Encyclopaedia Biblica/Elymas-Esau

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Elymas-Esau
see Encyclopaedia Biblica for other articles, typographic issues, links to PDF copies, and public domain status

Contents

ELYMAS[edit]

(eAyMAC [Ti. WHJ), Acts 13 8. See BARJESUS.

ELYON[edit]

(P^r), Gen. 14 18 RV m e- See NAMES, 118.

ELZABAD[edit]

H917V God has g ven . 2 7 : cp Palm. nSTliiX de Vogiie , Syr. Centr. no. 73. Ili-zabadu, a Jewish name of fifth century B.C., has been found on a tablet from Nippur [Hilprecht]).

1. One of David s warriors ; i Ch. 12i2 (eAiafe/s [B], probably only a scribe s error, eXefa/iaS [A], tXeapaS [L]). See DAVID, 11(0) iii.

2. b. Shemaiah, a Korahite door-keeper, 1 i Ch. 26? (eA7tfa/3a0 [B] ; eXfaa5 [A] ; te f. [L]).

1 Read 'and Elzabad and his brothers' with and some Heb. MSS (Ki.).

ELZAPHAN[edit]

(fSy 1 ?^ El conceals 1 or defends, 30 ; cp Zephaniah ; eAlC&d>&N [BAL]), b. Uzziel, a Kohathite Levite (Ex. 622 Lev. 104). Cp ELIZAPHAN.

EMADABUN[edit]

(HMAAABOYN [BA]), i Esd. 5 5 8 RV, AV MADIABUN.

EMATHEIS[edit]

(e/v\&6eiC [A]), i Esd. 92 9 RV = Ezra 1028, ATHLAI.

EMBALMING[edit]

The Egyptian belief in the continued existence after death of the human Ka (see EGYPT, 18) seems to be of very great antiquity. To make this existence happy precautions of every kind were taken ; food and drink were placed in the grave that the Ka might not starve ; his favourite movables in like manner were buried with him ; but above all the body had to be preserved so that the Ka could resume possession at pleasure. Hence the very ancient practice of embalming.

A minute description of the methods employed in his own time is given by Herodotus (286^:) ; with this may be compared the account of Diodorus Siculus (Igi). According to Herodotus embalming was the business of a special guild. He distinguishes three methods.

1. In the costliest of the three the brain was with drawn through the nose with an iron hook and the cavity filled with spices. Then an incision was made in the abdomen on the left side with an Ethiopic stone (flint knife), the bowels removed and washed with palm wine, the cavity filled with myrrh, cassia, and other drugs, and the opening sewed up. Next the body was kept for seventy days in natron (ac cording to modern analysis, sub-carbonate of soda), then finally washed and skilfully swathed in long strips of byssus smeared with gum. The mummy was usually enclosed in a sort of case which showed the outlines of the body, and lastly in a wooden coffin of human shape, occasionally also in a stone sarcophagus.

2. The second method was simpler, and correspond ingly cheaper. Cedar oil was introduced into the body and removed after it had decomposed the viscera ; the body was then laid in natron, which, according to Hero dotus, wholly consumed the flesh, leaving nothing but the skin and bones.

3. The third and cheapest method substituted for the cedar oil of the second some less expensive material.

Broadly speaking, the statements of Herodotus are confirmed by what we learn from Egyptian sources and from examination of the mummies themselves. 1 Ex tant mummies, however, exhibit more methods of em balming than the three just described. In particular those of the New Empire show a marked advance in the art, as compared with those of the Old. According to Erman, however (Egypt, 315), accurate details as to this are still wanting. One of the main innovations was in the treatment of the viscera. In the New Empire these were removed ; the heart was replaced by a stone scarabaeus (the scarabaeus, as a peculiarly mysterious and holy creature, was supposed likely to be of essential use to the dead). The heart, lungs, liver, and other remaining viscera were set aside in four vases, usually (from an old misunderstanding) called Canopic. Each vase was under the protection of a special daemon all four daemons being sons of Osiris -and the lid of each took the form of the head of that daemon : man, jackal, hawk, cynocephalus. The special function of the daemon was to ward off hunger.

This custom of embalming was specifically Egyptian. The Hebrews did not practise it. It is only as being an Egyptian custom that the narrator speaks of it as applied in the cases of Jacob and Joseph (Gen. SQzf. [J 2 ], 5026 [E]). With his statement that the embalming lasted forty days (50s) may be compared that of Diodorus (Igi) which makes it at least thirty days. Ordinarily, however, it seems to have taken seventy days. There is a statement of Josephus (Ant. xiv. 74), referring to a later period a statement which stands by itself that the body of Aristobulus was embalmed with honey so as to allow of its being afterwards removed to Jerusalem.

See Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. \\. 1 4,$\ ff. ; Maspero, Mem. sur quelqucs papyrus du Louvre, II. : le rituel de reinbauiite- incnt ; J. Czermak (as in note); articles in Winer, Riehm, and } ; Erman, Egypt, chap. 13. I. B.

1 Compare especially the results of Czermak s physiological examination of two mummies at Prague, in SWA W, 1852.

EMBROIDERY[edit]

RV s substitute for the needle work of AV in Judg. 5 30 Ps.45 14 [15] ( "10/T! broidered work ), and virtually in Ex. 26 3621 16 2839 8637 38 18 39 2 9(Qp i ruj-yo). EV gives broidered work in Ezek. 161013 ( l " a i? ?)i their broidered garments in 26 16 (DnppT H33).

1. Hebrew terms[edit]

The Heb. word (rikmali) is used metaphorically in Ezek. 17 3 (feathers of an eagle) and i Ch. 29 2 (ornamental stones, or mosaic work). The cognates of nopl are Eth. rekem, Ar. rakama to embroider, also to write ( to make points ), with which the Targ. NnDfT) coloured spots, and the Syr. tarktmatha red pimples, may be compared, from which it seems to follow that the first step towards embroidery was mak ing points, or little strokes ; diversity of hue would be sought for in the next stage. In its usual specialised sense of needlework- ornamentation of woven fragments, Ar. rakama has passed into Italian (ricamare) and Spanish (recamar). (P has n-oiKiAcu, 77 froiiuAia TOU pcujuievrou, ipyov TronaAroO, jroi/a Aos. In Ex. 28 4 AV has a broidered coat for f3E>Pl njha ; RV a coat of chequer work. See TUNIC, and observe that, though in Ps. 45 15 [14] niOp"]7 (RV in, or upon, broidered work ) is plainly corrupt, the reference to brocade-work in i>. 14 [13] is un questioned (see Che. Ps.ft)).

2. Home of the art.[edit]

Embroidery was regarded by the Romans as peculiarly a Phrygian art 1 (vestis Phrygia ; opus Phrygium], Pliny (848) even states that embroidery with the needle was invented by the Phrygians. More probably the Phrygians derived the art indirectly from Babylonia. According to Perrot and Chipiez (Art in Chaldcza and Assyria, 2 363) the Chaldasans first set the example of wearing richly embroidered stuffs, as we know from the most ancient cylinders, from the Telloh (Tell Loh ?) monu ments, and from the stele of Marduk-nadin-ahi. Should this statement be correct, it practically decides the question as to the origin of the art of embroidery. The Latin expression for an embroidering-needle (acus Babylonia] would seem to point in the same direction.

It is true, the ancient Babylonian cylinder -seals hardly supply any confirmation of the statement of historians. In the magnificent records of De Sarzec s excavations, however, there is (pi. I. bis, fig. la) a representation of a standing figure clothed in a garment covered with diagonal lines which form lozenges. In this we may most probably see an example of exceed ingly early embroidery (3000 or 4000 B.C.), which would naturally assume a very simple form. Our next important example is that of Marduk-nadin-ahi (about 1120 B.C.), in which the robe of the king is very elaborately wrought. The finest specimens of all, however, are the designs on the robe of the Assyrian king Asur - nasir - apli (885 B.C.), which are most interesting and instructive with regard to this subject. The sculptures representing him show that his dress was embroidered with most varied designs, representing men, deities, and animals, as well as the king himself performing ceremonies before the sacred tree, etc. The borders and ornaments (generally floral, the chief subject being the sacred tree) are extremely good (see Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, and Perrot and Chipiez, Chaldaa, figs. 253-259, and text).

In the inscriptions we cannot at present say with certainty that either needlework or woven embroidery is spoken of. Garments and woven stuffs are indeed referred to ; we even have lists of garments ; but the precise signification of the words employed is often obscure. Very possibly, however, the phrases (subatu) fa ina asagi barru and (subatu} sa ina kunsilli barru refer not to garments torn with thorns, or other objects of that kind, but to cloth ornamented or embroidered with a thorn (? needle) and with a shuttle (?) respectively.

Egyptian embroidery is known only through late specimens ; but from these we can safely infer the production of similar fabrics in earlier times. Herodotus (847) mentions that Amasis (570 B.C.) sent totheAthena (Minerva) of Lindos a linen corslet inwoven with figures and embroidered with gold and cotton; and Ezekiel (27 7), addressing Tyre, says Of embroidered byssus from Egypt was thy sail. Lucan (10 141-143) speaks of Egyptian embroidery. The thread is called Sidonian, the silk is from the Seres, the needle is Egyptian (Nilotis).

In Greece the invention of the art was ascribed to Athena : hence the offerings of foreign work of this kind to her temple (see above). Embroidery with the needle cannot be shown to be mentioned in the Homeric poems. Almost always the terms used are those ap plicable to weaving (//. 3 125/1 22 4 4o/ ; Od. 19 225^).



1 It is said that the toga picta worn by the emperor on festal occasions, by the consuls on entering office, by the magistrates when giving public games, and by the Roman generals on their triumphs, was of Phrygian embroidery.

3.Biblical references.[edit]

To the value set on embroidery in ancient Palestine Judg. 530 supplies an eloquent testimony ; it is presumably Babylonian work that the poet refers to. At any rate, Achan's mantle was Babylonian (Josh. 7 21 24). In the account of Hezekiah s tribute (Taylor cylinder, 834^), there is no mention of embroidered garments ; but, though we may perhaps assume that the veil of the temple (see below) was not Jewish work, it is probable (especially if P is late) that the art of embroidery was practised in Judaea. The account of the process of preparing the gold thread for the embroiderer, in Ex. 393, deserves notice. And they beat out the plates of gold, so that he could cut them into wires, to work these into the blue, and the purple, and the scarlet, and the fine linen, the work of an artist. In this passage the word yon, hoseb (EV cunning workman ) takes the place of cjn, rokcm (EV embroiderer ) ; another similar but perhaps higher class of work may be meant. According to the Talmudists nDp1> or embroidery, was when the design was attached to the stuff by being sewn on, and visible, therefore, on one side only, and the work of the 3^n was that in which the design was worked in by the loom, appearing on both sides. 1 The correctness of this, however, may be doubted, for the statement that the l&n worked golden threads and also cherubim into the fabric (Ex. 26 i 31 86835), implies that he, too, was a needle-worker (cherubim being probably much too difficult for a loom-worker at that period), and moreover an artist," not only on account of the more com plicated nature of the work he executed, but also because he worked from new and much more varied designs than the rjp>

Josephus (Ant. xii. 5 4 BJ v. 5 4) speaks of the wonderful veils both of the first and of the second (Herod s) temple. Clermont-Ganneau has suggested 2 that the veil of the first, which Antiochus Epiphanes certainly took away, was the curtain of the sanctuary of Olympia, of Assyrian workmanship, dyed with Phoenician purple, and given by Antiochus. Josephus s description of the highly artistic veil in Herod s temple, sets us wondering where it was made. He calls it a Babylonian curtain. It is doubtful whether any but priests families remained on the site of ancient Babylon ; but of course the art of embroidery may have been practised in other cities of Babylonia. T. G. p.

EMEK-KEZIZ[edit]

AV The valley of Keziz (pOl? rVl? - AM6KACIC [B] -KKA. [A], M. [L])! an unidentified city in the territory of Benjamin (Josh. 18 21), enumerated between BETH-HOGLAH and BETH- ARABAH, 2. The name KZsis sounds like the word Kesds, another name of the W. Hasdseh, between Tekoa and En-gedi (see Ziz) ; but this Wady could not belong to Benjamin. If B is right in reading Beth-abarah in Josh. /. c. , we may conjecturally identify Emek - keziz with the broad and deep Wady en- Nawaimeh, NW. of the modern Jericho, which Robinson explored on his way from Jericho to Bethel. The place intended was possibly near the springs of A in ed-Diik (see Docus). T. K. C.

1 In Phcen. 3E- n = weaver (Ges. l3).Bu.(2)). Cp WEAVING.

I KFQ 1878, pp. 79-81. 3 Whence emerald, through (presumably) smaraldus.


EMERALD[edit]

(cM&p&rAoc, sutaragdiu) 3 represents in & (see, however, PRECIOUS STONES) the Heb. njTQ, bdrtketh (Ex. 28i; 39 10) or n,Ti3, bdt f kath (Ezek. 2813).

1. Name.[edit]

It is also the renderin of RV m ?- ; EV, wrongly, has CARBUNCLE. Targg. and Pesh. retain the Heb. word : Nnpna [Jerus. Jon.], jp-Q [Onk.], j^jj^ [Pesh.]). The Gk. name, which occurs also without the initial letter, seems to be the same as the Hebrew ; but the ultimate origin of the word is un known. The Semitic root barak, to lighten, readily suggests itself ; but cp Sans, marakata, marakta. In Arabic two varieties of emerald are distinguished, sabarjad and zumurrud.

2. Description.[edit]

The emerald is classed mineralogically with the beryl (see BERYL), from which, however, it differs in having a fine green colour, attributed to the presence in it of chromium sesquioxide ; it also never presents the internal stria; often seen in the beryl. 1 It occurs in six-sided prismatic crystals of the hexagonal system, the edges of which not unfrequently show various modifica tions. The emerald is transparent or translucent, and has a vitreous, rarely resinous lustre. It was highly valued by the ancients (see Pliny, NH iTt 5). Various virtues were ascribed to it ; it was said to be good for the eyes, to colour water green, to assist women in childbirth, and to drive away evil spirits ; in the East it is still credited with talismanic and medicinal properties.

3. Biblical references.[edit]

Besides being mentioned in Ezek. 2813 as one of the precious stones with which the king of Tyre was decked, and in Ex. 28 17 39 10 as among the gems in the high priest > s breastplate, the emerald is alluded to in Tobit 13 16 Judith 102i Ecclus. 326 Rev. 4s (ffpapdySivos, of the rainbow), and Rev. 21 19.

2. In Ex. 28 18 39 ii Ezek. 27 16 28i3,t EV has emerald for -jsj, nophek, but RV m - renders carbuncle. The resemblance between the letters of Heb. nophek and Egypt. mfk(t) or, as commonly written, mafkat, may be urged in favour of emerald as at any rate a better rendering otnopliek than carbuncle. The Egyptian word represents, according to WMM, a green stone, not however the emerald, but malachite. It is not less plausible to identify nophek and mafkat with the htfakku -stones in the Amarna Tablets (202, 16), sent by the prince of Ashkelon to the king of Egypt. In S. Philistia, where the roads from Sinai terminated, it would be easy to obtain jitafkat from the Egyptian mines. If we follow in Ezek. 27 16 and read Edom (nix) for MT s Aram (DIN), it will appear that ndphek&s well as other precious stones came from Edom. This too is quite consistent with the equation nophek= mafkat (so WMM, OLZ, Feb. 1899, p. 39^".). Maspero, how ever, interprets mafkat as turquoise.

EMERODS[edit]

2 , EV tumours, except in Dt. 2827; but see mg. (DvDl?, ffdlim; < BAL H eAp&, Al GAp&l : in I S. 56 eiC T&C 6AP&C [A] N&yC [ B ] > t* 010 renderings combined in L), mentioned with other diseases in Dt. 2827 [EV] and in the account of the affliction of the Philistines (i S. 66912 6^f. n 17). According to the ordinary view, Sfdlim became at length a vulgar word, and Kre therefore substitutes the more seemly word C ^na, tlhorim, which is also to be found in the late insertions i S. 6n3 17-180 (see Budde, Sam. SHOT). Since, however, tthdrim is no euphemism at all, 3 and analogous Kre readings (see HUSKS) have been argued to be corrupt, it has been proposed to read for the improbable and unpleasant word nnne, D nm ( = D rntf, ulcers). Kre is therefore not a euphemism but a gloss (Che. ).

The reading tehSrim must, it is true, have been an early one, for it seems to be implied in the e fipat of <S>, not, however in Ps. 7866, where a small corruption has obscured the true sense. 4 Tradition has in fact radically misunderstood the meaning of dpha- lii, which (like the gloss rfthahtni) must be a descriptive term for the disease, and probably means tumours (so RV ; cp ophel, hill ). This suits the (almost certainly correct) reading, irnEJ l, of the verb in i S. 5 9^ (for MT s lini^ l). 5 According to the emended text the passage runs thus and he smote the men of the city, both small and great, and tumours broke out upon them. 6

1 The chemical composition of the emerald may be represented by the formula 6SiO^,Alo,Oa,3GfO. It has an uneven and con- choidal fracture, a hardness of 7.5-8, and a specific gravity of 2.67010 2.732.

2 Emerods is found only in AV. The nearest approach to the form is emeraudes, Mid. Eng. in the Promptoriunt Parvuloruin of 1440, which is nearly the same as old Fr. emeroides i.e., haemorrhoids (or piles).

3 See BDB and Ges. -Buhl, s.v. nnu-

4 For Tj l read afc l l, And made his foemen turn back. Re treating and ignominy are constantly connected in the Psalms (e.g., 610 [n]).

8 Cp Ex. $gf. , S ar >d B I n an d n were confounded (Che.).

6 This happens to be H. P. Smith s rendering, but it is put forward by him as a mere conjecture. The lexicographers, on the other hand, seek to justify the sense of break out (cleave) by comparing Ar. Satara ( to have a cracked eyelid ). would have been more natural.

That haemorrhoidal swellings in ano are referred to is rendered possible by the usage of the Ar. aft (see Ges. Thes. ), and by the case of the alleged punishment of the Athenians for dishonour done to Dionysos (schol. ad Aristoph. Acharn. 243). The sense of plague- boil (RV s second rend., Dt. 2827 mg. ) is favoured not indeed by the (imaginary) symbolism of the mouse -but by the statement of the rapid spread of the disease among the Philistines. The most decisive passage is i S. 612, And the sick (D eyKan, Klo. ) that died not were smitten with the tumours, and the cry of the city went up to heaven ; i.e. , as soon as the ark reached Ekron there came on the whole population a plague which killed some at once, while the rest were afflicted with painful tumours, so that a cry of mourning and of pain resounded through the city. Plague-boils in the technical sense of the expression, however, occur only in the groins, the armpits, and the sides of the neck ; tlhorim therefore cannot be so rendered. Plainly a thorough treatment of the text is a necessary preliminary to a consistent and natural explanation of the narrative in i S. 5. As the text of i S. 64 f. 17 f. now stands, golden tumours, as well as golden mice, were sent by the Philistines as a votive offering to Yahwe. H. P. Smith however thinks that the original narrative men tioned only golden tumours, the mice wherever they appear being the result of late redactional insertion. This view is certainly preferable to that of Hitzig, who thought that the only golden objects sent were symbols of the pestilence which bad devastated the Philistine cities (Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron) in the form of mice, a theory which, being so widely accepted, ought to be correct, but is unfortunately indefensible. The idea of golden tumours is very strange, however. Votive offerings, both in ancient and in modern times, re present not the disease from which the sick man has suffered but the part of the body affected. Indeed it could hardly be otherwise ; for most morbid conditions do not admit of plastic representation so as to be dis tinguishable by untrained eyes." So Dr. C. Creighton, who proposes to interpret dfdlim in i S. 6 a,f. and t&horlm in v. 17 of the anatomical part of the body affected, and to make the disease dysentery ; but it is plain from (> that the narrative in i S. 5 f. has been interpolated, and it would seem that not only i S. 6 17 i8a but also the references to golden tumours in w. $f. must be late insertions. 1 na[D]j; and ^sy are not very unlike ; out of a false reading a false statement may have developed.

T. K. c.

1 Possibly the original reading in i S. 617 was was displaced by the Kere.

EMIM, THE[edit]

(D^KH, DNH, as if the terrors ; probably corrupted from D^pVI^n, the strong ; cp ZuziM ; in Gen. royc COMAIOYC [A], COMM. [E], 6MM. [L] I in Dt. pi OMM6IN [BFL], OOMM6IN, OMMieiN [A]), prehistoric inhabitants of Moab (Gen. 14$ Dt. 2io/f). See SHAVEH-KIRIATHAIM, REPHAIM (i.).

Schwally(Z^i T1-VI8 135 [ 98]) compares Ar. ayyun, serpent, as if serpent-spirits were meant (cp ADAM AND KVE, col. 61, n. 3) ; but the text is more probably corrupt. The parallel names all admit of simple explanations. *r. K. C.

EMINENT PLACE[edit]

(3|), Ezek. 1624. See HIGH PLACE, 6.

EMMANUEL[edit]

(eMMANoyHA [Ti. WH]), Mt. 1*3 AV ; RV IMMANUEL.

EMMAUS[edit]

(eMMAOYC [Ti. WH] ; deriv. uncertain ; cp nsn, hot [spring], 1 see HAMMATH ; or itVfon, spring, fount, see MOZAH and cp below, no. 2).

i. A city in the plain, at the base of the mountains of Judaea, near which was the scene of the defeat of Gorgias at the hands of Judas, 164 B.C. (i Mace. 840, a / u j ua[o]u[i ] [ANV]; 57,a/i/u>v/i[A],-j[N], eytiyiuious [V]); 43, e/j.fJLaov/j. [AK c - ac - b ], vafj.fj.aow [N*], a/JifJ.. [V]). It was among the strongholds afterwards fortified by Bacchides (ib. 9 50 a/j.fj.aovs [N*], a/j.fj.aov/j. [K c - a V], e/u/x. [A]). Emmaus, mod. Amwds, was situated 22 R. m. from Jerusalem on the road to Joppa, and 10 m. SSE. from Lydda. In Roman times it was the seat of a toparchy, and frequently enters into the history of that period (cp Jos. Ant. xiv. 112; BJ i. llz, ii. 5i 204, iv. 8 1, v. 16). From the third century it bears the name Nicopolis, the origin of which is variously ex plained (see Schiirer, GVI l$nff., ET, 2zs3/. ), and in Christian times it was an episcopal see. Emmaus was renowned for a spring believed to be endowed with miraculous powers (cp Mid. KoMleth 7 7), from the exist ence of which it may have derived its name. Eusebius and Jerome (OS 257 21 121 6), whom early writers followed, agreed in identifying Emmaus-Nicopolis with 2.

2. The Emmaus of Lk. 24 13 (referred to, but un named, in Mk. 1612), a village (KW/XIJ), 60 (N and some others read 160) stadia from Jerusalem. The identification has found supporters in modern times (notably Robinson LBR 147 ff.), but is unlikely. Emmaus was too important a city to be called KW/XT; ; and, not to mention other reasons, the supposition that the disciples accomplished so long a journey (for no specific purpose) is at variance with the narrative. It is very evident that the reading 160 is an intentional alteration to harmonise with the tradition shared by Eusebius and Jerome. Emmaus is to be sought for in the immediate neighbourhood of Jerusalem, and it is agreed that it can be no other than the Emmaus of Josephus (BJ vii. 66) 30 (so Niese ; others read 60) stadia from Jerusalem, which Vespasian colonised by assigning to it 800 discharged veterans. Now about 34-35 stadia to the NW. of Jerusalem lies Kuloniyeh, a little village, which derives its name, it would appear, from colonia and reminds us of the 800 veterans above. * In close proximity is the ruined Bet Mizza, probably the Benjamite njran of Josh. 1826, which according to the GSmara on Sukk, 4s was also a colonia (see MOZAH). The close resemblance between the names nsarr (Bet Mizza] and Emmaus is sufficiently striking, and since it is almost the required distance from Jerusalem, there can be little doubt as to the identity of Kuloniyeh and the Emmaus of Josephus. The further identification of Kuloniyeh and the Emmaus of Lk. becomes equally probable, and is accepted by most moderns ( Hi. , Caspari, Buhl, Pal. 186, Schultz, PREW 11 769 771, Wolff in Riehm HWB, Wilson in Smith s DB^ ; see also Sepp, Jer. u. d. heil. Land, 1 54-73 ). 2

By those who adopt the less accredited distance of 60 stadia, several sites have been proposed for Emmaus. (a) Conder {HB 326 f., PEFJlf336ff.)finds\t in the name el-Khamasa (according to him Emmaus), SW. of Bittlr (see BETHER i.) ; the antiquity of the place is vouched for by the existence of rock-hewn tombs. El-Khamasa, however, is 72 stadia from Jerusalem direct, and the distance is even greater by road. (6) el- Kubebeh about 64 stadia from Jerusalem, W. of Neby Samwll. Further support for this is claimed in the tradition (which, however, is not older than the I4th cent.) associating this place with Christ s appear ance (cp Baed.( s ) 16, 115, and esp. Zschokke, D. neutest. Emmaus [ 65]). (c) Kariet el- Enab (or Abu Gosh), to the S. of el-Kubebeh, about 66 stadia from Jerusalem (cp Williams, Diet. Gk. and Rom. Geog:, Thomson LBV) 534, 666 / ; and see JPh. 4262). Cp KlRJATH-JEARIM, 2. S. A. C.

1 See KULON. A little to the WSW. is Kastal, whose name also bears a trace of a former Roman encampment.

2 It is interesting to recall that, according to Wilson, Kuloniyeh was, and still is, a place to which the inhabitants of Jerusalem went out for recreation.

3 The apoc. Book of Jubilees (chap. 41) omits the name. OSC 2 ) (93 18 221 18) follows , anim, acetju.

EMMER[edit]

(6MMHR [A]), i Esd. 821 = Ezra 1020. IMMER ii.

EMMERUTH[edit]

(eMMHpoyQ [A], etc.), i Esd. 624 RV = Ezra 237, IMMER ii. , i.

EMMOR[edit]

(e/v\MO>p [Ti. WH]), Acts 7x6 AV, RV HAMOR.

ENAIM[edit]

(D^tt i.e. , probably place of a fountain, 101, 107, cp ENAN ; AINAN [ADEL]), mentioned only in Gen. 881421 RV (AV m - Enajim), where AV following Pesh. , Vg. , and Targ. (see Spurrell s note) 3 treat the word as an appellative, an open place. Enaim, however, is obviously a place ; it lay between Adullam and Timnah, and is the Enarn (cry ; rjvaein [AL], fjuuavei [B]) named in Josh. 1534 in the first group of towns in the lowland of Judah. The fuller form of the name in Gen. and Josh, is probably Tappuah of Enaim (or, of Enam) ; see TAPPUAH, i, and NKPHTOAH. The Talmud mentions a place called Kefar Enaim (Pesik. Rab. 23), and here and elsewhere distinctly states that Enaim is a place-name, on the authority of Rab (Sota, 10 a). Conder s identification with Kh. Wady Alin does not suit the reference in Genesis. T. K. C.

ENAN[edit]

(P" 1 !?, 101, cp ENAIM, HAZAR-ENAN ; AINAN [BAFY]).

i. Father of AHIRA (Nu. l 15 229 [ai^oc A] 778 83 102 7 , P). See ANER, i.

ENASIBUS[edit]

(eNAc[e]lBoc [BA]), i Esd. 9 3 4 = Ezra 1036, ELIASHIB, 6.

ENCAMPMENT[edit]

(Prvp), Gen. 25 16 Ezek. 254 etc., RV; see CAMP, i ; CATTLE, i, n. 2.

ENCHANTER, ENCHANTMENTS[edit]

See MAGIC, 3 ; DIVINATION, 3. , etc.).

ENDIRONS[edit]

(D^DS?), Ezek. 40 43 AV m sr- See HOOK (7).

ENDOR[edit]

("in pi? [Josh. iS.], "INI pi? [Ps.], ACNAcop [BSARTL ; Euseb.], eNAoopON Jos.), (a) Endor appears in Josh. 17 " (MT)among those Manassite towns within the territory of Issachar from which the Manassites were unable to expel the Canaanite inhabit ants ; but it is not mentioned in (f BAL (unless eSwp [fja.bmg.] i s a trace of the name) nor in the || Judg. 127, and has evidently slipped into MT through the simi larity of the name to that of Dor (cp Bennett, SBOT, Josh., ad loc.).

(b) Saul s visit to the witch of Endor before the battle of Gilboa is related in i S. 285-25 (aeXdup [B], vrjvSup [A]). Although the name Endor was recog nised in the fourth century A.D. as attaching to a large village 4 R. m. S. of Tabor (OS 259 70 ; 22625), and though this fourth-century name still lingers at Endur, a miserable village on the N. slope of the Nabi Dahi, the question arises whether the narrator of i S. 287-25 did not mean a village called En-harod, close to the fountain spoken of in Judg. 7 1. The true order of events in these narratives probably is : ( i ) the Philistines muster their troops at Aphek (in Sharon), and Achish promises to take David with him, while Saul musters at En Harod (28 iff. 29 1); (2) Israel encamps in the plain of Jezreel, and the Philistines send David away, etc. (292-n ); (3) the Philistines penetrate as far as Shunem (284); (4) Saul seeks an oracle and finds it by night at Endor (283-25 ; so Budde). Note that in i S. 28s it is said that Saul s heart trembled exceed ingly (mm ; cp Harod) ; how naturally after this, if our conjecture is right, comes the speech of the servants of Saul in v. ^ respecting the wise woman at the Well of Trembling (En-Harod) ! Almost certainly En-dor in i S. 28? should be emended as proposed.

(c) In Ps. 83 10 [n], they perished at Endor does not accord with the mention of Sisera and Jabin. At Endor (-|NT"jn) is obviously corrupt. The context requires without survivors, and we should probably read Tifc^j Ki : v and N are liable to be confounded (Che. Ps.W). Gratz s conjecture at the fountain of Harod (-nn j j?a), adopted by Winckler and Wellhausen, only re moves a part of the difficulty. It is suggestive, however. Formerly Gratz read En-dor for En-harod in Judg. 7 1, and < BA s Endor in i S. 29 1 may come from En-harod (see HAROD, WELL OF, 2).

The village of Endur (not Endur) is 7 or 8 m. from the slopes of Gilboa, partly over difficult ground (Grove- Wilson). Nor is it quite beyond question that there was a place called Endor in pre-exilic times. There may perfectly well have been two spots called En-harod. The fourth-century village of Endor may have owed its name to a corruption of the text of i Samuel.

The meaning of im is by no means perspicuous, and the con fusion of -INI and -nn was easy. At any rate we need not speculate as to whether one of the caves in the calcareous cliff on the slope of which Endur stands, was the scene of the visit of the unhappy Saul to the wise woman (so J. L. Porter, in Kitto s Bib. Cyc. s.v. Endor ). What Harod really means is uncertain (cp HARODITE). Perhaps we should read Ador (-ITIN), from which -|jn I C P Dor ] would come even more easily than from -nn- T. K. C.

EN-EGLAIM[edit]

(Dtf pi?, fountain of Eglaim = Eglam, i.e., calf - place ? on form of name, see NAMES, 101, 104, 107) ; eNAr^AeiM [BA], AiN&r&AeiAA LQ] ENGALLIM], one of the two points between which fishing in the former Salt Sea was to be carried on when Ezekiel s vision was fulfilled (Ezek. 47 10). Since the vision relates to the land W. of the Jordan, and the other point mentioned is En-gedi, we naturally look for En-eglaim near the influx of the Jordan into the Dead Sea. At present, the salt water and the fresh intermingle some way above the mouth of the river, and fish that are carried down are thrown up dead on the beach (cp DEAD SEA, 4). It will there fore be in the spirit of the vision if, with Tristram (Bible Places, p. 93) we identify En-eglaim with Ain Hajleh about i hr. from the N. shore of the Dead Sea, which is regarded by the Bedouins as the best fountain in the Ghor. It is hardly too bold to emend the text and read for Eglaim, Hoglah (n*?jn) ; see BETH-HOGLAH.

T. K. C.

ENEMESSAR[edit]

(eNe/v\ecc&p[oc] [BXA], SALMANASAR, Tob. 12 13 15/1 ; a corruption of SHALMANESER (which the Syr. reads).

ENENIUS[edit]

RV Eneneus (CNHNIOC [BA]) i Esd. 5s = Neh. 7?, NAHAMANI.

ENGADDI[edit]

(Ecclus. 24 14, AY). See EN-GEDI, n.

EN-GANNIM[edit]

(D^l pi?, *.<?., fountain of gardens, 101.

i. A city in the first group of towns in the lowland of Judah (Josh. 1534 adiaBaei/j. [A], if we follow the Hebrew order ; but this really represents D TVij? oft/. 36; rjyovveifj. [L], <5 B apparently t\oi 0w0, unless this form represents Tappuah) ; according to Clermont-Ganneau, the modern Umm Jina, W. of Beth-shemesh. Jerome and Eusebius (0,512126, Engannim ; 25966, Hvyav- vifj.} say now a village near Bethel.

2. A Levitical town of Issachar (Josh. 19 21, ituv /ecu ronfJMV [B], -rjvyavvi/j, [A], iayavvei/j. [L] ; 21 29, irriyijv ypa.fj.jj-a.Tuv [BAL], 1 Trrjyrjv ya.vvi.fj. [Aq. Sm. Th.]). The parallel passage in i Ch. 673 [58] has ANEM (opy, ava/j. [A], aivav [L], B om. v. ) which seems to be a mere corruption (Be., Ki. ). There is mentioned in Egyptian texts a place called Kina ( WMM As. u. Eur. 174), which Budde (differing from Miiller) would identify with En-gannim (see HEBER, i). In Am. Tab. 164 17 21, we find a district called Gina. En-gannim is the Tivdri, Tr)fj.a, or Tivaia of Josephus (BJ \\\. 84 and elsewhere), on the frontier of Galilee, and, though no ruins of the ancient place are still left, we can hardly doubt that it is the modern Jentn* This is a large and picturesque village 17 m. N. from Shechem, at the entrance of a valley which opens into the plain of Esdraelon. The slopes at the foot of which it lies are covered with plantations of olive trees and fig trees, and the houses of the village are surrounded with gardens fenced by hedges of cactus. A few palm trees add to the charm of the place.

1 Apparently reading 1BD ] ]!. Compare 71-0X15 yp<my.a.Tiav (i.e., nso mp) in Josh. 1649 for KIRJATH-SANNAH.

2 Stade s spelling Jennin is less accurate, and his doubt as to the reading En-gannim seems unnecessary (GK/1 542).

The secret of this luxuriance is a spring, or rather torrent, which rises in the hills behind the village and sends its waters in many rivulets to fertilise the gardens and meadows, and at last disappears in the undulating plain of Esdraelon. The name of the place was therefore well chosen, and the author of the ancient song (Cant. 4 12-15) might almost have been thinking of En-gannim when he made the newly-married husband liken his fair young wife to a garden and a fountain of gardens (o |_a ] yn). The historical associations of Jenin are scanty. It is hardly probable that the fountain in Jezreel referred to in i S. 29 1 is the great fountain of En-gannim, Jezreel being intended for the whole district (GASm. HG, 402) ; see HAROD, 2 ; but most scholars (not, however, Conder) agree in identifying BETH-HAGGAN (q.v. ), in the direction of which Ahaziah fled from Jehu, with Jenin, and therefore with En-gannim. Josephus (Ant. xx. 6 1 BJ ii. 12s) describes a fatal dispute between the Galilasan pilgrims to Jerusalem and the Samaritans which took place at Ttvdij, a village of the Samaritans, and thereby illustrates the unfriendly re ception accorded to Jesus in just such a village (Lk. 952^). T. K. c.

EN-GEDI[edit]

(H| fl? [so also outside pause, Ezek. 47 10 for "HI V], i.e., fountain of the kid, 101, 104 ; 6NrAAA[e]l [BXAC]), the modern Ain Jidl (overlook ing the western shore of the Dead Sea), 680 ft. below sea-level, and 612 ft. above that of the lake. The beautiful fountain bursts forth at once a fine stream upon a narrow terrace or shelf of the mountain. It was, and is, a spot of rich vegetation in a severely desolate wilderness. Its vineyards and henna flowers are referred to in Cant. 1 14, whilst an allusion to its palm-trees is preserved in its alternative name, HAZAZON-TAMAK (q.v. ) in Gen. 14? 2Ch. 202, and also in Ecclus. 24 14 ( I was exalted like a palm tree in Engaddi ). 1 Hazazon may be connected with the modern Wddy Hasaseh, up which runs one of the main roads from Engedi to the interior (cp 2 Ch. 20 16, and see Ziz, ASCENT OF). Engedi was one of the scenes of the wanderings of David (i S. 23 29 [24 1] ya5Si [L]). The cave which plays a part in this narrative is de scribed as being not at Engedi, but somewhere in the wilderness. In the oasis itself the present writer found only insignificant caves ; but Tristram mentions in the neighbourhood a fairy grotto of vast size. The strongholds which David and his men inhabited must have lain about the fountain ; the narrow shelf could be easily made impregnable, and it is here that most of the ruins are scattered. Solomon appears to have fortified Engedi ; for the MT of i K. 9 18 reads Tamar [Kt.] (not Tadmor [Kr.]) in the wilderness in the land(?) (cp Josh. 156i/ avKadrjs [B], t)i>yaS5i [A], ayyaddei [L], in the wilderness . . . En-gedi ). It was worthy of fortification, for it commands one of the roads from the Dead Sea Valley to the interior of Judah, and by it the Edomite invasion of Judah seems to have been made in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. 20, evyaSfi [B], eyyaSdi [L]). It is mentioned once, if not thrice, in Ezekiel s vision of the renovated land (Ezek. 47 10, ivya.8- eiv [B], evyaSd. [Aj, aivyaSai/jt, [Q] ; see TAMAR, i. ). Josephus praises its fertility, especially its palms and balsam (Ant. ix. 1 2), and says it was the centre of a top- archy under the Romans (BJ iii. 3 5) ; but Pliny omits it in his list of the toparchies (HN5 1470). To Pliny it was known as Engadda, a place supplied with palm-groves and a centre of the Essenes (//7V5i5[i7]). It is mentioned by Ptolemy (v. 168). In the fourth century, according to Eusebius and Jerome, it was still a very large village, whence opobalsamum was obtained OS 119 15 2546;) and with vines (Epit. Paulae, xii.).

1 This particularly apt parallel is spoilt by RV, which follows BA in reading tv aiyioAois (as against ev cvyaSSoit N c - a , Pesh. , and presupposed by Vg.), and renders I was exalted like a palm tree on the sea shore.

During the Crusades there were vineyards held by a convent under Hebron (Rey, Colonies Franques en Syrie, 384), and to these times probably belong most of the ruins. The site was recovered by Robinson in 1838 ; it is held and cultivated by the Rushaideh Arabs ; but there are now neither palms nor vines. The great staircase for no other name adequately expresses the steepness of the ascent from the spring to the plateau is hard for beasts of burden, and the camel-drivers who bring salt from Jebel Usdum prefer to go farther N. before turning up to Jerusalem.

For further description see Robinson, BR l^y^ff. , Lynch, Narr., 282; Tristram, Land of Israel, 286; Conder, Tent Work, new ed. 265^ ; Bad.* 3 ), 200 ; GASm. HG, 269/1 G. A. S.

ENGINE[edit]

(p3B>n, lit. invention, from 3KT1, see Eccles. 729), in the expression engines invented by cunning men pt^ lil n^BTUp JTOhtpH, MHXANAC M6MHXANeYMeNAC AOflCTOY [BA], M. M. AOflC-MOIC [L]), diversi generis machinas), to denote contrivances for hurling stones and arrows, 2 Ch. 26 15 ; see SIEGE.

For the i^p <nD (AV engines of war, RV battering engines ) of Ezek. 26 9 1 and the n^D (EV mount, AVmg. engine of shot ) of Jer. 66 8224 Ezek. 268 (28.2015, AV bank ), see also SIEGE.

ENGRAVE[edit]

(PinS, Ex. 28 n Zech. 3 9 , etc., 2 Cor. 87); Engraver (J3N tthn, Ex. 28 u, etc.); Engraving rnfi3 Ex.28n, etc.); or GRAVE (nnS, iK. 736 2 Ch. 21487, EV ; asn, Job 19 24 ; npn, Is. 49 16 ; ppn, Is. 22 16 ; ehn, Jer. 17 i ; mn, Ex. 32 16 [all EV]); GRAVING (rnns, Ex.396 AV, Zech. 3 9 2 Ch. 2 14 EV ; nijj3D [plu.], i K. 7 31 EV) ; GRAVING TOOL (B^n), Ex. 324. See HANDICRAFTS, SEAL, WRIT ING, and on GRAVEN IMAGE (70S), see IDOL, i d.

EN-HADDAH[edit]

(PHPI }T, 99. 101 ; HNAAAA [A], AN. [L], AIMAR6K [B]), in the territory of Issachar (Josh. 192if), apparently not far from En-gannim (Jenin}. The identifications with the mod. KefrAdhan, to the W. of Jenin (Conder), or with Ain Judeide, on the E. side of Mt. Gilboa (Kn. ), assume the accuracy of MT. For spring of Haddah J we should perhaps read Spring of Harod (mn for mn), the most probable site of which, Ainjdlfid, is nearly 10 m. NNE. from Jenin. See HAROD. s. A. c.

EN-HAKKORE[edit]

(tOiprrfW, 101, 104 i.e., spring of the partridge, but, in the legend, spring of the caller ; nHfH TOY eiriKAAOYMeNOY P*], TT- erriKAHTOC [AL]), the name of a fountain in Lehi (Judg. ISiSig). Identifications of the site are fanciful (see LEHI).

EN-HAZOR[edit]

pin |W, 101 ; rmrH ACOR [BA], -cop KAI leccop [L])- a fenced city of Naphtali (Josh. 19 37 ), possibly to be identified with Hazireh to the W. of Kedesh (but see Guerin, Galil. 2n8). The name, Hazor, however, is not uncommon in Upper Galilee ; see HAZOR, i.

1 Gesenius s interpretation of flin, sharp i.e., rapid must be deemed improbable.

2 See CATECHISE, DEDICATE, -jjn and its derivatives, how ever, are found only in late passages.

EN-MISHPAT[edit]

(BBKip |W, 101), Gen. 14 7. See KADESH i. , 2.

ENNATAN[edit]

(CNNATAN [BA]), i Esd. 8 44 RV = Ezra8i6, ELNATHAN, 2.

ENOCH[edit]

(ifOn, ^in ; CNOOX [ADEL and Ti. WH], HENOCH). The name of the best-known Enoch seems to be distinct from the names of 2 and 3. It has probably a Babylonian origin (see CAINITES, 6), though to a Hebrew ear it suggested the meanings of dedication" and instruction. 2

i. A hero or patriarch mentioned in Gen. 17 f. [L cvws in both w.~\ 6181921-24 (i Ch. 13); also in Ezekiel (emended text), in the Apocrypha, and in the NT. It is shown elsewhere (see CAINITES, 6, NOAH) that Enoch played a great part in a legend of which fragments alone remain. Confirmations of this view will be supplied presently.

1. Biblical references.[edit]

The Genesis - passages need no further comment ; but the restoration of Enoch in passages of Ezekiel is too innteresting to be passed over. In MT of Ezek. 14 ,4-. Noah Daniel, and Job appear as proverbial for their righteousness, and in Ezek. 283 the prince of Tyre is said, poetically, to be wiser, and to have more insight into secrets, than Daniel. This strikes one as strange. The personage referred to should be a hero of legend, and would most naturally be of the same cycle as Noah. The name Daniel, however, is not at all suggestive of this. The type is not ancient, in spite of the occurrence of Daniel in i Ch. 3i as the name of a son of David (the reading is corrupt, see DANIEI, i. 4). It is extremely probable that the name was introduced into Ezekiel by a mistake similar to that which has been conjectured in Gen. 222 (see ISAAC, 2 ; MORIAH). The name is spelt not *?N>n but Sxri ; this must surely be a misreading of ]N:n i-t. , Hanak (Enoch). This acute suggestion is due to HaleVy (ItEJ\b 20 f. ). It is supported by the discovery of the true text of Ecclus. 44 14 (see below), and supplies fresh material for the criticism of Daniel and Job, and the exegesis of Ezekiel (cp Expositor, July 1897, p. 23).

We pass now to the NT passages. The notice in the genealogy in Lk. 837, and the description of Enoch as the seventh from Adam in Jude 14, need not detain us. Note, however, that the description in Jude is borrowed from Enoch 60 8, and is followed by a quota tion (v. 14 / ) from Enoch 1 9 64 27 2. Heb. 11s mentions Enoch s translation (^Tertdr) ; translatus est), and refers to Gen. 5 22 24 in @ ADEL s rendering furiptffr-rjffe ry 6e as by implication a testimony to Enoch s faith, for without faith it is impossible to please [God]. The translation of Enoch is also twice mentioned by Sirach (Ecclus. 44 16 np^[ ]l. nerer^d-rj ; 49 14 dvt\ri/j.(f>d-rj [A fj.eTfTtOr) ] curb rijs 7175 ; cp <S BAL , 2 K. 2 10 d.va\afj.j3av6/j,fvov = rip 1 ?, v. n dveXij/u.^ij = Vjn, also Mk. 16 19 etc). Ecclus. 49 14 merely extols the unique destiny of Enoch; but 44 16, after stating that he was taken, adds the notable phrase njn nix. The Syriac version omits the whole verse, the Greek instead of an example of knowledge gives inr6Setyfj.a HfTavolas an example of repentance," as if nawn ni (cp Heb. 4 ii, vwodfiy/na airfideias). Noldeke suggests reading tvvola.s for /ueracofas (see also ECCLESIASTICUS, 7 (^), n. ) ; but the Greek translator may have drawn the same uncritical inference from Gen. 622 ( Enoch walked with God after he begat Methuselah ) which was drawn by some of the later Rabbis 1 (see the sayings quoted in Ber. Rabba, 25 ; Wiinsche, nzf. ), and seems to have arisen out of hostility to the Book of Enoch, rijn, however, seems to mean wisdom (Prov. 1727); the writer must surely have heard the tradition of Enoch s wisdom alluded to (as has been shown) in Ezek. 283, and largely developed by subsequent writers.

1 For parallels see ENOS (i., end), NOAH (end). The Alex andrian scholars seem to have interpreted Knoch s supposed moral crisis in a good sense (cp Philo, De Abrah., 3); those of Palestine (so Frankel) in a bad, as if Enoch were on the point of repenting of his former pious life when God in mercy took him. In Wisd. 4 10-14, however, nothing is said of Enoch s repentance or change of life ; he was caught away (r/pirayrt), lest wickedness should change his understanding (irvvetriv), where the wickedness is that of Enoch s contemporaries. See Edersheim on Ecclus. I.e. \ Frankel, Einflvss der paldstin. Exegese ( 51), 44 /. ; Geiger, Urschrift^ 198 ; Drummond, Philo Judceus, 2 323 ; and, on the connection of the antipathy of certain rabbis to Enoch, Hal. REJ, 14 21. Cp also APOCALYPTIC, 10 n. i.

2. Later belief[edit]

We have thus found that the later belief in Enoch s wisdom is traceable in Ecclesiasticus and even in Ezekiel. The Secrets of Enoch (a phrase used as the title of an apocryphal book, see APOCALYPTIC, 33^) receive their first record in an exilic prophet, and the prophetic recorder even takes it for granted that Enoch s story is well known in Phoenicia. That the later belief is not a mere accretion on the older Enoch-story will be plain to those who recognise the solar origin of the original hero ; a child of the all-seeing sun must be wise as well as pious. At the same time speculative inferences must be largely responsible for the details of the later beliefs.

To this subject we now address ourselves. It was the belief of the later Jews, adopted by Christians and Mohammedans (Eus. Pra-p. Ev. 917; d Herbelot, Or. Bibl. 1 624/), that Enoch invented writing, arithmetic, and astronomy. The Book of Jubilees says, He was the first among men who learned writing and knowledge and wisdom, and who wrote down the signs of heaven according to the order of the months in a book. And he was with the angels of God these six jubilees of years, and they showed him everything on earth and in the heavens. And he was taken from among the children of men, and we conducted him into the Garden of Eden in majesty and honour (Chap. 4, Charles s transl.). Very similar statements are made in Enoch (note the phrase scribe of righteousness, 124); probably the writers of both books drew from, and amplified, a still living tradition (see CAINITES, j} 2, 6). It will be noticed that Enoch s translation, according to Jubilees (cp Enoch VOi 60s; cp Charles s note), is to Paradise. This reminds us of the story of Par(?)-napistim (DELUGE, g 2). The Palestinian Targum, however, says that Enoch ascended to the firmament. This agrees with the story of the hero Etana, who was carried to the heaven of Anu by an eagle (ETHAN, i). The Targum also states that Enoch s name was called Metatron, the great writer. Now the Metatron, 1 as the divine secretary, sits in God s inner chamber, where, acccording to Enoch 14i4/, not even Enoch can presume to enter. Enoch, then, grew in honour as time went on. Mohammed, too, declares of Idris (the in structed ) that he was a confessor, a prophet, and that God raised him to a lofty place (Koran, Sur. 19s?).

The early Church was not behindhand in its respect for the patriarch. It regarded him, for instance, as one of the two witnesses 2 of whom such great things are said in Rev. 11, who finally went up to heaven in the cloud. That some share in the accomplishment of God s purposes should be allotted to those who had left the earth long ago without tasting death, seemed natural. The other witness was Elijah, and in Enoch 70 1 the translation of Enoch is described in terms suggested by 2 K. 2 n. In fact, the same idea underlies the traditions of the disappearance of both personages (cp Che. OPs. 383). Why Noah, who was equal in piety to Enoch, was not also said to have been translated, is a problem on which criticism has been able to throw some light (see CAINITES, 6 ; NOAH). On the composite Book of Enoch, see ApocALYFnc LITERA TURE, i8/:

2. The third son of Midian, Gen. 25 4 (EV Hanoch ), I Ch. 1 33 (AV Henoch, RV Hanoch ).

3. The eldest son of Reuben (EV Hanoch ), Gen. 46 9 Ex. (i 14 Nu. 26 5 i Ch. 63. Not improbably ofi shoots of the Midian- itish clan of Enoch became Israelitish. The name can hardly be connected with (i). Kn. compares that of the village called Hanakiya by I5urckhardt (Trav. in Arab. 2396), and Hena- kiyeh by Doughty (Ar. Des. 2183185), which formerly be longed, says the latter, to the great nomad tribe of el- Anezy. It is not far to the NE. of Medina. T. K. C.

ENOS[edit]

or rather (so RV)Enosh( 1 JN, man ; 6N60C [BADEL]). Son of Seth, and grandson of Adam (Gen. 4 26 5 7 9- 1 1 i Ch. 1 1 Lk. SsSf). It was he who began to call on the name of Yah we ((, Vg. , B. Jub. ; so We., reading Srn ni) i.e. , Enos introduced forms of worship. He is thus represented as the first and greatest of founders, worthy to be the father of a city-builder (see CAINITES, 3). This tradition cannot, however, be very ancient. Early myths always ascribe forms of worship to the teaching of a god ; cp the statement (see CAINITES, 3) that Marduk erected the temples, and the epithet given to the Moon-god, mukin nindabe, appointer of sacrifices (4 R. 9 33 ; see Del. Ass. HIVB, s.v. nindabu ). Enos, therefore (a name that is merely a synonym of Adam, man ), which Hommel traces to the Amelon ( =Bab. ami!, man ) of Berossus, must have been substituted for some other name. On the original position of Gen. 4 as/, see CAINITES, 12. The MT reading, Sm,1 IN, is possibly (DL), if not certainly, to be rendered Then was profaned, the object being to avoid contradiction of the statement in Ex. 6 3 (P). Such a phrase, however, as jnin with IK is unparalleled in the Genesis narratives. 7(1.1, began, occurs again in 9 20 108, where, it is true, accord ing to R. Simon (Ber. robba 23), it has the sense of profanation. The alteration of 7rn into ?ron involved a disparagement of Enos similar to that inflicted upon ENOCH ( i, end) and NOAH ([., end) in certain circles. According to an Aggada, in the time of this patriarch, and in that of Cain, the sea flooded a great tract of land (Ber. rabbet, as above). The same extra ordinary view of 7l"fln is implied in Tg. Onk. and Jon. and is adopted by Rashi. T. K. C.

1 See Weber, Altsynag. Pal. Theof., iji/. (ed. 2, p. 178^).

2 See e.g., Jerome, Ep. ad Marcellatit ; Aug. De Gen. ad lit. 96.

EN-RIMMON[edit]

(ftt-n pi?, 95, fountain of Rimmon (i.e. , the god Ramman [see RIMMON i. ] ; pe/WMCON [BAL]), mentioned in a list of Judahite villages (EZRA ii. 5 M. 15 E 1 ] ). Neh - H 2 9 (peMMiON [N c - a < m e->], BA omit), but also referred to in Josh. 15 32 (Ain and Rimmon; eptOMCoe [B], AIN KAI peMMON [L]), 19? (epeMMCON [B], AIN KAI pe/v\MC00 [A]) and i Ch. 432 (Ain, Rimmon, eNp- [L]), Zech. 14io ( from Geba to Rimmon, south of Jerusalem ). En-rimmon is the Epe/ot/3wi or Eremmon of Eusebius and Jerome (OS 25692; 1206), described by them as a very large village 16 m. S. from Eleutheropolis. It is usually > identified with modern Umm er-rumdmin, 9 m. N. of Beersheba. Zech. 14 10, however, suggests that it lay farther to the S. Elsewhere (HAZAR-ADAR) it is suggested that Azmon, a place on the extreme S. of Judah (Nu. 344/. Josh. 154) is a corruption of En- rimmon, and that this is represented by the once highly cultivated el- Aujeh in the Wady Hanein, called by Arab tradition a valley of gardens (E. H. Palmer).

EN-ROGEL[edit]

(Vri pl>, 101; TTHI-H pcofHA [BAL], H p. [B in i K. 1 9 ], H TTHYH TOY P- C L in 2 S. i K.]), a famous land-mark near Jerusalem. It was the hiding- place of David s spies, Jonathan and Ahimaaz (2 S. 17i7), and lay close to the stone ZOHELETH where Adonijah held a sacrificial feast when he attempted to assert his claims to the throne (i K.I 9). In later times it was one of the boundary marks between Judah and Benjamin (Josh. 15? 18 16). The obviously sacred character of the spring (cp also GIHON [i], i K. 138) suggests that it is the same as the Dragon Well of Neh. 2 13 (cp DRAGON, ^g; but see ZOHELETH). There can be little doubt of its antiquity, and it may well have been a sacred place in pre-Israelite times. The meaning of the name and its identification are uncertain.

The interpretation Fuller s Well does not bear the mark of antiquity, and is rightly omitted in Gen.(13) ; Wl, fuller, is nowhere else found in biblical Hebrew (see FULLER, ROGELIM). It is probable that, like Zuheleth, the original name had some sacred or mythic significance.

Two identifications of the place have met with considerable favour : (i) the Virgin s fountain ( Ain Sitti Maryam), now Ain Umm ed-Deraj, the only real spring close to Jerusalem, exactly opposite to which lies ez-Zehweleh, perhaps Zoheleth (Clermpnt-Gaimeau, PEFQ 1869-70, p. 253) ; and (2) Bir-Eyyub, otherwise known as the Well of Nehemiah, at the junction of the W. er-Rababi and Kedron (Robinson, BRV) 1 332). Against (2) (which has found recent support in H. P. Smith, Sam., and 15enz., Kings) it is urged that Bir-Eyyub is a well, not a spring, 1 that it lies too far from ex-Zehweleh, that it is in full view of the city, and does not suit the context of 2 S. 17 17, and that its antiquity is uncertain. The chief points in favour of (i) (which Baed.( 3 ) identifies with GIHON [i]) are : its antiquity (cp CONDUITS, 4) and the evidence of Jos. (Ant. vii. 144), who places the well in the royal gardens. 2 Other arguments based upon the fact that in later times the well was used by fullers are necessarily precarious. S. A. C.

  • H. P. Smith, however, observes that water flows into the

well, sometimes coming over the top, so that it might readily be called a spring (Sam. 354).

2 The identification of En-rogel with epwyrj (Ant. ix. 10 4 ; see Grove, Smith s DB(Zf) seems difficult ; the reading is sub stantially the same in all MSS (see Niese), and appears to be based upon ajroppij-yn/fit which follows.

ENROLMENT[edit]

(&norpA<t>H, Lk. 2 2 Acts 5 37, AV taxing ); to be enrolled (ATTorPA<J>ec9Al ; Lk. 2135, AV taxed ; Heb. 1223, AV written ; cp 3 Mace. 4 15). See QUIRINIUS, TAXATION.

RV has enrolled also in i Tim. 69 ((caraAe yo/xai, AV taken into the number ) and in 2 Tim. 2 4, o-TpaToAo-ye u ( enrolled him as a soldier, AV chosen him to be a soldier ).

EN-SHEMESH[edit]

(K>DB> pl>, fountain of the sun, J 9 , 15; josh. 15 7 [TTH]THC H \IOY [BAL]; 1817 TTHTHN BAI0CAMYC [B], TT. CAME [A], [nHlfMN CAMGC [L]), on the border of Benjamin, between EN-ROGEL and ADUMMIM. The favourite identification with the modern Ain el- Hod or Apostles shrine 2 near Bethany is questioned by Baed.l 3 149, who seems to prefer the tradition which identifies the Well of the Sun and the Dragon s Well with Ain Sitti Maryam (see EN- ROGEL). Van Kasteren, however (ZDPVI3u6 ; see also Buhl, Pal. 98), would find En-shemesh in Ainer- Rawdbi in an offshoot of the Wady of the same name, situated on the ancient road to Jericho.

ENSIGNS AND STANDARDS[edit]

Two questions have to be considered here : ( i ) how are the Hebrew terms to be rendered, and (2) what inferences are to be drawn from the historical passages containing these terms ?

(<z) DJ, ncs (crrj/j.eioi> , cn i<r<T7)/j.oi> ; also a"rjfj.aia and (Tij/xe/wcris [BXAL etc. ]).

1. Renderings.[edit]

In Is. 626 11 10 (<B ap^ei!/) 12 183 30 17 31 9 (text corrupt ; see SBOT) 03 is rendered by EV ensign, but in Jer. 46 ( i^euvere) 2 1 (d5 (^cvyopraf ) 50 2 51 if 27 standard ; AV also gives the latter in Is. 49 2 2 02 10, and RV in Nu. 21 8 f. Banner is adopted by AV in Is. 132 (RV ensign ) and by EV in Ps. 604 [6] (see below), also by EVmg. in Ex. 17 15 (<S KaTaAuyi}). In Nu. 21 e/. AV gives pole, RV standard.

Banner, being still in common use, seems the best rendering for D: except in Nu. 21 8/1 , where pole is more natural. Banner is required also in Ex. 17 is/. , where Moses is said to have named an altar Yahwe- Nissi, Yahwe is my banner (see JEHOVAH-NISSI), and to have broken into this piece of song :

Yea, (lifting up) the hand towards Yahwe s banner,
(I swear that) Yahwe will give battle to Amalek everlastingly.

Here, too, we must not pass over four disputed passages in which AV (and in some cases RV) assumes the existence of a denom. verb from DJ, viz., (a) Ps. 664 [6] ( a banner . . . that it may be displayed ); (/3) Is. 10 18 (ooi, EV standard-bearer, RV m s- sick man ; (y) Is. 59 19 ( lift up a standard, so RV m - ; but RV [which] . . . driveth, AV m e- put to flight ); (5) Zech. 9i6 ( lifted up as an ensign, but RV lifted up on high, RV m s- glittering ). All these four passages must be regarded as corrupt, (a) Ps. 60 4 [6] should probably be read thus, Thou hast given a cup [of judgment] to thy worshippers that they may be frenzied because of the bow" (?Wmn^) ; C P J er - 25 16. In compensation Ps. 11613 becomes, I will raise the banner (D: for oia) of victory. (/}) Is. 10 18 Dp3(< <f>evyuv) should apparently be puj;:, a thorn-bush. (y) Is. 59 19, u nDDi should probably be u naBU (Klo. , Che. ), when Yahwe s breath blows upon it. (5) The text of Zech. 9 is/- needs some rearrangement (see Che. JQR 10582). Stones of a diadem lifting themselves up over his land is nonsense. In mDDlJriD probably D should be s. Glittering stones, used as amulets (see PRECIOUS STONES), are meant.

1 Schick (ZDPV, 19 157) observes that the name Ain. esh- shcms, eye of the sun, is popularly given to holes in prominent rocks.

2 The name dates from the fifteenth century. It is the last well on the road from Jerusalem to Jericho before the dry desert is reached, and it is therefore assumed that the apostles must have drunk from it on their journey.

(b) ^n, dtgel, is rendered by EV banner in Cant. 24, (<S5 ra^are), by standard in Nu. 1$2 22, etc. (all P; rdy/jia [BAFL]). EV also finds a denom. verb from ^i in Ps. 20s [6] Cant. 5106410. Gray thinks (JQR 11 92^) that the context of all the passages in Nu. is fully satisfied by the meaning "company", whilst in some of them the sense standard is plainly unsuitable. The sense of company, however, is even more difficult to justify than that of banner. 1 "?n in Nu. 1 2 10 is probably a corruption of iri3, troop or band ; the sense of the word in i Ch. 7 4 aCh. 26 n is strikingly parallel. No other course is open, for all the other passages adduced for the sense of banner are, with the possible exception of those in Numbers, corrupt. This applies not only to Cant. 24, but also to the passages in which a denom. verb is assumed (<S TCTa.yjj.tvat, Cant. 6410). For an examination of these passages see Che. JQR 11232-236.

In Cant. 24 read, Bring me (so <S) into the garden-house ); I am sick from love. Stay me, etc. As to Ps. 20 5 [6], it is safe to say that to set up banners in the name of Yahwe is an unnatural phrase (read 7*33, we exult ). The bridegroom in Canticles (5 10 etc.) is not marked out by a banner above ten thousand (RVmtf.) ; he may perhaps be called one looked up to, admired ; but more probably he was described in the original text as 7 73 perfect (in beauty). The bride on her side is not called terrible as bannered [hosts], but awe-inspiring as towers ; so at least a scribe, but not the poet himself, wrote. The corruption was a very early one. The scribe, seeking to make sense of half-effaced letters which he misread IS *?, terrible, bethought him of the figure in 8 10, and inserted 11171333 as towers.

(c) nix, oth, is rendered ensign by EV in Nu. 22 (ffri/j.tia or a-r]fiala [BAF], o-ty/xacrla [L]), Ps. 744 (cm)/j.ftov [B a - b m s- " f - KRT]). In the latter passage the ensigns have been supposed to be military standards with heathen emblems upon them, 2 which reminds us of a similar theory respecting the abomination of desola tion in Mt. 24 15. The context of the passage in Ps. , however, is very corrupt. 3

2. Historical interpretation.[edit]

Of all the above passages there are only two which are at once old and free from corruption viz. , Ex. 17:l5-16 " Nu " 218/ The pole in the latter passage was probably such as was commonly used for signals to collect the Israelites when scattered ; the banner in the former was a pole with some kind of (coloured?) cloth 4 upon it to attract attention.

Other terms which might be used for banner were JTB, toren (Is. SOiy), and nNb O, mas eth (Jer. 61, RV signal }. That ^3? also was so used in early times is more than can be stated safely, nor can we tell what distinction there may have been between oth and nes. s Tg. Jerus. (pseudo-Jon. ) tells us that the standards were of silk of three colours, and had pictured upon them a lion, a stag, a young man, or a cerastes respectively. History to the writer of this Targum was not essentially different from poetry. T. K. c.

1 It may be mentioned that Friedr. Del. (Heb. Lang. 40 ; Prol. 59-61) went too far in rendering Assyr. diglu, banner ; it simply means, as his own Ass. HWB states, the object of gaze, or of attention (on the Arabic and Syriac roots, cp Gray, I.e.).

2 The Jews certainly regarded the n-porojiiai on the Roman standards as idols ; see below, 3.

3 For an attempted restoration, see Che. Ps.(ty.

4 In Is. 8823 EV rightly renders D3 sail ; a coloured, decorated sail is meant (Ezek. 27 7).

8 Mr. S. A. Cook suggests that the n inN in Nu. 2 2 may refer to clan-marks (cp CUTTINGS, 6).

6 See Goblet d Alviellas s Migration of Symbols, 220 Jf. In some cases the symbols may have been mere totems ; for analogies cp Frazer, Totetnisi, 30.

3. Parallels.[edit]

Banners are frequently found on the Egyptian and the Assyrian monuments. Apart from the royal banner, each battalion or even each company in Egypt had its own particular emblem, which took the form of a monarch s name, a sacred boat, an animal, or some symbol the meaning of which is more or less doubtful. 6 The standard was borne aloft upon a spear or staff, and carried by an officer who wore as an emblem two lions (to symbolise courage) and two other devices apparently representing flies. The standard of the Heta-fortress of Dapuru which figures in a representation of a siege consists of a shield upon a pole pierced with arrows (see EGYPT, fig. 4, col. 1223). Reference is made elsewhere (ISRAKL, 90) to the courtesy with which the Roman procurators, in deference to Jewish prejudice, removed from the ensigns (<rrifj.aia.i) the effigies (wpoTo/jutl) of the emperor. It was not the ensigns themselves but the presence of the additional Trporo/J.a.1 that was the cause of the Jewish sedition against Pilate (cp Jos. Ant. xviii. 3 1, DJ\\. 92/. ). See further, art. Signa Militaria in Smith s Class. Diet. , and art. Flag in EBW.

T. K. c. s. A. c.

EN-TAPPUAH[edit]

(nisrrpr; nHrHN e&&lt;j>eu>e [B*], etc.), Josh. 17?. See TAPPUAH, z.

EPAENETUS[edit]

(en<MN6TOC [Ti. WH]), my beloved, the first-fruits of Asia 2 unto Christ, as he is described in the salutation sent to him in Rom. 16s, appears to have been Paul s first convert in Ephesus, as Stephanas and his household were in Corinth ( i Cor. 16 15). From his not being designated kinsman it has been inferred that he was a Gentile. The name is of not uncommon occurrence in the East ; cp CIG, 2953 (Ephesus), 3903 (Phrygia). For the bearing which this name has upon the criticism of the epistle, see ROMANS, 4, 10. Cp COLOSSIANS, 4.

In the lists of the seventy disciples by the Pseudo-Dorotheus and Pseudo-Hippolytus (see DISCIPLE, 3), Epaenetus figures as Bishop of Carthage or Carthagena (Kapflaye i^s, Cartaginis). In the Greek Church he is commemorated with Crescens, Silas, and Andronicus on 3oth July.

EPAPHRAS[edit]

(eTTA(J>pAC [Ti. WH], an abbreviated form of EPAPHRODITUS [g.v.]), a faithful minister Sid/covos), and bond-servant (SoOXos) of Christ (Col. 1? 4 12), founder of the church at COLOSSE [g.v. , 2], and teacher in the neighbouring towns of Laodicea and Hierapolis (see 413). Epaphras visited Paul in his captivity, and it is probable that the outbreak of false teaching in the Colossian church may have led him to seek Paul s aid with the result that the epistle to the COLOSSIANS (see s,/) was written. Did Epaphras share Paul s imprisonment during the writing of the epistle, or does fellow-prisoner (6 (rwaiXAiXwTos ; Philem. 23) refer to merely a spiritual captivity? Cp the term fellow-soldier (art. EPAPHRODITUS) below, and see Milligan in Hastings DB.

"-its. Amelias ^cp /\v ) is certainly wrong , sec _rv_nrti.n v^ llv v-

3 Notably the one to whom Josephus dedicated his Antiqui ties (.Vita, 76 ; Ant. Pref., 2 ; c. Ap. i. i).

4 According to Halevy (Jotirn. As. ;th ser. 10394/1), nsy occurs as a personal name in the Safa inscriptions.

EPAPHRODITUS[edit]

(emuJjpoAiTOC [Ti. WH.]. charming ), the delegate (d7r6crToXos, see APOSTLE, i n. , 3) of the Philippians, visited Paul during his imprisonment at Rome and remained with him to the detriment of his health (Phil. 225^ 4i8). Paul's estimate of him is summed up in the eulogy my brother and fellow - worker and fellow - soldier (dde\(f>bi> KO.I ffvvepybv Kal ffw<7Tpa.TiwTr]v fj.ov ; 225). On his return Epaphroditus no doubt took with him the epistle to the PHILIPPIANS, the grave warnings of which (82) may have been due to the report he had brought (cp EPAPHRAS). It is by no means necessary to identify Epaphras and Epaphroditus : indeed, though they have several features in common (note, e.g. , fellow-soldier and fellow-prisoner ) these are far outweighed by the points of difference. Epaphroditus is a common name in the Roman period. 3

i. Perhaps rather ns"5? or rrjrj;, a Midianite clan ; Gen. 254 (ye<t>ap [A], yai<p. [DEL]) ; i Ch. 1 33 (yaffp [B], yaitpap [A]). With Midian it is mentioned in Is. 60:6 as being rich in camels, and as bringing gold and incense from Sheba. See MIDIAN.

2. and 3. Calebite names ; i Ch. 2 46 (yai<j>a.i)\ [n-oAXouo)] [B*], yai<f>a [T) jr.] [BbA], r) yaufxx [TT.] [L]) ; V. 47.

EPHAH[edit]

(HQWN; oi<J>[e]l [Lev. 5n 620 Nu. 5i 5 28s Judg. 6 19 Ruth 2 17 i S.I 24 17 17 Ezek. 45 13*], M6TRON [Dt. 25 M/. Pr. 20 10, Am., Zech., Ezek., etc.]). See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

EPHAI[edit]

( BW, Kr. ; Bti?, Kt. ; a><t>e [N], -T [A], I60(j>e [B], -6 [Q m g- s "W ut vid.]_ oyw . Syr. Hex."*- i*S>a*), according to MT, a man of Netophah, whose sons were among the adherents of Gedaliah (Jer. 40 8f). In the parallel text, 2 K. 2523, wy 331 is not found. Apparently sons of . . . ( Sijna) is a corruption of a duplication of the following word Netophathite, DSiBJn (Che. ) ; note the warning Pasek which pre cedes. The Netophathite meant is SERAIAH (q.v., 3).

EPHER[edit]

("1B17, gazelle, 68, cp EPHRON ; [BADEL].

i. A Midianite clan, Gen. 254 (a^eip [L]) ; i Ch. 1 33 (otpep [BA], 70. [L]). Knobel and Delitzsch com pare the Banu Gifar of the stem of Kinana in Hijaz ; but if HANOCH (q.v. , i) has been rightly identified, Epher may very possibly be the modern Ofr, which is near Hanakiya, between the Tihama mountain range and Aban (so Wetzstein ; see Di. ). Glaser (Skizze, 2449), however, prefers to connect the name with the Apparu of the inscriptions of Asur-bani-pal (.#".52223). From its mention in connection with Judah, E. Manasseh, and Reuben (see below), it is possible that various layers of the tribe of Epher were incorporated with the Israelites at a later time (cp Mold, in Schenkel, BL 42i8. See MIDIAN).

2. b. Ezrah, of JUDAH, i Ch. 4 17 (ya</>ep [A], e</>p [L]) ; cp EPHRON L, 3.

3. A head of a subdivision of MANASSEH, i Ch. 5 24 (o</>ep [BA]) ; cp EPHRON i., 2. S. A. C.

EPHES-DAMMIM[edit]

(D EH DDK; ecpep/v\eM [B], A(becAo/v\/v\eiN [A], &&lt;bec[A<vlMeiN [L^ ; ^safloi3 [Pesh.] ; N TT6PATI Ao/V\ei/v\[Aq.], in finibus dommim [Vg.]; cp OS 35 ii, 9623, 226 18), or, if epkes be taken to mean end [of], Dammim is, according to MT, the name of a spot where the Philistines encamped, between SOCOH i, and AZEKAH (iS. 17 1). By Van de Velde (who is followed in Riehm s HWB] it is identified with Damun, on the N. side of the Wady es-Sant, E. of the Roman road to Bet Nettlf ; but a different name for this ruin was obtained in the Ordnance Survey, and the name Damun, if it occurs at all, seems to belong to a site nearer the high hills. Conder (PEFQ, 1875, p. 193), on the other hand, finds an echo of the name in Bet Fased ( a place of bleeding ), which is close to Socoh (Shuweikeh} on the SE. This will not do for the site of the encampment for the reason given in Che. Aids, 85, n. i but Conder s view is not that Bet Fased represents the site (Buhl, Geogr. 90, n. 92), but that it is an echo of a name of the great valley of Elah (see ELAH, VALLEY OF) which arose out of the sanguinary conflicts that frequently occurred there. This is too fanciful a conjecture. We must, it would seem, either regard in Ephes- dammim in i S. 17 1 as (on the analogy of PASDAM- MIM) a corruption of o K2i pDjn in the valley of Rephaim (or Ephraim ; see REPHAIM), or else take -dammirn to be a corruption of some proper name, ephes being in this case also a corruption of pay, valley. The latter view is less probable, but hardly impossible.

The Philistines appear to have encamped on the southern, and the Israelites on the northern side of the valley of Elah (see Che. A ids, 85), and, considering how often the same valley has more than one name, we may conjecture that the site of the Philistine encampment was described as in the valley of X = in the valley of Elah (or, terebinth-valley ). In i S. 17 2 some point in the valley of Elah is mentioned as the site of the encampment of the Israelites ; but in the valley of Elah would not improbably be inserted by the redactor from v. 19, which verse seems to have come from another version of the tradition (see Klo.).

The present writer, who prefers the former of the alternatives suggested above, supposes (i) that in the valley of Rephaim (or Ephraim) is a discrepant state ment of the scene of the fight with Goliath, and (2) that it is the correct statement. Others may have an insuperable objection to this, and for their benefit another suggestion is made. It is not inconceivable that Valley of the Terebinth (tjmn] was the name of that part of the valley in which David won his victory, whilst a larger section of the valley was called Valley of the red-brown [lands] ; cp the ascent of the red- brown [hills], Josh. 15?; red-brown in each case is D GHN. Large patches of it (the ploughed land in the valley of Elah) were of a deep red colour, exceptional, and therefore remarkable (Miller, The Least of all Lands, 125). From D DIN to o DT is an easy step. H. P. Smith is hardly decisive enough in his rejection of Lagarde s D<DH 1BD3- 1 The torrent was of course dried up, and no longer a landmark. See ELAH, VALLEY OF. T. K. c.

EPHESIANS[edit]

See COLOSSIANS AND EPHESIANS.

EPHESUS[edit]

(ecbecoc [Ti. WH] ; gent. EPHESIAN) lay on the left bank of the Cayster (mod. Kuchuk Mendere, Little Mseander), about 6 mi. from the sea, nearly opposite the island of Samos.

1. Early history.[edit]

Long before the Ionian immigration the port at the mouth of the river had attracted settlers, who are called Carians (Paus. vii. 26), but were probably the Hittites whose centre of power lay at Pteria in Cappadocia ; see HITTITES, n /. To the E. of Mt. Koressos, in the plain between the isolated height of Prion (or Pion) and the eminence at the foot of which the modern village stands, there arose a shrine of the many-breasted Nature-goddess identified by the Greeks with their own Artemis (see DIANA). The population lived, in the primitive Anatolian fashion, in village groups (/oD/Mu) round the shrine, on land belonging to it wholly or in part, com pletely dominated by the priests. With the coming of the lonians, who, after long conflict, established them selves on the spur of Mt. Koressos now shown as the place of Paul s prison (ancient Athenaeum), began an obstinate struggle between the Oriental hierarchy and Hellenic political ideas, which were based upon the conception of the city (?r6Xts). The early struggles of the immigrants with the armed priestesses perhaps gave rise to the Greek Amazon-legends. Even after actual hostilities had ceased, and the two communities had agreed to live side by side, this dualism continued to be the key to Ephesian history.

2. Government.[edit]

The power of the priestly community remained co-ordinate with, or only partially subordinate to, that of the civic authorities ; the city and the temple continued to be formally distinct centres of life and government (cp Curtius, Beitr. z. Gesch. u. Top. Kleinas., 14). The situation of the shrine, near one of the oldest ports of Asia Minor, at the very gateway of the East (Strabo, 663) brought the worship into contact with allied Semitic cults. These and similar influences gave the Ephesian worship that cecumenic character which was its greatest boast (Acts 1927 ; Paus. iv. 318 ; Hicks, Inscr. Brit. Mus. 482, see Ramsay, Class. Rev. 1893, P- 7% /) Even apart from the existence of the hieron, the greatness of Ephesus was assured ; for, admirably placed as were all the Ionic cities (Herod. 1 142), none were so fortunate as Ephesus, lying as she did midway between the Hermos on the N. (at the mouth of which was Smyrna) and the Mceander on the S. (port, Miletus). On the downfall of Smyrna, before the Lydians, about 585 B.C., and the ruin of Phokaia and Miletus by the Persians in 494 B.C. , she inherited the trade of the Hermos and Maeander valleys. The port had always suffered from the alluvium of the Cayster, and its ultimate destruction from that cause had been rendered inevitable by an unfortunate engineering scheme of Attalus II. Philadelphus, about a century and a half before Strabo wrote ; yet in Strabo s time and in that of Paul the city was the greatest em porium of Asia (Str. 641, t/j.w6piot> oiVa /jLtyurrov rCiv Kara rr)i> A-ffiav TTJV Ivrbs TOV favpov ; reflected in Rev. 1811-14). Shortly after Paul s visit the proconsul Barea Soranus tried to dredge the port (61 A. D. ; Tac. Ann. 1623). Its commercial relations are illus trated by the fact that even the minium (fjdXros) of Cappadocia was shipped from Ephesus, not from Sinope (Str. 540), and by the travels of Paul himself (Acts 18 19-21 19 1 ; cp 1824). Kphesus was the centre of Roman administration in Asia. The narrative in Acts reveals an intimate acquaintance with the special features of its position. As the Province of Asia was senatorial (Str. 840), the governor is rightly called proconsul. 1 Being a -free city, Ephesus had assemblies and magistrates, senate (/SouATj), and popular assembly (tKK\r)<rla) of its own ; but orderliness in the exercise of civic functions was jealously demanded by the imperial system (Acts 194o; cp Bull. Corr. Hell., 1883, p. 506). The theatre, which was probably the usual place of meeting for the assembly,- is still visible. Owing to the decay of popular government under the empire, the public clerk (ypafj.fjia.Tfus TOV STI/J.OV) became the most import ant of the three recorders, and the picture in Acts of the town-clerk s consciousness of responsibility, and his influence with the mob is true to the inscriptions (e.g. , CIG 2994, 2966, etc. ). From its devotion to Artemis the city appropriated the title Neokoros (Acts 1935: v(WK6po$, lit. temple -sweeper ), and, as the town-clerk said, its right to the title was notorious.

The word Neokoros was an old religious term adopted and developed in the imperial cultus, i.e., under the empire the title Neokoros, or Neokoros of the Emperors, was conferred by the Senate s decree at Rome, and was coincident with the erection of a temple and the establishment of games in honour of an Emperor. When a second temple and periodical games were, by leave of the Senate, established, in honour of a later Emperor, the city became Sis Netoicopos ( twice Neokoros ), and even (rpis N.) thrice Neokoros in inscriptions and on coins. Hence under the empire not only Ephesus but also Laodiceia and other Asiatic cities boasted the title. See Rams. Hist. Phryg. 1 58 ; Biichner, <ie Neocoria.

1 Acts 19 38, at SvTraroi ; the plural is generic, although others take it to allude to P. Celer, imperial procurator, and the freed- man Helius, who may have remained in Asia with joint pro consular power after murdering the proconsul Junius Silanus at the instigation of Agrippina, in 54 A.D. Tac. Ann. 13 i ; Lewin, Fasti Sacri.

2 Cp Jos. A nt. xix. 8 2, Agrippa at Ca;sarea : Tac. Hist. 2 go, turn Antiochensium theatrum ingressus, ubi illis consultare mos st . . . ; Jos. Bf vii. 3 3 ; Cic. Pro Place 7, 16 ; Philostr. Vit. A poll. 4 10 (p. 147), >}-yei/i7Ai<u a jro<raf err! TO Bearpov, of Ephesus.


3. Importance.[edit]

Naturally Ephesus was the head of a conventus, i.e. , it was an assize town (Plin. 627, Ephesum vero, alterum lumen Asia ! remotiores conveniunt ) ; hence in Acts 19 38 the courts are open (cp Jos. Ant. xiv. 102i, Strabo, 629). From its position as the metropolis of Roman Asia Ephesus was naturally a meeting-point of the great roads.

On the one side a road crossing Mt. Tmulos ran north-east wards to Sardis, and so into Galatia (cp GALATIA). More important was that which ran southwards into the Maeander valley. Ephesus was, therefore, the western terminus of the back-bone of the Roman road system the great trade route to the Euphrates by way of Laodiceia and Colossa; (Rams. Hist. Geogr. of A 71/49), anc ^ tne sea en d of the road along which most of the criminals sent to Rome from the province of Asia would be led (Rams. Ch. in R. Kmp. 318) ; hence Ignatius, writing to the church there, says, ye are a high road of them that are on their way to die unto God (Eph. 12, irdpoWs dare Ttav ets 0ebi/ avaipovfj-fviav ; cp Rev. 17 6).

It was, in part, by the route just described, that Paul on his Third journey reached Ephesus from the interior, avoiding, however, the towns of the Lycus valley by taking the more northerly horse-path over the Duz-bel pass, byway of Seiblia (Acts 19 1, die\d6vra TO. iKa /dpi). See Rams. Ch. in R. Emp. 94). True to his principle, Paul went to the centre of Roman life ; and along the great lines of communication, with out his personal intervention, his message spread east wards into the Lycus valley (see COLOSSE, HIERAPOLIS, LAODICEA). All the seven churches 1 of Rev. 1-3 were probably founded at this period, for all were great trade centres and in communication with Ephesus. The labours of subordinates were largely responsible for their foundation, perhaps in all cases, though it is only in one group that evidence is forthcoming (Col. \-j 412-17). The position of Ephesus as the metropolis of Asia is clearly reflected in her primacy in the list (Rev. In 2i). In this way, all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word . . . both Jews and Greeks (Acts 19 10).

Jews we should expect to find in great numbers at Ephesus. As early as 44 B.C., Dolabella in his consul ship had granted them toleration for their rites and Sabbath observance, and safe conduct in their pilgrimage to Jerusalem (Jos. Ant. xiv. 10 12) ; they must then have been a rich community to have been able to buy these favours. Their privileges were confirmed by the city (ibid., 1025), and subsequently by Augustus (id. , xvi. 627).

4. Attitude to Christianity.[edit]

To them, as usual (cp ACTS, 4), was Paul's first message on both visits (Acts 1819 198); but the good-will with which he had been welcomed on his first appearance (Acts 1820) cooled, and he was compelled at last to take his teaching from the synagogue to the philosophical school of one Tyrannus (Acts 199, 8ia\ey6/j.evos tv TT) <rx^77 Tvpdvvov from the fifth to the tenth hour added by D * . e. , after the usual teaching hours; cp Bull. Corr. Hell., 1887, p. 400; Rams. Expos. March, 1893, p. 223).

Soon Paul came into collision with the beliefs and practices peculiar to the place in a twofold manner.

Ephesus was a centre of the magical arts of the East.

It is significant that the earliest Ephesian document extant deals with the rules of augury (6th cent. B.C. ; Inscr. Brit. Mus. 678). The so-called Ephesian letters ( E^eVia ypafj.na.Ta.) were mystic symbols engraved upon the statue of the goddess (Eustath. Od. 14) ; they were inscribed upon tablets of terra-cotta or other material, and used as amulets (Athen. 12548, iv oxvrapi oi? pa7TTOt<Ti <f>fp<av E<|>ecrjjia ypdfj.fj.aTa. KaAoi). When pronounced they were regarded as powerful charms, especially effective in cases of possession by evil spirits (cp Plut. Syif>. vii. 5 4 : oi fj-dyoi, TOWS SaijU.ovtjJbjUieVous (ceAeiiouai ra E<e (7ia ypdfj.fj.aTO. KaraAe yeti/ xai bi>Ofj.dcLv). The study of these symbols was an elaborate pseudo-science.

The miracles ascribed to Paul were therefore clearly designed to meet the circumstances ; they were special (Acts 19n : ov ray Tuxowras) the expulsion of diseases and of evil spirits by means of hand kerchiefs or aprons (crovddpia % o-ifj.udv6ia,) which are, possibly, to be connected with Paul s own daily labour for his living (i Cor. 4 12 : KOTriwfj.(v (pya6/j.evoi TCUS ISiais \tpalv , i Thess. 2 9). Especially was his power brought into comparison with that claimed by the Jewish exorcists (see EXORCISTS), as previously in Paphos (Acts 136) ; although in the story of the sons of Sceva and the burning of the treatises on magic there are considerable difficulties the writer is here rather a picker-up of current gossip, like Herodotus, than a real historian (Rams. Si. Paul, 273).

1 [ From the seven letters, chap. iyl, we see how carefully the author had studied the situation in the Christian com munities accessible to him. Julicher, Einl. in das NT, 169.]


In the second place, the new teaching came into collision with the popular worship. Even before the great outbreak, fierce opposition must have been encountered from the populace (i Cor. 1632: 6r)pi.o/j.a,xr]ffa., I fought with beasts a word which contains a mixture of Roman and Greek ideas : the Platonic comparison of the mob to a beast, Rep. 493, and the death of criminals in the circus ; cp i Cor. 49 : 6 6e6s r)fjia.s TOVS diro<rT6\ot j (ffxo-Tovs dirfdei^ev, us fwidavarlovs, and v. 13). In the conviction that a great door and effectual was opened in the province, in spite of there being many adversaries ( i Cor. 16 8/), the apostle had resolved to remain at Ephesus until Pentecost (of 57 A. D. probably). The great festival of the goddess occurred in the month Artemision (C1G, 2954) = Mar. -Apr. ; but whether it must be brought into connection with the riot or not is uncertain. The opposition did not originate with the priests, but was organised by the associated tradesmen engaged in the manufacture of shrines (vaol), led by Demetrius who was one of the chief employers of labour (Acts 1924 ; see DIANA, 2). Such trade-guilds (Zpya, tpyacriaC) were common in Asia Minor. 1 It is clear, however, that the riot was badly organised (see Acts 1932).

The watchword, Great is Artemis (M^dXr; ij "A/JTfyUis) raised by the workmen, diverted the excite ment of the populace, and the demonstration became anti- Jewish (v. 34) rather than directly and especially anti-Christian. The nationality of Gaius and Aristarchus (Macedonians, AV ; Aristarchus alone Macedonian according to some few MSS, Gaius in that case being the Gaius of Derbe of Acts 204; cp GAIUS, 2 ) would tend in the same direction so long as Paul remained invisible (if. 30), as, apart from the Romans, the Jews formed the only conspicuous foreign element in the city, and one notoriously hostile to the popular cult. The solicitude of certain Asiarchs (v. 31 ; cp Euseb. HE 4 15 ; see ASIARCH) for the apostle is significant, as they were the heads of the politico -religious organisation of the province in the cult of Rome and the Emperor ; whence we must infer that neither the imperial policy nor the feeling of the educated classes was opposed to the new teaching as yet. The town-clerk s speech is virtually an apologia for the Christians. It is true that a very different view has been suggested (Hicks, Expos. June 1890; cp Rams. Expos. July 1890), in which Demetrius the silversmith is identified with the Demetrius named as President of the Board of Neopoioi ( temple-wardens, Inscr. Brit. Mus. 578). Hicks supposes that the priests persuaded the Board to organise the riot, and that the honour voted in the inscription to Demetrius and his colleagues was in recognition of their services in the cause of the god dess. Apart from the doubt attaching to the restoration ^ T [eo7^oloi], and to the date of the decree, the theory does not show why the priests acted by intermediaries who were civil not religious magistrates ; nor how trade interests were affected i.e. , it involves the assumption that the author of Acts misconceived the situation, and j in recasting his authority altered veowoibs AprejtuSos into ; Trotub vaoi)j dpyvpovs Apre/it5oy. Further, in order to j explain the difference between the friendly attitude of j the Asiarchs and the supposed hostility of the priests, it is necessary to assume that the Asiarchs represented a different point of view from that of the native hierarchy. There is no evidence that they represented the point of view of the Roman governors, and probably they had themselves previously held priesthoods of local cults before becoming Asiarchs : they represented the view of the upper classes generally, one which prevailed out side Jewish circles wherever Paul preached (for com plete discussion, see Rams. Ch. in Rom. Emp. 112 /.).

The short visit during the voyage from Corinth to Csesarea at the close of the Second journey, and the two and a half years labour there during the Third journey, together with the interview with the Ephesian elders at Miletus on the return voyage (Acts 20 17), form the only record of Paul s personal contact with Ephesus, unless we admit the inferences drawn from the Pastoral Epistles. 2

Philem. 22 ( prepare me also a lodging ; cp Phil. 2 24) expresses an expectation of visiting Colossat, which inevitably implied a visit to Ephesus. i Tim. 1 3 implies that this in tention was realised, and perhaps there are hints also of a fourth visit : some reconstruct the fragmentary picture of these years so as to give even a fifth or a sixth visit (Conybeare and Howson 2 547./T) before the final departure for Nicopolis by way of Miletus and Corinth (2 Tim. 4 20).

1 Cp CIG 3208 : oi ft> E$eVu> epya.TO.1, TrpOTnAetrai. See especially Thyatira, where we have, among others, x a ^ Ke , Xa^icoTUTToi. Possibly classification by trade was pre-Greek Herod. 1 93 the tribe being a Greek introduction ; Rams. Hist. Pkryg. 1 105. Cp Oxyrhyncris Papyri, vol. i. p. 85 returns of stock in trade by Egyptian guilds, KOIVOV T>V xoAjcoKoAATjTwi , TU>V tji9oma\u>v, etc. See Menadier, Ephes. 28.

2 [The Pastoral Epistles, though they may possibly contain fragments of genuine letters of Paul (worked up with freedom), are un-Pauline in language and in theological position, nor can they be fitted into a chronology of the life of Paul. See Jiilicher (op. cit., 13), and cp PASTORAL EPISTLES. ED.]

5. Post-Christian times[edit]

On the destruction of Jerusalem the surviving apostles and leading members of the church found refuge in Asia, and for a time Ephesus became virtually the centre of the Christian world. ANDREW and PHILIP, with Aristion and JOHN the Elder, had their abode here ; in this circle Polycarp passed his youth.

The modern name of Ephesus (Ayasalule) is a corruption of Ayos Theologos ("Aytos fc)eoA6-yos), the town being named in Byzantine times from the great Church of St. John the Divine, built by Justinian on the site of an earlier edifice : its ruins are visible on the height above the modern village (cp Procop. de sEJ. 5 i ; Rams. Hist. Geogr. AM, no). This church became the centre of a town, Ephesus itself being gradually abandoned. The plain has thus reverted to its original condition, the miserable remnant of the population now occupying the site of the sanc tuary of Artemis founded by the prehistoric settlers, whilst the site of the Greek and Roman Ephesus is a desert (Rev. 2 5).

6. Bibliography.[edit]

See Wood, Disccrveries at Ephesus, 1877, for the excavations (now resumed in the town by the Vienna Arch. Inst. ; cp r>-v T _ _i Athenteum, no. 3677 ; Class. Rti . April, I90o) F< ; r his 3 t o 7 ry ; Curtius, Beit,-, z. Gesch. u. Top. Kleinasiens, 1872; but Guhl s Ephesiaca, 1843, is still valuable. The epigraphic results of Wood s labours are given in Greek Inscr. of Brit. Mus. 3. Consult also Zimmer- mann, Ephesos im ersten christ. Jahrhundert ; Weber, Guide du Voyageur a Efhese (Smyrna, 1891), with good maps (plan of Ephesus after Weber in Handbook to Asia Minor, Murray, 1895, p. 96); good article, with good views and maps, by Benn- dorf ( Topographische Urkunde aus Ephesos ), in Fcstsc/iriftfiir H. Kiepert, 1898. W. J. W.

EPHLAL[edit]

(7?DX, meaning ?), a Jerahmeelite name, I Ch. 2 37. The MT is virtually supported by ( a.(f>a/nri\ , -rj5 [B], o<p\a8 [A] A, M from A ), but the name was per haps originally theophorous. Read, therefore, hs^x, an abbreviated form of aSs Stf (see ELIPHELET), or, more probably, ^3^>N ( C p L eX0aeX). See ELPAAL, and cp ( s readings there cited. s. A. c.

EPHOD[edit]

(TISK, ibN; in Pent. BAL , enooMic, Vg. superhumerale ; in Judg. and i S. ecpOyA, e4>U)A, ephod ; in 2 S. 6 14 i Ch. 1627 croAH, but ecfcoyA [L] in i Ch. ; Hos. 84 lep&TGlA [BAQ]), a Hebrew word (ephod] which the English translators have taken over as a technical term. The word is used in the historical books in two meanings, the connection between which is not clear.

1. As a garment.[edit]

The boy Samuel ministered before Yahwe, girt with a linen ephod (13 -psx Tun, iS. 2i8); in the same garb, David, when he brought the ark up to Jerusalem, danced before Yahwe with garment. a]1 his might ( 2S6l4; j n iCh. 152 7 the words are a gloss). It was long the accepted opinion that the linen ephod was the common vestment of the priests; but in i S. 22 18 linen (bad) is a gloss (see (5 B , as also @ L in i S. 2i8), and the other passages usually alleged in support of the theory speak of bearing or carrying the ephod, not of wearing it (see below, 2). This ephod was manifestly a scanty gar ment, for Michal taunts David with indecently exposing himself like any lewd fellow. It was probably not a short tunic, as is generally thought, but a loin-cloth (Tre/^fw/xo.) about the waist ; Samuel s tunic fyyo) is mentioned separately, and the verb rendered gird (-un) is used in Hebrew not of belting in an outer garment, but only of binding something (girdle, sword-belt, loin cloth) about the loins ; additional support is given to this view by the shape of the high priest s ephod (see below, 3). David s assumption of this meagre garb on an occasion of high religious ceremony may perhaps have been a return to a primitive costume which anti quity had rendered sacred, as the pilgrims to Mecca to-day must wear the simple loin-cloth (izdr; see GIRDLE, i), which was once the common dress of the Arabs.

2. The ephod-oracle.[edit]

The ephod was used in divining or consulting Yahwe. Of this there is frequent mention in the history of Saul and David (* S - 14z8 *" [1 : cp v.3 2:36g 30:7 ); see also Hos.:3 4 . From the passages in i S. it appears that the ephod was carried by the priest (14 318 5, cp 236) ; to carry the ephod is the distinction of the priesthood (22 18 <@). one of its chief prerogatives (228). When Saul or David wishes to consult Yahwe, the priest brings the ephod to him ; he puts an inter rogatory which can be answered categorically (14 37 23 io- 12 308), or a simple alternative, or a series of alternatives narrowing the question by successive exclu sion (1436-42, cp 1020-22). The priest manipulated the ephod in some way ; Saul breaks off a consultation by ordering the priest to take his hand away (14 19). The response, as we should surmise from the form of the interrogatory, was given by lot ; in 14 t,\f. (, cp 18) the lot is cast with two objects, named respectively Urim and Thummim (see URIM). That the ephod was part of the apparatus of divination may be inferred also from its frequent association with the TERAPHIM [q. v.~\ (Judg. 17/. Hos. 3 4 ; cp Ezek. 21 2I [26] Zech. 102).

The passages in Samuel, whilst leaving no doubt concerning the use of the ephod, throw little light upon its nature. They show, however, that it was not a part of the priests apparel ; it was carried, not worn (n sfi never means wear a garment ; cp also 236, in his hand ), and brought (r art, bring near ) to the person who desired to consult the oracle. Other pass ages seem to lead to a more positive conclusion. At Nob the sword of Goliath, which had been deposited in the temple as a trophy, was kept wrapped up in a mantle behind the ephod, which must, therefore, be imagined as standing free ( i S. 21 9 [io]).- In Judg. 17 f. ephod and teraphim in one version of the story are parallel to pesel and massekdh (idol) in the other. It is natural, though not necessary, to suppose that the ephod was something of the same kind, and the association of ephod with teraphim elsewhere (Hos. 84) is thought to confirm this view. Gideon s ephod (made of 1700 shekels of gold) set up (rsn, cp i S. 52 28.617 [of the a rk] ; cp iSptieiv) at Ophrah, where, according to the deuteronomistic editor, it became the object of idolatrous worship Judg. 827), was plainly an idol, or, more pre cisely, an agalma, of some kind. Many scholars infer that the ephod in Judg. 827 \1 f. and i S. 21g was an image of Yahwe ; 3 and some think that a similar image is meant in all the places cited above where the ephod is used in divining. 4 We should then imagine a portable idol before which the lots were cast. See below, 3 (end), 4.

1 MT (so A) substitutes the ark (pin), as in i K. 2 26. See ARK, col. 305, n.

2 It is possible, however, that ephod has here been substituted for another word (perhaps dron, ark ), for reasons similar to those which led to omit the words altogether (they have been introduced in many codd. from Theodotion).

3 See Moore, Judges, 381.

4 If the words before me OjsS) in S. 2 28 are original, they exclude this hypothesis ; see, however, BAL anc j Pesh.

6 Ecclus. 45 io Heb. ; Ep. Arist., ed. Schmidt, in Merx, Archil , 1 27i_/; ; Philo, De Monarch. 2 $/. (ii. 225^ Mangey), Vit. Mosis, Siijf. (ii. 151 ft); Jos. BJ \. 67; Ant. iii. 7 5. See also Jerome, Ad Fabiolam, ep. 64 15 ; Ad Marcellam, ep. 29.


3. The high priest's ephod.[edit]

In P the ephod is one of the ceremonial vestments of the high priest enumerated in Ex. 28 4. The pattern for the ephod is given in 28:6+ ; the fabrication is recorded in 39:2+ (=g 360+), the investiture of Aaron in 29s Lev. 87. The description is not altogether clear ; nor do the accounts of those who had (probably) seen the high priest in his robes afford much additional light. 5

Braun (De vcstitit sacerdotuiit, 1698, p. 462^!), whom most scholars since his day have followed, held that the ephod con sisted of two pieces, one covering the front of the body to a little below the waist, the other the back ; two shoulder straps (rtlEro) ran up from the front piece on either side of the breastplate, and were attached to the back by clasps on the shoulders ; a band, woven in one piece with the front of the ephod, passed around the body under the arms and secured the whole.

Others conceive of the ephod as an outer garment covering the body from the arm-pits to the hips, firmly bound on by its girdle, and supported by straps over the shoulders, something like a waistcoat with a square opening in front for the insertion of the breastplate. 1 This view is incompatible with the descrip tions in Exodus, especially with the directions for the making and the use of the band (:>S 8 27 ii!) 5) ; against Braun s theory it must be noted that nothing is said in the text about a back piece, nor is there anything to suggest that the ephod was made in two parts ; 28 8 again seems to exclude such a construction.

As far as we can now understand the description, the high priest s ephod appears to have been a kind of apron, tied around the waist by a band or girth (arn = con, cingulum) ; from the corners of the apron two broad shoulder-straps (nisro) were carried up to the shoulders, and there fastened (to the robe, h yz) by two brooches set with onyx stones. 2 The oracle- pouch (ccrn jerii EV breastplate of judgment ; cp BREAST PLATE ii. col. 607) was permanently attached by its corners to the shoulder-straps, filling the space between them, and on its lower border meeting the upper edge of the ephod proper. The high priest s ephod may then be regarded as a ceremonial survival of the primitive loin cloth (ephod bad ; see above, i) worn by Samuel and David, 3 precisely as a Christian bishop at one time wore as the Pope does still over his alb a succinctorium with its wma, the two ends falling at his left side. 4

The fact that the apparatus of the high -priestly oracle, the ESSTD Jt?n, with the sacred lots, was per manently attached to the ephod recalls the use of the ephod by the priests of Saul and David in divining (see URIM) ; and the most natural explanation is that it also is a survival. This is, of course, impossible if the ephod in Samuel was an image (see above, 2) ; but the latter conjecture is not so certainly established that the evidence of P may not be put into the scales against it. 5

4. Attempted explanations.[edit]

Various hypotheses have been proposed to connect the different meanings and uses of ephod in the OT. It is possible that the primitive ephod - a corner of which was the earliest pocket - was used as a receptacle for the lots, from which they were drawn, or into which they were cast (see Prov. 1633) ; and that when it was no longer a common piece of raiment it was perpetuated in this sacred use, not worn, but carried by the priest ; the ephod and oracle-pouch of the high priest would then preserve this ancient association. The ephod of Gideon perhaps also the ephod in the temple at Nob was, however, an agalma of an entirely different character ; what relation there may be between the ephod - garment and the ephod-idol, it is not easy to imagine. 6 In both cases we must admit the possibility that ephod has supplanted a more offensive word, possibly Elohim; cp the substitution of 'aron', ark, 1 for 'ephod' in i S. 14 18 i K. 226. See ARK, 6, n. i.

1 Dillmann, Ex. u. Lev. (3) 334 ; Nowack, HA 2 u8/ ; Driver in Hastings DB, s.v. ; cp Saadia, Abulwalid. The figures in Lepsius Denkindler (3 224 a d, 222 h, 274 6), in which Ancessi, followed by Dillm. and others, would see an Egyptian ephod of this form, represent, not a ceremonial dress, but simply body armour of two familiar types.

2 The interpretation shoulder-cape, Schulterkleid, found in some recent works is a mechanical mistranslation (through Old Latin and Vg. superhumcrale) of eirio/ou s, which is not a garment covering the shoulders, but one open on the shoulders and supported by brooches or shoulder-straps (en-co/ui6e<;).

3 Rashi (on Ex. 284^ 40 end) likens the ephod of the high priest to a woman s surceint, two pieces of cloth, in front and behind, on a band or belt.

4 See Marriott, Vestiarimn Christianum, 153, i6s_/C ; that the original use of the succinctorium was not forgotten, see Innocent III., De sacro altaris tnysterio, lib. i, c. 52.

6 The alternative is that the union-of the ephod with the Urim and Thummim is an artificial combination suggested to the author of P by the passages in Samuel themselves. P, it is thought, knew nothing about the true nature of the old ephod or the Urim and Thummim.

6 For the etymological explanation by J. D. Michaelis, see below ; cp also Smend, A T Rel.gesch. 41 n.

The etymology of ephod is obscure ; the verb nax (Ex. 29s Lev. 87) is generally regarded as denominative. Lagarde s derivation from a root 131 is formally unimpeachable ; but his explanation, garment of approach to God', is inadmissible (Uebers. 178). J. D. Michaelis conjectured that Gideon s ephod-idol was so called because it had a 'coating' (msx, cp Ex. 288 392) of gold over a wooden core (cp Is. 3022). 1 This theory has been widely accepted, and extended to the whole class of supposed oracular ephod-idols ; but the com bination is very doubtful. Even in Isaiah it is quite possible that an actual garment may be meant.

5. Literature.[edit]

See the authors cited above in the notes, and in Moore, Judges, 381. Older monographs : B. D. Carpzov, De Pontificum Hebra;orum vestitu sacro, in Ugolini, Thesaurus, 12785^; Ugolinus, Sacerdotium Hebraicum," Tttts. 18135^ (opinions of Jewish scholars in extenso) ; cp Maimonides (Keic hainiq- dash 9 9 ff.), ib. 8 1002 ff. ; especially Braun, De Vestitu Sacerdotum, ii. 6 ; Spencer, De Leg. lib. iii. diss. 7, c. 3 ; further, Ancessi, Annales tie philos. chretienne, 1872 ; Konig, Rel. Hist, of Israel, 107 ft. , Sellin, Beitr. zur isr. u. j ied. Rel. ii. 1 ngyl ; van Hoonacker, Le sacerdoce Lcuitique, y;off. (99).

G. F. M.

EPHPHATHA[edit]

(e4xj>A9,\ [Ti. WH]), an Aramaism used by Jesus according to Mk. 7s4t- It is glossed by SiavolxOilTi, and is properly the passive (Ethpe'el or Ethpa'al, opinions differ) of nns, to open.

The assimilation of the n before 3 can be paralleled in later Aramaic ; but it would perhaps be simpler to suppose that the older reading was (correctly) 664>&6&. See Kau. Gram. 10, Dalm. Gram. 202, 222.

EPHRAIM[edit]

  • Name (1-2)
  • Land (3-4)
  • People (5)
  • Origin ( 6-8)
  • History (9)
  • P's statistics (10-12)

Ephraim (Q^"1DX ; 100 ; on meaning of name see below, 2 ; ecJ>p<MM, occasionally Aid>. or -g/v\ ; 2 on gentilic Ephraimite, Ephrathite see below - * [ end ] 5 i-). the common designation in Hosea (originally oftener than now) of the northern kingdom of Israel.

1. Application of names.[edit]

This usage was not confined, however, to northern writers. It occurs also in Isaiah and Jeremiah 3 and in post-exilic prophets and poets. 4 There is no evidence that the name was used by other nations. The Moabites called the northern kingdom Israel (.VII, I. 5) ; the Assyrians called it Bit Humri (cp OMRI), or Israel (cp Ahabbu Sir ilai). Nor does Ephraim in this sense occur in the earlier historical books. 5 The explanation probably is that it was not a correct, formal style. An orator may speak of England ; a diplomatist must say Great Britain.

The form of the name suggests that it is really geographical (cp the many place-names ending in aim [NAMES, 107], and, for the prefixed N, such names as Ahlab, Achshaph ; cp also Achzib).

Land of Ephraim (c"lBX pN), it is true, occurs only once, late (Judg. 1215), and Wood of Ephraim may be corrupt (see EPHRAIM [Woop OK]) ; but Mount Ephraim (Q"iSN in) 6 occurs over thirty times (cp Mt. Gilead), and it is significant that we never hear of house of Ephraim (as we do of house of Joseph ). 7

1 See IDOL, 5.

2 The following forms occur in Josephus : for the eponym e^pcup. ; for the tribe e<pai/i;. ; variants e^par;?, -afir), -a.9i], -avti, -ajurj, -ai^rj.

3 Ezekiel is uncertain.

4 Cp Ecclus. 472i, out of Ephraim a kingdom of violence

(son nrrap D^SNO ; and ?/. 23).

Statistics as to the occurrence of the name may now be found conveniently collected in W. Staerk, Studien, 1 84-86.

8 For K -in we have in Obad. 19 K mb 1 - If the text of these two words is correct (see NF.GKR), we must give n-\jy the mean ing it has in Assyrian (satfii), viz. mountain (for other cases see r IELD, i).

7 The late passage, Judg. 10 9, cannot be considered an exception. The phrase is artificial, modelled after others. ,SB omits house of. The Chronicler speaks of the sons of Ephraim ( ^3), 2 Ch. 28 12.

Against the view that Ephraim is the name of a district the absence of such a place-name from the Egyptian records is of no significance. They mention, on the whole, towns rather than districts. Nor need we consider seriously the suggestion (Niebuhr, Gesch. 1251) that there may be in Egypt a trace of Ephraim as the name of a people viz. in the (A)pury, repeatedly discussed in relation to Israel (the Hebrews ; cp HEBREW, i), since Chabas called attention to them, in 1 8(32 (Mil. Egypt. 42 _ff~.). 1 The objections to such a view initial ain for aleph 2 and certain facts about the (A)pury are obvious (so, strongly, WMM).

The occurrence in a document of Egyptian ain 3 for initial Semitic aleph, is not indeed impossible, as is proved by the singular case of the similar name Achshaph (see above); but that must be regarded simply as a blunder of the scribe who wrote the papyrus (WMM As. u. Eur. 173). The name (A)pury occurs too often for there to be any uncertainty about its spelling and it is always with ain. 5

Phonetically, therefore, the equation is indefensible. Nor is there in favour of it any positive argument. We find (A)pury in the time of Ramses II. (cp EGYPT, 58) in the (eastern) borders of Egypt where a persistent tradition says that Joseph, which, as we shall see, is practically equivalent to Ephraim, was settled (cp JOSEPH i.) ; but (A)pury are mentioned as early as the thirteenth and as late as the twentieth dynasty," and there is nothing to suggest their being connected with a special movement towards Canaan.

It is most probable, therefore, that Ephraim is strictly the name of the central highlands of W. Palestine. The people took the name of the tract in which they dwelt, just as their neighbours towards the S. were called men of the south, sons of the south (see BENJAMIN, i). Ephraim would thus be simply the country of Joseph ; called his son, as Gilead is called the son of Machir. It is just possible that Machir, too, was at one time used in a wider sense, more nearly equal to Joseph; J s story says (Gen. 37 28 / cp454) that it was because Joseph was sold (FJOV nN VOD i) that he was found living in Egypt (TDD, Machir = sold ). 7 Whenjoseph was regarded as consisting definitely of three collections of clans Machir (Manasseh), Ephraim, and Benjamin the main body retained the name Ephraim.

The gentilic occurs seldom (Judg. 12s i S. 1 1 i K. 1126) in MT, and the text is doubtful (see below, 5, i.). Analogy would lead us to expect Ephrite (nSN* , cp i-j^D from Q luD j 3"in from G Jln) ! but the form used is Ephrathite ( JT1BN), as if from a noun Ephrah. Ephraimite (Josh. 16 10 [AV] Judg. 1246 [AVJ, v. 5 [EV]) is an invention of EV. Ephrathite in Judg. 12 5 is probably genuine (e^pafletnjs [B], CK TOV e<paijx, [AL]) in the sense of belonging to Mount Ephraim.

l For the literature see reff". in Kittel, Gesch. 1 166 n. 2, Marq. Chronologische Untersuch. 57 n. 124.

  • Another phonetic objection, that medial 3 is normally repre

sented by y not / (so WMM, As. u. Eur. 93), is not decisive. P also appears, for example, Ba -tj-tu-pa-ira = T2D jva (pap. Anast. i. 22 3).

3 Brugsch compared theMidianite Epher, -^y(ZA 76, p. 71).

4 Achshaph occurs in the list of towns in Upper Rtnu of Thotmes III. (no. 40) normally as -k-sap\ but in pap. Anast. i. 21 4 it appears as -k-sa-pu (initial y).

6 As the Egyptian pronunciation of ain was less emphatic than the Canaanite it might be thought possible that an emphatic Semitic aleph should sometimes be represented in Egyptian by ain. What is found, however, is the converse effect Egyptian aleflh for Semitic ain, and it is hardly possible to believe that in the case of people for many centuries in the employment of the Egyptians a name which was spelled by the Egyptians with initial y invariably, really began with K.

6 It has even been argued that (A)pury is never a race name (Meyer, GA, 297, n. 2; Maspero, Hist. anc. 2443, n. 3; but not so Erman, W. M. Miiller).

7 The place of the incident of the sale in the life of Joseph is referred to elsewhere. See JOSEPH ii. 3.

8 E applies the etymology differently (Gen. 4152: fruitful in the land of my affliction ["jy]); and again, Josephus (Ant. ii. (i i [ 92]): restoring (O.TTO&I.SOVS), because of the restoration (5td TO a.iro$o9rji>a.i) to the freedom of his forefathers.

2. Meaning of name.[edit]

i. From the days of Hosea (13 15, uns ) and the Blessings of Jacob (Gen. 49) and of Moses (Dt. 33) men have seen in the name Ephraim a fitting designation for the central district of Palestine, 8 fair and open, 1 fertile and well-watered ; and modern scholars (e.g. , We. , Abriss d. Gesch. 5) regard the name as originally a Hebrew appellative meaning fertile tract. 1 Formally this is plausible (see above, i), and, as we shall see ( 3/. ), such a name is fitting -it would be eminently fitting on the lips of Hebrew immigrants from the Steppes. The Arabs called the beautiful plain of Damascus 2 the guta, and this has become a proper name (el-Ghuta). Compare the (very different) name given to the parched tract S. of Judah (see NEGEV).

Other possible explanations, however, should not be overlooked.

ii. If HBN means earth, 3 Gesenius in connecting Ephraim with HSN may have been wrong only in interpreting the termination aim as a dual ending, and Ephraim may have meant the loamy tract. The Assyrian epru may be iSNj not ^u 4 -

iii. A slightly different explanation would be reached if we followed the hint of the Mishnic Hebrew 1BN (Buxt. 12N) ; cp BesaSy: Domestic animals (niW3) are suc ^ as pass the night in the city (TJH), pastoral animals (nvq-|D) are such as pass the night in the open (13x3) ; also Pesikta S/> : [Exod. 34 24] teaches that thy cow may pasture in the open (nsxa). If this sense for -fix was old, Ephraim might mean the country where the earlier settlers in Palestine had not yet built (many) cities (cp below, 7 ii.). JODN, mSN " tne Talmud means meadow.

On the other hand, the interpretation of geographical names is proverbially precarious (cp CANAAN, 6, ARAM, i) ; we must take into consideration the possibility that the name Ephraim as it has reached us may owe its precise form in part to popular etymology such as, it is thought, has turned (conversely) Chateau vert into Shotover (hill).

4. Character and Extent.[edit]

Ephraim is generally called Mount Ephraim 4 ( N in) i-e., mountainous -country 6 of Ephraim. This was no mere form of speech. From the plain of Megiddo to Beersheba is a great mountainous mass, ninety miles in length, called the mountain. Mountain of Ephraim will mean that part of this great mountain mass which lies within the (fertile) tract called Ephraim viz. the northern part. It is impossible not to see that Ephraim differs from the less fertile tract that extends down to Beer sheba. The change is patent. It is more difficult, how ever, to say where it occurs (see, further, end of this ). In fact, there is not really a definite physical line of sec tion, any more than there was a stable political boundary. It has been suggested elsewhere (BENJAMIN, if.) that this made easier the formation of an intermediate canton called the southern [Ephraim] i.e. , Benjamin. The OT nowhere defines the extent of Ephraim. It is likely that there was always a certain vagueness about its southern limits. There can be little doubt, however, that it included Benjamin (see BENJAMIN, i). All that follows the word even in Judg. 19 16 is probably an interpolation (to magnify the wickedness of the Ben- jamites ? ; so Bu. ad loc. ). The northern boundary is clearer. When Joseph us tells us (Ant. v. 122 [83]) that Ephraim reached (from Bethel) to the great plain (TO fj.^ya Trediov) he may mean the plain not of Megiddo but of the Makhneh (see below, 4) ; but he is speak ing of the seat of the smaller Ephraim tribe. The general character of the OT references and the cities assigned to Mt. Ephraim (see below, 13) make it probable that it reached to the plain of Megiddo.

1 On the view of Gesenius see later ( 2 ii.). G. H. Skipwith suggests (JQK 11 247 [ 99!) that Q-|JN is the masculine equivalent of (n)rP2N. an appellation of Rachel, signifying her that maketh fruitful (see RACHEL).

2 Cheyne has conjectured that the plain below Jerusalem similarly received the name Ephraim, corrupted by transposi tion of letters into REPHAIM [y.v.]. Bethlehem (or a place near it), only two or three miles distant, seems to have been called Ephrath.

3 So Barth, Etytn. Stud. 2oyC, comparing Ar. gubar, which, however, means dust ; also Ges.( 13 )-Bu.( 2 )

4 Twice mount Israel, Josh. 11 1621 [D] ; on Ezekiel s frequent mountains of Israel ( in), see HIGH PLACE, 2.

5 Looked at from the sea, indeed, or from across the Jordan, it presents the aspect, as G. A. Smith says, of a single moun tain massif.

The only serious argument against it is the rather obscure passage Josh. 17 14-18 (on the text of which see Che. Crit. Bib., and cp REPHAIM). The house of Joseph, complaining that Mt. Ephraim is too small for them, are told to clear for themselves a settlement in the wood in the land of the Rephaim and the Perizzites. It has been supposed that this refers to the northern part of the western highlands from Shechem to Jenin (so Stade, Steuernagel, van Kasteren, MDPVqs, p. 28^); but it is more likely that the passage is to be connected with the story of Josephite colonies settling E. of the Jordan (cp JAIR, etc.; REPHAIM [WOOD]); so Bu. RiSa, 34 ff. 87 ; KfiC ad loc., Buhl, Pal. 121 n. 265). See MACHIR, MANASSEH, and, on the relation of Ephraim to other tribes, below,, 5.

The places expressly said to be in Mount Ephraim are : in the south, Ramath(aim), perhaps Bet Rlma (see RAMATHAIM), Zuph, and Timnath-heres (Josh. 19so 2430 Judg. 2g), perhaps et-Tibnah (see TIMNATH- HEKES) ; in the centre, Shechem (Josh. 20? 21 21 i K. 1225 i Ch. 6 67 [52]) ; in the N., SHAMIR [q.v. ; Judg. 10 i) ; also the hills ZEMARAIM, S. of Bethel (2 Ch. 184), and GAASH, near Timnath-heres (Judg. 2g, etc.).

The Ephraim highlands differ from those of Judah in several respects. 1 In Judah we have a compact and fairly regular tableland deeply cut by steep defiles, bounded on the E. by the precipices that overlook the depths of the Dead Sea, and separated on the W. from the maritime plain by the isolated lowland district of the Shgphelah (see JUDAH). In Ephraim this gives place to a confused complex of heights communicating on the E. by great valleys with the Jordan plain, and letting itself down by steps on the W. directly on to the plain of Sharon, cut across the middle by a great cleft (see below, 4, end) and elsewhere by deep valleys, and en closing here and there upland plains surrounded by hills.

The change in the western border occurs about Wady Malaka, directly west of Bethel ; the change in the character of the surface not till the Bethel plateau ends (some 5 or 6 m. farther N. ) at the base of the highest peak of Ephraim -on which the ruins of Tell- Asur probably mark the site of BAAL-HAZOR whose waters running east through the W. Samiya and west through the W. en-Nimr and the W. Der Ballut empty them selves into the Jordan and the Mediterranean by the two Aujas.

1 When Josephus says loosely that they do not differ at all (BJ iii. 84 [(&/.} ; KO.T ovSev Sid^opos) he explains his meaning thus : they are made up of hilly country and level country ( opeii>ai icai irfSidSc;), are moist and fertile, etc.

2 Note that it is just opposite the W. Zerka, that great cleft in the Gilead plateau.

4. Plains, wadys, etc.[edit]

Geographically, as well as historically, the heart and centre of the land is Shechem. Embosomed in a forest of fruit gardens in a fair vale sheltered by the heights of Ebal and Gerizimi ; it sends out its roads, like arteries, over the whole land, distributing the impulse of its contact with foreign culture.

[huge detailed MAP OF EPHRAIM]

INDEX TO NAMES

Parentheses indicating articles that refer to the place-names are in certain cases added to non-biblical names having no biblical equivalent. The alphabetical arrangement usually ignores prefixes: abu ( father of), ain ( spring ), beit ( house ), beni ( sons ), birket ( pool ), dahret ( summit ), der ( monastery }, el ( the ), ghor ( hollow ), jehir ( hole ), karn ( horn ), kasr ( castle ), kefr ( village }, khan ( inn ), khirbet ( ruin }, makhddet ( ford }, mejdel ( castle }, merj ( meadow }, neby ( prophet ), rds ( summit ), sheikh ( saint ), taTat ( ascent ), tell ( mound ), thoghret ( pass }, wady ( valley ).

Abel-Meholah, CD 3 wady el-Abyad, D 3 Adamah or Adam, D 3 wady el- Adeimeh, D4 Adummim, C4 khan el-Ahmar, 4 (ADUMMIM) Ai, C4 Aijalon, and valley, B4 kal'at ras el-Ain, A 3 'Ainun, Cs W. Ajliin, D2 3 (BITH-RON) ras el-Akru, 2 (EPHRAIM, 4) Akrabeh, C 3 (EKREBEL) jehir Akrabeh, 3 (EPHRAIM, 4) Alemeth, C4 tell der Alia, D 3 (GiLEAD, 7) Almit, 4 Amateh, D 3 Amwas, A4 beit Anan, 64 (ELON-BETH-HANAN) Ananiah, B4 Anata and Anathoth, 4 Annabeh, A4 Antipatris, A 3 Aphek, A 3 Archi and ain Arik, 64 Arrabeh, 82 (DOTHAN) Artuf, A4 (ETAM, ROCK OF) Arumah, C 3 Asher, 2 Asiret (el-Hatab), C 3 Askar, C 3 (EPHRAIM, 4) tell Asur, C 4 Atara, 84 Ataroth-addar, 64 Kh. Atuf, C2 W. el- Aujeh, CD4 'Awarta, C 3 (GIBEAH, 2) wady Ayun Musa, D4 el-Azariyeh, B4 Azmaveth, 64

Baal-Hazor, 4 Baal-shalisha. 83 W. der Ballut, B 3 (EPHRAIM, 4, 7) ras el-Bedd, C 2 W. Beidfin, C 3 (EPHRAIM, 4) Benin, B4 esh-sheikh BeiySzid, B2 and neby Belan, C3 (EPHRAIM, 4) Bethany i, B4 Beth-aven, 4 Bethel, B 4 Beth-haccerem, 84 Beth hoglah, 4 the Beth-horons, 64 Beth-nimra, D 4 Beth-shemesh, A4 Bethulia, C2 Bezek, C2 el-Bireh, B4 (BEEROTH) W. el-Buke , CD 3 (EPHRAIM, 4) Burka, BC 4

Chephirah, B4 Chesalon, B4

W. abu Dab 4 (ZEBOIM) tal'at ed-Dam, C4 ed-Damieh, D 3 thoehret ed-Debr, 4 (DEBIR) beit Dejan, 3 (DAGON) der Diwan, C4 Docus, 04 Dothan and tell Duthan, B2 ain ed-Duk, 04

Mt. Ebal, C3 Eleasa, B4 Emmaus i, A4 ; 2, 64 Ephraim 2, C4 Ephron i, C 4 Eriha, 4 Kh. Erma, 84 (KIRIATH-JEARIM) Esora, C 3 Eshu , C 4 Eshtaol, 64

mejdel-beni-Fadel, C 3 and Fandakurniyeh, B2 (EPHRAIM, 4) ain Fara, Kh. Fara, and W. Fara, C4 (EUPHRATES) ain el-Fari'a, C2 (EPHRAIM) W. Fari'a, 3 (BETH-BARAH) wady Fasail C3 Fejja, A 3 Fer ata, B 3 tell el-Ful, B 4

Geba, 4 eastern Gederoth, A4 Mt. Gerizim, C 3 Gezer, A4 merj el-Gharak, C2 (EPHRAIM, 4) Gibeah, 84 Gibeah of Phinehas, B4 el-Ghor, Di, 2, 3 (JORDAN) wady Ghuweir, D4 Gibeon, 64 Gilgal (4), B3 ; (2), C4 ; (5), C3 Gimzo, A4

ain el-Habs, B4 (JOHN THE BAPTIST) Hadid, A4 Haditheh, A4 Kh. Haiyan, 4 tell el -Hajar, 4 ain Hajla, 64 kasr Hajla, 4 makhadet Hajla, D4 tell Hammam, D4 beit Hanina, 64 W. beit Hanina, B4(ISRAEL, 7) kefr Haris, B 3 (GAASH) Hazor 2, B4 Kh. Hazzur, 84 W. Hesban, D 4 (BETH-PEOR) wady el-Himar, D2 el-Hizmeh, C4 el-Hod, D 4 ain el-Hod, 4 (ENSHEMESH) wady el-Humr, C 3

wady Ibten Ghazal, D 3 Kh. Ibzlk and ras Ibzik, C2 (EPHRAIM, 4 [2]) W. el-Ifjim, C 3 (EPHRAIM, 4) Kh. Il asa, B 4 W. Imeish, B 4 (BETH-HORON) el- Isawiyeh, 64 wady Ish'ar, BC 3 (EPHRAIM, 4) wady Ishkar, A 3 (KANAH) jebel Islamlyeh, C 3

Jabbok, D 3 Jabesh Gilead, Da ras Jadir, Cz Janohah, C 3 Jeba , 62 (GEBA, 2) Jeba 4 (GEBA, i) Kh. Jedireh, A4 Jericho, Crusaders , C4 Jericho of OT, C 4 Jerusalem, B4 Jeshanah, B4 tell Jezer, A4 el-Jib, B 4 wady el-Jib, 83, 4 Jibia, 64 Jiljilia, B 3 (GiLGAL, 4) Jiljulieh, A 3 (GiLGAL, 6 a) birket Jiljuliyeh, C 4 Jimzu, A4 Jordan, Di-4 wady el-Jorfeh, D 4 W. el Jozeleh, D 3 Juleijil, 3

esh-sheikh Kamil, C 3 Kanah, AB 3 W. Kanah, AB 3 J. Karantel, 4 (JERICHO) Karawa, CD 3 (JERICHO) ain Karim, B 4 Karyat el- Inab, 84 W. abu Kaslan, BC 2 (EPHRAIM, 4) jebel el-Kebir, C 3 Kefora, 64 tell el-Kefrein, D 4 W. el-Kefrein, D 4 (ABEL-SHITTIM) wady el-Kelt, C4 W. el-Kerad, C 3 (EPHRAIM, 4) Kesla, B4 W. el-Khashneh, 2 (EPHRAIM, 4) W. el-Khudera, A2 Kibbiah, 84 (GIBBETHON) Kilkilieh, A 3 (Gn.c;Ai.,6a) Kirjath-jearim, 64 el-Kubab, A4 (Gon) el-Kuds, B 4 Kuloniyeh, B 4 Kuzah, B 3 (CHUSI)

Laishah, 64 Lebonah, B 3 Lifta, B 4 el-Lubban, B 3 (EPHRAIM, 4 [4]) Ludd, A 4 Lydda, A4

Madmenah, 64 Makhmas, 4 el-Makhna, BC 3 W. Malakeh, B 4 (EPHRAIM) ain Malih, and W. el-Malih, C2 (ABEL-MEHOLAH) W. el-Malih, AB 2 W. el-Maty ah, C 4 (Ai) Mazra at, C 3 W. nahr el-Mefjir, Az (KANAH) W. Meidan, D 4 Meithalun, 2 (ARRELA) W. el-Mellaha, CD 3 , 4 Meselieh, Cz Michmash, 4 Michmethah, BC 3 Midieh, AB 4 Kh. beit Mizza, 64 Mozah, 64 W. Mukelik, C 4

Naarath, 4 Nablus, C 3 W. abu Nar, 82 (APHEK, 3 ) W. Nawa imeh, CD4 (EMEK) beit Nebala, A4 Neballat, A4 Nephtoah, B4 W. en-Nimr, BC 4 (EPHRAIM, 4) tell Nimrin and W. Nimrin, beit Nuba, B4(ISHBIBENOB) nebi Nun, C 3 (JANOAH) nebi Nun, 2 (JOSEPH)

Ophrah 3 , B 3 ; 2, 4 Kh. el- Ormeh, C 3

Parah, C4

Raba, 2 Rabbith, C 2 er-Ram, B 4 Ramah I, B4 ; II, B3 Ramallah, 84 er-Rameh, 82 tell er-Rameh, 04 ras er-Rammali, C 2 ain er-Rawabi and W. er- Rawaby, C$ (ENSHEMESH) wady er-Retem, D 3 , 4 beit Rima, B 3 er-Rujeb, D 3 wady er-Rujeb, D 3 (ARGOB) Rujlb, 3 (EPHRAIM, 4 )

kefr Saba, A3 (ANTIPATRIS) tell es-Sa'idryeh, D2 ain es-Sakut, D2 Salim, 3 (EPHRAIM, 4 ) Samaria, 82 ain Samieh, C 4 wady Samieh,C 4 (EPHRAIM) nebi Samwil, 84 W. es-Sant, B 4 Sanur, 82 (BETHULIA) Sar a, A4 W. es-Sarar, AB 4 (MAKKEDAH) karn Sartabeh, C3 Sebustiyeh, 82 Seilun, C3 ghores-Seiseban, D4(BETH-PEOR) W. Selhab, BCa (DOTHAN) W. Selman, AB 4 (BETH-HORON) Sha'fat, 84 W. esh-Shn ir (EPHRAIM,4) and ain esh-Shamsiyeh, 82 Shechem, C3 ain Shems, A4 Sheri at el-Kebireh, Di-4 Shiloh, C 3 wady ShubSsh, CD 2 abu Shusheh, A 4 (GEZER) wady es-Sidr, D 3 wady abu Sidreh, D 3 ain Sinia, B 4 Sinjil, C 3 (EPHRAIM, 4 ) beit Sira, 84 (BETH-HORON) Kh. Sirlsia, 83 ain es-Sultan, C4 ain Suwemeh, D4 khirbet Suwemeh, 04 W. es-Suwemt, 4 (GEBA)

Taanath-Shiloh, C 3 et-Taiyibeh, C 4 jebel Tammun, C-2 Ta'na, C 3 wady abu Tara, D 4 et-Tawanik, C 3 (EPHRAIM, 4) et-Tell, C 4 Teyaslr and Thebez, 2 Kh. kefr Thilth, B 3 (BAAL-SHALISHA) Tibneh, B 3 Timnath-heres, 8 3 W. et-Tin, AB 2 et-Tireh, A 3 (ANTIPATRIS) jebel et-Tor, C 3 Tubas, C2

merj ibn Umer, AB 4 Umm el- AmdSn, Da ras Umm el-Kbarrubeh, C3 dahret Umm el-Kubeish, Cz ras Umm Zoka, D2 beit Ur el-Foka, B 4 beit Ur et-Tahta, B 4

wady Yabis, D2 Yalo, 15 4 Kh. Yanun, C 3 Yasid, 2 (EPHRAIM, g 4) Yasnf B 3 (JOSEPH) Yerzeh, C2 (P>HRAIM, 7)

Zarethan, C 3 Valley of Zeboim, C 4 blr ez-Zeit, 84 (AZOTUS) W. Zemir, A8 2 N. ez-ZerkS, D 3 Zorah, A 4


1. Northwestwards the W. esh-Sha lr winds past the open end of the Samaria plain down to Sharon.

From the plain of Samaria, whose island city-fortress the sagacity of Omri made for centuries the capital, one gets by the valley up to near Yasid and then down the W. Abu Kaslun, or by a road over the saddle of Beyazid, into the upland plains of Fandakumiyeh and Marj el-Garak, and on to Sahl Arrabeh, Dothan, and the plain of Megiddo.

2. The E. end of the vale of Shechem is the plain of Askar.

If one turns to the left, the steep, rugged gorge of W. Bedan (with its precipitous cliffs, surmounted by Ebal on the left and by Neby Belan on the right) takes one down northwards to the great crumpled basin which collects the waters of the W. Fari a, the main avenue of access from Gilead 2 by the ford of ed- Damieh, less than 20 m. off.

W. Fari a turns off to the right (SE). Straight on (NE.) past Ain Fari a is the road to Reisan in the Jordan plain, passing by the large village of Tubas (identified by some with THKBEZ, q.v.), which lies (10 m. from Nablus) looking down the \V. Buke , by Teyasir (identified by some with ASHER [q.v., ii.]) in a secluded and fertile open valley near the head of the \V. Malih and by Kb. Ibzik (BEZEK), and through the W. Khashneh, with its hills thickly ciothed with wild olives.

On the left all along the road is the watershed, with the heights of Talluza (1940 ft. ; a village on a knoll commanding a fine view of W. Fari a), the barren rounded top of Ras el- Akra (2230 ft.), and Ras Ibzik (2404 ft.), which rises 1400 ft. above Teyasir.

3. Straight in front of the E. exit from Shechem the plain of Askar connects with the plain of Salim leading on to Ta na (TAANATH-SHILOH) at the head of W. el-Kerad, which leads through the steep W. Ifjim down to the Jordan.

4. On the right the plain of Askar (see SYCHAR) leads S. into the plain of Rujib and the plain of Makhneh, the route to the S. passing on across ridges and valleys through the deep plain of Lubhan, round the heights of Sinjil leaving up on the left, shut in between high bare mountains, the ancient temple- city of Shiloh (near it the open plain of Merj el- Id) on through the W. el-Jib, under the heights of Tell Asur (E. of which is the enclosed plain of Merj Sia), up to the plateau of Betin (Bethel) and el-Bireh, and so on to Jerusalem and the south.

5. West of the line just described, leading south from the plain of Askar, a maze of valleys gradually simpli fies itself into the great arterial wadys that lead down to the maritime plain and finally unite in the lower course of the Auja..

These are the W. Kanah, the W. Deir Ballut, and the W. Malakeh : the Deir Ballut, with its two [or three] great con verging branches (the straight W. Ish ar beginning in a little plain south of the village of Akraba upon the main watershed, and the deep W. en-Nimr) ; the W. Malakeh, with its deep head valleys beginning below el-Bireh. South of the W. Malakeh is the W. Selman, the country drained by which is enclosed in the great sweep of the W. Sarar, which, beginning just below el-BIreh, describes a semicircle and enters the sea as N. Rubin due W. of er-Ramleh.

6. South of Gerizim the watershed lies east of the traveller s route. Just as, north of the W. Fari a, we have seen, there runs along the watershed a suc cession of valleys or plains, so from the S. foot of et-Tawanik (2847) the Jehlr Akrabah runs S. as far as Mejdel - beni -Fadel (2146), overlooked by Yanun (JANOAH) in the northern part, and by the modern village of Akrabeh (2045) about midway. Then, however, the system becomes more complex, till at Tell Asur we reach the Bethel plateau.

7. The district of the open valley of Fandakiimiye and the enclosed plain Marj el-Garak is, we saw, partly separated from the Samaria valley by the Bayazld range. Farther north are the plains of Dothan, Arrabeh, and the W. Selhab. If the W. Fari a was the route of the invasions from the east (Nomads, Aramseans, Assyrians), the upland plain of Dothan was the great route across from Sharon to the east end of the plain of Megiddo. There were other routes (W. Ara, etc.) farther NW. By these routes the armies of Egypt and the other great states passed and repassed for centuries and centuries. The low hill-land beyond the plain of Dothan culmin ates in the height of Sheikh Iskander, north of which the W. Ara divides it from the still lower hill -land called Bilad Ruha which stretches across to W. el- Milh, beyond which rises the range of CARMEL [y.z .].

Mt. Ephraim is thus divided across the middle (by the great valleys that continue the vale of Shechem) into a northern and a southern half. The northern of these again is divided by the great line of plains and valleys that reaches from the Jordan plain near Gilboa southwestwards to the Makhneh. The NW. quarter is remarkable for its plains ; the NE. for its series of parallel valleys (especially the great W. Fari a) running down SE. to the Ghor. In the southern half the SW. is remarkable for its maze of wadys (note the long straight W. Ish ar that runs down thirteen miles without a bend SW. from Akrabe) coagulating at the base of Tell Asur and below el-Bireh, and its great valleys converging into the Auja ; the SE. for its heights, plains, and plateaus, and the series of deep rugged wadys (note in particular the deep W. el- Aujah leading up to Tell Asur and the W. Kelt - Suwenit leading up to the Benjamin plateau) that furrow its eastern declivity.

Such is Ephraim ; a land well watered and fertile, a land of valleys, plains, and heights, a land open to the commerce, the culture, and the armies of the world.

5. Inhabitants.[edit]

i. Relation to Manasseh.[edit]

Not all the Ephraim district, however, was regarded as belonging to the Ephraim tribe: part was peopled by men of Machir-Manasseh (see MANASSEH). Their towns were apparently chiefly in the N. A writer of disputed date tried to delimit a northern portion to be assigned to Manasseh (see below, n) ; but from the fragments of another account (id. ) it would seem that there was in reality no geographical boundary. The whole highland country was Ephraim ; certain towns were specially Manassite. The fact that in the whole OT there is scarcely a case of a man being called an Ephraimite suggests that Ephraim was hardly ever a tribe name in the ordinary sense : the leading men were men of Ephraim unless they were otherwise described.

The two cases occurring in the MT are those of (a) Jeroboam and (b) Elkanah the father of Samuel. Both are doubtful.

(a) Jeroboam is called an Ephrathite (e(/>pa#[]<. [BAL]) in 1 K. Il26( = MT); but in L 1228 = " 122 4 ^, in the other recension of the story (see KINGS, 3), he is only a man of Mount Ephraim (ef opou? E^paiju. [BL]).l

(b) The genealogy of Samuel (i S. 1 1) is corrupt (see ELIHU, 2 ; ELKANAH, i). <E> A follows MT (wiou SOUTT E<f>paeaios) ; but <B BI - read Ephraim (viou 2<oc e opovs E<pouju. [L] ; tv Nao-eijS E$PCUJU. = N rr:33, > N ^IIS p> son of Zuph of Ephraim [B]).

The mutual relations of the branches of Joseph are somewhat perplexing (see MANASSEH, and cp JOSEPH i. ).

J, E, and P appear to agree in representing Ephraim as the younger (Gen. 48 1 8 [J], 41 51 [E], Josh. 17 i [P]) ; but whilst J and E lay stress on the preeminence attributed by Jacob-Israel to the younger (Gen. 48 14 196 [J], v. 2o [E]), P usually speaks of Manasseh and Ephraim. 2

The significance of the distinctions just referred to has been explained in various ways.

It has been supposed that in the seniority of Manasseh lay a reference to early attempts at monarchy (GIDEON, JEPHTHAH, ABIMELECH) ; whilst in the blessing of Ephraim lay a reference to the undisputed preeminence of the monarchy established by Jeroboam I. Of this latter reference there can be no doubt. The meaning of the seniority of Manasseh is not so certain, especially when we bear in mind how in Israelitish legend preference of the younger is almost universal. Jacobs has acutely argued that this preference is simply a survival of the forgotten custom of junior birthright, which the later legend - moulders misunderstood.

There is a rather obscure allusion in Is. 9 21 [20] to discord between Ephraim and Manasseh. The reference may be to conflict between rival factions in the last years of the northern kingdom. Legend told of rivalries also in the pre-historic period (see JEPHTHAH, GIDEON).

The currents that stirred the troubled waters of Samarian politics cannot now be fully traced : Shallum and Pekah may have been Gileadites (see JABESH, 2 ; ARGOB, 2), Menahem was perhaps a Gadite 3 (see GAD, 10). The family of Jehu may have belonged to Ephraim (see, however, ISSACHAR, 4). 4

1 See, further, Cheyne s theory of Jeroboam's origin on the mother s side (JEROBOAM, i).

- Sometimes, however, P gives the other order. See, es pecially, Gen. 48 5. See, more fully, MANASSEH.

3 Baasha was an Issacharite ; Tibni may have been a Naphtalite (see GINATH). It was, according to Cheyne, against the Ephraimite city of Tappuah that Menahem took such cruel vengeance (see TIPHSAH). It has been conjectured that Omri also was of Issachar (Guthe, GVI, 138). Cp ISSACHAR, 4.

4 It is to be noted that in this family the name Jeroboam recurs. & The same is true of the Blessing of Moses (Dt. 33). V. i-jb

is a gloss.

6 Cp We. C77(2) 3 22, (3)324. C. J. Ball, however, would transfer the word rns to the saying on Naphtali (PSBA 17 173 [ 95]). For other views see Di. s commentary. Cheyne's suggested restoration of the passage is mentioned in the next note.

ii. Relation to Joseph.[edit]

If there is some difference of usage in regard to the order of the tribes Ephraim and Manasseh, there is agreement as to their being brothers. Still there is at times a tendency to regard them as a single tribe (see JOSEPH i. ). The question therefore arises whether their distinctness was on the increase or on the decrease. Did they unite to form Joseph, or did Joseph split up into Ephraim and Manasseh (for a similar question see BENJAMIN, if. } ?

In the Blessing of Jacob as we find it in our Genesis, Ephraim and Manasseh do not appear ; 6 they are represented by Joseph. There is indeed a play on the name Ephraim (v. 22) ; 6 but as there is no reference to Manasseh, Ephraim might be not part but the whole of Joseph. This may be so. On the other hand the Song of Deborah already recognises two tribes ; Ephraim and Machir seem (already) to be found side by side W. of the Jordan. l

Whether the designation of Benjamin as a brother, and of Ephraim and Manasseh as sons of Joseph implies a popular belief that when Benjamin definitely separated from Joseph, Manasseh was not yet distinguished clearly from Ephraim we cannot say ; nor yet whether such a belief, if it existed, was based on any real tradition (cp MANASSEH).

The general result is : on the whole, Joseph was in early times equated with Ephraim, which included Machir -Manasseh and Benjamin (cp above, 3 ; JOSEPH i. ). On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that Joseph was doubtless originally a group of clans.

6. Legends about their settlement.[edit]

There seems to have been much speculation as to how Ephraim came to be settled where he was. The great sanctuaries would have their legends. At GlLGAL [q.v.] in the plain of Jericho which, though not in the highlands, belonged to N. Israel, priests may have told how a great Ephraimitish hero, after erecting their sacred circle of stones (Josh. 4 20, E) and leading the immigrant clans from Gilead against JERICHO and other places, had encamped for long by their sanctuary (Josh. 1015 = 43: (5 om. ; perhaps late), and how there Yahwe had instructed the tribes to what part of the highlands they were to ascend to find a home (Judg. li). Up on the plateau, at the royal sanctuary of Bethel, it was told how their fathers had effected an entrance into the city (Judg. 125), and how the mound that now stood two miles off in the direction of Jericho had once been a royal Canaanite city, till their fathers, with much difficulty, had stormed it and made it the heap it now was (Josh. 828). At the great natural centre of the land, home of many stocks, conflicting stories were told of quiet settlements, of treaties, of treacherous attacks, of a legal purchase (cp DINAH, 3), of a great assembly gathered to hear the last admonition of the veteran Ephraimite leader (Josh. 24), and how he had set up the great stone under the terebinth (v. 26). Shiloh, too, must have had its settlement stories to tell, especially how the great Ephraimitic shrine (see ARK) had been there ; but these stories have perished (for a possible trace of a late story see MELCHIZEDEK, 3). When its temple was lying in ruins there was written (in circles of students who had never seen Shiloh) a book which explained that after Israel had conquered the whole of Canaan, they were assembled there by the successors of Moses and Aaron to set up a wonderful sacred tent and to distribute by lot the holy land (Josh. 18 i 14 i). Timnath-heres boasted that it was the resting-place of the great leader of Ephraim (see below). Shechem even claimed that near at hand were buried the bones of the great eponym of the house of Joseph (Josh. 24 32, E). The legendary history was carried back still farther. Joseph, though he entered by way of Gilead, came from Egypt, where Kphraim and Manasseh were born. 2 In fact they were really Egyptian ; but Jacob-Israel had adopted them (Gen. 48 E). 3 Even before that, Joseph had been at Shechem and Dothan (JOSEPH i. 3), Jacob-Israel had founded the royal sanctuary at Bethel (Gen. 8614 [J], and 28 18 [E]), and reared the sacred pillar at Shechem 4 (Gen. 33 20 [E]), and Abraham had built altars at Shechem (Gen. 12 7 [J]), and at Bethel (v. 8 [J]).

1 It has been suggested that in an earlier form of the text the Blessing of Jacob also perhaps mentioned not Joseph but Ephraim and Manasseh (Che. PSBA 21 243/1 [ 99]).

2 This, however, may be merely an incident in the story, un avoidable since Joseph, the hero, never left Egypt.

3 Cp Bertholet, Stellung, 50.

4 On Jacob s well see SYCHAR.

It is pretty clear that Ephraim had forgotten how he came there. Some seem to have thought that before the Israelites known to history settled in Ephraim there were others, who eventually moved southward (see SIMEON, LEVI, DINAH, JUDAH). It was remembered that there had been more Danites on the western slopes of Ephraim than there were in later times (D.\N, "2ff.}. It is unlikely that it was believed that there had been a settlement of Amalekites. l On the other hand, it has been suggested that there may be a trace of an ancient tribe in the neighbourhood of Shechem (see GIRZITE). The evidence for the preponderating Canaanite element in Shechem has been referred to already. The ancient Canaanite city of Gezcr, once an Egyptian fortress, which, we are told, became Israelite in the days of Solomon, was hardly in Mt. Ephraim ; but it belonged to Ephraim (see GEZER). Issachar may have been re presented on Mt. Ephraim s NE. slopes (see ISSACHAK, 8). There were late Israelitish writers who thought that Asher, too, had its claims, and it has recently been suggested that there may really be traces of an early stay of people of Asher south of Carmel (see ASHER, 3). Timnath-heres is said to have been settled by Joshua (see JOSHUA i. ). Of a clan of this name in historic times we have no evidence, and the same is true of RAHAB \<j.v.\ On the extraordinarily meagre Ephraimite genealogy in Chronicles and on its points of contact with other tribes, see below ( 12).

7. Extra-biblical data.[edit]

The extra-biblical hints are vague in the extreme and difficult to turn to account.

i. The long list of places conquered by Thotmes III. probably contains some towns in central Ephraim.

Flinders Petrie (Hist. Egypt 2 323-332) proposes a consider able number of identifications, including, e.g., Shechem and several places near it ; Yerzeh, Teyasir, and Raha in the NE ; and not a few places in the SW, from W. Der Ballut southwards.

When the land of Haru was added to the Egyptian Empire it can hardly have sufficed to seize the towns on the margin : Y-ra-da (?), Mi-k-ti-ra (Mejdel Yaba? so WMM), Gezer (Ka-d i-ru, 104). Even if we could identify with certainty, however, many names of towns, we should still know nothing about the people who occupied them. Special interest and importance, however, attaches to two unidentified sites which, it would seem, must be in Ephraim the much-discussed 1 Jacob-el and Joseph-el. The reading Jacob may be treated as fairly sure ; but that of Joseph is questionable (see JOSEPH i. i). For the interpreta tion of these names we must be content to wait for more light (see, for a suggestion, JACOB, i). We may hope, however, that they have, something to tell us of the origin of Ephraim.

ii. As the report of the early expedition of Amen hotep II. contains nothing that casts light on our present problems, 2 our next data belong to the time of Amenhotep IV. Unfortunately, though the Amarna correspondence tells us a good deal about the fortified towns in Palestine 3 and their conflicts, it sheds little light on the central highlands. Knudtzon s proposal to read m Sa-ak-mi for Winckler s mdt-su la-a(l)-tni in letter 185, /. 10, however, brings the Habiri into connection with the land of Shechem 4 in a very interesting way. 5 Moreover, we must remember that the tablets rescued from destruction are only some of those that were found at Tell el-Amarna. Those that were allowed to perish may have referred to other Ephraimite places. If, however, there really were few (if any) Egyptian fortresses in that tract, the Habiri might be already settling there without our hearing of them. 1

1 On Judg. 614 see below, 8; on Judg. 12 15 ( mountain of the Amalekite ), see PIRATHON, i.

2 We have no details of Syrian expeditions of Thotmes IV. Amenhotep III. was engaged in other concerns.

3 Ashkelon, Bif-Ninib (see IR-HERES), Aijalon, Zorah, Gimti (see GATH), Gezer, perhaps Beth-shean (see Knudtzon, Beiti: z. Assyr. 4iu), Megiddo.

4 The passage remains obscure. Knudtzon^.cOsaysthat^tablet 185 is a continuation of 182. In addition to reading Sakii for mat-su /-(?)-;/ he reads jna-sar-tii for Winckler s ma-ku-ut in /. 7, and provisionally renders lines 6 <$-i i (KB 5 no. 185) thus: and the people of Ginti are a garrison in Bitsfmi, and, indeed, we have to do (in the same way?) after Labaya and Sakmi have contributed (cp no. 180 /. 16) to the Habiri (so Knudtzon kindly informs the present writer).

5 Are we to compare with this the story of Gen. 34? Accord ing to Marquart (Philologvs, suppl. bd. 76SoJf.), the Habiri immigration is to be brought into connection with the settlement of the Leah-tribes : Joseph came later. Cp Steuernagel, Josua, 151 (in //A )- See JUDAH.

iii. The contests of Seti I. were in S. Phoenicia and Galilee. When we again get a glimpse of Palestine in the time of Ram(e)ses II. it is once more the border towns that are named : Heres, Luz, Sa-ma-sa-na. 2

iv. To Ram(e)ses successor we owe what is perhaps the most interesting statement of all. Israel, says Merenptah, is devastated; and Israel, it is to be noted, is not a place but a people. If we assume that the people referred to were settled in Ephraim, nothing very definite can be urged against the assumption or for it 3 (cp ISRAEL, 7 ; EGYPT, 59).

The cities mentioned in Ram(e)ses III. s list seem to be Amorite, north of Galilee (As. u. Eur. 227).

Until hieroglyphic or cuneiform (or Hittite) records shed some more light on the scene, accordingly, we must remain without definite information as to the early history of Ephraim. It is clear, however, that the girdle of Canaanite cities was of remote antiquity and practically certain that there were already towns up in the highlands Shechem, perhaps Luz, and others. The population was no doubt mixed ; Habiri, although we have no certain mention of them, may have immi grated there also.

8. Earliest memories.[edit]

The earliest incontestable fact that Ephraim remembered was the great fight with Sisera ; 4 but they may have known no more about who he was than we do (see SlSERA >- What part Ephraim played in the great conflict, the condition of the text in Judg. 5:14 does not enable us to say with certainty. 5 Perhaps we should read : Out of Ephraim they went down into the plain. It is not likely that Ephraim supplied the leader (see DEBORAH).

It was not only along its northern border that Ephraim was exposed to attack. The open valleys and easy fords, 6 which, when circumstancesfavoured, united it with Gilead, exposed it to the inroads 7 of the still nomadic peoples of the east. Stories were told at OPHRAH [q. v. ] and elsewhere of heroic fights (see GIDEON), and of spirited colonies sent out (see MANASSEH). PiRATHON 8 and SHAMIR, an unidentified place in Mount Ephraim, seem to have boasted that they had produced heroes in the time of old (see ABDON, TOLA). The Shechemites even told of how they came, for a time, to have a. tyrannos, and how they got rid of him again (ABIMELECH, 2).

1 C. Niebuhr also suggests that the Habiri were already settled in Mt. Ephraim (Der alte Orient\6o).

2 The pap. Anast. I., however, appears to mention again the mountain of Shechem (As. u. Eur. 394, note to pp. 172-175).

3 It has even been suggested that Yi-si-ra-al maybe not really Israel at all (see JEZREEI. i. i). On the other hand Marquart (I.e.) inclines to explain the name as referring to the Leah-tribes, supposed to be still resident in central Palestine (see JUDAH).

  • S. A. Fries (Sphinx, 1 214 [Upsala, 97]), and Hommel

(AHT, p. xiii n. 3) find a genuine tradition of a still earlier event in the quaint story in i Ch. 721^-25. See, however, below, 12 (towards end) and cp BERIAH.

5 J. Marquart (Fund. 6 [96]), following Winckler (AOF 1 193) reads,

pojn ray nnsx jo
pppno ITV -no :p
Out of Ephraim they descended into the plain
Out of Machir went down leaders."

So also Budde, A"//C ad loc. P. Ruben (JQR 10 ssoyC) reads

n.rpnj;? ;o J3D nn [xns -\iy] D TBM JD . . .

6 There are said to be, between the Lake of Galilee and the Dead Sea, 54 fords : 5 near Jericho, the rest between W. ez-Zerkfi and the Lake of Galilee (Guthe, C/> /4 7 ).

7 We read of attacks by Ammon, Moab, Midian, and Assyria, in addition to the Philistines and the Egyptians. Judah often escaped.

8 Even if the view advocated in the article PIRATHON be adopted, Abdon may perhaps be claimed for Mt. Ephraim. Abdon is Benjamite.

9. Transition.[edit]

Of greatest historical importance was the life-and-death struggle with hated non-Semitic rivals (see PHILISTINES). North Ephraim claimed a share in the glory of the struggle of those dark days ; but when the cloud lifts the hegemony is passing to Benjamin. If the monarchy thus involved a loss to N. Ephraim, there was also a gain ; Gilead and Ephraim were bound together more closely (on earlier relations see JEPHTHAH, 3, 5 [end] ; GAD, 2 ; MACHIR). Indeed when the disaster of Gilboa laid Israel once more at the feet of the Philistines, the connection with Gilead was found to be very valuable (see ISHBAAL, i). How, exactly, Ephraim was brought under the sway of the state that was rising beyond the belt of Canaanite cities to the S. , is not very clear (see DAVID, 6, ISHBAAL, i, ABNER, ISRAEL, i6fr). The skill and energy of David must have been great. It is difficult to believe, however, that he effected in Ephraim all that has been attributed to him by Winckler. Still the change must have been profound. How far there may have been an influx of people from the S. we cannot tell. Others besides Absalom (2 S. 1823) may have acquired possessions in Mt. Ephraim. Although we must on general grounds assume that there were dialectical differences, chiefly in pronunciation, between the various Hebrew-speaking, as between other, communities peculiarities of the Shibboleth type are universal they cannot have had any effect on freedom of intercourse. The fixing of the capital at Jerusalem was most politic. It was perhaps in a belt hitherto unclaimed, scarcely ten miles from Bethel. Ephraim might regard it and the other Canaanite cities annexed as a gain in territory. The fairs at the great Ephraimite sanctuaries would now be open to people from Mt. Judah and the Negeb in a way that would hardly have been possible before. Ephraimite legend became enriched. Abraham, e.g. , it came to be said, had built an altar at Shechem (Gen. 12 7 [J]) and at Bethel (v. 8 [J]).

Many interesting questions arise.

When did the general interweaving of legends take place? How was it possible to deposit the great Ephraimite shrine in Jerusalem? (see ARK). How did Ephraim act in the Absalom rebellion and in that of Sheba? How was Solomon's overseer of the whole house of Joseph related to his prefect of Ephraim? The former, of course, had his official residence at the natural centre of the land, Shechem. The latter, whether or not he was a son of Zadok and of Beth-horon (see BEN-HUR), may have resided nearer Jerusalem (see also below, 12).

10. Monarchy.[edit]

The final schism cannot have taken anyone by surprise (JEROBOAM, 1 ; SOLOMON, 2 ; ISRAEL, 28) The old royal city of Shechem was naturally the scene of the negotiations and the first seat of the monarchy of Ephraim. 1 The links between Gilead and Ephraim, geographical and historical, were too close to be severed now. The kingdom of Ephraim included Gilead. That is to say, Gilead, if it befriended David (against Judah? see MAHANAIM), would not go out of its way to help his sons. For two eventful centuries Ephraim main tained a real or nominal independence. How it sub ordinated Judah, contended with Aram, allied itself with Phoenicia, was distracted by constant dynastic changes and yet reached a high level of civilization and produced a wonderful literature, is told elsewhere.

Shechem, indeed, centre of the land though it was, was not able to maintain itself as the capital. It may not have been quite suitable from a military point of view. It had to yield to Tirzah (an important but somewhat tantalising place-name, see TIRZAH) and then to Samaria, which was well able to stand even a regular siege. In historical times the great sanctuaries were Bethel and Gilgal. See also GIBEON, SHILOH. That any attempt was made to centralise religious festivals at one sanctuary in Ephraim there is no evidence.

A. Duff, however, has propounded 2 the interesting theory that such a project had been conceived, that indeed the kernel of the book of Deuteronomy originated in Ephraim, and that the (now) unnamed sanctuary meant in it was originally that of Shechem (see now Theol. ofOT, 225 39 n., 50 n., sgf.).

  • On the Egyptian incursion see SHISHAK.

2 In a paper read before the Society of Historical Theology, Oxford ( 1896).

However that may be, there must have been other great thinkers besides Hosea. Ephraim produced a DECALOGUE and a longer code (see EXODUS ii. 3), and must have had otherwise a share in the development of that mass of ritualistic prescrip tion which was ultimately codified in Judah (see LAW LITERATURE). If it had its Elis, 1 Samuels, and Elishas, whom legend loved to glorify, we must not forget the men of name unknown whose only memorial is their work : the work of its story-tellers, annalists, poets, and other representatives of social or religious movements, whose achievements are dealt with elsewhere. We probably under-estimate rather than over-estimate the debt of Judah to Ephraim. 2

See HISTORICAL LITERATURE; POETICAL LITERATURE; ELISHA ; ELIJAH ; PROPHET ; IDOLATRY.

The accessibility to the outer world, however, to which Ephraim owed its rapid advance, occasioned also its fall. In the struggle with Aram, it lost much ; and when Aram was swamped in the advancing tide of Assyrian conquest another great turning-point in Ephraim s history was at hand. How, precisely, it was affected by the Assyrian conquest, how it fared when the Semitic Empire passed to Persia, what befel it during the long struggles between Ptolemy and Seleucid, Seleucid and Maccabee, Palestinian and Roman, will be discussed elsewhere (see SAMARIA, and cp ISRAEL).

On the late notion of a Messiah called Ephraim, 3 or son of Ephraim, * or son of Joseph, etc., alongside of the son of David" (TH 73 n B D) see Hamburger, RE, artt. Messias- leiden and Messias Sohn Joseph ; cp MESSIAH; JOSEPH [husband of Mary].

11. P's boundary.[edit]

Great difficulty in the way of a true knowledge of the history of Ephraim is occasioned by its rivalry with Judah. This has distorted the perspective, broken the outlines, and tinged the colour, of the picture that has reached us. A. Bernstein tried to show how Ephraimite patriotism might account for many points in the patriarch stories. It is certain that Ephraim has suffered at the hands of the writers of Judah. The account of the occupation of the Ephraim highlands in Joshua is surprisingly meagre. All that lies N. of Bethel is passed over in silence (cp JOSHUA ii. 9). The indications of the boundary of Ephraim as they appear in the post-exilic book are very incomplete and only partly intelligible. The critical analysis is still disputed. Great confusion prevails, and the text is bad. Apparently the southern border is represented as reaching from the Jordan at Jericho up to Bethel (Be tin), to Ataroth Addar ( Afdrd?; see ARCHITES, ATAROTH, 2), down west wards to the territory of the Japhletite ( PALTI ) and of the BETH-H6RONS (Bef Or), and on to GEZER (Tell (jezer) and the sea. The northern boundary is given eastwards and westwards from [the plain of] MICH- METHATH (el-Makhnal). Eastward it reaches to TAANATH-SHILOH (Tana), on to JANOHAH (Kh. Ydnun), Ataroth (unidentified), NAARATH ( Ain Sdmieh ?), Jericho and the Jordan ; westwards it pro ceeds from Asher of the Michmethath (see ASHER ii. ) east of Shechem southwards to EN-TAPPUAH, and the course of the KANAH ( W. Kanah ?), and on to the sea (ITy-g). One of the writers who have contributed to the account just sketched, however, is aware that this representation is somewhat arbitrary (cp above, 5, i. ), and so he proposes (Josh. 16 9) to give a list of Ephraimite cities beyond the Manassite border. Some editor has unfortunately removed the list. The list of Ephraimite cities, too, that E must have given has been removed.

1 Are we to add Moses? Guthe says yes (Gl fzz).

2 A. Duff throws out the suggestion that Nahum may have been of northern descent (op. cit. 2 36 46).

DIX rt 5 D DHSX- See the statements in Pesikta. Rabbathi (ed. Friedmann, 161 6). 4 Targ. Jon. on Ex. 40 n.


12. Genealogies.[edit]

P's 'genealogy' of Ephraim is not only very meagre (cp above, 11) but also somewhat obscure. We have it in two forms:1 in Nu 26:35-36 and as reproduced by the Chronicler, in i Ch. 720-25.

A study of the variants in and Pesh. and of the re petitions (noticed by A. C. Herveyp in MT, leads to the following hypothetical results (reached independently of Hervey ; see further JQK vol. 13, Oct. [1900]).

Bered (? . 20) should be deleted as a corruption of BECHER [//.?>. J, which has strayed hither from the genealogy of Benjamin. Zabad is simply a duplicate of Bered, and Ezer of Elead. The middle letter (s/i) of Resheph (zi. 25) belongs really to the next name, Telah. What is left Reph is a duplicate of Rephah (see below). Thus emended the list stands

1. (v. 20) Shuthelah Tahath Eleadah
2. 3 (v. 21) Tahath Shuthelah Elead (or Ezer)
3. (v. 25) Shuthelah Tahan Ladan

We have thus simply a triplet written thrice. The third name may be really Eleadah or (so Pesh. in v. 21) Eleazer : Azariah, Klostermann has suggested, may have been the name of Solomon s prefect over Ephraim, perhaps of Beth-horon (cp BEN-HUR) ; see below, and above, 9 (end).

The middle name appears here and elsewhere (in the genealogy of Samuel ; and in that of Reuel the Midianite) in many forms : Tahath, Tohu, Tahan, Nahath. The last may be what the Chronicler wrote : note the story of the Ephraimites who descended against Gath (nnj = < descend ).

The triplet is followed by an appendix the prince of Ephraim and its great hero.

The Ephraimite clans mentioned in the historical books are few : Nahath or Tahath, Zuph (in one genealogy of Samuel ; the first also a son of Reuel, Gen. 3(5 13 17), Nebat (cp JEROBOAM i.). On the story in w. at / -a-; see BERIAH, vf.

13. Town lists.[edit]

Between the recurring triplets and the genealogical appendix there is a list of towns : the Beth-horons (see above, ii) and and Hepher (?), founded perhaps by Eleazar. 4 In the blank, MT has Uzzen-sheerah. Perhaps we should read Ir-serah (cp (B 1 -) or Ir-heres. The degree of probability of the suggestions in 12 varies. Several seem almost certain.

To the genealogical list are appended two geographical lists : v. 28, a pentad of Ephraimite border towns in Joshua, with the addition of Ai ; and v. 29, a pentad of towns which Manasseh was unable to occupy (=Josh. 17 n = Judg. l2 7 ).

Of other towns that must have been in Ephraim we find mention of MICRON (Alakrun), GiBEAH of Phinehas (Jfbid), GlBBEATH-HA-ARALOTH, BAAL-HAZOR.

Ramah (er-Ram) was fortified by Baasha against Judah. It has been suggested that Jericho was fortified by Jehu against the Aramaeans (JEHU, 3).

Many of the most famous Ephraimite sanctuaries were in the part of Ephraim that was called BENJAMIN (q.-v. , 6) ; but the holy mountains EBAL, GERIZIM, and CARMEL must always have had a high place in the regard of Israel. Ramah (Beit-Klmd), Shiloh, Shechem, Ophrah, Timnath-heres, and Samaria must all have had important sanctuaries. We perhaps learn incidentally of the destruction of some unnamed Ephraimite sanctuary in the story of the founding of Dan. H. W. H.

1 The omission of it in Gen. 46 [MT] may be due to P s mentioning only grandsons of Jacob (cp MANASSEH).

2 The Genealogies of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 361-364 [ 53].

3 L gives the names in line 2 in the same order as in i and 3.

4 For rr\WO 1ml : ID S read perhaps Kin itf N : W3 or rather

rn NI,I : irra-

8 On the proverb about bringing straw to Ephraim ), see JANNES.

EPHRAIM[edit]

(Dn?N, 100, 107; edjp&iM [BA], |~o4>p. [L])i a city near Baal-Hazor (see HAZOR, 2), mentioned in the story of Absalom (2 S. 1823 ; see Dr. TBS, ad loc.). Possibly the name should be Ephraim, with ain for aleph (Q IEJ? ; 6 cp (S5 L ), and the place identified with Ephron in 2 Ch. 13 19 (see EPHRON, i. i). So, cautiously, Buhl (p. 177), who also thinks the same city may be meant (i) in i Mace. 1134 (where the governments of APHEREMA [q.v. ], Lydda, and Ramathem are said to have been added to Judaea from Samaria) ; (2) in Jn. 1154 (where Jesus is said to have withdrawn to the country near the wilderness, to a city called Ephraim [typaifi, all editors, but NL, Vet. Lat. , Vg. , Memph. e<pe/t]) ; and (3) in Jos. BJ\v. 9g (Bethel and E<j>paifM, two small cities taken by Vespasian).

A village called Efrem is defined by Jerome (OS 94 7) as being 5 R. m. K. of Bethel ; Eus. (222 40) writes the name a</>pr)A.(?). We also hear (11830) of an Efrjea, 20 R. m. N. of Olia. This position agrees well with that of the modern ef- Taiyibeh, which occupies a splendid (and no doubt ancient) site crowning a conical hill on a high ridge 4m. NE. of Bethel (BR 2 121 427). See OPHRAH.

These identifications, however, are by no means all certain. The site of Baal-hazor, and therefore also of Ephraim in 2 S. /. c. , cannot be said to be fixed. Indeed, the reading may perhaps be questioned (for analogies see MAHANAIM) ; Gratz would read in the valley (pcya) of Rephaim. The city in Jn. 11 54 also is very doubtful (for different views see Keim, Jesu von Nazara, 3 7, n. 2). It is even possible that the Greek text is corrupt, and that etppai/j. arose out of an indistinctly written tepetx^- 1 By this hypothesis we can reconnect Jn. with the Synoptic tradition. Keim s remarks (Jesus von Nazara, 87) may be compared with those of Ewald in Gesch. Christus, 416. The round about journey of which Ewald speaks may be avoided by the view here proposed. There is nothing in the context of Jn. 11 54 to favour the view that the evangelist is at all influenced by Lk. s statement (952/. ) that Jesus took the route by Samaria to Jeru salem. Cp JERICHO. T. K. c.

EPHRAIM, GATE OF[edit]

(Dn?N 11?^), 2 K. 14i 3 Neh. 8 16. See JERUSALEM.

EPHRAIM, WOOD OF[edit]

or (RV) FOREST OF (DHDX TIT). The scene of the battle between the people of Israel and the servants of David (28. 186f). For Ephraim (typai/j. [BA]) <S L has paaivav Mahanaim, which Klostermann adopts. Certainly it is not very probable that Ephraim should have given its name to a wood or jungle on the eastern side (GASm. HG 335) ; the reference to Judg. 124 implies a doubtful view of that passage (see Moore, ad loc. ). Maha naim, however, has the appearance of an attempt at correction. More probably the original reading was D NBi, Rephaim. Where should we more naturally expect to find this name ? The converse error has been pointed out in Is. 17s (SBOT, Isaiah, Heb. 195). Jungle (so H. P. Smith) seems hardly the best word (cp Tristram s and Oliphant s descriptions of the forest of "Ajlun). The site cannot be determined without a study of the whole narrative. See MAHANAIM. T. K. c.

EPHRAIN[edit]

(p_?y). 2 Ch.l3i9 AV RV"*, RV EPHRON i. i.

EPHRATH[edit]

Gen. 48 ?t) or Ephrathah rnQK, AV Ephratah; e(J>p<\e<\ [ BNAL ]).

1. The place near which Rachel died and was buried is called in MT Ephrath (Gen. 35 16 19 48 7) ; but we should probably read Beeroth (nixn). See RACHEL, 2 ; JOSEPH i. 3.

2. Another name of BETHLEHEM [g.v. , 3], or per haps rather a name of the district of Bethlehem, Ps. 1326 (ev<ppaOa [A] -TO. [R vid -]), Mic. 5i Ru. 4n Josh. 1659 (only <. etypaQa. [BAL]) ; ethnic Ephrathite ( rnsN, efipaOaios [BAL]), Ru. 12 i S. 17 12 (e<j>pa.0a.i- ov [A]). In Ps. I.e. and Mic. I.e. the reading is uncertain. On i S. li i K. 11 2 6 Judg. 12s, see EPHRAIM i. 5, i.

3. Wife of Caleb, i Ch. 2 19 (e<ppa0 [BL], <ppa0 [A]) 24 (see CALEB-EPHRATHAH) 50 44. The passages reflect the post -exilic age, when the Calebites had migrated from the Negeb of Judah to the districts sur rounding Jerusalem. Was Ephrath a clan-name ? See CALEB, 3.

1 The phrase the Jews in Jn. 11 54, as usually in the Fourth Gospel (so Plummer, St. John, 72), means the opponents of Jesus among the Jews (cp JEW). The people of Jericho seem to have been to a large extent friendly to Jesus, and were there fore in so far Israelites indeed, rather than Jews. Strabo, too (162), speaks of the mixed population of Jericho, like that of Galilee and Samaria.

EPHRON[edit]

(fn?i;, Kt.; pSy, Kr.; e<J>P60N [BAL]).

1. One of the places won by Abijah, king of Judah, from Jeroboam, king of Israel (2 Ch. 13 19 RV, AV EPHRAIN). Since the ending -aim or -ain sometimes interchanges with -on, and since Ephron or Ephrain (RV m s-) was near Bethel, some critics identify it with the city of Ephraim (although Ephraim in MT begins with not y ; see EPHRAIM ii. ).

2. Ephron (e<ppuv [ANV] ; cp the Manassite EPHER, 3), a city on the E. of Jordan, between Carnaim and Scythopolis, attacked and destroyed by Judas the Mac- cabee in his expedition to Gilead (i Mace. 646-53 2 Mace. 122T f. ; cp Jos. Ant. xii. 85) is probably the -yt<ppovs or ye<ppo^ii (cp ye<pvpovv, 2 Mace. 12 13) of Polybius (v. 70 12). We are told that it lay in a narrow pass which it dominated in such a manner that the Jews must needs pass through the midst of it. This description will not suit Kal at er-Rabad with which Seetzen identified it, but agrees perfectly with the watch- tower called Kasr Wady el-Ghafr, which completely commands the road at a certain point of the deep Wady el-Ghafr (W. of Irbid, towards the Wady el- Arab), on which see Schumacher, Northern Ajlfin, pp. 179, 181. So first Buhl, Geog. p. 256 ; Topogr. d. NO Jordan landes, 17 /. See CAMON, GEPHYRON.

3. MOUNT EPHRON (jViEj; in ; eippuv [BAL]), a dis trict on the northern frontier of Judah (Josh. 15g) between Nephtoah and Kirjath-jearim (cp the Judahite name EPHER, 2). If the latter places are Lifta and Karyat el- Enab respectively, Mt. Ephron should be the range of hills on the W. side of the Wady Bet- Hanlna, opposite Lifta, which is on the E. side (see, however, NEPHTOAH). Conder, however, thinks (in accordance with his identifications of Nephtoah and Kirjath-jearim) of the ridge W. of Bethlehem, and (in Hastings DB) does not even mention any rival view.

According to MT the district in question had cities. HJJ is supported by (5 L [em. /coi/ias opovs e<j>p.] and apparently by <S A [opovs e<p-]) ! but ny may be a dittogram of T,T (Che.) ; <5 B does not express cities. Two other (probable) mentions of mount Ephron should be noticed. One is in Josh. 15 10 (see JEARIM, MOUNT); the other is Judg. 1 2 15 (see PIRATHON).

EPHRON[edit]

(fn?y, young gazelle ? see EPHER ; 68, 77 ; ecbpOON [BADEFL]), b. Zohar, a Hittite, the seller of the cave of Machpelah, Gen. 238^ 2694929 f. [P]. As to the question in what sense, or with how much justice, he is called a Hittite, see HITTITES, if.

EPICUREANS[edit]

(01 eTTiKoypioi [Ti. WH]), Acts 17i8. What opinions the Epicureans really held do not now concern us, but only what faithful Jews or Jewish Christians believed them to hold. This is how Josephus describes the Epicureans, who cast provid ence out of life, and deny that God takes care of human affairs, and hold that the universe is not directed with a view to the continuance of the whole by the blessed and incorruptible Being, but that it is carried along auto matically and heedlessly (Ant. x.lly). Some, both in ancient and in modern times, have thought that the system, thus ungently characterized, is referred to in ECCLESIASTES \_q. v. , 13]. Jerome remarks (on Eccles. 97-9), Et hasc, inquit aliquis, loquatur Epicurus, et Aristippus et Cyrenaici et casteras pecudes Philoso- phorum. Ego autem, mecum diligenter retractans, invenio, J etc. According to Jerome, then, the author of Ecclesiastes only mentions the ideas of these brutish philosophers in order to refute them. In later times certainly the leaders of Judaism could find no more reproachful designation for an apostate than DiTip SK Epikuros. The author of Ecclesiastes, how ever, is not a sufficiently fervent Jew to justify us in assuming that he would altogether reject Epicurean ideas, if they came before him. A fervent Christian, like Paul, doubtless did reject them, if he ever came into contact with them. Did he, then, encounter these ideas ?

From Acts 17 18 (if the narrative is historical) we only learn that certain Epicurean and Stoic philosophers met with him (avv^a\\oi> avrip) 1 observe in passing the precedence given to the Epicureans. There is nothing in the sequel to suggest that he held any conferences with them ; the speech beginning Men of Athens ("Avdpes AO-rjifaioi) is plainly not intended for them. It looks as if the reference to the philosophers were merely a touch suggested by the writer s imagination, which he did not permit to exercise any influence on the following narrative. That Paul had examined and rejected Epicureanism elsewhere, is probable enough. See ATHENS, 2, HELLENISM, 9. T. K. c.

1 Opera, ii. (1699), Contm. in Eccles.

EPILEPTIC[edit]

(ceAHNiAzo/v\eNOc), Mt. 4 24 I7is RV. See MEDICINE.

EPIPHANES[edit]

(enicJxMMHc). 1 Macc. l:10. See ANTIOCHUS, 2

EPISTOLARY LITERATURE[edit]

  • Letters and Epistles ( 1-3).
  • Extra-biblical (4)
  • OT terms (5).
  • Letters (6-7).
  • Epistles (8-9)
  • Literature (10).

1. The problem.[edit]

For the understanding of any document a knowledge of its true character and object is essential. Thus, for exam[le if Egyptian exploration brings to light a papyrus fragment containing a negotiation between a Roman emperor and an Alexandrian gymnasiarch, 2 we cannot under stand or appreciate it accurately until we know the general character of the writing to which it presumably belonged. If it is a fragment from the record of an actual negotiation in which a Roman emperor took part, it becomes a historical document of first import ance ; if it is merely a scrap from a work by a writer of fiction, it falls into a wholly different category.

The NT contains a large number of writings which are usually referred to as Epistles. The designation seems so plain and self-evident that to many scholars it has suggested no problem at all. A problem, nevertheless, there is, of great literary and historical interest, underlying this seemingly simple word. We cannot go far in the study of the history of literature before we become aware that alongside of the real letter, which in its essential nature is non-literary, there is a product of art, the literary letter, which may for convenience be called the epistle. The problem is in each case to determine the category to which such writings belong : are they all letters ? or are they all epistles ? or are both classes represented? First, let us realise the distinction more clearly.

1 EV s rendering encountered him is to be preferred to Ramsay s engaged in discussions with him. Cp Acts 20 14; Jos. Ant. i. 123. Would not discussed with htm be trvvi- /SaAAoc Trpb? UVTOV (see Acts 4 15)?

2 Cp Grenfell and Hunt, Tlie Oxyrhynchus Papyri, pt. i., p. 62 ff., no. xxxiii. verso [ 98], with Deissmann s observations in TLZ 23 602^ ( 98).

2. Meaning of word 'letter'[edit]

The function of the letter is to maintain intercourse, in writing, between persons who are separated by distance. Essentially intimate, individual, and personal, the letter is intended exclusively for the eyes of the person (or persons) to whom it is addressed, not for publication. It is non-literary, as a lease, a will, a day-book are non-literary. It differs in no essential particular from a spoken conversation : it might be called an anticipation of telephonic communication. It concerns no one but the writer and the correspondent to whom it is addressed. So far as others are concerned, it is supposed to be secret and sacred. As with life itself, its contents are infinitely varied. The form also exhibits endless variety, although many forms have specialised them selves in the course of the ages and are not unfrequently met with in civilisations widely separated and seemingly quite independent of each other. Neither contents nor form, however, are the determining factors in deciding whether a given writing is to be considered a letter or not. Equally immaterial is it whether the document be written on clay or on stone, on papyrus or on parch ment, on wax or on palm-leaves, on scented note-paper or on an international post-card ; whether it be couched in the conventional forms of the period ; whether it be written by a prophet or by a beggar ; all such con siderations leave its special character unaffected. 1 The one essential matter is the purpose it is intended to serve frank intercourse between distant persons. Every letter, however short and poor, will from its very nature be a fragment of the vie intime of mankind. The non-literary, personal, intimate character of the letter must constantly be borne in mind.

3. Meaning of word 'Epistle'.[edit]

There is a sharp distinction between the letter as thus understood and the literary letter which we find it convenient to designate by the more technical word epistle. The epistle is a literary form, an expression of the artistic faculty, just as are the drama, the dialogue, the oration. All that it has in common with the letter is its form ; in other respects they differ so widely that we might almost resort to paradox and say that the epistle is the exact opposite of the letter. The matter of the epistle is destined for publicity. If the letter is always more or less private and confidential the epistle is meant for the market-place : every one may and ought to read it ; the larger the number of the readers, the more completely has it fulfilled its purpose. All that in the letter address and so forth is of primary importance, becomes in the epistle ornamental detail, merely added to maintain the illusion of this particular literary form. A real letter is seldom wholly intelligible to us until we know to whom it is addressed and the special circumstances for which it was written. To the understanding of most epistles this is by no means essential. The epistle differs from the letter as the historical play differs from a chapter of actual history, as the carefully composed funeral oration in honour of a king differs from the stammering words of comfort a father speaks to his motherless child, as the Platonic dialogue differs from the unrestrained confidential talk of friend with friend in a word, as art differs from nature. The one is a product of literary art, the other is a bit of life.

Of course intermediate forms will occur ; such as the professed letter, in which the writer is no longer unrestrained, free from self-consciousness in which with some latent feeling that he is a great man, he has the public eye in view and coquettes with the publicity which his words may perhaps attain. Such letters are no letters, and with their artificiality and insin cerity exemplify exactly what real letters should never be.

4. Ancient letters and epistles.[edit]

A great variety alike of letters and of epistles has come down to us from antiquity. The survival of a letter is, strictly speaking, non-normal and exceptional. The true letter is from its very nature ephemeral - ephemeral as the hand which wrote it or the eye for which it was meant. It is to piety or to chance that we owe the preservation of such letters. The practice of collecting the written remains of great men after their death is indeed an old one.

In Greek literature, the earliest instance of publication of such a collection is held to be that of the letters of Aristotle (ob. 322 B.C.), which was made soon after his death. Whether the still extant Letters of A rist otle 2 contain any fragments of the genuine collection is indeed a question. On the other hand the letters of Isocrates (ph. 338 B.C.) which have come down 3 to us are probably genuine in part ; and we have also genuine letters of Epicurus (pt>. 270 B.C.), among them the fragment of a perfectly charming little note to his child, 4 worthy to be compared with Luther s letter to his little boy Hanschen. 8 Among the Romans it will be enough to refer to the multitude of letters of Cicero (ob. 43 B.C.) of which four collections, brought together and published after his death, have come down to us.

1 See Deissmann, Bibelstudien, 190.

2 Published by Hercher (Epistohgraphi Gra-ci, 172-174 [ 73]).

3 See Hercher, o/>. cit. 319-336.

4 See Usener, Epicurea, 154 ( 87); also Deissmann, Bibel- stui/ten, 219 f.

6 See Luther- Brief e in A usivahl und Vebcrsetzting, herausg. von C. A. Hase, 224/1 ( 67).

As compared with such letters of famous men a value in some respects still greater attaches to the numerous letters of obscure men and women, dating from the third century B.C. to the eighth A.D. , which have become known to us through recent papyrus finds in Egypt. 1 They have, to begin with, the inestimable advantage that the originals themselves have reached us. Nor is this all. The writers had absolutely no thought of publication, so we may take it that their self-portraiture is wholly unconscious and sincere. The light they throw upon the essence and the form of the letter in ancient times 2 is important, and is of value in the investigation of the letters found in the OT or the NT.

That ancient epistles have survived in large numbers is not surprising. The literary epistle is not intended to be ephemeral. From the outset it is published in several copies and so has less chance of disappearing than the private letter. The epistle, moreover, is a comparatively easy form of literary effort. It is subject to no severe laws of style or strict rules of prosody ; all that the essay needs is to be fitted with the requisite formulae of the letter and to be provided with an address. Any dabbler could write an epistle, and thus the epistle became one of the favourite forms of literature, and remains so even at the present day.

Among ancient Epistolographers we have, for example, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Plutarch in Greek, and L. Annaeus Seneca and the younger Pliny in Roman, literature, not to speak of the poetical epistles of a Lucilius, a Horace, or an Ovid.

Specially common was the epistle in the literature of magic and religion.

Another fact of literary history requires notice here : the rise of pseudonymous epistolography. In the early period of the empire, especially, epistles under names other than those of the real authors were written in great numbers, not by impostors, but by unknown literati who for various honest reasons did not care to give their own names. 3 They wrote Epistles of Plato and Demosthenes, Aristotle and Alexander, Cicero and Brutus ; it would be perverse to brand ofthand as frauds such products of a certainly not very original literary activity. Absolute forgeries undoubtedly there were ; but it is equally certain that the majority of the pseud onymous epistles of antiquity are products of a. widely spread, and in itself inoffensive, literary custom. 4

We now come to the question whether the biblical epistles admit of being separated into the two distinct classes just mentioned.

1 A selection of such papyrus-letters will be found in Deiss- mann, Bib.-stuii., 209-216.

2 There is thus a promise of good results in the theme pro posed for its prize essay by the Heidelberg Faculty of Philosophy in 1898-99 : On the basis of a chronological survey of the Greek private letters which have been brought to light in recent panyrus finds, to characterise and set forth historically the forms of the Greek epistolary style.

3 Cp Deissmann, Bid. -stud. i<y)jff.

  • A well-known modern instance is that of the famous

Letters of Junius.


5. OT terms.[edit]

The immense masses of cuneiform writing which have recently been brought to light abundantly show that epistolary correspondence was extensively practised by the people using that script from very early times. It is not surprising, therefore, to find frequent mention of letters in the OT.

The Hebrew terms so rendered are (i) : "ISP, sepher, 2 S. 11 14 2K. 65 Jer. 29 1 ; in Is. 37 14 39 1, where MT gives D ISD, the text is corrupt (see SBOT, Isaiah, Heb.); letters = D"1SD> s phdrim, i K. 21 8 Esth. 1 22, etc.

(2) Djns, pithgam, Esth. 1 2 o(see Meyer, Entst. 23); in Bibl. Aram. Ezra 4 17 5 7 Dan. 4 14 [17], etc.

(3) P^y ^ nisii ivan, Ezra 47 7 n (see Meyer, op. cit. 22); in Bibl. Aram. Ezra4i8, etc.

(4) n !5^> igSfreth, Neh. 2 7 Esth. 9 26, etc. (see Meyer, op. cit. 22); in Bibl. Aram. N1JX, Ezra 4 8 n 56.

The Ass. terms for letter are duppu (tablet ; cp Syr. dappa), whence dupsarru (Heb. IDSD), scribe, and egirtu (cp no. 4 above). In Ant. Tab. 50 rev. 30 supa.ru message or missive is virtually duppu letter (rev. 17). This suggests that sepher (see i) may be a loan-word; cp SCRIBE. In , besides eirt- a-ToAr;, we find /3i/3Ai oK (28.1114), /3i /3Ao? (Jer. 2< i), pijtrij (Ezra!>7), 6iaTayfia(Ezra7 n), <^opoAoyos(Ezra4 18), and ypajjijia; cp Acts 28 2 1 (pi.).

6. OT letters.[edit]

Special interest attaches to the cases in which the actual text of the letters is professedly given, as in 2 Sam. 11:15 (David s letter to Joab about Uriah), 1 K. 2l:9-10. (Jezebel to the elders about Naboth), 2 K. 5:5-6. (king of Aram to king of Israel), 2 K. 10:2-3, 6 (Jehu to the authorities of Samaria).

On the letter of Jeremiah in Jer. 29, see JEREMIAH ii.; on that of Elijah in 2 Chr. 21 12-15, see JEHORAM, 2; on the official letters in Ezra49^f". 17 ff. 67 ff., see EZRA, ii., 6; and on the letter of Nebuchadrezzar in Dan. 4, see DANIEL ii.

Many instances occur also in the apocryphal and pseudepigraphic books of the OT, especially in Macca bees. In the last-named books in particular, we find, exactly as in Greek and Roman literature, 1 letters, mostly official, embodied word for word in the historical narrative. It would be wrong to cast doubt on the genuineness of such insertions on this ground alone. In many cases, it is true, they are in all likelihood spurious (cp MACCABEES, FIRST, 10) ; but in some instances we are constrained to accept them. The de cision must rest in each case on internal evidence alone.

7. NT letters.[edit]

Turning now to the NT, we find in Acts two letters which, like those in Maccabees, are introduced into a professedly historical narrative : the letter of the apostles and elders to the Gentile Christian brethren in Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia (1523-29), and that of Claudius Lysias to Felix (2826-30). The question of their genuineness must be decided by the same rules of criticism as apply to the cases mentioned in the preceding section (see, for example, COMMUNITY OF GOODS, i6/). In both cases the documents, at any rate, claim to be true letters.

Turning next to the other writings which frankly bear the designation epistolce in the N.T, we must again bear in mind the distinction already established between letters and epistles. It is accordingly not enough if we are able merely to establish the existence of a group of episiolce ; the question as to their definite character remains. The answer must be supplied in each case by the writing itself. In some cases not much reading between the lines is necessary for this ; and even in those cases where the answer is not quite obvious, it is, for the most part, possible to arrive at something more than a mere non liquet.

(a) To begin with, the Epistle to PHILEMON stands out unmistakably as a letter, and it is as a self-revelation of the great apostle that it possesses a unique value for all time. If (as seems very probable) Rom. 16 is to be taken as being in reality a separate letter, addressed by Paul to Ephesus, it also is an unmistakable example of that class of writing.

(b) PHILIPPIANS also is a true letter ; it becomes intelligible only when referred to a perfectly definite and unique epistolary situation. The same remark applies to THESSALONIANS, GALATIANS, COLOSSIANS (and EPHESIANS). They are indeed more didactic and general than those previously mentioned ; but they too are missives occasioned by perfectly definite needs of the Pauline churches, not fugitive pieces composed for Christendom at large, or even for publicity in a still larger sense of the word. To the same class in like manner belong the first and the second extant epistles to the CORINTHIANS. What is it in fact that makes 2 Corinthians everywhere so difficult? It is that it is throughout a true letter, full of allusions to which we, for the most part, have not the key. Paul wrote it with all his personality ; in deep emotion and thankfulness, and yet full of reforming passion, of irony, and of stinging frankness, i Corinthians is quieter in tone ; but it too is a real letter, being in part, at least, an answer to one from the Church of Corinth. 1

1 Cp Deissmann, op. cit. 220.

(c ) In the case of ROMANS, one might perhaps at first hesitate to pronounce. Its character as a letter is un deniably much less conspicuously marked, much less palpable, than in the case of 2 Corinthians. Still, neither is it an epistle written for the public, nor for Christendom at large, designed to set forth in com pendious form the apostle s dogmatic and ethical system. In it Paul has a definite object to prepare the way for his visit to the church in Rome ; such is his aim in writing, and it is that of an individual letter-writer. He does not yet know the church to which he writes, and he himself is known to it only by hearsay. The letter, therefore, from the nature of the case, cannot be so full of personal detail as those he wrote to com munities with which he had long been familiar, such as Corinth and Philippi. Our first impression of Romans, perhaps, may be that it is an epistle ; but this judgment will not stand scrutiny.

We need not hesitate longer then, to lay down the broad thesis that all the Pauline epistles hitherto enumerated (the genuineness of none of them is doubted by the present writer) are real letters. 2 Paul is a true letter-writer, not an epistolographer. Nor yet is he a rn an of letters. His letters became literary products only after the piety of the churches had made a collection of them and had multiplied copies indefinitely till they had become accessible to all Christendom. At a later date still they became Holy Scripture when they were received into the New Testament, then in process of formation. As an integral part of the New Testa ment they have exercised a literary influence that is incalculable. All these later vicissitudes, however, cannot alter their original and essential character. Paul, who with ardent longings expected the coming of the Lord, and with it the final judgment and the life of the coming age Paul, who reckoned the future of this present world, not by millennia or centuries, but by a few short years, had not the faintest surmise of the part his letters were destined to play in the providential ordering of the world. It is precisely in this untram melled freedom that the chief value of his letters consists ; their absolute trustworthiness and supremely authorita tive character as historical records, are guaranteed there by. The letters of Paul are the (alas, only too frag mentary) remains of what would have been the immediate records of his mission. Each one of them is a piece of his biography ; in many passages we feel that the writer has dipped his pen in his own heart s blood.

(d) Two other real letters in the NT remain to be mentioned the SECOND and the THIRD EPISTLE OF JOHN. 3 Of 3 John we may say with Wilamowitz- Moellendorff, It was a quite private note, and must have been preserved from the papers of Gains as a relic of the great presbyter. 2 John does not present so many of the features of a letter in detail ; but it also has a particular object in view just as a letter has, even if we do not find ourselves able to say with complete confidence who the lady addressed may have been whether a church or some distinguished individual Christian. That the letter was addressed to the Church at large seems hardly admissible. Both writings are in point of form interesting, as in many respects clearly exhibiting the ancient epistolary style of their period.

1 Cp. Job. Weiss, Der Eingang des ersten Korintherbriefs, St. Kr. 1900, pp. 125-130.

2 The Pastoral Epistles, also, may perhaps contain fragments from genuine letters of Paul.

3 Cp U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Lesefriichte in Hermes, 33 529 ff. ( 98), (specially instructive on the question of form).

8. Apocryphal epistles.[edit]

No instance of an epistle is met with in the canonical books of the OT ; but we have several in the Apocrypha and the Pseudepigrapha. i. The most instructive example is undoubtedly the (Greek) Epistle of Jeremiah, appended to Lamentations (so in ), or to Baruch (in Vg> as Baruch 6 > This short composition, which certainly was originally written in Greek, contains a warning against idolatry, which is held up to scorn and refuted by every kind of argument. A comparison of this epistle with the genuine letter of Jeremiah (Jer. 29) to the Jews in Babylon furnishes an excellent illustration of the difference between a letter and an epistle.

In the Greek epistle we observe that the address is adven titious, and that Jeremiah has been chosen as a covering name merely at the pleasure of the undoubtedly Alexandrian author. This by no means constitutes a forgery ; the author is simply availing himself of a generally current literary artifice. His intention is to put his co-religionists on their gunrd against idolatry and he therefore makes Jeremiah the speaker. Five hundred years after the lifetime of Jeremiah 3 it could not occur to any one to suppose that the writer was seeking to represent himself as editor of a newly discovered writing of the ancient prophet.

ii. Another epistle in the category now under con sideration is the (Greek) Epistle of Aristeas, which contains the well-known legend as to the origin of the LXX version ; it also was the work of an Alexandrian of the time of the Ptolemies. 4 iii. The Epistle of Baruch to the nine and a half tribes in exile (appended to the Apocalypse of Baruch) also ought to be mentioned here unless indeed we are to regard it (which is quite possible) as a Christian writing. 6 iv. Finally, that epis- tolography was a favourite form of literary activity with Grecian Jews is shown perhaps by the 28th Epistle of Diogenes, 6 and by some of the epistles that pass current under the name of Heraclitus. 7

9. NT Epistles.[edit]

We can define certain writings in the NT as epistles with just as great security as we have been able to call the writings of Paul real letters. Most clearly of all do the so-called catholic epistles of JAMES, PETER, and JUDE belong to this category.

That they cannot be real letters is evident from the outset by their addresses ; a letter to the twelve tribes scattered abroad could not be forwarded as a letter. The author of the epistle of James writes after the manner of the Epistle of Baruch (see above, 8, iii.) addressed to the nine and a half tribes, which were across the Euphrates. In both cases it is an ideal catholic circle of readers that the authors have in view ; each dispatched his en-icrToAij not, as we may presume Paul to have dispatched the letter to the Philippians, in a single copy, but in many.

The Epistle of James is essentially a piece of literature, an occasional writing intended for all Christendom an epistle. In accord with this are its entire contents : nothing of that detail of unique situations which meets us in the letters of Paul ; nothing but purely general questions such as, for the most part, might be still con ceivable in the ecclesiastical problems of the present day. So with the Epistles of Peter and Jude. They too bear purely ideal addresses ; all that they have of the nature of a letter is the form.

At this point we find ourselves standing at the very beginning of Christian literature in the strict sense of that word. The problem of the genuineness of these epistles becomes from this point of view much less important than it would undoubtedly be on the assump tion of their being letters. In them the personality of the writer falls entirely into the background. It is a great cause that addresses itself to us, not a clearly distinguishable personality as in the letters of Paul.

1 Swete, 3379-384.

2 Schiirer, GV1V) 3 344 (98).

3 The epistle most probably belongs to the second or to the last century B.C.

4 Latest edition by M. Schmidt in Merx s Archiv, 1 ( 69). A new edition, founded on material collected by L. Mendelssohn, is in prepaiation by P. Wendland, for the Bibliotheca Teubneri- ana. A German translation of this has already appeared in Kau. Apokr. u. Pseudcpigr. 2 1-31.

6 Greek text in Fritzsche, Libri VT pseudepigraphi selecti ( 71), i22_/f! ; for Syriac text, with ET, see Charles, Apocalypse of Baruch, i-^ff. ( 96).

6 Cp J. Bernays, Lucian u. die Kyuiker, <)(>ff. ( 79).

7 J. Bernays, Die heraklitischen Briefe, diff. ( 69).

Whether we know with certainty the name of the author of each of these epistles is of no decisive importance for our understanding of them. In this connection it deserves to be noticed that the longest of all the NT epistles, that to the Hebrews, has come down to us without any name at all, and even its address has dis appeared. Indeed, were it not for the word tirtffTfi\a ( I have written a letter ) in 13 22 and a few slight touches of epistolary detail in 13 23^, it would never occur to us to call the writing an epistle at all. It might equally well be a discourse or an essay ; its own designation of itself is \6yos rrjs Tra/xx/cXTjcrews ( a. word of exhortation, 1822) ; all that seems epistolary in its character is manifestly only ornament, and the essential nature of the whole is not changed though part of the ornament may have fallen away.

The so-called First Epistle of JOHN has none of the specific character of an epistle, and still less is it a letter. Though classified among the epistles it would be more appropriately described as a religious tract in which a series of religious meditations designed for publicity are somewhat loosely strung together.

The so-called pastoral epistles to TIMOTHY and TITUS are in their present form certainly epistles. It is probable, however, as already indicated (above, col. 1327, n. 2), that some portions of them are derived from genuine letters of Paul. As we now have them they are mani festly designed to lay down principles of law for the Church in process of consolidation, and thus they mark the beginnings of a literature of ecclesiastical law.

To speak strictly, the APOCALYPSE of John also is an epistle ; the address and salutation are obvious in 1 4, and 222i constitutes a fitting close for an epistle. This epistle in turn contains at the beginning seven smaller missives addressed to seven churches of Asia -Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, Laodicea. These also are no real letters such as we might suppose to have been actually sent to each of the churches named and to have been afterwards brought together into a single collection. On the contrary, they are all of them constructed with great art on a uniform plan, and are intended to be read and laid to heart by all the churches, not only by that named in the address of each. They seem to the present writer to represent a somewhat different kind of epistle from any we have been considering. Their writer has definite ends in view as regards each of the individual churches ; but he wishes at the same time to produce an effect in the Christian world as a whole, or at any rate on that of Asia, In spite of the intimate character they formally possess, they serve a public literary purpose, and therefore ought to be classed among the epistles, rather than among the letters, of ancient Christianity.

In judging the numerous epistolo: which have been handed down in the Christian church outside of, or later in date than, the NT canon, it is equally necessary to settle in each case the question whether the writing ought to be classed as an epistle or a letter ; but this investigation lies beyond the limits of the present work.

10. Literature.[edit]

G. A. Deissmann, Bibelstudien : Beitrage, zumeist aus den Papyri u. Inschriften, zur Geschichte tier Spracke, des Schrifttums u. der Religion des hellenistischen Judentums . des Urchristenttims ( 95); Abh. 5 : Prolegomena zu den biblischen Brie/en, u. Episteln ; K. Dziatzko, art. Brief in Pauly s Real-encyklopdfiie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ed. Wissowa ; F. Zimmer in ZKIVL, 7 ( 86), 443^!; J. Rendel Harris, A Study in Letter- Writing, Ex/>. 98^, i6i_^?l ; see also Christ. Johnston, The Epistolary Lit. oftkcAss. and Bab. ( 98).

G. A. D.

ER[edit]

C\l}. H p[BADEFL]). i. A Judahite subdivision of Canaanite (i.e. , non-Tsraelite) origin, which at a later time became merged in the more important brother-clan SHELAH [i] (the genealogical details in Gen. 883-7 [J]. Gen. 46 12 Nu. 26 19 [P], i Ch. 2 3 [in the second occurrence ai>rjp (A)] 42i) ; see JUDAH.

2. Anamein the genealogy of Joseph (Lk. 828; rjp [Ti. \VH]); see GENEALOGIES ii. 3.

ERAN[edit]

(|Ty, 77), the Eranites (7T1?PI). an Ephraimite clan, in the one case individualised, in the other regarded as a tribal group, Nu. 2636. The name re minds us of the Judahite ER (see above) ; but in the parallel Ephraimite list, iCh. 720-27, it is ELADAH(mj;Si, v. 20), of which another form is LADAN (pj^>, v. 26). Probably the list in Nu. 26 originally had neither Eran nor El'adah, but La'dan, and we should read ny 1 ? and iil^n- See further, EPHRAIM, 12.

The initial V in pj, ^> may have been mistaken for a preposition, just as in i Ch. 23 7-9, B has tSav for py 1 ? throughout. The i is vouched for by Sam. Pesh. py, and also by (0 (eSey, 6 Se>/[e]c [BAFL]), cp Gen. 46 20 (eSe/ut [AD], -a./* [L] ; om. MT).

Ladan is doubtless shortened from Elad(d)an (p^N ;

Cp pJjri.T). S. A. C.

ERASTUS[edit]

(ep&CTOC [Ti. WH]), the treasurer (oiKONOMOc) of the city [of Corinth] 1 (Rom. 1623; cp 2 Tim. 4 20), is probably mentioned as one of those that ministered to Paul (Acts 1922) and as having been sent by him with Timothy from Ephesus on some errand into Macedonia. This combination of passages, however, is plausible only if Rom. 16 was originally a letter to the church of Ephesus.

ERECH[edit]

C^IN, opex [ADEL], ARACH, classical Opxori, Ass. Arku, Uruk) is named in Gen. 10 10 as one of the four cities originally founded by Nimrod in Babylonia. The explorations of Loftus (Travels in Chaldea and Susiana, 162 ft) established its site at the mod. Warka, halfway between Hilla and Korna. The enormous mounds and ruins scattered over an area six miles in circuit testified to a large population in ancient times ; but the discoveries did little to restore the history of the city. The earliest inscriptions recovered were those of Dungi, Ur-Bau, and Gudea, kings of Ur (which lay 30 m. SW. ). The next in date were those of Sin- gasid and another, kings of Erech as an independent state. Erech was then capital of the kingdom of Amnanu. The later kings of Babylon (Merodach- baladan) also left traces of their buildings and restora tions. Many commercial documents of all periods down to 200 B.C. attest the continuous prosperity of the city. As if to make up for the lack of historical docu ments furnished by the site itself, we have perpetual reference to the place in the Assyrian and Babylonian literature. No place had a greater hold on the affection and imagination of the literati. The author of the Creation Tablets (non- Semitic version) ascribes its foundation to the god Marduk. It is the theatre of the Gilgames or Nimrod epic (see DELUGE, 2). Its poetical names (3 R. 41 15 ff.} show how often it was the theme of story and legend. Some of them e.g. , the en closure (suburu], the seven districts seem justified by its ruins. Surrounded completely by a wall, inter sected by many canals, flanked by two large streams, and probably then, as now, almost inaccessible for most of the year, it was a secure refuge. Later in its history perhaps in Assyrian times, certainly in the Parthian period it became a sort of national necropolis.

The city deity was the goddess Nana, whose statue had such strange vicissitudes (see NANEA). _ During her absence a goddess, Istar, whose temple was E-ulmas, seems to have taken her place. Continual reference is made to Uruk even by Assyrian kings (KB i. and ii. , passim}. Their correspondence (Harper, ADI. passim), when fully published, will throw much light on the city life of Uruk during the Sargonid period. At present it would be premature to attempt to write its municipal history. c. H. w. j.

1 Notice that Cenchreae is mentioned in v. 2.

ERI[edit]

Cny, surely not watcher, &AA(e)l [BAFL, cp Samar. Pent.]), a subdivision of GAD ( 13), Gen. 46i6 (AHA(e)ic ADL]), Nu. 26i6 [ 25]) ; ethnic Erites ( Tim, Nu. I.e.; OAAA(e)l [BAFL]).

ESAIAS[edit]

(HCAI AC. ISAIAS), 4Esd.2i8 EV; Mt.33, etc., AV, RV ISAIAH (q.v., i.).

ESARHADDON[edit]

(pin-lpX, ACOPAAN [HA], AX O. [L] ; A.C&P&XOAA&C, Jos.; CAXepAONOC, Ptol. ; AC&piAlNOC; Ass. Asur-ah-iddina, i.e., Asur has given a brother ), son and successor of Sennacherib on the throne of Assyria (2K.1937; Is. 3738, &xopA&N [O], N<\X. [N*Q "-] ACOp. L^ c b Q*J)-

1. Early History.[edit]

His brother Asur-nadin-sum, who had been made king of Babylon by Sennacherib, was carried away captive alter a reign of six years by Hallusu king of Elam 694 B. c. ( A7?2 278). Ardi-Belit was then regarded as crown-prince (mdrsarri) in Nineveh, as appears from a contract tablet dated Sept. -Oct. 694 B. C. For another son, Asur-munik, Sennacherib built a palace in the suburbs of Nineveh (see ADRAMMELECH, 2). The so-called Will of Sennacherib l (3 R. 16, No. 3) records some rich gifts to Esarhaddon and the wish that his name should be changed to Asur-edil-ukln-apla (Asur- the-hero has established the son). In the Hebrew notice of Sennacherib s murder, two sons of Sennacherib, named ADKAMMELECH ( 2, q. v. ) and SHAREZER (i,q.v.), are referred to, occasioning a historical difficulty, which is dealt with elsewhere. The expressions of the Baby lonian Chronicle have led some to think that Esarhaddon himself was the parricide 2 (Edwards, The Witness of Assyria, 149). It is certainly singular that in no in scription set up in Assyria (yet published) does Esar haddon refer to the event. On the stele found at Sam- alla, however, he distinctly calls himself the avenger of the father who begat him (mutlr gimilli abi alidiSu}.* Sennacherib died on the aoth of Tebetu, B.C. 682, and Esarhaddon was crowned on the 28th of Adar, B.C. 682-1.

The chief sources for the history of Esarhaddon s reign are his cylinders (KB li^of.}. The opening paragraph of the broken prism (KB 2 141 /. ) has usually been taken to refer to his struggle with his brother for the throne. It is a very fragmentary account, as remarkable for its gaps and omissions as for its information. From it we learn that, presumably early in his reign, Esarhaddon, who was evidently away from Nineveh, was called to face a formidable foe. He could not take all his troops with him. The march was made hastily and under difficulty in the winter-month of Sabatu. His enemy met him at Hanirabbat and was signally defeated. That it was a right for the throne is clear from the fact that the enemy said of their leader, This is our king.

On a more or less plausible combination of this account with the biblical data it has been asserted that Esarhaddon was in command of an expedition to Armenia. The time of year is against this supposition. Hanirabbat was near Malatya, and therefore a great distance from both Nineveh and Armenia (see map in KB 2 and in vol. i. of this work between cols. 352 and 353). If Esarhaddon had left the bulk of his forces behind on the confines of Armenia it is not easy to see how the rebels could have escaped thither. Winckler (GKA 259) argues better that Esarhaddon was in Babylon at the time of his father s death. 4 The Babylonian Chronicle states that on the 2nd of Adar the revolt in Nineveh was at an end. This gives six weeks for Ksarhaddon s receipt of the news and march to Nineveh. On his arrival the regicides and their party must have retreated and, doubtless with reinforcements, he pursued them at once. They made their stand at Hanirabbat, and on their defeat escaped to Armenia. Esarhaddon seems then to have returned to Nineveh and ascended the throne on the 28th of Adar (682-1 B.C.), about eight months after the murder of his father.

1 This document is not dated, but has been used to support the contention that Esarhaddon was the favourite son.

2 Cp the Hebrew version of Tobit (PSBA 18260), which ascribes the murder to Esarhaddon and Sharezer.

! Ansgrabiingen in Sendschirli, 36.
  • He was appointed regent there by his father in 681 B.C.


2. Administration.[edit]

Esarhaddon's residence in Babylon before his accession may account for his friendly treatment of the fallen capital. He made good the damage caused by SENNACHERIB [q.v.], brought back the gods, and re-peopled the city. During the reign of Merodach-baladan Chaldean supporters of that king had dispossessed the native Babylonians ; after Babylon had been rendered helpless, the Chaldeans continued to encroach. Esarhaddon expelled the Chaldeans from the neighbourhood of Babylon and Borsippa, and crippled their power.

This policy of restoration extended to Erech. At Nineveh too, the king built a great palace (cp Layard, Nin, and Bab. 634); also palaces at Kalah and Tarbisi, l he last for his son Asur-bani-pal (i R. 48, Nos. 4 and 5; AW ^150; cp Lay. op. fit. 19). Throughout Assyria and Mesopotamia he rebuilt some thirty temples.

It was perhaps due to this antiquarian taste, so strongly developed in his son Asur-bani-pal, that Esar haddon, first of the Sargonids, lays claim to ancient royal lineage. He calls himself the descendant of Bel-bani, son of Adasi, king of Assyria, and offspring of Asur (KB 2 120, n. i).

As a fighting king Esarhaddon was not behind any of his race. At the very beginning of his reign he was threatened by the Gimirrai (see GOMER, i). His oft- sent requests to the sun-god Samas (Knudtzon, Gebett, 72-264) mention his fears of Kastarit of Karkassi, Mamiti-arsu the Mede, the Mannai (see MINNI), and other branches or forerunners of the great Manda horde. The peril culminated in an actual invasion of Assyria by the Gimirrai, who were, however, defeated before the fourth year of this reign (KB 2282). The next year was a busy one. An expedition penetrated the Arabian desert, conquering eight rulers in the districts of Bazu and Hazu (cp Buz, i ; HAZO). Sidon having revolted was taken and destroyed, a new city Kar- Esarhaddon being built to overshadow it. The king of Sidon, Abdi-Milkuti, and Sanduarri a Cilician prince who had sided with him, were captured and beheaded.

Following up this success, the Assyrian king received the submission of all Syria and Palestine. Of the vassal kings who then paid him homage Esar haddon has left us a very important list (AT? 2 148). Among them are Baal king of Tyre, and MANASSEH [?.f.], king of the city of Judah. The terms of the agreement between Esarhaddon and Baal king of Tyre are recorded on the tablet K. 3500 from which Hommel gives some extracts (AHT 196 ; the full text is now given by Winckler, AOF2 10). These events occurred in 677-6 B. c. The Chronicler also tells us of a colonisa tion of Samaria by Esarhaddon, Ezra 42 (acrapeaduv [B], -paSdwv [A], va%op8a.v [L]) ; but the accuracy of this statement has been questioned (see SAMARIA, SAMARITANS). Being now in full possession of the route to Egypt, Esarhaddon made a reconnaissance of it in 675 B. c. He returned next year to the attack. In 672 B.C. he lost his queen and seems to have remained a year or more at home. In 670 B.C., leaving the government in the hands of his mother, 1 he departed for a supreme struggle with Egypt, in which he was completely victorious (see EGYPT, 66). As a hard lord he ruled over the Egyptians, 2 garrisoning some cities with Assyrian troops, and in others installing native dependent rulers. He returned home by way of Samalla, where he set up the stele mentioned above.

Esarhaddon was not allowed to rest long. A revolt broke out in Egypt, and he set out to repress it. However, he never saw Egypt again. On the way he fell ill and died; it was on Arahsamna (November ; see MONTH, 35) the loth, 669 B.C. (not, as usually stated, 668). He divided his kingdom, giving Asur- bani-pal Assyria and the Empire, but making Samas- sum-ukin king of Babylon under him. A third son, Asur-mukin-palia, was raised to the high-priesthood ; the youngest, Asur-edil-same-u-ersitim, was made priest of Sin at Harran. Another son, Sin-iddin-aplu, seems to have died before his father. We find the names of a daughter, Serua-etirat, and a sister, Matti.

The name of Esarhaddon's mother is best read Nakia, which is rendered in Assyrian by Zakutu, and seems to be Hebrew, the pure one. She survived her son, and on his death issued a proclamation to the Empire, demanding its allegiance to the princes Asur-bani-pal and Samas-sum-ukin. 1 C. H. W. j.

1 To this lady Nakia are addressed many letters from the provincial governors (Harper, ABL). During her regency occurred the Elamite invasion of 675 B.C., which threatened Sippara. The gods of Agade were carried off by the Elamites.

2 See Is. 192, according to one interpretation (see Che. Intr. Is. ii 4 /).


ESAU[edit]

2>P ; HCAY[ BAL 1)-

1. Name.[edit]

i. A popular etymology, which may, however, be correct, is suggested in Gen. 2625 (J) : And the first came out tawny, all over like a hairy mantle ; and his name was called Esau.

As Budde (Urgesch. 217, n. 2, incorrectly reported by Di.) has pointed out, tawny ( 3B~IN, admOni)^ cannot have been the original word, Budde s own conjecture, however (that it displaced some rare word meaning hairy ) is not probable. It may have arisen out of Q DlNn. twins, which intruded from the margin where it stood as a correction of Q Dlfl (? 24). Miswritten as Q DinN, it would be easily changed into jiDIN (Q and <;j are frequently confounded) ; cp v. 30.

We must assume a root nby, to have thick hair, 3 and regard -\wy 'the shaggy', as the equivalent of Seir 'the hairy'. (fiJ}y = Ty}y, Gen. 27 n), which appears to have been regarded by J as a synonym for hunter (Gen. 2625, cp v. 27). In this, as in the former case, J really appears to have hit upon a sound interpretation. It seems impossible to show that the mountain district of Seir (whether E. or even W. of the Arabah) was hairy in the sense of wooded, nor would the sense wooded accord with the gloomy oracle of Isaac. The probability is that Esau and Seir are names of a hunter - god ; 4 and though the hero Usoos in Philo of Byblus (Eus. Praep. Ev. i. 107) ma y conceivably be simply the personification of Usu (Palaetyrus), 5 it seems more probable, since his brother Samemrumos is a divine hero of culture, that Usoos represents a hunter-god, 6 after whom the city of Usu was named. Certainly Philo of Byblus describes Usoos as entering into con flict with wild beasts, though also as the first who ventured on the sea (as if a personification of Old Tyre). However this may be, Esau never displaced Edom as the Hebrew name for the people of Mount Seir. The phrase sons of Esau is found only in late writers (Dt. 24 Obad. 18) ; Esau the father of Edom 1 (Gen. 86943) also is late (see Holzinger s analysis).

1 See Johns, Assyr. Deeds and Documents, vol. 2.

2 This verse gives J s explanation of the name Edom. Let me quickly eat some of that edoin, for I am faint ; therefore his name was called Edom. For D1NH n ~IMn read O lNri ; CD Ar.

T T T T V : T

iddm, a by-dish, as vegetables, etc. So T. D. Anderson, with the assent of Dillmann.

3 It is difficult not to compare Ar. athiya, to have thick or matted hair, a tka, having thick hair (Lane), though Fleischer (in Levy, NHIVB 3 732) points out that this com parison violates the ordinary laws of phonetic changes.

4 Prasek assents to this view (forscli. z. Gcsch. d. Alt. [ 98] 2 33>-

6 See HOSAH, and. cp note in ZATW, 1897, p. 189. The present article, including the above view, is of older date than that note. The writer has since found that the identification of Usu belongs to Prasek, and that Halevy has already connected Usoos and Usu, though in conjunction with the improbable theory that Usu = the KS^IK of the Talmud, which he identifies with Umm el Awamld (see HAMMON, i). Enough remains to justify the writer s claim to have advanced the investigation by a new suggestion.

6 Whether the Syrian desert goddess Aslt, whose name is connected by W. M. Miiller with that of Esau (cp EDOM, 2) is a female form of this hunter god, we can hardly venture to say. Nor can we make any use of the divine name Esu, apparently of foreign origin, found in a cuneiform text (Pinches, PSBA 18255).

2. Traditions.[edit]

The early traditions on Esau are given in Gen. 2621-34 27 1-45 314-22 381-17; these belong to JE. The editor has done his best to cull the finest parts from both J and E. At the beginning he depends solely on J, unless we may assume with Dillmann and Bacon (Genesis, 152) that the admoni ( tawny ) of Gen. 2625 (see above) was taken by the editor from E, who, however, surely knew and had to account for the name Esau. The foreshadowing which JE gives of the differences of national fortunes (cp Mai. l2/) and national character in the story of the two tribal ancestors is most effective. That the two brothers strove in the womb is a purely etymological myth (see JACOB, i) ; Edom is an independent people when tradition first brings it into contact with Israel. That the older people was gradually eclipsed by the younger, however, and that nevertheless the older people at length achieved its liberation, are facts which agree exactly with the legend. How naturally, too, and with what regard to primitive sentiment, that legend (cp ISAAC, 5) is told ! Of conscious purpose on the narrator s part there is not a trace. It seems as if by a kind of fate the course of future history were prescribed by the forefathers, who in their blessings and cursings discharged divine functions. 1

That writers like J and E, who have infused so much of the pure prophetic religion into the traditional material, should not be without traces of primitive superstition, will startle only those who are fettered by an abstract supernaturalism. J and E un hesitatingly believe that by his blessing or his curse a father may determine the fate of his children ; at any rate the fore fathers of Israel could do this. These writers certainly mean us to regard the oracles in Gen. 27 287^ and 39/1 (which are im aginative reproductions of what Isaac would be likely to have said) as creating history. The latter oracle has often been mis understood. It should run thus, Surely, far from fruitful ground shall be thy dwelling, and untouched by the dew of the heaven above ; by thy sword shall thou live, and thou shall serve thy brother ; but when thou shall revolt, a ihou shall shake off his yoke from thy neck. For another view of the blessing (shared by Vg. and AV) see EDOM, 5.

Most readers sympathise more with Esau than with Jacob. This may perhaps be to some extent in accord ance with the wishes of the narrators. Surely J and E must have condemned the fraud practised by Jacob at his mother s bidding upon his aged father. Whether they would have condemned Jacob s shiftiness (apart from the special circumstances) as immoral, may, however, be doubted. The later prophets, it is true, denounce shiftiness in no measured terms ; 3 but the contemporaries of J and E were not so far from the old nomadic period, and not so open to new moral ideas, as to do the same (see Che. Aids, 35). To them the quiet, cautious, calculating character of Jacob seemed to be more praise worthy than the careless, unaspiring, good-natured, passionate character of Esau ; Jacob, they said, was a blameless 4 man (en), dwelling in tents (Gen. 2627 [J]). What P thought of these stories does not appear ; he confines his attention to Esau s marriages (Gen. 26 34/. [cp 2746 (R)], 286-9), and to geographical and statistical information respecting the Edomites (chap. 36 ; but how much is P s, is uncertain).

The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews presents Esau as the type of a profane person, on the ground that he sacrificed his birthright for one mess of food (Heb. 12 16). He addresses Hebrews who were tempted to barter their privileges in the church for the external satisfaclions of ihe lemple services. As a matter of facl, however, it is only J who makes Esau willingly resign his birthright ; E apparently knows only the second of the two accounts of the loss of the irpojTOToiaa. It is obvious that J despises Esau for his conduct (see 2634 in the Hebrew). To him Esau represents Edom. To the later Jews Esau becomes the symbol of the heathen world (see a striking Haggada in Weber, Jiid. Tlteol. 401).

2. i Esd. 529 (r)<rau [BA]). See ZiHA, i. T. K. C.

1 See BLESSINGS AND CURSINGS. Robertson Smith points out that Jacob, when seeking the paternal benediction, wears the skins of sacrificial animals. His father is a quasi-divine being. So the priests in Egypt wore the skins of sacred animals (cp LEOPARD), and several examples of this can be indi cated within the Semitic field (Ret. Se/n.fi) 437 ; cp 467). The antique flavour of the narrative in Genesis now becomes much more perceptible. (Sayce has already connected the dress of Jacob with the robe of goat s skin, the sacred dress of the Babylonian priests, Hibb. Led. 87, p. 285). See DRKSS, 8.

2 For the impossible -pin read -ncn, of which another cor ruption is TiNn C Book of Jubilees, JQR 0734). It may be added that TJ in Hos. 12 i, 1JT] in Jer. 231, and TnN in Ps. 55 3 are also demonstrably due to corruption.

3 Hosea does not indeed mention this action, but he accuses the Israelites of a deceitfulness which he traces back to Jacob s overreaching of his brother in the womb (Hos. 12 [3] 4; cp JACOB, 2).

4 Or, harmless (innocent of acts of violence). It was said of Esau, By thy sword shall thou live. CJJ may have begun to acquire a specialized sense in popular use. In Job 9 22 CJJ and psih are opposed.