching night (cp Job 186 Is. 630), is used in Lam. 5 17 of the eyes Ixicoming dim, in Ps. 6^24 of their becoming blind ; and in Lam. 4 8 the same term is applied to a dark complexion. This root gives us the common word for ' darkness " {~vr\). Both mp and T^xin are represented in by OKora- ^(iv, OKOTovv, ffWiTKord^di' : and r-;,-, also by a Kori^eiv.

Finally, to this class tx?long also app.arently '^'yzn hakhlUi (Gen. 49 12, 6"'^'- ^apoTotot) and niS'V-jn, hakhliluth (Prov. 2829 "na correctly ireXioi) : both of them seem to refer to the dull ( E V ' red ' ) appearance of the eyes after excessive drinking (cp the name Hachilah [.T^'sn I S. 2819], and see N.wiE.s, 102).

9. Natural colours : white[edit]

(3) Natural colours. Under this heading are included those Hebrew words which more closely resemble our natural colour-terms. There are three classes : (a) white, (3) red, (7) green.

It is doubtless true that primarily white denoted simply purity, green paleness, and red depth of light ; but the use to which the words are applied shows that the Hebrews attached to them fairly definite ideas of colour.

(a) White is commonly represented by jaV, labhdn. Thus it is used of the colour of goats (Gen. 8O3537), of teeth(49 12), of manna (Ex. 16 31), of leprous hair (Lev. 183 1020/.), of the leprous spot (Lev. I82438/), of garments (Eccl. 98), and of horses (Zech. 1 8 63 6). Here also, as with the sh.ades of dark, different shades of colour seem to be clearly distinguished, as ' milk-white' (Gen. 49 12), 'coriander-seed white' (E.\. I631), 'snow-white' (Nu. 12 10 2 K. 527 Ps. 68 14 Is. 1 18), and in the NT ' wool- white' (Rev. I14), 'bright-white' (Mt. 172 Lk. 929), and 'harvest- white" (Jn. 435)- We even find in Lev. 13 39 a compound expression (niiaS nin?) used to describe a shade of white (AV ' darkish w'hite," RV ' dull white ').

From the same Hebrew root seem to be derived the names L.ib.->n (pS Gen. 24 29), Libni (-j^S E.x.(5i7), Libn.ih (.nj- Josh. 10 20; hut see Lih.nah), Lebanah (n:3S Ez. 245), and Lebanon (jijn'i i K. 5 2o[6]), .so-called either on account of its snow-capped pe.ak or from the colour of its stone, as well as the substantives .-j^S I'bhdiuih 'moon' (Ca. (i 10), nj^S, tibhneh, ' white -popl.-ir" (Gen. 30 37), and, possibly, mz^, I'l'liindh, ' brick ' (Ex. 1 14 ; see, however, Brick, i, n.). See Names, 66, 102.

The corresponding root in Aramaic is Tn, hiir, which in Is. 2922 is used (as a verb) of the face becoming pale with shame, and in Dan. 79 of a snow-white garment.' Both these words are usually represented in by Xe hkos (cp, however. Gen. 30 37 where x^P<Js = pS). and. more- over, there occurs in the .Apocrypha a word Xei'KUfia which is used of a disease of the eyes ( Tob. 2io3i768ll 813, but in Ecclus. 43 18 XevKdrrii, Heb. jz*?)-

I Robes of state seem to have been of white as well as of purple (see below, g 15). Cp lo.s. Ant. xvii. 8 3, viii. ~ 3, xix. 8 2 ; BJ li. 1 I ; see Keim, Gesch.Jesu von Nazara, 3 380 \ET 6 104].

To the same class, perhaps, belongs also nil. Gen. 40 16. In the R V it is translated ' white bread ' ; but from what follows in the context the word would seem to refer, not to the contents of the baskets, but to the baskets themselves (AV 'white baskets"). Finally, to express the idea of the hair becoming graj'ish-white through old age, there is the root z't: sibh (iS. 122 Job 15 10), however, appends a query, and Che. denies the existence of a root Tcj in OT (Expositor, June 1897, p. 406 ; JQR, July '897. p. 575)- Cp Eclipse, Chemarim. whence the derivative nyt. sibhdh, ' grey hair ' (Gen. 4238 4493i Deut. 3225 Hos. 79 Prov. 2O39) or 'old age' (Is. 464). In it is usually represented correctly by iroXid or t6 "y^pas.

10. Red[edit]

(jS) Perhaps the most clearly distinguished of the iwtural colours, as being the colour of blood, was red, to express which the Hebrews commonly used the root dik, adham. That it denoted a brilliant hue is evident from the fact that Isaiah uses the verb c'lKi in the sense of lx;coming like scarlet (ySin. see below, 14), and the Priestly Code speaks of skins dyed red (CJ^C). The adjective C"iK, 'ddhom, is applied to blood in 2 K. 822, to blood-stained apjjarel in Is. ()32; and verbal forms, to a blood-besmeared shield (c^Ks) in Nah. 24 [3], and to wine (cnNrr) in Prov. 2331. That the root, however, was also employed to describe other colours of a reddish hue is apparent from its use as applied to a heifer (Nu. 192) or a horse (Zech. 18), to a reddish-brown (>:c^K, Gen. 2525 i S. 16 12 ; ' cp Lam. 47, Cant. 5 10, anclseeGOLi.\TH, 2, n. ) skin, as well as to reddish or brownish-yellow lentils (Gen. 2530).' The Priestly Code uses also a diminutive form (ctcik) to express merely 'reddish,' applying it to the colour of the leprous spot (Lev. 181924) or sore (Lev. 1342/.).

From the same root are derived the names Edom (CIN Gen. 25 30), Admah (,l,'^^K Gen. 10 19), and Adummim (cpnn Josh. 167 18 17; see Names, 102) as well as the precious stone called D^K (see Ruuv and Precious Stones). To DIK <<///<';, corresponds irvopos (lit. ' having the colour of fire ') in & .^nd NT; and in Mt. 1023 we find the verb iruppaffi used of the sky.

Other roots, however, besides this are occasionally employed to designate this colour. Thus the root j"Cn,^7/a^^ which usually conveys the idea of ' acidity, fermentation,' seems to be used in Is. Gli I to denote a colour ; and the context rec|uires a blood- or wine-like appearance (cp Eng. sorrel, (i) tron sur = sour ax\A. (2) from saur- reddish-brown). C'iOK i" Zech. t) 7 is also, from the context, possibly to be read C'spn (Che.); cp Ges.-Buhl, f.r'- rON- The root -v^n,'^ hamar 'to be red,' is traced by some in Ps.759, and, with more justice, in Job 16 16 (Poal'al form). To this class we may also probably assign p"li;', sarok, ' reddish- brown '(cp At. as!karu, 'a sorrel -horse,' and Heb. P'y^) a term used in Zuch. 1 8 of a horse.

11. Greed hues[edit]

(7) The third natural colour term describes those uncertain hues - colours which it has, in all ages, been found difficult to distinguish that waver between blue, yellow, and green.

In Hebrew the adjective employed (from pT, 'to Ix; pale,' cp Assyr. ardku, 'to grow pale' [of the face], arku, 'yellow,' and Aram. j3^, 'to be pale') can be applied to the colour of vegeta- tion (Job 398 2 K. 1926 Is. 3727); and a substan- tive p-v, yerck, derived from the same root denotes vegetable produce in general. As, moreover, the root idea of the word was originally, like that of x^wp6j its Greek equivalent, merely paleness or faintness of colour, a derivative [\ypr\') can l)e used to describe a panic-stricken countenance (Jer. 306) or the fading colour of decaying vegetation (Deut. 2S 22 Amos 4 9 Hag. 217). Further, to express simply ' palish," a diminutive form (pnpi") can be used of plague spots (Lev. 1849 14 37) or of the appearance of gold (Ps. 68i3).'* On the word pin, hdrui ( ;^/pn ' to be yellow?" ; cp Names, 66) which is applied to gold (Ps. 6814. etc.) and seems to denote a shade of yellow, see Gold.

1 Che., DS^ -iDlK; cp Lam. 47 (^j-/. T., Aug. 1899). If, however, 1 S. Ifi 12 refers, not to David's complexion, but to the colour of his hair, the word will then mean '^reddish.'

2 Unless we point D\*<'7 (see Esau, i).

3 From this root some derive TCn, liitndr, ' asphalt, ' "Ch, hSmer, ' cXsiy,' ixani, yahmiir, 'roebuck.'

  • Cp Me-jarkon (a doubtful place-name in Josh. 19 46).

873


12. Variegated surfaces[edit]

(4) Variegated surfaces. A few words occur which, though their precise meaning is uncertain, undoubtedly denote a part-coloured appearance of some kind; their employment being for the most part restricted to the description of animals. Of these the term rendered in AV by ' ringstraked and applied to goats (-{^v.'dkodh. Gen. 30 35 39 /. 31 8 10 12), proliably has reference to white stripes on an otherwise dark skin ; that translated 'speckled' (ijsj, ndkodh. Gen. 3032/ 3539 31 8 10 12) to light spots on a dark skin ; and that represented by ' grisled ' (ina. bdrodh) and used of both goats ((jen. 31 10 12) and horses (Zech. 636) to light patches on a dark skin. The last word would, therefore, probably corre- spond to our piebald.

In Jer. 129(RV) we meet with the phrase 'a speckled (iT;s)bird of prey.' The commentators have sought to justify and explain it; but it remains improbable.' A combination of different colours is expressed in Gen. 30 32 ff. by Kl'^D, tdlu, probably ' besprinkled,' ' flecked ' (cp sparsus). The same term is used in Ezek. 16 16 of* the dyed stuffs of manv colours with which other peoples were wont to decorate their shrines.

13. Pigments.[edit]

(S) Pigments. The Hebrews knew and made use of several pigments, three of which were derived from animals. These three dyes were all manufacturetl by the Pha.'nicians : the one ' scarlet ' or ' crimson ' (whence its Gr. name <poivi- Kovv and Lat. phxnicium), from an insect (coccus) which gave its name to a species of oak on which it was found [lle.x cocci f era) ; the other two from a slimy secretion found in a sjjecial gland of a species of shell- fish called Mitre.v trunculiis and Mure.x brandaris. By infusing the insect (coccus) in boiling water a beautiful red dye was produced, superior in effect and durability to cochineal ; the other dyes when applied to articles became at first of a whitish colour, but under the infiuence of sunlight changed to yellowish greenish and finally to purple, the purple being red or blue according to the species of shell -fish employed. These three colours were held in high estimation by the ancients on account of both their brilliancy and their costliness. The purple-blue is translated ' blue ' in the EV, but must have corresponded rather to our violet, by which it is once rendered in the W ( Esth. 1 6 and in the margin 815). The Hebrews knew no blue colour with which to compare it, and hence it is said in Ucrachoth 1 2 that ' purple- blue is like the sea, and the sea is like the plants, and the pl.ants are like the firmament of heaven ' (see also Mtnach. 4, and cp Del. in y'AVilS) iv. 488. /ris,i&/., and the articles Purfle, Scarlet, Klle, Crimson).

1 inrfiKaiov vaivrn (BkQ; but AjjoTiif [.\)). J'iZS seems to be an old word for hya;na (see Zeboim). wmjA. = rnvc> which may have been miswritten nyTS. <>"' of which we may deduce a false reading DBTB (see Siegf.-Sta., s.r. D'i').

14. Scarlet[edit]

(a) To designate the first of the dyes mentioned above, the Hebrews sometimes used simply ^-Vin, told', . 'worm,' just as we speak of crimson (fr. Arab. ^j-j. ^^^^ iirmis = Sansk. krimi) and cochineal (really a term denoting the insect Coccus cacti found in Mexico). Thus it is used in Is. 1 18 as the most natural example of a glaring and indelible dye, and in Lam. 45 (where '"-' gives the simple term KOKKos, 'berry' [A, koXtto;!'], the insect being regarded in early times as a species of berry) of princely raiment. It even occurs as a verbal derivative (D'y^na. Nah. 23 [4] ; ifivoi'i^ovra.^) with the meaning to be clothed in scarlet' (see, however, Dkkss, 3, n. ). More often, however, the form ny^'w, tola'ath, is found with the addition, either before or after it, of the word <:e', Sdnl a word which has been derived from the root niv. landA (cp Ass}t. iinitu, pos- sibly fr. sanli), supposed to mean ' to glitter,' and is thought to refer to the brilliant colour derived from the yViri. In this form it is mentioned as a costly pos- session (E.x. 3523), and as being, therefore, suitable for an offering (Ex. 254 356 Lev. 144 ["n *:c'] 649515a ["nri :c] Nu. 196 ["n '3S']i. for the hangings (E.x. '2636 2716 30 37 38 18), for the ephod (Ex. 2856 3928), for the priests' girdle (Ex. 288 39529), for the breastplate (Ex. 2815 398), and for the embroidered pomegranates (Ex. 2833 3924), etc. In Ecclus. 45 11, also, it is used of some kind of embroidered work (Gr. K(K\uffnivri K6KKtf} ; vet. Lat. torlococco). A thread of this colour expressed by !dnt alone was commonly used in the times of the Jahvist as a mark (Gen. 382830; Josh. '221, JE), and the single term is employed in two p>oetical passages (2S. I24, where the maidens of Israel are called upon to lament Saul, who used to clothe them in scarlet ; and C'a. 43) as ec|uivalent to the longer expression. In the acrostic on the ' Capable Woman ' the same word is used in the plural (c-rj?, Mnlm^) to describe the warm clothing provided against the cold of winter (Prov. 31 21), and in Is. 1 18 to denote probably sciu-lct-stuff as distinguished from the dye itself (y'^in). As a substitute for these expressions we lind the Chronicler using a word S'cn.?. karmil (2 Ch. 2714 814, cp Ex. 8635), derived from the Persian {kirm, 'aworm,' see Crimson, and cp alwve). In kSkkivo^ is chosen to represent all these expressions, and there can Ijc no doubt that where the same word occurs in the NT it denotes this dye (Mt. 2728 Heb. 9 19 Rev. I734 I81216).

Later OT writers knew of another pigment of a like shade of colour, called -\vv. sd'ser (EV ' vermilion ') perhaps oxide of lead (cp luKra and see Riehm, // n 7i ' Mennig ' ). It was used for painting ceilings (Jer. 22 14, iJLi\TO%) and images ( Ezek. jji 14. (5 ypa(pis).

15. Purples[edit]

(^) The Purple-blue (nl^DB, U'kheleth, Assyr. ta-kil-tu) and Purple-red (panN, 'argdmdn. Bib. Aram. p:-iN_ p^ . Ass\T. rtr^awa) dyed stuffs also figure largely in the decoration of the Taber- nacle and the priestly robes ; but they can hardly have been known as early as the scarlet (cp C.ANTICLKS, 15), their employment being characteristic of P and later writers. They also can be used for an offering (Ex. 204 3r)6), as being a valuable possession (Ex.3523), as well as for the curtains (Ex. 26i 368), for the veil (Ex. 2G31 3635), for the hangings (Ex.2636 27 16 8637 38 18), for the priest's ephod (Ex.286 392), for the girdle (E.\. 288 89529), and for the breastplate (Ex. 2815 398), etc. A late prophet knows both colours as part of the splendour of heathen worship (Jer. IO9). It seems natural also to another late writer to assume that the Midianitish chiefs would wear robes of purple- red (Judg. 826); and Ezekiel tells how the robes of purple-blue worn by the Assyrians had struck the im- agination of the women of Israel (236), whilst he also knows (27?) of purple-blue and purple-red from Elishah (q.v.). In Ecclus., too, both dyes are men- tioned (45 10) as occupying a prominent place in the raiment of Moses, and in 630 ribbons of purple -blue are said to form part of the adornment of Wisdom. On the defeat of Gorgias dyed stuffs of both colours were taken by Judas Maccabaius among the spoil (i Mace. 423). Of the two purples red seems to have been preferred. Solomon's ' seat of purple ' (Cant. 3 10) is [jerhaps due to error (see Pukpi.e) ; but purple robes of oftice were common. Judas was struck by the fact that the Romans, notwithstanding their power and riches, were not clothed in purple ( i Mace. 8 14). When, however, Alexander appoints Jonathan high priest, he sends him a purple-red robe (10 206264 [N\']) ; so like- wise ,-\ntiochus when he confirms him in the office (11 58). On the other hand, when the treachery of Andronicus is discovered, he is at once deprived of the purple rotx: (2 Mace. 438). Similarly in the NT in Mt. 2728 (xXa/ui>s KOKKivri) Mk. 15i7 (irop^upa) and Jn. 192 (ifiirkov irop<pvpovv), the red -purple robe is used as a mock image of majesty; while in Lk. I619 (irofKlivpa) it is one of the characteristics of a rich man.

1 9 Ua<rdK(v. 22) however suggests D'?;? 'double.' So Vg. Schleusner, Gra., Che.

In Rev. 174 {irop<f>vpov Kul k6kkivov) it is part of the attire of the great harlot, and in 18 12 {irofHfxjpai) is referred to as valuable merchandise (cp also v. 16 irop<f)vpovv). It is also worthy of note that one of Paul's converts made her living by selling this dye {7rop<t>vp6ir(i}\ii, Acts 16 14). In Cant. 76 the hair of the bride seems to be compared with purple (jcnx), and Greek parallels for this are quoted. The comparison, however, can hardly be trusted, for -;Sd |D:-ikd ICKT 11^11 is a dittogram of ~^rtr\ Voids "I'Sy which precedes. Each form of the clause seems to be more correct in one half than the other. Read, perhaps, with Cheyne ' The locks of thy head are like Carmel (Vm;:); they are pleasant (.icy:) as an orchard of pomegranates' (see (JALLERY, 2). |cj in JOJIXD is plainly some word which should follow ^0133 ; probably ncy: (written 'cyj, and corrupted jo: ; cp H.\IR, 1). In the Gr. n'^DP is commonly represented by vcLKivdos and vaKlvdivos,^ and jcaiK by irop<f>vp6i in both or and NT (see Rev. 9 17 21 20).

16. Object names[edit]

(6) Objects. The words included under this heading denote objects of which a particular shade of colour was characteristic. Thus j-u. biis ( 2 Ch. _^ 5 12, 8v(T(Tivoi) was the fine cotton or linen manufactured by the Egyptians, and called elsewhere (Ex. 2Gi Gen. 41 42, etc.) trtr. iel (see Erman, Li/e in Ancient Egypt, 448, and the articles Egypt, 35, Cotton, and Linkn). -iin, Ifur, in listh. 16 probably means 'white-stuff' (whence "nn in Is. 199), and Dsn? (Pers. kdrpas) ' white cotton.' Three more rare words occur in the same verse which have been thought to denote ditferent species of valuable stone or plaster: z'V, ses, (also in Ca. 615) which has been supposed to be identical with cC', layis (i Ch. 292), and to mean ' white marble ' or ' alabaster ' ; c.-ia iaAaf ( crfiapaySiTri^. '^ ufjidpaySoi) denoting per- haps 'porphyry' (so BDIi ; EV 'red marble,' R\ne- 'porphyry'); t^, tiar, meaning possibly ' jxjarl ' or ' pearl-like stone ' ; wivvivos \i6os) ; and nnrio {sohereth YX ' black mnrble, ' R V"'8- ' stone of blue colour ' ), which has been derived from -|^a = ^^tr, and taken to mean ' black marble ' (see, however, Marbi.k).

17. Ambiguities of EV[edit]

Lastly it remains to notice a few passages in which the EV unnecessarily implies a reference to colour. Thus the colour ' green ' is sometimes used in the EV to represent words denoting not colour but a healthy and flourishing condition. Of such words jjp, rdaiidn, which means rather 'luxuriant,' is correctly translated in by various words expressive of luxuriance (Scwi'j Dt. 122 Is. .')7 5 ; (JxxjKi.o'i 3 K. 1423 Ca. 1 16 Ez. 613 ; d\o-u)5T;s4 K. 164l7io 2 Ch. 28 4 Jer. 8613 178 Ez. 276). Very similar is the use of nS, lah, ' fresh, moist '(x^wpij Gen. 30 37 Ez. 17 24 20 47 [21 3] : vyp^i Judg. I67 8) and 3cn. rd/obh ' juicy ' {vyp5s Job 8 16). .^gain 2'lH, 'dbhibk, denotes 'fresh, juicy ears of corn' (Lev. 214), and 3K. cbh, can be used of ' fresh young plants' (Job 8 12 Cant. 611); whilst C'3S, paggim, seems to denote tender young fruits (Ca. 2i3, see Del. ad loc). and Sdis, karmel, (Lev. 2814) applies to 'garden fruit' in general.

To this category belong also such compound expressions as NEn nix: 'grassy pastures '(Ps. 23 2) and nil- 'TCS ' .sprouw of the field' (Ecclus. 40 22). In all these cases the term 'green,' used in AV, might indeed serve as a paraphrase ; but it is other- wise with the following examples: In Job 66 the word TT translated ' white ' (of an egg) is thought by many to mean ' the juice of purslain ' (so RVnig. pq/xa<r(i' ittvoit but see Fowl); but whichever interpretation be adopted it will be admitted that the Hebrew word contains no idea of colour. Similarly ion. the reading adopted by EV in Is. 272 (.W ' red wine,' RV ' wine ') instead of "Cn (RVK- ' a pleasant vineyard ' ; see SBOT), means really ' foaming wine ' (Driver on Dt. 32 14) ; and mo in *he expression mo"D'(Kx- 'Oiq, etc, Wisd. 10 18 9aXair<ray ipvOpav), meaning 'reed,' contains no reference to colour. Moreover, in the expressions ^S'^ \)sf'H(^^ 'black night,' EV 'blackness of night") in Pr. "9 and "I'iKfl (AV 'blackness") in loci 26 Nah. 2 10 the Knclish renderings are purely paraphrastic. In the same way the long robe (perhaps white with a blue border) worn by Joseph (Clen.S/ 3) and by Tamar (2 S. 13 ic) is transformed in the V into 'a coat of m.tny colours.' In Pr. 20 30 (nnan AV 'hlueness") and Ecclus. 23io OxciAwi^ AV 'blue mark") the words mean literally ' bruise."

1 also gives vojciviivo^ for E'nB (Ex. 25 5 26 14 35 7 i-;, etc.), t.-iking it as the equivalent of fi/pP. 876

Literature. Riehm, HiVIi ' Farben," 1 436 ; Benzinger, A rch. 269/; ' Karben-iiamen " ; Nowack, //A 263 / ' Malerei ' ; Del., Iris, and 'Farben" in/'A'A'W; Perrot and Chipiez (W. Armstrong), Hist. 0/ Art in Sardinia, Judtea, Syria, and Asia Minor, 1 109-370; and, since the above was written, an article by G. W. Thatcher in Hastings' DB. m. A. C.

COMFORTER[edit]

(n&p&KAHTOC [Ti. WH]). Jn. H16. See PARACLETE.

COMMENTARY[edit]

CJniP). aCh. 1822 RV. AV'?- Sw CiiKoNici.Ks, 6 [2] ; HISTORICAL LITERATURE,

COMMERCE[edit]

See TRADE AND COMMERCE.

COMMON[edit]

The negatives of the qualities 'clean',' holy' (see Clean, i) are

1. 'Common,' a synonym for 'unclean' (see Clean), constantly in RV for ^n, h5l (properly, ' that which is open,' Kaudissin, Studien, 2 23). AVj however, only twice renders AOi thus (i S. 21 4/); elsewhere it has 'unholy" (Lev. 10 io)'or 'profane" (Kzek. 22 26 42 20 44 23 48 15). In NT, the RV is less strict with icoti-os, which is almost indifferently rendered 'common," 'unclean,' 'unholy,' 'deliled," 'polluted.' So in I Macc. 1 47 62, RV (with AV) gives ' unclean ' for Koivoi. No injury is done to the sense; cp .\cts 10 15, 'what God hath cleansed ( = pronounced clean), that call not thou common ' ; v. II ' cominon and unclean." That which is ' common " is free, or at any rate is tre.ited as if free, from ceremonial restrictions ; it can be used in the common life -the life of the jnNn DV, the unin- telligent ' people of the land ' (6 o;^Aos oCtos o jutj yivMiTKtau t'ov i^/noi', Jn. "49). And those who use what is only treated as if ' common ' or open, when it has no right to be so treated, l>ecome 'common' />., unclean themselves. 'Common," therefore, becomes a wide term, dangerously wide from a truly religious point of view. What an irony in the ev.ingelist's expression with common (EV defiled), that is, unwashed hands' !

2. ' Unclean,' the strict rendering of aKdOixpTOi in NT, of

  • ??. Ai/t", in OT (& aKdOapTOi). Both ' common " and ' un-

clean' can be used (i) of forbidden foods or of animals which may not be eaten (Acts 10 14 1 1 8 Rev. LS 2). (2) Of persons who are not Jews, or who do not belong to the Christian community (Acts 10 28 I Cor. 7 14 2 Cor. 1517; cp Koivout, Mk. 7 15 and parallels, Heb. 9 13 Rev. 21 27 (RT and RV]).

3. 'Unholy,' given in AV of Lev. 10 10 (Ad/) becomes common' in RV. In Ezek. 2226 422o 4423 (same formula),

AV renders //<>/, ' profane.' The influence of and Vg. may be suspected ; these versions respectively give/Se'^TjAoj', f>ro/a>ium, so also in Ezek. 48 15, AV profane, \'%. pro/ana. 'Profane' is best reserved, however, for other Heb. words (see Prokank). RV of NT retains ' unholy ' in i Tim. I9 2 Tim. 82 (di/daios), Heb. 10 29(<totfov).

4. On the peculiar technical term 'JJn, ' to be polluted,' see HYPOCRISY.

COMMUNITY OF GOODS[edit]

in the widest sense of that expression, is usually consiciered (on the authority of Acts'242-47 432-5ii 61-6) to have been one of the established institutions of the earliest Christian society at Jerusalem. This opinion recjuires strict limitation ; but that limitation is not to be based, as it has been, either on the intrinsic improbability of the institution itself, or on a vague conjecture that the writer of Acts has idealised the facts. It arises from an investigation of the sources of his narrative (cp Acts, 1 1 ) a method which has to record one of its most assured results in connection with the subject of the present article.

1 Three accounts in Acts.[edit]

We have in Acts not one account of the institution but three.

(a) One account comprehensively records the sale of all lands and houses (^wp/wi' ^ **"^ ' -^'^'5434/); according to 245 the sale was of all possessions and goods whatsoever (rd Kri)fi.a.ro. Kal raj i"'7rdpfett), a common fund being thus formed, out of which all were supplied according as any man had need,

(b) According to another account, the sale of property {KTfjfjia. 5i ; Xupiav, 63) cannot have been universally prescribed, or even generally customary ; for Peter (.'>4) expressly de- clares that Ananias was free to retain in his private possession either his proixirty or the money for which it was sold. Moreover, although there is no hint of there being anything to mark out the act of liarnalxis (4 36/ ) from the universal practice assumed in (a) such as that the estate was his only one, or was particularly valuable it is thought worthy of special honourable mention. In 436/, therefore, it is not assuined, as it is in 434/, that the sale of property was expected of all.

(c) In 4 32, however, where we find ' said " {tXcytv) and not some word implying ' retained as private profx;rty,' there is no idea of any sale of projxTty at all. The idea simply is that the owners placed their property in a general way at the disposal of the community at large. There is no assumption of a common fund.

2. Possibly a fourth account[edit]

(d) A fourth account may possibly be distinguished in Acts 2 44. The statement in 244* that they had all things common by itself alone agrees well enough with the last-mentioned and simplest account of the institution (that there was no actual sale), and 244 a, which declares that all that believed were together in one place,' might by itself be taken, like 1 15 2 II Cor. 11 20 14 23, to refer merely to the exigencies of social worship;* but the connection of the clause with the statement that follows (that they had all things in common) appears to imply that the entire community lived in common, dwelling in the same house and having common meals.

This inference, however, may safely be set aside, as it may well be doubted whether the collocation in Acts 244 has not arisen from the authors having inadvertently combined two heterogeneous ideas without perceiving the possible misleading effect.

A social institution of the nature indicated would scarcely have been practicable in a community of 120 persons (Acts 1 15) much less in one of 3000 (241) or more (247). The other statements in Acts do not preclude the supposition that the meals, even love-feasts and the observance of the Lord's Supper associated with them, were held in difli'erent houses at the same time. Kar' oikoi' (AV 'from house to house." AV'"K- and RV 'at home ') in 246 (cp 542) need not be intended to-convey that the whole comnmnity assembled on one occasion in one house and on another occasion in another ; it may have a distributive ineaning like Kara mkiv ('in every city') in 15 2t (and Kar ot/cous, that is ' in every house,' in 20 20). In Rom. 16 5 n/. we find several household churches in the same city ; cp also i Cor. Ii>i9 Col. 415. The complaint al>out the neglect of certain widows in the daily ministration (Acts 61), which the word Ka9j\tifpi.irrj proves to have referred to their sustenance, could not have arisen if there had been common meals (.ilthouuh indeed the expression ' tables ' [Tpan-e'^aisI might seem to jKjint to these). It could have arisen only if the widows' share of provisions was brought to their houses.

3. Acts 5:2-3[edit]

A misrepresentation of the original idea, similar to that which, as has just teen shown, may be present in 244 is unquestionably to be found in 5:1-2. The writer of this verse held Ananias to have sinned in keeping back part of the money obtained by selling his estate. The duplicity with which Peter charges him docs not consist in his having, when (|uestioned, passed off as the whole a part of the money thus obtained. It is only Sapphira (.'(8) who does this. Ananias, accord- ing to 52/., has already committed the crime of keeping back some of the money before he could be questioned by Peter. This cannot possibly be reconciled with Peter's declaration in 64, that .Ananias had a jH-rfect right to retain the whole. Notwithstanding that i)lain declaration, the author must have had before his mind, in writing b-i f., the stricter view that it was an absolute duty to sell all the property and to hand over the whole of the money.

J This will also be the sense if we accept the reading of WH, which omits fi<rav and the following cat ; they are retained in their marginal reading.

' tni TO ain6 in the NT always refers to place ; AV ' into one place."

4. Acts 4:32-5:11 not coherent.[edit]

The hypothesis that the narratives are based on various sources receives material support from the impossibility of discovering any real coherence within the passages themselves. Acts 4 33 treats of a subject quite different from the matters dealt with in the preceding and the following verses. Nor can 434 be connected with 4 32. It could be connected with it only if the absence of poor persons were the reason (yap) why all property was common (r'. 32) instead of being the result of the community of goods. Further, according to 4 34/, the absence of poor is due not to community of goods, but to the sale of all property in land and houses and the establishment of a common fimd, whereas, in 4 36-6 ii again, tliesale of any property appears as a voluntary .net of certain individuals. In like manner 242 is so definitely repeated in "246 that the narrative can hardly be an independent composition. It must l)c a compilation. Kven more marked is the repetition of the first clause 01' 24^, eyiVero Si TTOCTT) il)v\ji <^6^o<,iii the third, (j>6fio^ re 7iv fiiyaf iwi ndyra^. But even if this last clause l)e omitted, with W H (though it is difficult to explain how it could have arisen as a variant to the first clause), -'^4, with the reading icai ndvTff St, cannot be con- nected with what precedes. The opening, ' but also all that believed (-eri) toijcther,' implies that others were together as well. The omission of the Kai sanctioned by WH is clearly an attempt to remove the difficulty.

All attempt to prove that all these passages have been compiled by an editor from various sources, could be based only on an examination of the whole book. Such proof is not needful to our present purpose. It will be sufficient to have shown that the book presents three different views on the subject of community of goods.

5. Which is the most trustworthy?[edit]

If it be asked which of the three is the most likely to be the true view, it will be safe to answer that, if any one is to be preferred, it is that which is simplest ( ir). An account of any institution of the kind, clothed with the glamour of the ideal, is sure to have been exaggerated by writers with incomplete information.

It is certain, however, that the general idea of community of goods was not strange to the primitive Christian society. ^

It is indicated in such sayings of Jesus as those recorded in Mt. tiigy: IO9 lit2i-24, and in such information about his own life as we find in Lk. 8 3. Besides, we know there was a dis- tinctly Kbionite tendency which applied a literal interpretation to the blessings pronounced on the poor and hungry (Lk. (iio/I 24 f.), and saw the path of salvation in giving away all property in alms (Lk. 634^; 11 41 1221 33 ll>9). It is not certain indeed that this Kbionite tendency was dominant in the period im- mediately following the death of Jesus. (The passages cited were taken up by the Third ICvangelist from a document which itself rests upon an older written collection of sayings of Jesus. This is proved by the remodelled words in Lk. (i 20-26, which, not having any reference to the disposition of the persons addressed, certainly did not come in their present form from the lips of Jesus. Besides, what is here recommended is not so much community of goods as almsgiving.) The epistles of Paul, which are our most trustworthy authority, only show that in his time (20-30 years after the death of Jesus), the community at Jerusalem was poor, or, at least, contained a good many poor members, and stood in need of assistance from the Gentile- Cliri-tian churches (ei? tows ayt'ous, iCor. Ifii 2 Cor. 84 9i; but Toil- WTio^iot' alone. Gal. 2 10 ; eis rout tttioxoiii tCiv iiyiiov, Kom. 1526).

The Gosjiels prove that many poor people had already attached themselves to Jesus in his lifetime. An active care for these, and consequently a more or less organised ttaKOvia, must be assumed in the original church at Jerusalem. We may well suppose that, in as far as this ministration took the form of a community of goods, it led, according to the usual le.sson taught by other attempts of the kind, to the increase of jOTverty. It may, moreover, lie conjectured that in the earliest Christian times the institution of community of goods increased the tendency to forego the pursuit of wealth, which, even without that institution, was occasioned, according to i Thess. 4ii-i8 2 Thess. 2i/. 86-13, ^'X 'he belief that the end of the world was near at hand and by the unrest to which this belief gave rise. W'e may suppose that wealthy meml)ers of the community in Jerusalem allowed their projxjrty to become available for the use of poor brethren ; and this does not preclude the; belief that of their own free will certain persons, such as Barnabas and Ananias, went further and sold their belongings for the benefit of the community.

Still, it is certainly not true that communism was prescril>ed as obligatory.

1 We can here only mention the possible iiiduence of Es- senism. See Kssenes, | 3.

The uncertainty of the subject is shown also by .\cts 61-6. It would I>e very remarkable if there were no necessitous persons whose support could be neglected but widows. The phrase seems to be due to a usage of the author's own (comparatively late) period, in which, according to i Tim. 5 3-16, the ' widows ' had an official po.sition in the community. It is strange also that, although the mention of the names of the seven men appointed to ' serve tables' (Jiaxofetc Tpan-<Y<") points to a genuine tradition, their (unction they are nowhere styled SidKovoi is never referred to afterwards (they are not to be identitied with the irpfapvTtpoi of 11 30), and that only the Helleni.sts had to complain of the neglect of their widows. Just as in Acts 1636-39 a less .serious dispute is narrated in place of one that had more important issues(see CouNCil. t)K Jkkusalkm, 8 3), so here, at the Iwttom of the narrative before us, there really lies, we may conjecture, some di.ssension occasioned by different conceptions of Christianity entertained by the natives of Pales- tine and by the Christian Jews who had come in from abroad.

In any case, the community of goods did not last long, though the view that it came to an end when the society was dispersed by the persecution (Acts 8 1-4) is no more than a conjecture.

6. Subsequent influence of the idea[edit]

The subsequent influence of the idealised picture in Acts is very noteworthy. In the exhortation to works of charity in the Epistle of Barnabas (198), and similarly in the Teaching of Twelve Apostles (4 8), the statement of Acts4 32 is repeated as a command : ' Say not, " It is private property " '(ow ipih tSia elvai). Lucian, De morte Peregrini, 13, states that the Christians supi)orted those in need from a common fund {airb rod Koiuov), and ridicules the credulity with which they allowed themselves to be cheated by imp>ostors in so doing. The influence of the same ideal'on the monastic life is obvious. p. w. s.

COMPASS[edit]

For n>"inp, m'hiigah {vepiywyia [Q mg. ?] Hw"<.\(,)r oni. ), RV CoMP..\ssKS, Is. 44i3,t cp H.-\NDicKAi-T.s, 2. For 33-13, karkobh, Ex.275 38 4t. AV ledge,' see Alt.-\R, 9 [a).

CONANIAH[edit]

(-in^jyia, Kt., in;;!:^, Kr., but accord- mg to Baer in 2 Ch. 31 13 'iri'333 ; cp Cuknamah, in^j33 ; 31 ; 'God hathst.iblished,' XCONCNIAC [BL]). I. Chief of the temple overseers, temp. Hezekiah, in conjunction with his brother Shimei, according to tlie Chronicler, 2 Ch. 31 12 / (AV Cononiah) (XwxfS [A], -ufiev. [B V. 12]).

2. A ' chief of the Levites ' (Ch.) or ' captain over thousands' (i Ksd.), temp. Josiah ; 2 Ch. 809 (jfiovenas [.A*], -aixev. [A'])= I Esd. I9 (ifxaviai [B.V], ^avaias [L] ; EV Jeconia.s).

CONCUBINE[edit]

(u"3^3, Gen. 2224; BibL Aram. njn?, Dan. 02). See Marriage, 5, Family, 5 , and Slavery.

CONDUITS AND RESERVOIRS[edit]

In a country where the rain-supply is small and irregular, which possesses scarcely more than one perennial stream (^n: [n'K; cp Am. 524), and is not rich in springs, the preserva- tion of water in cisterns and reservoirs, and the employ- ment of trenches or conduits to convey it to the place where it was most needed, must have been of paramount importance. Hence the indispensability of rain and the trust placed in the continuance of its supply form the basis of some of the best-known and most beautiful metaphors in OT.

Leaving to the article Springs [^..] what needs to be said upon the natural supply of water, we propose here to notice the artificial means by which it was stored and conveyed.

1. Cisterns[edit]

The ordinary method of preserving water was to dig (ma. l3n) or hew (3'in) out of the living rock a reservoir, varying in size from a small pit to an extensive subterranean vault lined with masonry. Such cisterns go back to pre-Israelite times (Dl 611 Neh. 925). To dig them was the work of a benefactor and deserving of special mention [e.g. , 2 Ch. 2*3 lo), and the o[x,'ning ceremony, on one occasion at least, becomes the subject of a song (see Bker).

The ordinary Heb. term is

  • I. n'l3, bir (for variant forms cp BDB s.v. ; Aavxot (B.\L]), properly an artificial excavation, and thus distinct from IKS Mv, a natural well (see Springs). When dry the bdr is a pit

(cp Gen. 3" 20) which can be used as a prison (J er. 386 Gen. 40 15, etc.; cp 113,1 n'3 Kx. 12 29). In poetical language ^^r is applied to the pit of the grave (Hr.'.'Si?) or to ShOOl (I's. ;i03(4l). In only two cases does bdr occur as part of a place-name ; see BOX-ASHAN, SIRAH.

Other terms are :

  • 2- *??! i^" (cp \r. jilbiyai"" 'watering trough'), Is. 30 14 (AV 'pit*; in K2ck.47iit EV ' marish ' [niorass]), and
  • 3. C'3:. Jer. 143 2K. 3i6 (AV 'ditch,' KV 'trench'), perhaps used for purposes of irrigation (cp 2 K. 'J5 12 ^ Jer. 5'.' i, 39 10 after Klo.); see Agkiculturk, g 5.
  • 4- "^IP^t bfrikhah (kpjji'j), icoAu^^TJepa) is used of an artificial pool, Eccl. 26 (with ncj'), hut elsewhere appears to refer to natural springs. Several pools were found in and around Jerusalem (cp below, and see Jerusalkm), also in Gibeon (2 .S. 213), Hebron (/A 4 12), and Samaria (i K. 2238) ; for Cant. 74(5], see Haih-kahbi.m.
  • 5. n;,'5p, miktuith. Is. 22 II, AV 'ditch,' RV 'reservoir.'

It was of the utmost importance that citadels should be well supi)lied with tanks for collecting the rain-water (so at Masada and Macha-rns, Jos. ^liit. xiv. 14 6, BJ vii. 62, ^vSoxetof). A cistern in the teni|jle is mentioned in Ecclus. ;j03 [aiirobo\iiov) : cp below, and sec SEA, Brazen. In the towns it seems to have been customary for every house to possess a cistern ^ (cp 2 K. 18 31 Prov. 5 15). The best e.xample of this is found in Mesha's stele (//. 24/.); -there was no cistern (13) in the midst of the city in nmp. and I said to all the people, "Make ye every man a cistern in the midst of his house."' The same king records that he made pla'? mlrxn 'nSd, ' the locks or dams of the reservoirs ^ for water ' ; but whether nm3,':n (the cutting[s] /. 25) which Mesha made with the help of his Israelite prisoners was a conduit which fed these reservoirs is uncertain. The view is not improbable, however, since the art of forming channels to convey water was common to all the Semitic races and was not due to foreign influence.

2. Conduits[edit]

Remains of conduits (,i^p, v^po.-^(jiyo% [B.\QL], aquccductus'^), connected as a rule with pools, are to be found in many places in Palestine ; they are usually mere trenches running along the surface of the ground, subterranean channels being somewhat rarer. Certain of the rock-cut channels and cisterns in Jerusalem (as well as the Siloam conduit) may be pre-exilic ; in many cases, however, they have Ijeen enlarged or repaired to such an extent as to make it extremely difficult to tell to what period they bx;long.

3. Pools of Solomon[edit]

Jerusalem was well supplied with water. Perhaps the most important of its supplies was that which came from the so-called Pools of Solomon beyond Bethlehem (13.5 mi. distant). These pools (situated close by the Kal'at el-liurak) are near '.Atan and .Xrtas, and must have been devised for a more important work than that of merely irrigating gardens (Eccles. '26 Ecclus. 24 30/ , sec Bath-r.\bkim). There are three of them, partly hewn and partly enclosed by masonry. The lowest seems to have been used at one time as an amphitheatre for naval tlisplays.

1 .\s Robin.son rem.irks(^A' 1 ^'ioff.), ' the main dependence of Jerusalem at the present d.iy is on its cisterns, and this has probably always Iwen the c.-\se.'

'J The meaning is not certain : perhaps it is ' two reservoirs."

3 The Heb. n^J'B, ifdln/i, is used of ditches for irrigating trees (F.zok. 31 4 trviTTtuLa or criiorrifia [H.\Q]), of a trench round an altar (i K. 18 32 3s 38 ; in these pass-i^es OaaAa [L] dAa<T<Ta. [H.VD, and of conduits or aqueducts in the ordinary .sense of the word (Job3825, pv<rtt [BKA] Is.73[om. (0uNA<jr] 2 K. I817 Is. 362 2 K.2O20).

4 The name 'Solomon's Pools' is based solely upon Eccles. 26, and, notwithstanding the statement of Josephus, we have no evidence that the gardens of Solomon were situated in the fiP". Artiis{ = horius, garden?); Baed.(3; 129^:

The pools are fed by two large conduits. The one, after cutting through the valley of '.Atan (Etnm) by a tunnel, runs through the W'ady Der el-Henat, along the W'ady el-Hiar (Valley of Springs), and ultimately enters the Bir el-Derej (Spring of Steps). The other is much longer and full of windings. Starting fn^m a large reser\oir, the Birket el-'Arrub (now converted into a garden), it leaves the Wady of the same name, and after crossing the plateau of Teku' Hows into the middle pool. Conduits connect also the .Sealed Spring (mcKl. 'Ain Sdlih), identified by a nuxlern tradition with the Viyj [3 in Cant. 4 12, and the 'Ain Atan ^ with this water-system.

From the Pools of Solomon the water is led into the city by two conduits. The higher g(x.'s along the N. slope of the valley of Burak, descending near Rachel's tomb and rising again. (A syphon was used and remnants of the piix;s may still be seen.) It then proceeds towards the hill of 'lantur and the W. er- Rababi (see HinN(JM, Vai.i.ky ok). It is partly rock- hewn and partly made of mas<jnry. The lower conduit (still complete) goes with many windings from tne lowest pool, E. along the ^Xoyxi of the valley, and then W. above Artas. One arm of the conduit was con- nected (probably under Herod's government) with the spring of Artas and ran to the Frank mountain. The main arm passes Bethlehem and Rachel's tomb on the S. , proceeding sometimes alxjve ground in a channel about I ft. square, and sometimes underground in earthen jjipes. It then crosses the Hinnom valley by i bridge of nine low arches and meets the oth^ r conduit hard by the Birket es-Sultan. It finally runs Si:. and E. along the valley over the causeway, under the Bab es-Silseleh (Chain-gate), and supplies the ' Elkas ' and the king's cistern in the Haram.'-^ These conduits were repaired by the Sultan Mohammad ibn Kalaun of Egypt about 1300 A. u. Their date is unknown. The upper conduit is more artificial, and probably the older. Some refer them to the golden age of Judah, and tradition (oral and Rabbinical) ascriljes them to Solomon. It has also been pointed out that they exactly resemble the conduits which were made by the Arabs in Spain.-*

4 The Siloam Conduit[edit]

The well-known Siloam conduit runs from the Virgin's Spring {'Ain Siiti Maryam) to the Pool of Siloam (See JERUSALEM). It runs underground in a circuitous course and is 586 yds. in length (the direct distance Ijctween the two pools is 368 yds.). At its lower end it has a height of 16 ft. ; but this gradually decreases to 3^ ft. , and then to 2^ ft. This low part, however, is near the surface, and perhaps was originally an open channel. It is a dangerous conduit to explore, as the water is apt to enter unexpectedly and fill the passage. In various places false-cuttings and set-backs are found, indicating subsequent changes in the direction taken by the workmen.

1 In the Jer. Talmud it is stated, moreover, that a conduit led from 'Atdn (Etam) to the temple (Jer. Voitta, iii. fol. 41 ; cp Lightfoot, bescriptio Teiii/ili. chap. 23).

2 Many subterranean passages and structures have been found under the Haram. Cp Jos. HJ vi 73 84 94, and Tacitus : ' Templum in modum arcis . . . fons perennis aqu.t, cavati sub terra montes, et piscinae cistema;que servandis imbribus ' {Hist. 5 12). Many of these were for removinij the water and blood of the sacrifices, or for flushing the blood -channels (cp Vonia, 56, Pesachim, 22, Me'ila, 33, Middoth, 82).

5 Jos., indeed, speaks of a conduit which Pilate began to build, taking funds for the purpose from the temple treasurj- and thereby causing grave disturlances (Jos. Ant. xviii. 3 2, BJ ii. 94), and in one place gives the length as 400 stadia a measure which would suit the conduit which leads from the Wady Arrub. It is more probable, however, that Pilate simply repiiired the existing conduits ; his reign w.-is so often disturbed by Jewish seditions that he could hardly have had time to carrj- out such an immense undertaking. See Schur. GVl I410, and cp Eus. HE \x. 66.7.

  • More precisely, 1757 ft. (Gender); but Warren gives 1708.


5. Siloam Inscription.[edit]

About 19 ft. from the Siloam end, on the right-hand side as one enters, is an artificial niche which contained a tablet bearing on its lower face an inscription. This was first observed in 1880, and was brought under the notice of Schick.

The tablet was alx)ut 27 inches scjuare, and its top only one yard above the bottom of the channel. The inscription, known as the Siloam inscription, is the oldest Hebrew inscription extant (cp Dr. TBS xv. /. [facsimile opposite]. Writing, 4).

It runs as follows: '(1) Behold the piercing through (nnpjn). Now thus was the manner of the piercing through. Whilst yet [the miners were lifting up] (2) the piclc (jp.j) each towards his fellow, and whilst there were yet three cubits to be struck through, there was hc.ird the voice of each man (3) calling to his fe.low, for there was a fissure 1 in the rock on the right hand. . . . And on the day of the (4) piercing through, the hewers (D3snn) smote each so as to meet his fellow, pick against pick; and there flowed (5) the water from the channel (ksIS)^ to the pool (.i3na) 1200 cubits; and a hundred (6)S cubits was the height of the rock over the the head of the hewers.

The difference of level in the bed of the channel is so slight that one is led to suppose that the excavators had some kind of test shafts were made here and there, probably in order that the men might find out their whereabouts. The first shaft is 470 ft. from the Siloain end. After that the passage is straighter.

The conduit is the work of a people whose knowledge of engineering was in its infancy. Its date is uncertain. It may be the one referred to in 2K. "iOzo { = 2 Ch. 3230);'* but the allusion in Is. 86 to the 'waters of Shiloah that How gently ' suggests that it may have lx;en in existence in the days of Ahaz.'

6. Other Conduits.[edit]

More or less parallel with this, but straighter, is a channel, evidently connected with the Birket el-Hamra (Red-pool), which lay to the E. of the Siloam pool. It is older than the Siloam conduit (see Schick, FEl-'Q, Jan. 1891). The conduit of the upper pool in the highway of the fullers field (2 K.. 18 17) is identified by Wilson with the acjueduct which seems to have run over the Cotton Grotto to the convent of the .Sisters of Zion." Among other conduits may l)e noticed the one which connects the Citadel or Castle of David (el-Kala'a) with the Birket Mamilla. It is possibly referred to in Jos. BJ \. 73, where mention is made of the 'gate where water was brought in to the tower of liippicus ' (the latter is usually identified with the NW. tower of the citadel).

For others, less important, .see the memoirs of the PEF. Many remains of conduits, more or less well preserved, have been found in other parts of Palestine. It will be sulTicient to mention the aqueduct at Jericho across the Wady el-Relt (see Jos. Ant. xvii. 13 i, Schiir. Gl \ ' 1 276) ; another on the road from Damascus to Palmyra, not far from jerfid ; the kaiifit Fir'aiin, which crosses the Wady Zeda near Do' at (Edrci); and the aqueduct conveying water from 'Ain et-Tabigha (Perrot-Chip. Art in J ud. I330; BaedS^) 2()i).

(See 'Die Wasserversorgung der Stadt Jerusalem,' ZDP\' 1 132-176 (1878); Henzinger, Ileb. Arch. ^1 jff'. 230 /. ; Warren and Condcr, Joitsalem ; Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Judiea; B.ied. passim, and the many notes and articles in the PEF publications). S. A. C.


1 m'i, wholly unknown, is translated by .S.iyce {RPi-) I175) 'excess,' referring to a .set-back. For the illegible part in the middle of/. 3 he suggests 'and on the left.'

2 kxt;, like Ass. turifu, seems to mean 'channel,' 'water- course ' ; cp CO riyiiff.

3 So most, reading nCK nlxla \ but the surface of the rock is here only about 10 ft. above the top of the tunnel whilst towards the N. It is 170 ft. This reailiiig may represent the average thickness of the rock. Since, however, at the place of juncture (812-18 ft. from the b.-ick of the Virgin's fountain) there is a difference of height of just 13 inches, another reading nOK rhlSi ' a portion ' [of a cubit], has been proposed (cp Sayce, ioc. cit.).

4 It is otherwise identified with the one whose remains running W. and E. were discovered during the digging of the founda- tions for the English church.

5 So Stade, Cyi 1 594.

6 Jos. (BJ v. 4 2) places the Royal Caverns (Cotton Grotto) near the Fuller's .NIonument. .See Athenirum, 6th Feb. 1875.

CONEY[edit]

(iDL'*, see Shaphan ; xoiporPY^^ioc [BAIL] [Th. and many MSS of LXX have AArcooc in Ps. 104i8], Lev. lis [in "ai-_ unless the order of the verses is accidentally reversed, jac* is translated 3tt<n'7roi's] Dt. 14? Ps. 104i8 Pr. a026t) should rather be 'rock badger' (RV"'e), the animal having been identified with certainty as Ilyrax syriacus called in Syriac b'l^asa and in Arabic wabr (Rob. LBR 3 387, Tristram, ///'I/.).

1 The name thu/un, which is almost the same word as I^;^, is stated by Fresnel C/iV/l^", 1838, p. 514) to have been found by him in use among the southern Arabs for thejerdoa, an animal somewhat resembling the hyrax.

The origin of the Hebrew word is quite uncertain : it has been derived by Rodiger and others from a root meaning 'to bide,' akin to jsj. The rendering ' coney ' (the probable mean- ing of the Targumic KiBc) is due to Jewish tradition ; but the habits of the rabbit do not suit the references in Ps. 104 18 I'r. 30 26. .Still less is to be said for 0's rendering \oifo^f,vKXuXi i.e., hedgehog.'

The shdphdn of OT is known to naturalists under the name of Frocavia (Hyrax) syriaca (Schrb. ). It is a memtxir of the Hyracoidea, one of the most remarkable orders of the Mammalia.

The Syrian hyrax is about the size of a small rabbit, and has a superficial resemblance to that rodent. It is of a dull orange- brown or fawn colour, and has prominent incisor teeth, one pair in ilie upper jaw and two in the lower; the former, as in the rodents, grow throughout life, but instead of being chisel-shaped at their tip are pointed, and the teeth are triangular in section. As in the rodents, there is a wide gap between the incisor and the molar teeth. The zoological position of the order Ls obscure. Cuvier pointed out certain anatomiciil features which they share with the rhinoceros ; but this rclation>hip has not been universally accepted, and at present it is better to regard lliem as an isolated order. Palajontology has so far thrown no light on the subject. About fourteen species of hyrax are known, all of them from Africa, Arabia, and Syria. 'I'he /'. (Hyrax) syriaca, like most of its congeners, lives in holes in rocky ground ; usually many animals are found together, and they are ver>' shy and easily frightened. When alarmed they utter a shrill cry and hastily retreat to their holes. According to Nassonow,2 they are easily tamed. They eat green leaves, fruit, h.iy, etc. They are said to make a nest of grass and fur, and to bring forth from two or three to six three .seems the usual iiumljer young at a time. 'J'he .Vrabs esteem them as food, though Canon Tristram found them 'rather dry and insipid.' n. M. K. E. S.

CONFECTION, CONFECTIONARIES[edit]

(Ex. .30 25 35. A\' ; i.S. 613, I'A'), old words meaning a composition (co/tfectio), or mixture of drugs or dainties, and those who prepare such mixtures i.e., 'apothecaries' respectively. RV correctly translates : ' a perfume (npT) after the art of the perfumer (ngn).' In i S. I.e. female perfumers are meant (ninpi, fj.vp\f/ol, unguen- tarice). It is the masc. pl. of the same word (cnpi) that is rendered 'apothecaries' in EV (R\'"'>.'- 'per- fumers ') in Xeh. 38 (twaK-et/* [BN], puKeti/x [.\], fivpexpoi [L], pigmeiitarii').

CONFESS, CONFESSION[edit]

1 The term.[edit]

The verb .it in Hiph. and Hiihp. means either to acknowledge aloud in ritual worship God's great and glorious attributes (= to praise him ) or to make a solemn confession of sin.

The former meaning is far the commoner in Hiph., the latter in Hithp. (a) For rn\r\ ' to confess,' see Ps. 32 5 Prov. 28 13 t ; (/') for n^^n"? ' to praise,' 2 Ch. 30 22! (RV ' making confession '). For the more usual senses, see (<z) Ps. 7 17 [18] 42 6 iCh. KI834 and elsewhere, (i) Lev. 65 1(5 21 20 40 Nu. 67 Ezra 10 i Neh. 16 9 2/. Dan. 9 4 20. Note also that the noun 'TJW, generally ' thanksgiving,' has in Josh. TigF^zralOii the sense of ' confes- sion (of sin).' renders the verb usually by (^o/jiokoytiv, tfo(ioAoyT)<ris, once by o/JioKoytlv ; it never renders the noun by bfioKoyCa.

No doubt there is primitive Semitic symbolism in the choice of ,it to express the religious act of confession ; but here, as elsewhere, we painfully feel the uncertainty of the subject (cp Lag. Or. 222). The root-meaning of the verb is ' to throw,' or perhaps (cp Ar. wadd and m.i, Is. 118) 'to extend." Some peculiar gesture used in confession seems to be indicated (cp BDB, s.v. .it). In rK. 838 'spreading forth the hands' is specified; but this was simply the ordinary gesture in prayer.

J That this and nox. jerboa (as supposed by ROdiger) is the meaning of the Greek word is made certain by the testimony of Suidas and Hesychius : see also Ducange, s.v.

2 Zffol. Anz. no. 490, 1895.

2. Individual Confession[edit]

Individual confession of sin must be assumed to have been common, though references to it are scanty. Josh 7:19 is a passage by itself: Achan is bound to confess, to 'give glory' thereby to the all-seeing God ; but he is not forgiven. Prov. 2813 (but not Ps. 32s, where pious Israel speaks) extols the Ixsnefit of it. i K. 838 virtually refers to it. WTien God touches the heart or conscience of the sinner ("133S pj, 6 A^V* KopSlat avTov, but EV ' the plague of his own heart ' ), the sinner spreads forth his hands (see i) towards 'this house' and obtains forgiveness. It has Ix'i^n suggested that the liturgical formula T^in*? ' to bring to remem- brance '(?) in the hciulings of Pss. 38 and 70/ (viewed ns a single psjilin) means that those i)salms were to be used by a man confessing his sin at the offering of a special sacrifice ; ' but the view is not very proliable. After the destruction of the temi)le, the confession of sin by the high priest for the whole ixx)ple having ceased, the duty had to be discharged by axch Israelite for himself in the synagogue. Various formuhe came into use, for which see the interesting conspectus in the article ' SUndenbekenntniss ' in Hamburger's A'/i/, Abth. 2.

3. Liturgical confessions.[edit]

(a) Of liturgical confession of sin there are three great examples: Nell. U Is. G37-()4 11 [12] Dan. 9 (psalms like 51 may also be compared). Early formulae used by the high priest on the great fast have bem preserved (see ATONEMENT, DAY OF, 7). See also the short general formula quoted by Weber (///</. Theol. 321), from Talm. Jer. Yoma, end. Such comixjsitions belong to the class called <?-m, widdui.

(b) There were liturgical confessions of another kind - Thanksgiving confessions. A sacrifice of min (confession = thanksgiving) is one which is accompanied by a loud (because earnest) acknowledgment of God's gracious guidance (Ps. IO722; cp Jer. 33ii, post-exilic). The so-called //cW/c-psalms (I(.i5-107) also may be mentioned here. On the phrase ? ^i^^^h, descriiHive of a special service of the Invites, cp Choirs, 2.

The point of contact between confession of sin and eucharistic confession is given in iK. 833. When Israel is defeated because of its sins, ' if they turn again to thee, and confess thy name, and pray . . ., then hear thou in heaven, and forgive'; and it is in harmony with this that two out of the three liturgical prayers mentioned above liegin with a glowing acknowledgment of Yahwe's gootlness. (The prayer in Dan. 9 merely recognises the duty of thanksijiving in a few words relative to God s fidelity to his covenant. )

4. NT.[edit]

In the New Testament we find both senses of i^ofxoKoyfiv (t0 thank, and to confess); e.g., Mt. 11:25. In Rom. 14 11 the verb represents j-arn ; see Is. 4023. 'O/uoXcryeti' and 6/io\o7ia usually signify ' profess,' ' profession ' ; so, e.g., i Tim. 612, AV Heb.3i, AV, etc.

Confession and repentance are necessarily connected the Baptist's hearers are baptised, confessing (e^ofxoXo- yovftevoL) their sins (Mk. I5 Mt. 36) and therefore so also are confession and forgiveness. See ijn. I9 and especially Ja. 5 16, where the ' healing ' spoken of has reference to the sins confessed-* (moral and physical troubles connected ; cp Is. ftSs 1 Pet. 224). The dWijXot ( ' one another ' ) are Christian disciples.

The ' confession ' of i Tim. 612 may be that made at Timothys ordination ; but that of Heb. 3 1 seems to lie the confession of the divine sonship of Jesus, such as was made at baptism (see H.m-tism, 3). T. K. c.

1 Cp I S. 10 26. For y:3 in 7'. 37 (B has trvvatrnnia.

a B. Jacob, ZA Tiy 17 63/ ['97).

3 Read rds afiaprCat (WH), not ra irapairrufxara (TR).

CONFISCATION OF GOODS[edit]

(Pp23 L"3y), Ezra 726 (ZHMIA TOY BlOY ['^-^J' ZHMIUJCAI TA, YnAPX^NTA [1.]):= I l-.sd. 824 (appypico [-rikhJ ZHMIA [HA]). Cp Law anij Jlstick, 12. i Esd. 632 has to. vTrdpxovTa aiTov ett'ot [ei's] ^acriXiKci ' all his goods to be seized for the king,' for I'.zra 611, ' let his house be made a dunghill' ( otherwise).

For the 'forfeiture' threatened in Ezra 108 (iffiavSa Ciri^, axa9f(aTt(r#7)<r(Tac n-aera rj vnap(ii avroO ; i Ksd. 94, avitpu- 9ri<rovTCLL TO. KTJJnj [-d^fferai ra virpaxovTa, L] ainitv "seized to the use of the temple ') see Ban, 3.

CONGREGATION[edit]

For HTJ? 'eddA. and (less correctly) '?^5 kdhal, aiid IVVD md'fd, .see ASSEMBLY.

' Thy congreEation,' Pi>. AS 10(11), kV'ine- 'thy troop' (cp aS. J3iii3, EV ; but see Lkhi), represents a corrupt Heb. word, "jn'ri shoidd probably be --n- Canaan was a land of corn; cp Is. 'MS 17. Fully corrected, the line becomes, ' with thy bread they were satisfied therein ' (Clie. /'j.P)). <rava-fwrfi\ (Acts 13 43) is in RV .Svnagocuk (q.v.).

For Acts7 38 RVi'Hf- as in Tyndale, etc. (c'(CKAr)<ria), see CHURCH (so in EV).

CONGREGATION, MOUNT OF[edit]

(tnO "iri; iv 6p(i v\l/i]\(^ [HNA(^r]; in manic tcslanieuti ; jcasi )*^i'. kV's modification of the unfortunate ' mount of the congregation ' of AV, which suggests an impossible identification with Zion (Is. Hist). The phrase occurs in the boast of the king of Habylon, and descrilx-s a mountain whose summit was above the ' stars of God ' (the brightest constellations), and its base in ' the recesses of the north.' The best rendering is 'Mountain of (the divine) assembly.'

No one would b.ive thought of Mount Zion, but for llie accidental parallelism of Hipo SnK (.\V 'tabernacle of tlie congregation,' RV 'tent of meeting '), and the supposed nfur- ence to a passage in I's. -18213], rendered in EV Alount Zion (on] ihe sides of the north, the city of the great king.'

lyia is a perfectly vague expression, and Ps. 48 2 [3] is under too great a suspicion of corruptness to serve as a commentary. 1 It is, in fact, no mountain known in terrestrial geograjihy that is meant, but the ' holy mountain of Elohim ' (Kzek. '2813/. ), where there were the 'flashing' stones (see Chkkub, g 2, n. ), and the cherub, and (so the prophet thought) the king of Tyre (see Cheruh, 2). It is not stated that this holy mountain was in the north ; but we may presume from Ezek. 1 4 that it was regarded as l)eing there. This is confirmed by Job 3722 (emended te.\t).

Out of the north cometh (supernal nral) brightness ;2 On Eloah there is awe-inspiring splendour.

That the Babylonians believed in a similar northern mountain can hardly be doubtful, in spite of Jensen's learned argument [Kosniol. 203-209) against comjxiring the -lyio -in with the -hars.ig-kurkiua ('Mountain- house of the lands ') of the Prism Inscription of Tiglath- pileser I. (Del. Par. 118). It appears that the later OT writers supposed the north to be alx)ve, and conse- quently the south below the earth (see Job 26 7, and cp Earth, Folk (,)uakteks ok). The expressions I will scale the heavens,' and ' in the recesses of the north," are therefore strictly accurate.'

CONIAH[edit]

(in^JS ), Jer. 2224. See Jehoiachin.

CONONIAH[edit]

(-in^;??). 2Ch.31i2/ AV, RV Conamah.

CONSECRATE[edit]

For pij? kiddei, ' to separate ' (E.\. 

283), see Ci.i-AN, z/. For T h'tO viilli' ydd, 'to fill the hand ' (i Ch. '-'O5), whence C'n'^0 millu'liii, EV CoNShCRAn loN (Ex. -JO 22), see Clean, 3. For C'"}nn heherim, ' to devote (Mic. 413), see Ba.v, | i. For Tt.l 'to dedicate (oneself)' (Nu. 12), whence "ly nezer, AV Consecration, RV 'separa- tion' (Nu. C7), see Nazikite.

TerfXtiufievo^ in Heb. 7 28 is better rendered 'perfected' by RV (cp AV 2 10 69). For ivtKaivi.<nv (Heb. 10 20), RV 'dedicated,' see Deuicatk.

1 Some (Olsh., Che. PsJl), We.) omit pSS 'nsn' as a glos.s. Che. Z'j.P) begins a new stanza with the words ^'riS^-? I^*^ "'- WSS ' Mount Zion in its recesses is his jewel. ' J'BS 'jewel ' = the holy city, .is in Ezek. 7 22 (see Smend, ad loc.). Those who accept neither solution of the problem n-.ust adopt the view described in OPs. 317, which, however, Baethg. rightly pro- nounces not quite satisfactory.

2 Read 1'?i" with Che. (Expos. July 1897) and Duhm.

' Hommel (Hastings' DBX 216) adopts this view, and com- pares lyiD ^^ with a Bab. title of the sacred mountain, E-iarra, 'house of assembly." Karppe (/</>. As. 9 ['97], 104) thinks that the sacred mountain w.is originally the earth itself.

CONSTELLATIONS[edit]

(D^b'D?). Is. 13io EV. See STARS. 3(/').

CONSUL[edit]

A letter of ' Lucius, consul of the Romans ' {viraroi 'Pu)/xalwv [ANV]) to King Ptolemy of Egypt is given, in i Mace. 1") 16-21. See LucifS, i, and MACCABEES, ! iK.sr. sj 9.