Encyclopaedia Biblica/Fate-Footman

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Fate-Footman
see Encyclopaedia Biblica for other articles, typographic issues, links to PDF copies, and public domain status

Contents

FATE[edit]

See FORTUNE AND DESTINY.

FATHER[edit]

(3N, etymology unknown ; TT&THp)- We shall treat this subject here only in so far as it can be treated independently of sonship (see SON). The following are special uses of the term father.

(i) A title of respect, i S. 24 n (David calls Saul my father ). (2) A near or distant ancestor, e.g., Gen. 2813 (Abraham the father of Jacob) ; Dt. 20 5 and Is. 43 27 (the patriarch Jacob) ; Mt. 89 Jn. 856 (Abraham); Lk. 132 (David). So especially in the plural : Ex. 813 i K.. 821 Mt. 2830 Jn. 420631 i Cor. 10 i. CpWRS Kin. njf.

Usage naturally permitted the same word to be used of the ancestors of a tribe and of those of an individual, for the tribe was viewed as an organism (see GENEALOGIES i. , 2 ; GOVERNMENT, 2). For father's or fathers house (;JN rra, man rra), cp FAMILY, 2.

(3) The reputed founder of a. city, Gen. 8819 i Ch. Isif. 44 etc. ; or (4) of a. guild or class of men, Gen. 4 20^ (5) An honorific title of priests, Judg. 17 10 ; or (6) prophets, 2 K. 2 12 613621 1814;! or (7) teachers, Mt. 23 9 (cp in later times, Abba Shaul, Abba Eleazar). (8) An official title of the chief adminis trator or vizier, Gen. 45 8, 2 perhaps also Is. 22 21 (Duhm) ; cp (D s addition to Esth. 813, and the commentators on i Mace. 11 32.

In Is. 9s [6] -iy VJX (see ABIHUD) we should perhaps read in 3^ glorious father (i.e., governor), parallel to ni^t? iiy, prosperous prince ; but C?x-ib") T3K Mighty one (of Israel) is much better (for details see Che. in Crit. Bib. ). The difficulties of all the ordinary explanations of MT may be seen from the commentaries (e.g. , Del. and Duhm ).

(9) Applied to Yahwe as the creator or producer of the people of Israel, of mankind in general, and of all natural phenomena, Dt. 326 Is. 63 16 64 8 [7] Mai. 2 10 Job 38 28. Tg. renders Is. 63 16 64 7 paraphrastically, thpu whose compassion for us is as great as that of a father for children.

Note also the use of 6 irarrip, the Father, as a title of God in Acts 1? (6 irarrip alone), Mt. 11 27 2436 2819 and || passages, where 6 irar-qp and 6 w6s occur together ; 6 7raTT7/3 = ABBA \q.v. ]. On the other NT phrases, my Father, your Father, sometimes with the addition of who is in heaven, also our Father who is in heaven, and on the whole conception of the heavenly Father, see Dalman, Die Worte Jesu, 1150-162.

FATHOM[edit]

(oprY <M Acts 27 2 8). See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

FATLING[edit]

an animal fattened for slaughter ; see CATTLE, 5.

In EV it represents (i) QTVD, mehim, Ps. 66i5t, for which read D Knn, so- Che. on Is. 5 17, SBOT Isa. Heb. 8 3 ; (2) N iD> m rt, 28.613, etc., see CATTLK, 2 (5), and cp jj iai bart\ Ezek. 343 RV ; (3) QijBB D. * s - 15 9. f r which Q<:ci?,1 hassfmcnim, should be read ; see Dr. ad loc. ; 3 (4) o-iTierra, Mt. 224 = o-iTevra of LXX.

1 Tg. substitutes 3T for "3N where Israelites, and TO where non-Israelites, are the speakers.

2 Onk. renders Abrech (Gen. 41 43), father of the king." See, however, JOSEPH ii., 6.

3 EV might suggest the reading D 3DE>p, cp Neh. S 10.

4 [ Feast. For nntpD, Crh (Eccles. 10 19 cp Dan 5 i), eopTrj, etc., see MEALS ; for IJ/ia (cp 2Ch. 3022 Lam. 2-), see ASSEMBLY, 2; and for Jn, see below, g 4, 6, 9, n ; cp DANCE, 3 .]


FAUCHION[edit]

(AKIN&KHC), Judith 136 16 9 AV, RV SCIMITAR. See WEAPONS.

FAWN[edit]

(-IQ V, Cant. 4 5 7 3 [4] RV) ; see ROE, 3.

FEASTS[edit]

  • Character (1).
  • Earlier stages ( 2-5).
  • Tone (6-7).
  • Minor feasts ( 8).
  • Changes ( 9-12).
  • Later additions (13-14).
  • Literature ( 15).

1. Their social character.[edit]

Amongst the ancient Hebrews, as amongst all other ancient peoples, there was no distinction between religious and secular feasts ; there was no feast without a sacrifice, and there was no sacrifice that was not a feast. 4 Nor was there any sharp line of demarcation, as there is amongst modern nations, between social and religious life ; religious observances formed one department of social duty. A close bond of union and of intercourse, originally conceived as physical, connected the members of a clan with their god. If the clan was celebrating a joyful festival, their god must participate in it. For the Israelitish nomads in particular, no festival was complete without the eating of meat, whilst the slaughtering of an animal for food was always at the same time a sacrifice. On the other hand, a sacrifice in the most ancient periods had, as a rule, the character of a public feast. The deity stood in direct relation not so much to the individual man as to the clan or tribe as a whole. Ac cordingly, sacrifice was originally an affair of the clan.

Sacrifices offered by a private individual were the exception, and even in later times they betray something of the character of a public feast, inasmuch as the members of the same tribe were always welcome as guests. Even a private offering was not complete without guests, and the surplus of sacrificial flesh was not sold but distributed with an open hand (WRS Rel. Sem.W 264).

2. In the nomadic stage.[edit]

We find only a few traces in the OT of regularly recurring feasts celebrated by the Hebrews in their nomadic state before the immigration into Canaan. The three great annual feasts, so important at a later date, Massoth, Pentecost, and the Feast of Tabernacles, are the festivals of an agricultural people, which were first adopted by the Hebrews in Canaan. On the other hand, one portion of the Feast of Massoth the Pass over goes back to the nomadic life of the Hebrews. Even Jewish tradition has preserved the correct view, that the foundation of the Passover is earlier than the Exodus that even before Moses the Hebraic pastoral tribes were accustomed to celebrate a spring festival with offerings from their herds (Ex. 7i6 1024^, etc.). This is confirmed by the fact that the ancient Arabians also observed a similar festival in the spring. The old Hebrew feast, however, like that of the Arabians, had not the same meaning as the later Passover, which represented the offering of the tribute due to the deity from the herd. The peculiar ritual of the Passover points more particularly to the view that the feast, like all sacrifices, was originally intended, by means of the sacramental acts of eating the sacrificial meat and partaking of the blood of the victim, to strengthen the union of the members of the tribe both with each other and with the deity. In this way they thought to insure themselves against every harm and danger. Besides the feast of Passover, the festival of the New Moon also appears to go back to a period before the conquest of Canaan : it was originally simply astro nomical and quite unconnected wi\h agriculture. Its wide prevalence among the Semites, its great im portance, and above all, its connection with the ancient family sacrifices (i S. 20 5^), speak for its high antiquity. The Sabbath, on the other hand, may very probably have had its origin in agriculture. A third feast, which the Hebrews may have brought over with them from their nomadic life, is the feast of sheep- shearing (i S. 252 2 S. 1823 ; cp Gen. 8812). See further, PASSOVER, PENTECOST, SABBATH, TABERNACLES.

3. After settlement in Canaan.[edit]

The introduction of the worship of Yahwe among all the Hebrew tribes, so far as we can judge from the oldest sources, appears to have altered the character of these feasts only in so far that they were now all celebrated in honour of the common God Yahwe, and no longer of the several tribal deities. Very import ant, on the other hand, were the alterations in these, as in other departments of religion, brought about by the settlement in the land of Canaan. Those feasts which were connected with pastoral life immediately fell very decidedly into the background.

The feast of sheep-shearing, for example, was important only for those districts of the country in which the nature of the land made cattle-breeding play an important part e-g., in the S. of Canaan. There it retained its position as a local feast down to the time of the kings (i S. 25 2 2 S. 13 23) ; but as early as the oldest legislation it was no longer reckoned as one of the universal feasts. The same thing seems to have happened in the case of the Passover. This feast also fell very decidedly into the background and was subordinated to the countryman s spring- festival, the offering of the first-fruits of the harvest ; and in the earliest legislation relating to feasts it is not counted as an independent feast at all (in Ex. 3425 the na.me. pesah is a later insertion). Probably in particular districts, where there was little cattle-breeding, it fell out of observance entirely (cp 2 K. 23 21 ff.*). Where it was celebrated it coalesced more and more with the feast of the beginning of harvest, as might easily happen, since both harvests fell approximately about the same time. Lastly, the feast of the New Moon retained its high position among feasts in popular usage (i S. 20 t,ff. Am. 85 Hos. 2i3[n] Is. 113); but this feast also is entirely, and, it appears, purposely ignored in the legislation.

4. Become agricultural.[edit]

When the Israelites became settled, the old feasts were displaced by a new cycle closely connected with agriculture. In the spring when the sickle is first put to the corn (Dt. I6:9 ^ the first fruits of the new crop were offered at the feast of unleavened bread (hag ham-massoth, rnxan Jn). Seven weeks later the feast of weeks or harvest-feast (niy3B> in, hag sdbu oth or jn Txpn, hag hak-kdsir : Ex.3422 23 16) marked the end of the harvest. Between these two feasts was contained a great seven-weeks harvest-festival (Is. 9 2 [3]). The end of the cycle of feasts in the autumn was marked by the feast of Tabernacles, termed in the old legislation the feast of ingathering at the year s end (cpDNn an, hag haaslph: Ex. 3422 23 16). In the old law of feasts all three stood side by side as of equal authority and importance, all requiring a visit to the sanctuary. This can hardly have been the case in practice. At all events the historical books only testify to the autumn feast (Judg. 927 i S. 1 1 ff. i K. 1232 638). It is called merely the feast or the feast of Yahwe (arn, hehag, or mrr jn, hag Yahwt : i K. 82 12 32 Judg. 21 19 Lev. 23 39 41 Ezek. 45 25 Neh. 8 14 Zech. 14 riff.}. Its pre-eminence over the other feasts is easily intelligible : it was the concluding festival of thanksgiving for the whole of the harvest. The spring feasts, however, also came into existence fairly early, alongside of the Feast of Tabernacles, as is proved by the law and also by Isaiah ( 9 2 29 1 etc. ). The other feasts, as Wellhausen remarks (Prol.W 94), were celebrated only in local circles, at home and not at the famous sanctuaries.

The harvest feasts were connected with the land of Canaan. Nothing exhibits more clearly than this fact the natural foundation of the ancient religious beliefs and observances of Israel. These feasts were connected, not with historical acts of deliverance by Yahwe, but with the products of the earth, which were Yahwe s gifts. Hence it clearly follows that they cannot have had their origin with a nomadic people of the desert, but must have sprung up in the country itself. We shall not be wrong in assuming that they were originally Canaanite feasts, which in common with so many other portions of the Israelitish worship of Baal were sub sequently transferred to Yahwe .

There is direct evidence for the Canaanite origin of the autumn feast : every autumn the citizens of Shechem celebrated their feast of hillullm (Judg. 9 27). The rites of this festival were in themselves neither gentile nor Israelitish : they only became one or the other when they were connected with a definite deity. The Canaanites regarded their god as lord of the country and the dispenser of its fruits, and accordingly gave him the tribute due therefrom. For the Israelites, Yahwe was the Baal of Canaan, to whom they owed their country and all that it contained ; accordingly they kept the feasts in his honour.

5. Viewed as tribute.[edit]

The attitude of mind which dominated these agri cultural festivals has thus already been indicated : the festal gifts and sacrifices were the tribute owed and paid to the lord of the country. Robertson Smith { Re i Sem.W HI/: 244 458 ff.} has conclusively proved that this was not the genuine Semitic conception of sacrifices and feasts. Nevertheless it was a conception that was continually coming more and more into prominence. Even the old legislation extended the demand for tribute to the increase of the flock, and required that the first-born of cattle should be sacrificed on the eighth day after birth (Ex. 34 19 2229). Further, after this conception had once become prominent, the Passover also was conformed to it, although its peculiar ritual was entirely contrary thereto. In Ex. 11 and 12 the narrative of JE is based on the conception that Yahwe took the first-born of men and cattle among the Egyptians as a compensation, because Pharaoh had not allowed the Israelites to sacrifice the firstlings of their cattle due to Yahwe. Hence the conception of a tribute from the herd had already found its way into the feast in ancient times, and this modification of the old feast may have considerably aided its coalescence with the feast of Massoth. The firstlings of the flock corresponded to the first-fruits of the field ; the essence or foundation of either feast was now the same. Still it must be noticed, in contrast with the law in Deuteronomy, that the amount of the gifts was left to the freewill of the giver. Tithe was first required in Deuteronomy (cp TAXATION ); before that nothing was specifically required except the firstborn. Further, in contrast to the festal ordinance of the Priestly Code, in ancient times and down to Deuteronomy the offerings and tributes coincide with each other. Nothing is said of any other offerings at the feasts except those which consisted of the tribute.

6. Their joyousness.[edit]

Corresponding to this natural foundation of the whole religion, an entirely cheerful tone characterises all the feasts. Thou shall rejoice before Yahwe is continually repeated in D. The main feature of the festivals was unquestionably the joyous sacrificial meal ; that this was not always particularly solemn is proved by Eli's suspicion about Hannah (i S. 1 14 cp Am. 28 Is. 28 j f. ). Dancing and processions also formed a not unimportant part of the festival, as is indicated by the name jn (hag] (see DANCE, 3, 5 f.). At the autumn feast in the vineyards of Shiloh the young maidens performed choral dances (Judg. 21 T.gff. }. Nowhere else is it more clearly seen that the key-note of the piety of the earlier Israelites was a feeling of joyful security. The ancient Israelite was contented with his God, and knew that his God was contented with him. This was attested to him by the gifts of the field and of the flock, by the prosperity of the community. On the other hand, the misfortune of a single individual could not come into account when compared with the wellbeing of the community as a whole. Thus there could not have been any permanent feeling of a need for atonement apart from exceptional manifestations of divine wrath in the shape of drought, pestilence, or other national calamities ; much less could there have been room for regular festivals of atonement.

7. Place in religious life.[edit]

The important part played by the feasts in the religion of ancient Israel is best seen from the representations of Amos, Hosea, and Isaiah. These prophets give the impression that the entire religious observances of the nation were contained in these feasts. Special cases apart, the individual Israelite saved up his offering for these feasts (i S. 13 21), satisfying the religious feelings in the interval by vows to be discharged when the festal season came round (Rel. Sem.W 254). Were the feasts allowed to drop, the whole of the divine worship would fall with them ; this it is that gives the prophetic threat of exile its sting (Hos. 213 [n] ff. 9 1-6 Is. 32 g/. ). On this account a high estimate must also be set upon the influence of these feasts on the religious and national development of the people. Such feasts were continually reviving not only the religious life but also, and at the same time, the national feeling. If the pilgrims from the different tribes coming in this way from far and near to a famous sanctuary found themselves united in common festal rejoicings and common thanksgivings to Yahwe, these meetings must have continually given fresh strength to the feeling of unity, which in Israel rested mainly on the basis of the common religion. The feasts brought home to each man s consciousness the fact that all Israel owed the produce of its land to one God. Besides this, various kinds of business and of trade no doubt attached themselves to these feasts (Dt. 33 18^), as was the case among the ancient Arabians. On the other hand it is most important to observe and this makes a substantial difference between the early feasts and those of the period after the Exile that in ancient times there is no one vast and united festal community that offers its common sacrifices, but the separate sacrificial communities, households and families, unite for the sacrificial meal (cp i S.I).

8. Minor feasts.[edit]

The three great annual festivals were not the only feasts of the ancient Israelites. Even the old law offcasts (Ex. 23 12) recognised the Sabbath as a day of rest from the busy toil of the working days, and also as a day of glad and joyful festivity (cp Hos. 2i3[n] 2 K. 4 23 etc.). It has already been mentioned that the feast of the New Moon was celebrated universally, the passover and the feast of sheep-shearing in particular districts. A merely local importance also attached to the feast which the daughters of Israel celebrated in memory of Jephthah s ill-fated daughter (Judg. 1X40), a festival the original significance of which is obscure (see JEPHTHAH, 6). The local cults up and down the country may have shown many instances of similar feasts celebrated in memory of some historical or legendary event.

9. Deuteronomic laws.[edit]

The introduction of Deuteronomy as the law of the state in the time of Josiah gave the impulse to a complete transformation of the ancient feasts. The author of D himself, it is true, neither intended nor was conscious of any such revolution. His injunction to celebrate all feasts in Jerusalem is designed to effect an altera tion only in form, leaving the substance of the feasts untouched. Apart from this one requirement, D s attitude towards the ancient religious customs is throughout conservative. Like the old law of feasts, it ignores the new moon, and leaves the Sabbath what it had been hitherto, a day of rejoicing and gladness. Nor does it interfere with the three great feasts, at which all had to appear before Yahwe. Their connection with agriculture remains undis turbed, except in the case of the feast of Passover (see below). On account of this connection also, no alteration was made in the manner of determin ing the dates of the feasts (01.16913) which had hitherto prevailed, though this was really demanded by their centralisation. The feast of weeks and the autumn feast continued to be as before the cheerful festivals, at which men ate and drank and made merry before Yahwe (Dt. 12i8 14 2 6 161114 26n). The celebration of the feast consisted, as hitherto, solely in the offering up of the first-fruits of the earth and the firstlings of the flock. D goes beyond the old legislation in fixing the Passover and the Feast of Tabernacles to last for seven days, and Pentecost for one day : this however is hardly to be considered as an innovation, but rather as fixing the custom that had developed itself in the course of time.

Nor is there any real innovation in the fact that D employs fresh names ; besides Massoth it uses the designation Pesah (riOS, pesah, Dt. 16 iff. 16) ; for the autumn feast it employs the designation hag hassukkoth, ni2D.T jn, feast of tabernacles (Dt. 1613^). The latter is to be traced simply to the old custom (Is. 1 8) of living out in the gardens and vineyards in huts made of boughs during the vintage and olive-gathering. In the spring feast, however, we meet for the first time, at all events in D, the completed combination of the Passover and Massoth (16 i), but in all probability it had already by degrees become fully established as a religious custom (see above, f> 5). The connection of this feast with the Exodus also, the most important alteration in D (see below), finds at least some countenance in the old tradition (Ex. 1234 39) according to which the Israelites at their exodus had no time to provide themselves with provisions for the journey, but were obliged to take away the dough unleavened and to make themselves cakes of it. On the other hand, the loss of the ritual peculiar to the passover appears to be an Innovation (Dt. 16 iff.); this it is to be explained as a necessary consequence of its being celebrated no longer at home but in the temple at Jerusalem.

10. Further developments.[edit]

Although D thus spared the ancient religious customs in as far as this could be done consistently with its fundamental idea of the centralisation of religious observances, it was eventually inevitable that this centralisation should carry with it a train of consequences which the author of Deuteronomy had never thought of. The immediate result of the transference of the cultus to Jerusalem was the detachment of the feast from its natural basis. The common celebration of the feast on one day, which certainly was not originally required to be the same every year, severed its close connection with the harvest, since the latter in the various districts, differing so widely in climate, could not have been fixed in advance for one particular date. The ancient in terpretation of the feast was gradually lost sight of by explanations (already begun in D) from historical events (above, 9). History is not, like the harvest, an experience of the separate households, but rather an experience of the nation as a whole (We. Prol.W 101 ). Further, if the feasts lost their individual character in this way, and gradually became days of commemoration of events in the religious history of the nation, there was no longer any reason for their retaining any peculiar ritual. The characteristic sacrifice of the firstlings, which moreover became impossible at the central sanctuary (as is already recognised in Dt. 14 24-26), came to be unnecessary, and could give place to the regular sacrificial service. With all this, and particularly with the decay of the old festival customs, disappeared also the old feeling in connection with them.

To celebrate a feast at the beginning and the end of harvest at home in the narrow circle of a sacrificial society, and there to eat the first-fruits before Yahwe, was a very different thing from the head of the family s taking with him to Jerusalem the proper tribute in money or in kind, there to deliver it at the temple, or to barter it for the things necessary for a sacrificial meal a proceeding that has to be permitted as early as D (Dt. 14 24-26). In Jerusalem a sacrificial meal properly so called was no longer possible ; only in the rarest cases could the pilgrim to a feast at Jerusalem have around him there his family, his relatives, and his friends, and all who formed the small religious society at home and at the sanctuaries scattered over the country (i S. 1). He himself was completely lost in the vast national assembly of persons otherwise strangers to him. Thus the joyous character of the ancient nature-festival gave place to the seriousness suitable to days of commemoration of epochs in the religious history of the people, and nothing further prevented the attitude of mind that later dominated the whole divine service penitent consciousness of sin from making its way into the feast also.

11. The Priestly Law.[edit]

The legislation in P boldly carried out these consequences to their last results. The feasts were unalterably fixed by month and day (Lev " 23s ff Nu " 28 ^ The new moon, as all the feasts were thus regulated by reference to it, acquired a new importance, and was itself also accordingly adopted into the cycle of feasts (Nu. 28 n^). The Sabbath rest, from being recreation after labour, became inactivity pure and simple, and thus from being a pleasure became an ascetic service (Ex. 1627^ 31 ff. etc., see SABBATH). The Exile more than anything else contributed to the increase of its importance ; after the sacrificial service had fallen out of use, the Sabbath and circumcision remained the two sole signs of the covenant (Ex. 31 13 cp Neh. 1030^ ). A further extension of the sabbatical scheme led to the institution of the sabbatical year and of the year of Jubilee, which must be held to have been purely theoretical developments of the idea of the Sabbath, quite incapable of realisation in practice. The transformation of nature-festivals into festivals of religious history had not yet been achieved in the case of the feast of Pentecost, which therefore, on this account, was treated as more or less of secondary importance ; only one day was given to it, whilst the Passover and the feast of Tabernacles had eight (Lev. 23i6/T Nu. 28z6/:). The feast of Tabernacles was now interpreted as commemorating the fact that the Israelites dwelt in tents in the wilderness ; there was no longer any word about the first-fruits of the harvest (Lev. 2833^ 39 ff. Num. 29i2). In the case of the Passover this tendency actually went so far that the festival came to be not merely the echo of a divine act of deliverance, but itself such an act ; it was now explained as instituted before the Exodus in order that Yahwe might spare the firstborn of the Israelites, not because he had spared them (Ex. 12 1-20). Finally, two new feast-days of purely ecclesiastical significance were introduced : the ecclesiastical new year and the feast of atonement on the ist and loth days respectively of the 7th month, that is, immediately before the feast of Tabernacles. That these feasts, of so wholly different a character, should have been placed on a level with the others shows in a striking manner how completely the meaning of the old feasts had faded out of memory.

It is easy to understand that the transformation of these haggiin (dances) into feasts of atonement was never completely carried out, and therefore for the new and altered time a special feast of atonement came to be required. None the less the ritual of the several feasts betrays that all alike were reduced to the condition of purely ecclesiastical services. Only the Passover must, in accordance with its new interpretation, have the ancient rite of the sprinkling with blood restored to it (Ex. 12 i jf.\ however ill-suited to the new conditions. The ritual of the other feasts was perfectly uniform : a wearisome monotony of countless burnt -offerings and sin-offerings combined with Sabbath rest and vast gatherings at the sanctuary (Nu. 28^). Besides, these offerings are not, as formerly, voluntary gifts, but legally fixed dues paid by the community at large in which the individual has no direct share, but which are efficacious, f x opere operate, as acts of the priest, for the benefit of the whole.

12. Further modifications.[edit]

So far as the old feasts had any further development at all in the later times after the Exile, this took place absolutely on the lines laid down by P. This is particularly obvious in the case of the Sabbath and of the feast of Pentecost. The idea of the Sabbath embodied in P became ever more predominant, and led to a number of statutory regulations, which prescribed down to the minutest detail what was to be done and what left undone on the Sabbath. Moreover, just as P had already transferred the idea of the Sabbath to the other feasts also, so strict Sabbath rest came more and more to be an essential part of all festivals. The feast of Pentecost became after the destruction of Jerusalem and of the temple a feast of commemoration of the giving of the law on Sinai, thus completing the process of trans formation of the nature-feasts that has been already indicated. In other respects the work of later Judaism was in the main confined to minute elaboration of the ritual of the feasts. In this respect alone did the law still admit (and require) any supplement. The rise of a double celebration of the principal feast-days (with the exception of the day of ATONEMENT) among the Jews of the Diaspora, is characteristic of the spirit of legality that governed their celebration. Owing to the manner in which the new moon was fixed by direct observation (see NEW MOON), it was not possible to give the Jews of the Diaspora due notice beforehand of the dates of the feasts which were determined by it. On this account they celebrated the more important feasts twice over, in order that on one at all events of the two days the feast might be celebrated in common by all. The feast of the NEW YEAR (q.v.) could come to be celebrated twice over even in Jerusalem itself. In the case of Purim it might happen in the intercalary years that it had to be repeated in the second month Adar (Meg. 14 ; cp PURIM). There could be no clearer proof of the importance now set upon the exact date of the celebration.

13. New festivals of the Maccabean period.[edit]

To these ancient feasts, in the Maccabean period and later, were added the following new feasts:

  • (1) the feast of Purim in commemoration of the abortive machinations of Hainan against the Jews of the Persian empire (Esth. 923-32 : see PURIM, and cp ESTHER, 7) ;
  • (2) the feast of the Dedication of the Temple (iMacc. 459 Jo. lOaa), in commemoration of the reconsecration of the temple by Judas the Maccabee (see DEDICATION, FEAST OF) ;
  • (3) the feast of Nicanor (1 Macc. 749 2 Macc. 15 36), celebrated on the 13th of Adar to commemorate the victory of Judas the Maccabee over NICANOR (q.v. , i) at Heth-horon in 161 B.C. This feast was still kept in the time of Josephus (Ant. xii. 10s); later it passed completely into oblivion and the fast of Esther ("inpK JVJj, n) was transposed to its day (see PURIM).
  • (4) The feast of the Capture of the Citadel (1 Macc. 1850-52), instituted by Simon the Maccabee in memory of the recovery of the Akra, the Syrian citadel in Jerusalem, on the 23rd of lyyar, 171 Sel. era ( = May 142 B.C.). This feast is not mentioned by Josephus ; apparently it had already been forgotten, (cp silence of Meg. Ta'anith).
  • (5) The feast of the Wood-Bringing (77 rCiv v\o<popi>v foprrj, Jos. BJ ii. 176), according to Josephus celebrated on the 14th of Loos ( = the Jewish Ab : cp BJ\\. 17?). The date of its origin is unknown.

As early as Nehemiah are recorded regulations in reference to the deliveries of wood to be made by the houses of our fathers for the altar of burnt-offering (Neh. 1034 1831). In the Mishna nine days in the year are appointed for these deliveries of wood ; the chief day was the istn of Ab, on which the priests and Levites brought their wood ; this seems to have given that day in some degree the character of a feast ( Ta dnith 4 5 ; see Schiir. GVIV) 2208(8) 26o/ [ET3252], and cp CANTICLES, 8).

14. After destruction of Jerusalem.[edit]

(6) To the period subsequent to the destruction of Jerusalem belongs the reintroduction of two fast days. Of the four fast days which were observed during the Exile and immediately after it (Zech. 735 819), those of the fourth and fifth months acquired a new meaning : on the 17th of the fourth month the city was stormed by the Romans under Titus : in the fifth month, on the 10th day, according to Josephus (Bf vi. 45), or on the gth, according to the Talmud, the Romans destroyed the temple. Both days were observed: at a much later date the feast of the Rejoicing of the Law with feasting and mourning.

(7) Lastly, there was instituted a feast of rejoicing for the Law" (minn riDDS? Jn> hag simhath liattorah). It was celebrated on the 23rd of Tishri, immediately after the eight days of the feast of Tabernacles. It is on the Sabbath after the feast of Tabernacles that the reading in the synagogue of the fifty-four great parashitn into which the Pentateuch is divided, begins. As for the antiquity of the feast, all that can be said is that the present cycle of parashim was already an institution of very old standing in the first half of the eighth century (cp Zunz, Gottesdienstl. Vortr., 37).

The foregoing sketch aims at giving a general picture of the character and development of the Hebrew feasts. For details as to their ritual, reference must be made to the special articles : ATONEMENT, DAY OF ; DEDICATION, FEAST OF ; NEW MOON, NEW YEAR, PASSOVER, PENTECOST, PURIM, TABERNACLES, SABBATH. Cp also HEXATEUCH, 2\f.

15. Literature.[edit]

The most important recent works are : We. Prol.W ("95), 82-117; Stade, GVI 1 ( 87), w ff. \ Benzinger, HA ( 94), 464-478; Nowack, HA ( 94), 2138-203; Kue. Religion of Israel; WRS OTJC; Buhl, art. Gottesdienstliche Zeiten im AT. in PR ZT( 3 )7 i qff-, etc. These all accept the Grafian view of the post-exilic date of P. For the attitude of the opponents of this theory, who represent the traditional views, Oehler s art. Feste, PREP) 4538^, and his Theol. d. AT, may be con sulted ; also Green, The Hebrew Feasts in their relation to Recent Critical Hypotheses concerning the Pentateuch ( 85). For further references see separate articles mentioned above. I. B.

1 On the dates see CHRONOLOGY, 66. According to Tacitus (Ann. 1254) Felix had been administering Samaria and Judaea whilst Cumanus was procurator of Galilee ; see on this the literature cited by Schiir. Hist. 2 173, n. 14.

2 Of his two wives who are known to us, one was a grand daughter of Mark Antony and Cleopatra ; the other, Dyisilla, was the daughter of Agrippa I. (see HERODIAN FAMILY, 10),

FELIX[edit]

(<|>HAl5 [Ti. WH]). Antonius Felix, of the court of Claudius, probably, like his brother Pallas, a freedman of Antonia (the mother of Claudius), succeeded Cumanus as procurator of Palestine (52-60 A. D. ) i 1 see ISRAEL, 99. His whole career eminently befitted his origin and is thus tersely summed up by Tacitus (Hist. 5 9) : per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem jus r?gitim servili ingenio exercuit. It is a striking illustration of the importance of freedmen at the court of Claudius that besides obtaining the procuratorship he was actually thrice married into royal families. 2 His tenure of office was marked by interminable revolts and dissensions. The disturbances of the Zealots had been followed by the excesses of the Sicarii (see ZEALOT). Religious fanatics not so impure in their deeds but more wicked in their intentions, fired by Messianic hopes and ex pectations, were ruthlessly put to the sword. Of such was the Egyptian prophet of Acts 21 38 (see Jos. BJ li. 13s, Ant. xx. 86). The latter period of his pro- curatorship was marked by two prominent events at CiESAREA (q.v. , i). Paul, who had been accused of defiling the temple (Acts 2128), and of preaching the resurrection from the dead (ib. 22s ff. ; cp 236 242i), was sent hither for safety s sake by CLAUDIUS LYSIAS, and was accused in the presence of Felix (Acts 24). One hesitates to estimate the character of Felix from account of the trial : v. 220. is notably difficult, and it is not easy to decide whether the procurator already knew something of the teaching of Jesus, or whether he recognised the inner significance of Paul s speech. It is probable that to Felix Paul was no more than one of the many fanatics who had arisen in the past years, and it agrees with the general tendency of Acts to infer that the writer s aim was to indicate the neutral attitude of Rome to the new faith (cp ACTS, 5).

At Csesarea, again, a conflict arose between the Jewish and the Syrian inhabitants respecting equality of civic privileges. Felix interposed on behalf of the latter and silenced the Jews by military force. Deputations were sent to Rome, one demanding a speedy settlement of the question, the other, from the Jews, denouncing the conduct of the procurator. Felix was recalled and his place taken by FESTUS [q.v.~\. Through the in fluence of Pallas, Felix escaped punishment, and the Syrian party, |by bribing Nero s secretary Beryllus, 1 ensured the annulling of the privileges of the Jews of Cassarea. See FESTUS, and cp Schiir. Hist. 2174-183.

S. A. c.

FELLOE[edit]

i. gabh, 35, i K. 7 33 RV, AV nave ; Ezek. 1 18 10 12 RVinif-, EV ring ; see WHEEL, i (a). 2. hissiik, p n, i K. 733t AV, RV spoke.

FERRET[edit]

The Heb. dndkdh, HpJN (Targ. NTOpX ; cp Pesh. amaktha}, thus translated in Lev. llsof AV, is in RV rendered gecko, and from the context it certainly looks as if some kind of lizard were intended. <5 BAFL , however, has fjLvyaXrj (a shrew mouse, Sorex}. The Rabbinical writers regard the animal as the hedge hog ; but the latter is commonly taken to be the equivalent of the kippodh (see BITTERN, i).

Six species of Gecko are described from Palestine, of which the Egyptian species Ptyodactylus lobatus is perhaps the most abundant. The peculiar conformation of their feet by means of which they are able to walk on walls and ceilings is well known. Geckos are commonly but erroneously regarded as poisonous. They are nocturnal in habit, concealing themselves during the day ; and when more than one species lives in or around a house they keep separate and apart from one another. They utter curious clicking sounds, from which perhaps they derive their name. Cp LIZARD. A. E. S.

FERRY BOAT[edit]

but RV m e- CONVOY (iTUi;), 2$. 19i8[i9]. Neither rendering is strictly justifiable. See FORD.

FESTIVAL[edit]

(Wisd. 15i2 RV* TTANHrYP CMOC [BNAC]). On the subject of festivals generally see FEASTS.

Closing festival ( efdSioi/) is the rendering of RVmg. for mxy, lisdrah (see ASSEMBLY, i) in Lev. 23 36 Nu. 29 35 Neh. 8 18 (feast of tabernacles), Dt. 16s (the passover), 2 Ch. 7 9 (dedica tion of temple). For festival robes (Is. 822 RV, nis jnDi mahalasotli), cp DRESS, 8 (beg.), and see MANTLE.

1 Jos. Ant. xx. 89/Si)pvAAo(Niese), vulgo $o\ippo<; ; see Schiir. Hist. 2 184, n. 4.


FESTUS[edit]

(({>HCTOC [Ti. WH]). Porcius Festus succeeded FELIX as procurator of Palestine (60-62 A. D. ). Since Josephus remarks on the contrast between him and his successor Albinus, we may assume that there were no great blots on his character. Paul, who had been left in prison at Cassarea, was brought to judgment first before Festus, and th^n before Agrippa and Festus, and only on his appeal to Caesar was sent to Italy (Acts25/); see PAUL. The conflict, also at Caesarea, between the Jews and the Syrians, had been settled in favour of the latter (see FELIX), and the hostile feeling thereby excited among the Jews was destined to play an important part in the disasters which began a few years later. The disturbed state of the popular mind still continued, and is reflected in the frequent troubles with the Sicarii (see ZEALOT). The only remaining incident of importance during the pro- curatorship of Festus concerns the quarrel between Agrippa II. and the priests of Jerusalem ; see HERODIAN FAMILY, 8.

On the date of the arrival of Festus, see CHRONOLOGY, 65 ./ ; and on the discrepancies between Jos. Ant. xx. %/. and BJ. ii. 144, see Schur. Hist. 2 185, n. 41.

FETTERS[edit]

(EV rendering of 723, kdbhel\m. plu.], Ps. 105 18; Q pj, zikkim. Job 368; D ntrm, n hustdyim, Judg. 1621, and neAH, Mk. 64). See CHAINS.

FEVER[edit]

(nrnpj, Dt. 2822 (nyperoc, nypeccco), Mt.8i 4 / Mk. 1 30 /. Lk.4 3 8/ Jn. 4 5 2 Acts 288 (plur.). See DISEASES, 6, and cp MEDICINE.

FIELD[edit]

i. Sddeh, rnb> (Phcen. 1K>) : (a) the land outside of towns (e.g. , Mic. 4io); (^) tilled land as opposed to the desert (e.g. , Josh. 824); also (c) of special localities, e.g. , the fuller s field (Is. 7 3 862); (d) hill - country, probably the old meaning of ms? (=Ass. sadu) see Judg. 5i8 Dt. 32i3 Jer. 17s 1814 and especially Judg. 64 hill-country of Edom, Gen. 8635 highland of Moab ; 2 S. 1 21 (|| Gilboa ; see JASHAR, BOOK OF, 2). The transition to country was easy, because the ancestors of the Hebrews and Assyrians came from a mountainous country. The character (-^) representing sadu in Assyrian can also be read mdtu country. See Peters, JBL, 1893, p. 54 ff. ; Earth, Etym. Stud. 66 ; Wi. A OF 192.

2. rnp~lt?> Sedemoth (once in sing. Is. 37 27 ; but see 2 K. 19 26), an imaginary word arising out of errors of the text. The fact, however, that it occurs in MX five times (not counting Is. 37 27) shows that scribes supposed such a word to exist. Dt. 32 32 fields of Gomorrah (r; /cATjjiaris avrtov ex T. [BAFL] ; (cAjjjiaTiV also in Is. 18s) ; 2 K. 284 (o-aAij/uioS [B], a-a.5. [A], TO> ejATruptcrjuai TOU xetjmappou [L]) ; Is. 168 (ra Trefiut [BNAQF], Aq. apoupoi, Sym. KAij^ara, Theod. aypol 6a.va.rov [Q nl -]); Hab. 3 17 (TO. Trtfii a) ; Jer. 31 40 Kt. niD^ ( see KIDRON i., 2). For emenda tions of some of these passages see GRAPE, 3.

3. Helknh, np jn, 28. 14 30.7: Am. 4? (cp mtSTl npSn. helkath hassadck, Gen. 33 19 ; [see no. g below], also the place-names HELKATH, HELKATH-HAZZURIM). Portion in 2 K. 9 10 36.7: ; plat in 2 K. 9 26 ; wall in i K. 21 23 (MT s 7n, hel, should be p7n, heleK) Klo. emends into field. On p^n> helek, field, see Ges.-Buhl, s.v,, and cp ACELDAMA, i.

4. -Q, bar, open country, Job 39 4, RV open field ; Dan. 238, etc. (Aram.).

5- DOIT, yegebhlm [pi.], Jer. 39 lot (vSpfv^ara. [Theod. in Qmg.]). Though supported by Q sr, yogibhlm, in Jer. 52 16 2 K. 25 12, the word does not seem to be quite correct. Probably we should read 0*33, gannlm, gardens, and D jjj, gonenlnt (a new verb, denoiu.), gardeners.

6- riK, ref, Ezek. 29s, RV earth. rij< and mt? (see i) are equivalent (cp Gen. 1 24 with 3 i).

In NT : 7. aypos = ,-nb [i (a); cp. (c)]. Cp the lilies of the field, Mt. 6 28 ; the fields and villages, Mk. 6 36 ; the potter s field, Mt. 277.

8. \<apa., look on the fields, Jn. 4 35 ; cp Lk. 12 16. \<*>p<>- and TroAts are often opposed in Polybius.

9. xajpiof, an enclosed piece of ground" (RV of Mt. Mk. m g-)- Judas purchased a field" i.e., ACELDAMA [q.v.], Acts 1 iS/T). In xwp O" represents 013, kerent, vineyard (e.g., i Ch. 2727, 2 Mace. 11 s 127 21 4 Mace. 1620), which illustrates Mt. 2636 Mk. 1432. In Jn. 45 EV has parcel of ground to produce a connection with Gen. 33 19 (AV a parcel of a field, RV the parcel of ground ; see no. 3 above). Cp GETHSEMANE, i.

FIERY SERPENT, FIERY FLYING SERPENT[edit]

(SpE>, sdrdph), Nu. 218; and (BjaiyO *pb, s. mf dphiph). Is. 1429. See SERPENT, i (9).

FIG TREE, FIG[edit]

(Dt. 88 Judg. 9io/ i K. 4 25 [5 5], etc., and Nu. 1823 20s etc., respectively) are both denoted by the same Heb. word fendh, H3NJ;) (pi. 1 ?J22iv Cmfl), whereas Greek distinguishes them as cyKH and cyKON.

1. Derivation of T'enah.[edit]

According to Lagarde (Miltheil. 1 58-75), theSemitic namefor the fig tree means properly the tree near which another is planted or to which another is joined. 1

Lagarde contends that the tree s oldest Semitic name was tin, and, discussing its modification into Heb. t enah, Aram. tiitH, and Arab, tin, he argues that the initial t is the same as the preformative of 3 s. f. imperf. , and hence that a derivation from a root ,-!}N is probable. This root occurs frequently as a verb in Arabic with the meaning it is time, the time has come ; and probably the original sense was that of bringing near or joining.

The name is explained by the practice of planting wild fig trees by the side of the cultivated trees, or of placing branches of the wild fig in flower upon the trees a practice described by Aristotle (HA 632), Pliny (HN xv. 19 79), and others, and called by the Greeks tpiva<Tfj,6s and by the Latins caprificatio. The wild fig, which does not itself produce an edible fruit, is useful as harbouring hymenopterous insects which migrate to the cultivated tree and enter the receptacles within the figs. The object is to carry the pollen to the female flowers ; but the irritation produced by the gall-insects in attempting to deposit their eggs in them hastens the maturity of the fruit. Linnaeus rightly held that the fig has two sexes, the male being the caprifig or wild fig, while the female is the cultivated fig.

This view was opposed by Miquel (who held the two plants to be different species), and by Gasparrini (who made them different genera). Graf zu Solms-Laubach maintained that the caprifig was the wild stock from which the cultivated fig had developed. Fritz Miiller reasserted the opinion of Linnaeus, and Solms-Laubach made a journey to Java to re-examine the question in the genus Ficus_ generally, and as a result gave his adhesion to the Linnsean view. The caprifig produces in its receptacles gallflowers i.e., female flowers which have become the nidus of the insects. Certainly, from early times the Hebrews seem to have known the process of artificial stimulation as applied to figs (Am. 7 14, see below).

Dioecious plants occasionally revert functionally ; possibly we have an instance of this in the barren fig-tree (Lk. xiii. 6-9). There is reason to think that the normal fruit-bearing fig may sometimes revert to the caprifig condition. In that case its figs would not swell but would drop off early and (apparently) immature. Any one visiting such a tree would be disappointed (see, however, below, 5). 2

2. Original home.[edit]

Lagarde maintains, moreover, that the name is not one of those which from the first belonged to all the Semitic languages - in other words, that the fig was probably unknown to the Semites in their original home. The same conclusion had, on quite different grounds, been reached by Guidi (Delia sedc primitive, dei popoli Semitici, 3$f. ), and is generally accepted. 3

On somewhat doubtful philological grounds, Lagarde argues that the name was borrowed alike by Heb., Aram., and classical Arab, from the dialect of the clan Bahra, who had their original home in SE. Arabia. However, as Halevy shows (Mel. Crit. 200), almost equally good reasons could be given for holding the word to be originally Hebrew or Aramaic. Although it must be admitted that Lagarde s argument is weakened by baseless philological assumptions, 1 his etymology has fair prob ability, and if accepted throws an interesting light on the great antiquity of the art of fig cultivation.

The original home of the fig is said by De Candolle (Orig., 238) to have been the Southern Mediterranean shore, westwards from Syria. Thence the fig spread northwards and eastwards. Like the vine and olive, it must have been long an inhabitant of Palestine ; we see this especially in such early references as Judg. 9:10 Mic. 4 4. At the present day it is found wild in all parts of the country (Tristram, NHB 351).

1 Tin having the same relation to HJN as |3H has to fl33 (though this latter etymology is doubtful).

2 The point is elaborately discussed in l\\cGardener$ Chronicle for July 7, 1883 (p. 22 f.) by W. B. Hemsley, F.R.S.

3 Guidi holds that Arabic probably borrowed the word from Aramaic.

  • See D. H. Miiller in WZKM 1 26. Lagarde holds, for in

stance, that original t in Arab, must answer to original th in Aram, and sh in Heb., whereas there are undoubted instances of t remaining all through.

3. Culture.[edit]

Guidi (Delia sede, 35) cites a passage from an Arabic poet in which, as in the parable of Jotham (Judg. 9), the olive, the fig, and the vine as typical of cultivated trees are opposed to the bramble. The fact that these three can be traced so far back in Hebrew literature is interesting for the history of fruit culture ; and it is specially significant that the old phrase for possession of a country was that every man should sit under his own vine and fig-tree. The medicinal use of the n^aii d bheldh, or cake of figs, as a poultice (Is. 8821 2 K. 20?) is known both to classical (Pliny, //^Vxxiii. 7122) and to Arabic writers (Di. ad loc. ).

The meaning of the expression n % DpE> oVn, boles sikmim, in Amos (7 14) is still uncertain. The verb 0^3 does not occur elsewhere in Hebrew or in any other Semitic language (<& nvifav, Aq. epevvuv, Sym. ^XWP, Theod. xapdcrcruw ) ; but balas is a common name of the fig in Arabic and ^Ethiopic and is held by Lagarde (Mittheil., I.e.] to be the oldest Semitic name for the fruit, though even he thinks it may have been originally borrowed, perhaps from an Indian source. This being so, the reference is most probably to the cultivation of sycomore figs (the fruit of Ficus Syco- morus) by incisions made in the immature fruit. See also SYCOMORE.

The early unripe fruits which first appear on the fig tree in spring are in Cant. 213 denoted by Q jB, 1 p<*ggi>> , where (pBNAC has oAvVOpvs, a word which occurs once in the NT (Rev. 6 13). fijj in Ar. may denote any kind of immature fruit ; Syr. pagga or pdga (see BETH PH AGE) is the unripe fig. So oAwOos is explained by Hesychius as TO JU.T; n-eTrajueVoc CTVKOV. On the other hand, the early ripe fig, which was (and is) highly esteemed on account both of its peculiarly fine flavour and of its early appearance, is denoted by ,TV)33> bikkurdh (Is. 28 4 Jer. 24 2 Hus. 9 10 Mic. 7 it).

4. Gen. 3:7.[edit]

The use of fig leaves to make aprons in Gen. 3:7 has given rise to unnecessary difficulty, on the ground of the softness of the leaves and the difficulty of sewing them together into a continuous covering. Lagarde, who justly remarks that the mention of fig leaves must have been an element in the original form of the story, 2 has discovered for them an allegorical and religious meaning which would (as Dillmann remarks) have done honour to Philo. Celsius, Gesenius, Knobel, and others suppose that the banana or Musa is referred to, as this plant is called a fig by the natives of Malabar ; it is urged that its leaves, which may be ten feet long, would provide an effective covering. It is quite inadmissible, however, to suppose that the Hebrew narrator had a Malayan plant in his mind ; the banana was not known to the Egyptians, and its introduction into India (whence it was known to the Greeks and Arabs) was more recent (cp De Candolle, I.e. 245). Though later this plant became somehow associated with the Eden narrative (witness Linnceus s name for it, Musa paradisiaca) there is no ground for supposing that n:xn could have its meaning extended to cover a plant totally different from the fig. Probably the use of fig leaves seemed natural because these are among the largest to be found on any Palestinian tree. N. M. w. T. T. -D.

1 The Arab, verb corresponding to jnS signifies to spread apart (the feet) and hence to hasten.

2 Hehn (Kulturpjlanzen u. Hausthiere(*\ 96) brings it into connection with the Ficus ruminalis of Roman legend ; but little can be made of such a comparison.


5. NT.[edit]

The NT references to the fig tree are of great interest. When Jesus, according to the Fourth Gospel, speaks of having seen Nathanael under the fig tree (Jn. 14850), it is natural to think, in the first instance, of some prominent fig tree such as those which in Palestine often overshadow the wells beside which travellers halt, e.g., Ain et-Tin, by Khan Minyeh (see, however, NATHANAEL). No tree is so widely spread in Syria and Palestine as the fig tree. Hence we cannot be surprised that on two recorded occasions Jesus drew a parable from it (a) Mt. 2432-35 Mk. 1828-32 Lk. 2129-33 ; (b) Lk. 136-9. The letter of these parables is clear ; the briefest reference to it is sufficient, (a) The fig tree is one of the first trees to shoot, though the time of its coming into leaf varies according to the situation, and when the leaves appear there must already be immature fruit, and summer cannot be far off. (b) A fig tree that had borne no fruit for three years would seem to its owner (destitute of the practical knowledge- of a gardener) to be useless, or even worse than useless. He would therefore at once cut it down, unless his gardener could persuade him that cultural treatment would be likely to restore the tree to normal fruit- bearing. The application of the parables is equally unmistakable. The first has reference to the speedy advent of the Messiah in glory ; the second to the danger of destruction for the Jewish people.

A great difficulty, however, remains, and we must be careful to meet it in an unprejudiced spirit. There is a well-known story (Mt. 21 17-22 Mk. 11 12-14 20-23) placed immediately after the triumphal entry into Jerusalem, which irresistibly reminds us of the second of these parables. Is the association of ideas purely accidental, or does it point to some misunderstanding on the part of Mt. and Mk. ? The improbabilities of the story are obvious, and cannot be explained away. Jesus, being hungry, came to a fig tree near Bethany, just before the passover, before the season for figs had come, and finding only leaves, cursed the tree, which immediately (irapaxp^f^a.) withered away (Mt. ), or at any rate was seen to be withered on the following morning (Mk. ). With this act, Jesus, according to the evangelists, connected an exhortation to the disciples to have faith in God, since even mountains (a proverbial expression) may be moved by prayer.

One inaccuracy in the report is too plain to be over looked. Any exhortation which Jesus may have con nected with this action must have related to the fate of the Jewish people, of which the fig tree is an image (Joel 1 7) ; the saying on faith is indeed genuine, but has received a wrong setting. Passing to the story itself, we cannot help being surprised at the curse ascribed to Jesus, for which there is no parallel in his life, and which, if interpreted symbolically, is diametrically opposed to the statement in Mt.2l4i Mk. 129- 1 This is the first difficulty. The second may be best expressed in the words of Augustine, Quid arbor fecerat fructum non afferendo ? Quae culpa arboris infecunditas ? 2 What was the offence of the fig tree? Was it the not having preserved one or two figs from the last season ? Or was it the not having produced one or two precocious figs before the time ? Neither alternative appears reasonable, nor is it at all natural to suppose as a last expedient that what Jesus required was green, unripe fruit. 3 Surely there is a better explanation, and a slight acquaintance with human nature will show how reasonable it is. Parables and history are easily confounded, so that even Sir Philip Sidney speaks with mild surprise of theologians of his time who denied the historicity of the parable of the good Samaritan. In just the same way some early Christian must have misunderstood the parable preserved in Lk. 13 6-9, and transformed it into a narrative of an act of Jesus, giving the circumstances a somewhat different form in order to bring the story as near as possible to the death of Jesus, but forgetting (see below) that the passover season was not the time for figs.

1 The anger of Jesus is not with Israel, but with its rulers.

2 Sena. 883 (Trench, Miracles, 445 n.).

3 So Post, Hastings, DB 26a. Weiss (Lebenjesu, 2451) is singularly meagre, and thinks it enough to suggest that the action ascribed to Jesus was analogous to symbolic actions of the old prophets (cp 2 K. 22i). He does not, however, quote a parallel.

It is a confirmation of this view that neither Mt. nor Mk. gives the parable in question, though they do record a parable of a vineyard (Mt. 21 33-46 Mk. 12 i-iz)> which is similar in its tendency, though it does not represent the vineyard as destroyed. It may be added that by giving up this difficult story we can the better appreciate the husbandman s loving intercession for the symbolic fig tree in the parable. It is not merely the accuracy of a detail in a narrative it is the consistency of the character of the Saviour himself that is in question. The chapter on the withering of the fruitless fig tree in Trench s Miracles may still be read with profit for its subtlety and the abundance of its exegetical information. We learn there that D. Heinsius proposed to read (Mk. 11 13) ov yap f/v xatpot tnJKiav, for where he was [in Judzea], it was the season of figs. Trench also refers to the reading (adopted by Ti. and \VH) 6 yap Kaipbf OVK TJV crvKwv (instead of oil yap ffv (caipb? crvKtav), which, though very well attested, is not probable. The truth probably is that the words are a comment of an early reader which has made its way into the text (so first Toup).

N. M. W. T. T.-D. , 1-4 ; T. K. C. , 5.

FIGURED STONE[edit]

(JV3DEi), Lev. 26 1 AV m - and RV. See IDOL, i(/.).

FILIGREE WORK[edit]

(JT^ O, Prov. 25 n RVs., AV pictures, RV baskets ; cp Nu. 8852 Lev. 26 1 Ezek. 812). See BASKETS and cp IDOL, i (/)

FILLET[edit]

in the AV occurs only as a technical term in architecture to render mn~i fyiii (J er - 52 21), O pli n> hasfiklm, etc., for which see PILLAR. On the use of fillets for the purpose of binding the hair, see CHAPLET, DIADEM, TURBAN, 1 1.

FINE[edit]

(&$}, 2 K. 23 33 RV" - ; cp 2 Ch. 36 3 ; see TRIBUTE). On pecuniary fines or compensations for injuries (Ex. 2122 Dt. 22 19 Ezra 7 26 [ confiscation of goods =i Esd. 8 24 penalty of money ; cp i Esd. 632 all his goods seized for the king = Ezra6n let his house be made a dunghill ]), see LAW AND JUSTICE.

FINGER[edit]

(as a measure of length, Jer. 522i, 173 N). See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

FIR, FIR-TREE[edit]

RV">s- CYPRESS (BTI3, 28.65 i K. 5 8 10 [22 24] 6 15 34, etc. ).

1. Name[edit]

B roS, which once (Cant. 1 17) occurs in an Aramaised form as ni"l3, is also found in Assyrian (bura.su) and Syriac (berOtha), and has probably passed through Phoenician into Greek as |3pa0v, and into Latin as bratus.

The ancient interpretations are very varied.

Thus has Kviraptcrcros six times ; ircvinj or TreuKiyos five times ; (ce 5p09 or icc pti/os, apjcevSos [A] or apKevOivos, and TUTU?, each twice ; and thrice an indeterminate rendering. Pesh. also is not altogether consistent, but generally renders shcmvaina i.e., cypress ; whereas in Vg. the rendering abies greatly pre ponderates. Again, some Jewish authorities, as Maimomdes and Iimhi, are quoted in favour of the box (Cels. 1 ^t>f.)~ See Box TREE.

2. OT references.[edit]

The OT references show that the b*rds was a characteristic forest tree of large stature and spreading boughs (2K. 1923 Ezek. 31 8), evergreen), a chief element in the 'glory of Lebanon' (Is. 60i 3 ; cp 41 19 5613), and specially associated with the cedar (Ps. 104i7 Is. 148 Zech. 112). Its timber ranked with that of the cedar as the best that could be employed in the building of houses and of ships (i K. 5 8 10^224] 61534 9 ii Cant. Ii 7 Ezek. 27s)-

3. Identifications.[edit]

Clearly then i rof is one of the large conifers - probably either (i) the cypress, or (2) the fir or pine.

(1) The meaning cypress has been accepted by most modern authorities, and might be regarded as established, were it proved that the equivalent in Phoenician meant the cypress. This is assumed, however, rather than proved in most cases e.g. in the argument of Baudissin (Stud. 2192-198; cp Hal. Mil. Crit. 30).

Even if it be granted that the representation on Phoenician coins and other monuments can be identified as the cypress and distinguished from other conifers (which in some cases Baudissin allows to be doubtful), the association of the tree with any particular deity such as the /3j)pou0 or the /3pa6i> of Philo Byblius is evidently precarious (cp Rel. Setn.C 2 ) 206 /.), and still more so is the inference that these Phoenician names denote the cypress. The identification is possibly better supported (Ges. T/tes.) by the fact that in Gk. J3pd6v (Diosc. 1 104) and in Lat. bratus (PI. UN xii. 17 78 xxiv. 11 102) denoted the savin (Juni- perus Setbina, L.), of which one sort, according to Pliny, resembles a cypress ; but even this is not much to build on. Moreover, whilst the ancients are known to have highly prized cypress wood for its durability and its usefulness in building houses and ships (Blumner, Technol. bei Gricchen u. Riimern, 2 257 ft.), almost equal praise is bestowed by them on the fir and pine in these respects (ib, 283^).

(2) More decisive arguments in favour of the Jir are those adduced by Robertson Smith (Proph.W 413/1 ).

(i) Ebusus, the modern Iviza, is, according to the coins, DEO N = 0*6^3 N. ar) d what this means appears from the Gk. IIiTuouom (see Schroder, Phiin. Sfr. 99). (2) The faros is, according to the OT, the characteristic tree of Lebanon along with the cedar. Now the cypress is (at any rate at present) not indigenous on Lebanon, but a species of Abies is very characteristic of these mountains, and to judge from its present frequency, must have always been a prominent feature in the forests.

Doubt may indeed remain whether b ros is a fir or a pine, 1 since, as Tristram tells us (NHB 353), the Aleppo pine is one of the most characteristic trees of Lower Lebanon, whilst Pinus maritima occurs occasionally on the coast and in the sandy plains.

4. Doubtful passages.[edit]

In some passages the occurrence of trra may be due to transcriptional error ; in others it should possibly be restored.

(i) In 28.65 we have the strange phrase playing before Yahwe on all kinds of fir wood, and on harps, etc. The parallel passage, however ( with all their might, and with songs, and with harps, i Ch. 13 8), supplies a better reading (most after We., so *v l(T\vi).

(2) The phrase ^y^ C ^rian in the battle - picture of Nah. 2 3 [4] will hardly bear to be rendered the spears are shaken terribly (RV). <B has oi ijrn-eis flopv/37)0ijcr< Tcu = iSroj D chS? (Che.), though We. keeps the air. Aey. l^JTin, and renders the clause the horses prance.

(3) In Ps. 72 16, for E JJT Q ln B NH3> on the top of the mountains shall it (the corn ?) make a rushing noise, Che. (Ps.W) reads BH^_ C"VI 8^33, like the pine of the mountains let it (justice) strike root.

N. M.

FIRE[edit]

(ti K, "YIN ; TTYP)- No material phenomenon seemed to primitive man to be so plainly divine as fire (cp Tylor, Prim. Cult. 2 aS i/).

1. OT conceptions.[edit]

(a) There was a flaming sword at the gate of Paradise (see CHERUB, 7 ), and in the storm, flashes of divine fire ( fire of God, 2 K. 1 12 Job 1 16) still lightened the world, betokening the passage of the divinity (Hab. 3n Ps. 77i8 [19]). It was also believed that in the olden time no human hand lighted the sacrificial flame, but fire from a well-pleased God (see Judg. 6 21 i K. 18 24 38, and cp SACRIFICE).

(b) Not only, then, did fire become an essential element in the ritual (see INCENSE, i, 8, SACRIFICE, and cp ALTAR), and in imaginative descriptions of theophanies (see BUSH, 2 ; THEOPHANY, 5), but also a conception of God s nature was derived, partly at least, from the characteristics of fire. Yahwe is a devouring fire to those who provoke him (see Dt. 424 93 32z2 Is. 8027 Mt. 3u Heb. 1229) ; he is a cheering light to those who obey him (Ps. 46 [7] 27 1 Is. 2s). These two manward aspects of God s nature are combined in Is. 10 17, The light of Israel shall be for a fire, and his Holy One for a flame.

(c) From the parallelism of the two expressions light and Holy One we see that the appearance of fire or light is the outward manifestation of the divine holiness (cp CLEAN, i). To those who are not holy the sense of God s nearness must be oppressive. When he approaches for judg ment, such persons (who have hitherto been practically atheists) realise what he is, and exclaim, Who can dwell safely in the neighbourhood of the avenging God ?

Such at least is the usual interpretation of that remarkable passage Is. 33 14. Prof. Skinnet, for instance, remarks, The word "dwell" means strictly "sojourn as a protected guest," and is the same as that used in Ps. 15 i."

1 Unless it were sufficiently general to include both.

No one, however, has been able to make the phrase n*?3N C N U 1 ? TU Di Who shall sojourn to us devouring fire (so it is literally) appear quite natural as Hebrew. The whole passage is so striking that even a faint gleam of fresh light may be welcome. In accordance with the newer style of textual criticism, which recognises the imperfections of MT more fully than used to be possible, we should most probably (with SBOT Isa. Heb., 196) restore the original text thus,

Who will rebuke for us (U? iyr C) the devouring fire?
Who will rebuke for us the everlasting burnings ?

To rebuke is to curb, quell, or (when used of God) to annihilate by an angry word; cp Ps. lOGg, He rebuked the Red Sea, and it dried up.

Another difficulty, however, remains ; and glad as one would be to recommend some explanation with confidence, it is not possible to do so. There are two current explanations.

(1) Comparing the description of the bush which burned and yet was not consumed (Ex. 82), some critics understand ever lasting as equivalent to divine, divine fire being necessarily eternal. This is plausible, 1 and with a different context would be admissible. Here, however, we require a word which speaks for itself without exegetical subtlety. Besides, if rebuke is right, divine must of course be wrong.

(2) Everlasting might, it is said, mean continual. This view, however, seems to confound c jij; olam with n ij ne$ak (see ETERNAL), and is rightly rejected by Kittel in his revision of Dillmann s commentary. Perhaps we should correct cSiy into D SIO peoples. It is no ordinary siege of Jerusalem that Is. 33 presupposes, but a judgment upon the nations which will assemble (the later prophets say) to besiege Jerusalem at the close of the present age. Hence in v. 12 we read, And the peoples will become burned to lime : like thorns cut off, which are kindled with fire. Where this fire comes from we learn from a neighbouring prophecy : it comes from Yahwe, who has a fire in Zion, and a furnace 2 in Jerusalem (31 g). It is not the usual word for fire ; the word fir was, according to some critics, 3 selected to suggest Ariel ( Altar-hearth ), the name given by Isaiah to Jerusalem in 29 i ; see ARIEL, 2. The fire is evidently that of the altar, not, however, of the visible but of the invisible altar, which Isaiah knows from his vision (chap. 6) to be really existent in the sanctuary (SBOT 1 Isa. 154).

2. Refining influence.[edit]

Fire, however, was not merely a destroying agent.

(a) In the hand of a refiner it separated the pure metal from the dross - a type of God's purifying judgments. It is said indeed once that the effect was not produced in the case of Israel ; affliction brought no noble elements into view :

Surely, I have refined thee, but without gain of silver ; I have tried thee in the furnace in vain 4 (Is. 48 10, SBOT). However, the writer of these words is hardly the Prophet of Consolation ; they appear to be an interpolation. The true Second Isaiah is an optimist, as the First Isaiah himself was when he wrote the words, I will smelt out in the furnace 5 thy dross 1 (Is. 125), and as Malachi was, when he said, He is like a refiner s fire (Mai. 82), and another late prophet who declares, I (Yahwe) will bring the third part through the fire . . . they shall call on my name, and I will hear them (Zech. 189).

(b) Of the purgatorial fire there is no trace in the Bible ; an appeal was made at the Council of Florence (1439 A.D.) to i Cor. 815, he himself shall be saved ; yet so as by fire ; but the fire mentioned is the same as that in v. 13, which is plainly the fire of destruction. As in i Pet. 3 20 it is said that few persons were saved (passing) through the water (Si vdaros), so the unwise builder referred to will escape through the midst of the fire, safe himself, though with the loss of his work. 6

On the unquenchable Gehenna (out of which the notion of a purgatorial fire grew among the later Jews), see ESCHATOLOGY, 10 03 3 70 3 (also Hi../).

  • See Duhm, ad Joe., and cp Che. Intr. Is. ifxjf.

2 Lit. an oven (see FURNACE, 5).

3 Such, at least, is the best of the usual views. For another theory (viz., that Ariel in 29 i 2 a should be Uriel), see ARIEL, 2.

Reading C3H (Kl o ., Che.). Cp FURNACE, 2.

6 Reading 133 (Lowth, Budde, etc.).

" The (os is not comparative, but like the Heb. Kaph vcritatis , is Sia Trvpos means flying, as he does, through the midst of the fire. Cp Job 24 14, o>s (cAe Trrrjs.

3. Laws.[edit]

Two special laws respecting the use of fire may be mentioned.

(1) According to Ex. 35s, not even the work of lighting a fire was permissible on the Sabbath a prohibition which agrees with the statement in Ex. 1623 that the manna in the wilderness might not be baked on the Sabbath. It is difficult to believe that this ascetic injunction which made household arrangements so difficult, was of early origin ; in fact, critical analysis assigns it to P. (See Jos. BJ ii.Sg, and cp SABBATH.)

(2) Another special law impressed on herdmen the necessity of caution in the use of fire. If a fire, starting among thorns which were troublesome and had to be consumed (Is. 8812^), should spread to another man s cornfield or orchard and damage it, res titution was to be made by the man who kindled the fire (Ex. 226 [5] ; cp Judg. 9is 15s) a most useful law in such a country as Palestine where the summers are so hot. In consequence of the material employed in the construction of houses no law was needed with re gard to conflagrations in cities (see HOUSE, i).

On the use of fire for domestic purposes see BREAD, 2 ; COAL, COOKING (cp 3/0, FOOD. On passing through the fire see MOLECH. On the pillar of fire see PILLAR. On fire in metallurgy, see METALLURGY. T. K. C.

FIREBRAND[edit]

i. itd, -UK, Is. 74 Am. 4n ; also Zech. 3 2 (EV brand ).

2. zikkim, n i-JI (f f" re missiles), Prov. 26 18 ; also Is. 50 n RV (AV sparks )

3. lappid, TsS Judg. ^i,f- See LAMP, TORCH.

4. moked, iriD, Ps - 102 4 W RV ( AV hearth ). See HEARTH, 3.

FIRE-PAN[edit]

(1) mahtdh, nPiriD. (cp CENSER, 2; ALTAR, 9), and (2) kiyyor cs, &$ ") l>3 ( C P COAL, 3 ; HEARTH, 2). See COOKING, 4.

FIRKIN[edit]

(MSTPHTHC. Jn. 26). See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.


FIRMAMENT[edit]

CTepeooMA [ADEL]), Gen. 16, RVmg. expansion. See STARS, i, and cp CREATION, HEAVEN.

FIRSTBORN, FIRSTLING[edit]

That the first-fruits of the body particularly the male possessed an intrinsic sanctity was a belief which the ancient Hebrews shared with other divisions of the Semitic stock. The firstborn male enjoyed privileges of which he was not to be deprived (Dt. 21 16), and to barter away his birthright (m33, btkorah, Gen. 25 23/1), or to be deprived of it (i Ch. 5i), was deemed a disgrace ; see LAW AND JUSTICE, 18. Firstborn (Trpwroro/cos) thus becomes an honourable title applied to Israel (Ex. 422) and Ephraim (Jer. 31 9), and, through the Jewish interpretation of Ps. 8927 [28], designates also the Messiah (Heb. 16 Col. lis Rom. 829). This character of the male firstborn finds analogies in the treatment of firstlings among a nomadic folk, and of the first-fruits of the field among a community which is essentially agri cultural. The Hebrews, however, as we find them in the OT, had passed from the nomad to the agricultural state with the inevitable result that observances, primarily distinct, were inextricably fused together. See SACRIFICE, TITHES.

It is noteworthy that the Sem. vS33> takarif to break forth ), is not confined to the animal world, but can include the first-fruits of trees or of the produce of the field. Thus, besides bckor -yi33 (Ass. bukru, Syr. bukrd), used of individuals (Gen. 25 13 etc.) and animals (Ex. Us), 1 is found bikkurlm, Q -)133, first- fruits in general (Ex. 23 16), and bikkiirah, mi33, specifically the early fig (Mic. 7 i etc., see FIG, 3). A similar root- meaning is possessed by the Heb. fefer, 1^3 (\/ to cleave, cp Ass. patant), firstling, or, fully, peter rehem, crn B (Siavdiyov firJTpai ), which is limited to man and beast (Ex. 13 2 I2/T 15 34 19 Nu. 3 12 8 15 Ezek. 20 26). Finally, resith, n B NT (the first or best, dirapxT)) does not exclude the firstborn male (Gen. 49 3, 31SO II 113n), but is commonly applied to grain, fruit, etc. (Ex. 23 19 34 26 Dt. 20 2 10).

1 nTM is fern, only, Gen. 1931-37 2926 18.1449!. For rn33, specifically young camel, see CAMEL, i, n. i.

Not only were the first-fruits as acceptable an offering as the firstlings, but when (in exceptional cases) a human victim was required it was a firstborn that was preferred (2 K. 827). Just as the fruit of a new orchard remained uncircumcised for three years ( Lev. 1923^, see FRUIT, 2), and was dedicated to Yahwe before it could be eaten with impunity, so the firstlings possessed a specific character until they had been sanctified. Similarly we find that the eighth day after birth is set apart for the dedication of the firstling, and is at the same time a turning-point in the life of the firstborn. In the case of the firstborn the evidence is shrouded in obscurity. Certain features, however, deserve consideration. It appears that the laws regulating the redemption of the firstling (see SACRIFICE) find an analogy in the re demption of the firstborn, which P, in some way, con nects with the consecration of the Levites. It would certainly be rash to infer that at one time the Hebrews habitually sacrificed their firstborn sons, although the valuable testimony of Mic. 67 shows that in Manasseh s time the offering of the firstborn for the sin of the father was not a novelty in the worship of Yahwe. 1

Although the association of the offering of the first born with the PASSOVER is probably a late develop ment (see EXODUS, 3 iii. ; FEASTS, 2) certain features merit attention. Here the law (Ex. 13 12 2228 [29]) un ambiguously assigns the crn IDS, whether of man or beast, to Yahwe, 2 but commands that the firstborn of man shall be redeemed (Ex. 13 13 156 34 20 Nu. 18 is_/i ). The fact that in P the redemption is made by the Levites makes it probable that in later times the dedi cation was understood to be for the temple-service (cp Smend, A T Rel. -gesch. ( 2 ) 282, n. 3). This is also the view of later Judaism (Targ. on Ex. 24s, Mish. Zebach. 144), but is scarcely ancient.

No doubt, strictly, the offering of the firstborn to Yahwe was at one time considered to be as binding as the offering of firstlings and first-fruits, and, indeed, the evidence goes to show that in exceptional cases the offering was actually made. However, just as the first-fruits were offered as a part of the whole, it is conceivable that originally the rite of circumcision was instituted upon the same principle to typify the offering of the firstborn. 3 That in later times the rite was ex tended to all males, and was looked upon as a tribal mark (see CIRCUMCISION, 5), does not preclude this theory.

See WRS Rel. Sem.W 458^, and cp TAXATION AND TRIBUTE. s. A. C.

1 Cp especially Ezek. 20 26. For human sacrifices generally see 2 K. Iti 3 17 17 21 6 23 10 Jer. 7 31 Ezek. 16 20 f. 23 37, and cp ISAAC, JEPHTHAH.

2 According to Ex. 13 2 (P) the firstborn is taboo to Yahwe (the verb is Kiddes, cp CLEAN, i) ; note also the remarkable use of Y3yrr in v. 12, compared with Ezek. 20 26.

FISH[edit]

1. Species.[edit]

Of freshwater fish from the Holy Land Tristram enumerates forty-three species, only eight of which are common to the more westerly Mediterranean rivers and lakes. Of the thirty-six species found in the Jordan and its system, but one (Blennius lupulus) is found in the ordinary Mediterranean freshwater fauna ; two occur in the Nile, seven in the Tigris, Euphrates, and adjacent rivers, ten in other parts of Syria, and sixteen are peculiar to the basin of the Jordan. It thus appears, as Tristram points out, that the fish fauna is very isolated ; it shows affinities, however, to that of the Ethiopian zoo-geographical region, and probably dates from a geological time when the Jordan and the rivers of NE. Africa belonged to the same system.

A few of the more interesting forms may be mentioned. The blenny {Blennius) two species and four species of gray mullet (Mugil) are found in the inland lakes and rivers, B. t<arus being very abundant in the Sea of Galilee, which is unusually well stocked with fish. The members of the family Chromidce are very many and are characteristic of this inland water. Chromis tiberialis is peculiar to the basin of the Jordan and very abundant. Numbers of this fish are carried down by the river and perish in the salt waters of the Dead Sea, thus affording food to the numerous fish-eating birds which congregate along the shores. In the larger expanses of water these fishes collect together in enormous shoals, and are captured by the fishermen in thousands, often bursting the nets by their weight. Other species of the same genus are also peculiar to the district but are less abundant. C. niloticus occurs in the Jordan basin and in the Nile, as does Heinicliroinis sacra, and these two genera are confined to the fresh waters of Palestine and Africa. When fish take any care of their eggs and young it is almost always the male that performs these functions ; in the species C. simonis and H. sacra, and possibly in others, the male takes the ova into his mouth and they develop in large cheek pouches which swell to such an extent that the fish is unable to close its mouth. Even when hatched the young fry remain in the buccal cavity of their parent or amongst his gills until they are about four inches long.

Another remarkable fish described by Canon Tristram, Clarias macracanthus, is found in muddy bottoms in the Lakes of Gennesaret and Huleh and in the Upper Nile. Members of this species are in the habit of migrating up the small and dwindling streams to deposit their eggs in the upper pools, and in their course often have to traverse stretches where the water is in sufficient to cover them or is absent altogether. They are able to live at least two days out of water, a fact which may be correlated with the existence of an accessory branchial organ which stretches from the second and the fourth gill arch and is received into a cavity behind the gills. When out of water the fish makes a squeaking or hissing sound. Its flesh is considered excellent.

Four species of Cyprinodon are found in the marshes and salt springs of Palestine ; they are small fish capable of living at high temperatures (up to 91 F.) and in very concentrated saline pools. The waters of the Dead Sea, however, are fatal to them, probably because some salts are present which are injurious to life, as they live freely in water of equal density but of different composition. The males are very much smaller than the females, in fact are perhaps the smallest fishes known.

Anguilla tnilgaris, the common European eel (it also occurs in N. America), is abundant in the Lake of Antioch and in some rivers, but Canon Tristram did not find it in the Jordan ; it reaches a length of 4^ feet and is much appreciated as an article of food.

The remaining twenty-three species of fish found in Palestine belong to the Cyprinida? or Carp family. A few may be men tioned. Capaeta damascina is common in the Jordan, which carries them down to the Dead Sea where they perish in large numbers. C.fratercula is a sacred fish to the Mohammedans of N. Africa. Its flesh is said to be excellent. Barbus cants (Barbel) is the most abundant of the many fish in the Sea of Galilee. Tristram speaks of having seen thousands of these fishes in the Jordan, when an army of locusts has been attempt ing to cross the river, standing almost upright in the stream with their heads partially out of the water, and their mouths wide open, devouring the locusts with inconceivable rapidity. B. beddoinii is confined to the Sea of Galilee, and rare. B. longi- ceps is peculiar to the same lake but extends into the Jordan. It is abundant. Several species of the genera Leuciscus (White fish), Alburnus (Bleak), and of Nemachilus (Loach) occur in the lakes and rivers, and many of them form articles of diet.

2. Hebrew terms.[edit]

In Hebrew aquatic animals are comprehensively defined by the expression in Gen. Izi : every living creature that creeps (nirnhn) and with which the waters swarm (p^). The usual term, however, for fish is dagh, daghah (:i, rnn, cp also o n MI, Gen. 92 ; o n wir ib. 12628), from which is derived the denominative jn*, to fish (Jer. 16 16), and possibly HJI, to multiply (Gen. 48 16). Strange to say, neither the OT nor the NT furnishes us with the specific name of a single fish. There are, however, many references to fishing.

3. Fishing.[edit]

The art of fishing (nan, Am. 42) was pursued all the world over in three different ways.

i. The first and historically the oldest method was spearing, of which a full description is given by Wilkinson (Anc. Eg., ed. Birch [ 78], 2iao/).

The bident was a spear with two barbed points which was either thrust at the fish with one or both hands as they passed by or was darted to a short distance, a long line fastened to it preventing its being lost and serving to secure the fish when struck. . . . Sometimes a common spear was used for the pur pose (2 121). At other times the spear was furnished with feathers, like an arrow (as in the illustration, op. cit. 2 107). In most cases, however, it resembled the modern harpoon, and in hippopotamus-hunting was even furnished with a reel (see illustration, 2 izlf.). This is the instrument mentioned in Job 41 7 [40 31] as D J;| ^sW, fish-harpoon (EV fish spears ). According to Tristram (NHB 292) the fish spear is much used in the smaller streams and the northern rivers of the Lebanon.

2. A second mode of fishing was by means of a line and hook, with or without a rod (the latter prob ably Mt. 17 27), of which many illustrations have been preserved on the monuments of Egypt and Assyria. These ancient anglers (cp C : i_, Is. 198) used bait- never, so far as is known, the fly. That angling was familiar to the Hebrews is evident from its frequent use as a telling metaphor in the OT. The line (Van) is mentioned only in Job 41 1 [402s]. The HOOK (q.v. ) receives various names.

3. Professional fishermen, however, had at all times recourse to nets. The Egyptian nets were made of threads prepared from flax, 1 and were of various kinds all explained and illustrated by Wilkinson (see \2^f. , 2 1 ^iff-}- Most or all of these were, no doubt, em ployed by the fishermen of Phoenicia and Palestine. Of the many Hebrew words for net the most usual, rtfeth (r\en), is confined in the OT to the hunter s and the fowler s nets (see FOWL, 8); but this is probably an accident. It is most probably the best equivalent of the general term dticrvov, rete (Mt. 4 20 Lk. Jn. 216^!), applicable to a net of any description.

On the other hand, two special varieties of fishing nets are found in the NT certainly, and in the OT very probably.

(a) The one is the hand-net or casting-net (dfj,(pl- pXrjffTpov), still used on the Phoenician coast and on the sea of Galilee (ZDPV, 1886, p. 102).

The net is in shape like the top of a tent, with a long cord fastened to the apex. This is tied to the arm, and the net so folded that, when it is thrown (cp /3<AAocTes, Mt.4i8), it ex pands to its utmost circumference, around which are strung beads of lead to make it drop suddenly to the bottom. Now ... he spies his game. . . . Away goes the net, expanding as it flies, and its leaded circumference strikes the bottom ere the silly fish knows that its meshes have closed around him. By the aid of his cord the fisherman leisurely draws up the net, and the fish with it (Thomson, LB 402). Cp Wetzstein s description in Delitzsch, Ein Tag in Kapernaum, iif>f.

This net corresponded to the funda of the Romans (for classical references see Smith s Diet. Ant., Rete ). Twenty-eight large fish were caught with a small hand- net at a single cast near Tiberias in 1884 (Z.DPV, I.e. ).

(b) The second net mentioned (fayfyrj) is the large drag, draw-net, or seine (from Lat. sagena). See an ex cellent representation of the drag-net at work in Wil kinson (1291, also in Erman, op. cit., 238, 401).

It was similar in form and construction to the drag still in use, with wooden floats on the upper, and leads on the lower side, and was worked in precisely the same way. 2 The net of the parable in Mt. 1847^ was of this sort. With the two nets just described, it has been usual to identify the Q ln (aju^i /SAijcrTpoi , net ) and the JVT23C in Is. 198 pointed rn33 (5 <r<ry>jn), or d/u.$t /3A7)0-Tpoi>, EV drag, of Hab. 115^; see NET, 3. *The basket or reed trap (see Klunzinger, Upper Egypt, 307), in the Mishna ppx (Kelim, 12 2 23 5), and the stake-net (Tristram, pp. cit. 292) are not mentioned in OT or NT.

4. Fishermen.[edit]

The most favourable time for fishing was the night (before sunrise and after sunset, according to Aristotle) ; this illustrates Lk. 5s and Jn. 21s. On returning to land, the fishermen collected the marketable fish into baskets (Mt. 1848), washed (Lk. 5 2) and mended their nets (Mt. 4 21 Mk. 1 19), and spread them out on the shore to dry (Ezek. 26s 14 47 10, Q p-in retro. a place for the spreading of nets ). Fishermen seem to have formed a partnership among themselves either for some temporary purpose, or on a more permanent basis as a guild. Thus we read in the OT of the partners (nnan, bands of fishermen, Job4l6 [403o]), and in the NT we are told that James and John were partners (KOLVUVOL) with Simon (Lk. 5io; in v. ^ they or others are called fjue roxoi).

1 For illustration of mode of spinning at the present day see Klunzinger, Upper Egypt, 305.

2 Pieces of the ancient Egyptian drag-nets may be seen in the British and Berlin Museums.

5. Fish ponds.[edit]

The wealthy Egyptian under the Pharaohs, like the wealthy Roman of a later day, had a piscina or fish-pond attached to his residence, where fish were fed for the table and where the owner was wont to amuse himself by angling or spearing the fish (Wilkinson, 2ns, with illustration ; Erman, Ancient Egypt, 196, 239). The name by which these fish-ponds are known in the Talmud (ITS, N "n 3, pi/SapiDy, vivarium] shows the late date at which the institution became known to the Jews.

It is true, AV (but not RV) speaks of ponds for fish ( DJX B SJi I s 19 10) and of fish-pools (Cant. 7 4 [5]); on the former error see Del. on Is. I.e. ; on the latter BATH-KAHUI.M. In Job 41 2 [40 26] the question canst thou put a bulrush (JIOJM, RV rope ) into (leviathan s) nose?" is sufficiently explained by the ordinary procedure of anglers in carrying their fish (Wilk. 2 118). The crocodile, as Budde explains, 1 is no small fish which can be slung upon a rush.

6. Supply of fish.[edit]

With regard to the sources of the fish supply, Egypt has in all periods of its history been noted for the fish that abound in its waters. Fish was the cheapest of all foods, and it was always the great desire of the poor that the price of corn should be as low as that of fish (Erman, op. cit. 239). Compare the complaint of Israel (Nu. lls), we remember the fish, which we ate in Egypt for nought (can)- In the so-called Blessing of Moses (on the date of which see DEUTERONOMY, 26) we seem to have a reference to the fishing industry on the coast of the Mediterranean carried on by Zebulun and Issachar ~ (Dt. 33 18 f. ). At a later period we find that a con siderable trade in fish no doubt cured, not fresh (see below) was carried on by Tyrian merchants with Jeru salem (Neh. 13 16). There must have been a fish-market, which may have dated even from pre-exilic times, in the northern part of the city. It gave its name to a neigh bouring gate (Neh. 83^) ; see JERUSALEM.

7. Fish as food in NT times.[edit]

In the time of Jesus there were still thriving fisheries from the Dog river to the Bay of Acre, 'to carry coals to Newcastle' is in later Hebrew 'to take fish to Acco' - but more especially by the Sea of Galilee (cp Mk. 8s/: Lk. 9 13 ft Jn. 219). Much of the fish caught on the lake must have been used in a fresh state by the thriving populations on its western and northern shores ; but at the period in question there was also a large export trade in cured or salted fish. From this industry the town of Tarichese (rapixfiai, salting- places) received its name. The process of curing by cutting open the fish, removing the viscera, salting thoroughly, and exposing to the sun, was much in vogue in ancient Egypt (see illustration in Wilkinson, 2n8, and cp Herod. 292). The fishes of the two well-known miracles were in all probability of this sort, fish cured in the way indicated (rdptx 01 Herod. 9 120, Heb. D rnSp opp. D ^BB, Nedarim, 64 or ;n Vt? rr^sn). already half- cooked in the sun, being in great demand for ^7ri<rm<r/u6s or provisions for the journey (Lk. 9i2^). Cured fish was also imported from Egypt (where there were several places named Ta/)ix e a ) an d from Spain. Thus in Mish. Makhshlrln, 6 3, mention is made of Egyptian fish that comes in baskets (or barrels ?) and of the Spanish colias (o Vip, /coXtej) or tunny (cp Shabb. 22+). l

1 [Budde s view of Leviathan has been controverted (see BEHEMOTH AND LEVIATHAN, 3). His interpretation of jbJN in Job 41 2 [4026] differs from that of Duhm, who renders (cp RV) Canst thou lay a rush (i.e., a rope of rushes) to his nose 1 Gunkel (Schiipf. 49), however, is afraid that leviathan would soon bite through such a rope, and thinks that Theod. (xpiKoi-), Vg. (firculum), and Tg. (flVpJllO presuppose a different reading. Che., agreeing with this, would read DH (|| nin); I and f, 3 and

j, confounded. This would give a perfect parallelism, a ring in his nose, his jaw with a hook. So too Beer.]

- Cp the paraphrase of Ps. -Jon. quoted by Dr. I.e. ; and notice the coincidence between the meanings of TOLA and PUAH [yy.v.], and the trade they are here represented as carrying on. [Di., however, hesitates to define the reference exactly, and the correctness of the text has been disputed on critical grounds ; cp GLASS, 2.]

Fish preserved in brine (o"TlDi "uries)\vas also an important article of commerce ( Abodd Zdrd, 26, Ned. 64), especially the fish called in the Talmud JVlp, which some identify with the tunny, others with the anchovy or the sardine (Herzfeld, of. cit. 105/1, and note on p. 305^). Other preparations from fish were VX, often mentioned along with D"~11D, and "IJD"! !, which was kept in a pot (Bdbd bath. 144 a) ; but their precise nature is unknown.

Fresh fish was prepared for the table in a variety of ways. One passage of the Talmud (Ned. 206) mentions four methods : it may be eaten pickled (see above), roasted, baked, or boiled. The most common of these methods was probably roasting or grilling. The ancient Egyptians roasted their fish by means of a spit through the tail (Erman, 189). The fish might also be laid directly on the charcoal (Jn. 21 9). Fish was also boiled (Ned. 64), and might be eaten with eggs atop (rnrai jt v^j?ty, Besd, 2i). Compare the riddle, from Mold Katon, ii a, cited by Hamburger (vol. i. , Fisch ).

8. Clean and unclean fish.[edit]

Although the use of fish as an article of diet is allowed by the Noachic covenant (Gen. 92 P), limitations are put upon it in Deuteronomy and Leviticus. 'All that have fins (-vs;p) and scales ^^ ye may eat . but of those that have not fins and scales ye may eat none ; they are unclean (NDH) unto you' (Dt. Hg/i ; cp Lev. 119-12, where the forbidden fish are styled ] jsv, an abomination ). By this provision no distinction is made between salt-water and fresh -water fish in the seas and in the rivers (Lev. 11 9) provided the necessary criteria are present. Excluded, on the other hand, are all scaleless fishes, such as the important group of the siluridce or sheat-fish the flesh of which is said to be excellent eating, firm and rich like an eel's (Tristram, FFP, 170, 173) skates, lampreys, and, of course, eels, and every variety of shellfish. - Similarly the author of the epistle to Barnabas (chap. 10) men tions as forbidden the ff/jLvpaiva. (lamprey), 7roAt;7ros and crTjTria ; and Jer. Epist. 151, Qucest. 10, besides the Sepia adds the Loligo (a kind of cuttle), Muresna, and An- guilla (eel). The fundamental requisite of fins and scales specified in the Law was somewhat simplified in later times. Thus in Mish. Khull. 87 end, we read: Rabbi Yehuda says, At least two scales and one fin. Experience, however, having proved that all fish with scales have also fins, it was permitted to use as food part of a fish on which only scales were visible (Nidda, 5i&). 3 A. R. s. K.

1 For these fish see Herzfeld, Handelsgesch. d. JucienW, p. 121

( 94).

" The distinction made (Mt. 1848) between good and bad (crarrpd) fish proceeds on different lines, the bad fish including not merely the legally unclean, but also those for which, from their size and condition, or from the prevailing taste in these matters, there was no demand in the market.

3 For this and other authoritative decisions regarding clean and unclean fish of these last there were 700 species according to the Talmud see Hamburger, vol. i., art. Fisch ; Wiener, Die jiidischcn Speisegesetze ( 95), 310^

9. Ichthyolatry.[edit]

Analogies for the prohibition of certain fish are met with elsewhere. The distinction between fishes with and without scales was made in Egypt and survived in certain rites of early Rome (cp Pliny, JfNxxiu. 2io). In Egypt the oxyrhynchus, phagrus (eel), and lepidotus were not only forbidden in certain districts (Plut. de hid. 18), but were actually looked upon as sacred. Similarly Hyginus (Astr.lfi) states that the Syrians look upon fish as holy, and abstain from eating them (id. 230) ; and according to Xenophon (Anab. i. 4 9) the fish in the Chalus near Aleppo were regarded as gods. Ichthyolatry was associated especially with the cult of Derceto (see ATARGATIS), who, in spite of the euhemeristic attempts of later legends, seems to have been partly a fish goddess. In a pool at the temple at Hierapolis were sacred fish which wore ornaments of gold (cp Lucian, Dea Syr. 45), like the eels of Zeus at Labraunda in Caria. Another pool at Ascalon contained fish sacred to Atargatis, which were daily fed, but never eaten, since it was believed that any one who ate of them (the sprat and anchovy are especially mentioned, Selden, de Dis Syr. 23) would be afflicted with ulcers. On the other hand, Mnaseas (ap. Athen. 837) states that fish was daily cooked and eaten by the priests of the goddess, the idea doubtless being to bring deity and servant into closer relationship. In connection with this it is interesting to notice that a practical identification of deity, servant, and fish, takes place in the representations on Assyrian cylinders where the priest, clothed in a large fish-skin, stands before the fish which is laid upon an altar (cp Menant, Glyptique, 253). Examples of the sacred character of the fish could be easily multiplied. Mummified fishes have been found in Egypt (Budge, Mummy, 357). The Egyptian abtu and ant are mythological fishes which accompanied the boat of the sun, and similar mythical fish perhaps survive in the stories of JONAH and TOBIT (qq.v. ). J Nor are traces of ichthyolatry wanting at the present day. Sacred fish are still to be found in consecrated fountains in Syria (Thomson, Lit 547), the most import ant being at the mosques of Tripolis and Edessa (Sachau. Reise, 197).

10. Its origin.[edit]

The origin of ichthyolatry must be sought in a primitive state of totemism. The Egyptian Oxyrhynchites, and the nomes and cities of Oxyrhynchus, as well as those of Phagroriopolis and Latopolis, derive their names clearly from the sacred Egyptian fishes (cp Wilk. 8340^). The penalty for eating a sprat or anchovy mentioned above (9) finds analogy in Samoa where the cuttle-fish clan avoid eating the cuttle-fish, in the belief that if they did so one of the species would grow in the stomach and cause death (Frazer, Totemism, 18). The dressing of the worshipper in a fish-skin is in accordance with the habits of all totemistic clans. A member will assimilate himself to his totem by disguising himself so as to resemble it. 2

That a fish believed to be unwholesome was forthwith invested with a sacred character so as to prevent, in the most effectual method possible, its use as food, will not account for the prohibition of such fish as eels, lampreys, and others. Such a theory completely reverses the facts, since the evidence above adduced shows that it is the sanctity of the fish (which may have arisen from its being a totem, or else from its association with a deity) that makes it prohibited, and thus accounts for the (apparently) arbitrary taboo upon various fishes.

11. Israelite analogies.[edit]

In Israel nothing is said of sacrificial fish (see CLEAN, 11) ; but that certain fish were sacred among them can hardly be denied. That Dagon was a fish-god is doubtful ( see DAGON), and the name of Joshua's father admits of another explanation than fish (see NUN). 3 Still the law in Dt. 4i8 (cp also Ex. 204 and see DECALOGUE) against the making of images of fish shows how prevalent the custom must have been. Such a cult, however, would not be likely to spring up among desert-people or nomads ; it was doubtless of Canaanite origin and adopted by the Israelite immigrants.

Finally may be noticed the frequent occurrence of the fish in early Christian inscriptions ; whatever may have been the true meaning of its introduction, it was always popular from the accidental circumstance that the word l\Qi "; is composed of the initial letters of the words ItjoxiOc xpi<rro Oeov vibs oxorijp ; see APOCALYPTIC, 91 1 ; and cp Hans Achelis, Das Symbol ties Fisches u. d. Fisc/idenknifiler d. rSmischen Katakomben ( 38).

For FISH-HOOK see HOOK ; for FISH-POOL, see above, 5 ; for FISH-GATE, cp above, 6 (end), and see JERUSALEM.

A.E.S., | I ; A.R.S.K., z/.; s.A.c.,9/.

1 For the zodiacal pisces cp the P>ab. numt, fish of la, and see Jensen, tCosniol. 81. For further evidence of the sanctity of fish cp WRS Rel. Seni.W, 173^, 292^, Usener, Rel.-gesch. Unt., 3 138-180.

2 Numerous examples of this custom will be found in Frazer, op. cit. 26^. ; see generally CUTTINGS, 6.

3 On the other hand the father of Bardesanes was called

l_^Q.(wkJOJ (so with Hoffrn. Ausziige, etc., p. 137) i.e., my fish is mother, the reference being to Atargatis; cp WRS AV. 304.

FITCHES[edit]

i. This word in Is. 2825 27 stands for Msah, nyj? (Me\AN6iON [ B * A Q r ] |; gith). RVB-. however, prefers black cummin (Nigella satii a, L. ), the seeds of which, like those of cummin, are used in the East, as they anciently were used by the Greeks and Romans, as condiments, not only in sauces, but also in bread. The cognate noun in Arabic is kazh, and /the verb kazaha means to use as a savoury in food.

2. In Ezek. 4 9, AV gives fitches for D CD3, kitsstmim, pi. of kiisst meth, nOD3 ( oXi pa, Aq. Sym. f^a). Si KLT, however, is RV s rendering, which is prefer able (Triticum Spelta, L. ).* The same Heb. word occurs in Ex.932 (6\vpa [Aq. Sym. fta]) and 15.2825, where AV has RIE, RV spelt.

The verbs 002 (Ezek. 442o)and its congener CD"13(P S - 8013114]) each occur once in OT in the sense of crop or shear ; the grain may have its name from its comparative smoothness as com pared with other kinds (Ges.). Whatever be its origin, kussemeth is certainly to be distinguished (Low, \oi,ff., Fleischer in Levy, NHU B, 1 450) from Arab, karsana, vetch a word probably of Indo-Kurop. origin, and still the name of the vetch in Palestine l Qn) with which Lagarde (GA 59, Arm. St. 2367) and Wetzstein (Del. fsa.Vl 707) have confounded it. This latter word answers in meaning to Syr. A l O3, whereas DDD3 answers to Jl^JQ^. Jewish tradition even so late as Maimon- ides correctly distinguished the two words (Low, 105).

In Ex. 9 32 spelt is mentioned along with wheat as a later crop than flax and barley. See EGYI>T, 8. In Ezek. 49 it appears with wheat, barley, beans, lentils, and millet, as a constituent in the symbolic bread which the prophet was commanded to bake. In Is. 2825 the husbandman is described as sowing spelt in the border round wheat and barley.

De Candolle (<>>-/., 291), following Vilmorin, classifies together three species of Triticum- viz., T. Spelta, L., T. dicoccutn, Schrank., and T. monpcoccum, L. as having the common peculiarity that when ripe they are tightly held in their sheath, which has to be removed by a special operation. He is against the identification of kussemeth with T. Spelta (ib. 292), which was a plant of temperate countries. T. dicoccutn he regards as an ancient cultivated race of T. Spelta (ib. 293). T. monococcum was a plant of Asia Minor ; Schliemann found at Issarlik a grain which Wittmack identified as T. monococcum, var. Jlavescens; he says que j avais pris d abord pour_un petit T\riticum) durum ou dicoccutn (Journ. de la Soc. Nat. dHort. de France [ 97] 157). 71003 may then well have been T. monococcum. N. M. YV. T. T. -D.

FLAG[edit]

Two Hebrew words call for consideration :

1. rio, suph (Ex. 235 Is. 196 Jon. 2 5 [6]t) is in EV rendered flags in Ex. and Is., and weeds in Jon. ; has Aos (Aq. Trairvpftav) in Ex. and irajrvpos in Is. ; in Jon. (6 Sym. (Aq. epvdpa.) have wrongly connected the word with rpo, soph, end. Vg. has the renderings carectum (Ex. 2 3), papyrion (ib. 5), iuncus (Is.), pelagus (Jon.). According to W. M. Miiller (As. u. Eur. 101) and Steindorff (in Bcitr. z. Ass. 1603) rpo= Eg. twfi; Miiller, however, thinks that it is more probably a Semitic word borrowed by Egyptian than the converse. It is sufficiently general to denote both the freshwater reed-growths along the Nile banks and the sea plants wrapped about the head of one cast into the deep, in the heart of the seas. On rpD D as a proper name, see RED SEA.

2. inN, ahu (axi axi : Gen. 41 2 18 ; flovroftov : Job 8 lit) is rendered by AV meadow in Gen. and flag in Job ; RV has reed-grass in the former and flag (with mg. reed- grass ) in the latter. The word is Egyptian and derived from a root denoting greenness ; the Egyptian noun was specially applied to the reed-meadows on the banks of the Nile (Ebers, Ag. und die Biicher Mas. 338^; Wiedemann, Sammlung, 16).

3. AXi also occurs in the Greek of Is. 1!) 7 and Ecclus. 40 16. In the former place TO a\<. TO xAiopdi/ renders nilj;, arSth (prob. open meadows ), in the latter the newly discovered Heb. text has, corruptly, niDTlp. axes. Following the Syr., Cowley and Neub. would read rtl DnO, reed-stalks (see Levi s note, and cp Low, Aram. Pji.-namen, 202). This has suggested an emendation of the difficult passage, Ps. 35 14, where in the letters -npDN3 Che. (1 s.W) detects nvcnp^ , in the parallel clause he finds inN in the mutilated form nN- The whole verse becomes

Like bulrushes by the river s bank, | so did I bend the head Like reeds by the streams, | (so) bowed down I went along.

For flag in the sense of standard, see ENSIGNS. N. M.

1 This is the e n or oAupa of the Greeks (for distinction see Theophrastus, HP viii. 1 3), and probably the/ar of the Romans (but on the latter see De Candolle, Ori ff. d. PI. Cult. 291).

2 He says, however, that this classification is plus agricole que botanique.

FLAGON[edit]

i. Flagon (Fr. fiacon), or large bottle, occurs five times in AV, viz., 2 S. 6 19 i Ch. 163 Is. 2224 Hos. 3 i Cant. 2 5. RV, however, substitutes cake (or cakes) of raisins or (in Cant.) raisins, except in Is. 2224, where it retains all the vessels of flagons. RV s rendering cake of raisins (for rwtivb s > however, probably not less incorrect than flagon ; the passages with XW tt appear to need critical emend ation (see FRUIT, g 5). In Is. 2224 the flagons of EV corresponds to C Suji n 6fnlliut , earthenware bottles are meant. (See BOTTLE, 2 [/>], and cp POTTERY.)

2. In two places RV has introduced flagons, contrary to AV, viz., Ex.2029 37i6(AV covers ; <rirov&\f]ia [BAFL]). This sense is confirmed by the cognate dialects (see Ges. -Buhl, S.T. ; and Di. in loc.), also by , and by Nu. 4 7 (RV cups, AV covers ), where the same vessels are expressly termed TJDJ.l nii p i.e., libation-flagons. For representations of these or similar flagons on Jewish coins of the first and second revolts, see Madden, Coins of the Jews, ig&ff.

FLAX[edit]

(TVPB, 1 fesefA. or nFlC?>S, pistah, pi. D^CTS, pistini]. The Hebrew word rendered flax in Ex. 9 31 Josh. 26 Judg. 15 14 Prov. 31 13 Is. 19 9 42s (quoted Mt. 1220, with \ivov) Ezek. 403 Hos. 2s 9 [711] is translated linen in Lev. 1347/. 5259 Dt. 22 n Jer. 13 1 Ezek. 44 i?/, and tow (RV flax ) in Is. 43i7-

(J5 has generally \ivov but once, AtfoKoAajiir) (Josh. 26), once (TTiVjruoi (Judg. 15 14), and twice <rTi7T7rvi> 05[etc.](Lev. 1847 59). In Ezek. 403 & reads oiKO&Ofj.iav , in Hos. bSovia.

Ex. 931 mentions the growing plant as budding or flowering (see ROLLED) at the time that barley comes into ear (cp Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. 2398); but in most places the reference is to a finished product, flax (Linutn usitatissrmum, L. ) or linen, which is often coupled or contrasted with wool ; in Is. 42s 43 17 Mt. 1220 the use of flaxen wicks for lighting is probably alluded to.

The cultivation of flax in Egypt is referred to in Is. 19g, those that dress combed flax (nip ib D nc s) an expression which is illustrated by the two combs for parting and cleansing the fibres of the flax referred to by Wilkinson (op. cit. 2 174). The phrase ryrt nc 3, piste hd es, in Josh. 26 has by some been taken to mean cotton (sc. tree flax ), but is obviously flax in stalk, as opposed to flax that has been beaten ; thus \ii>OKa\d/uL7;.

De Candolle (Orig. 95^) maintains that of the two best dis tinguishable species of flax, the annual (Linum usitatissimum) had its original home in Asia, while the perennial (/-. angusti- foliunf) was that which first grew in Europe. The former, however, he thinks, reached Europe from Mesopotamia and Persia at a very early prehistoric period, and was, almost certainly, the flax cultivated by the Egyptians.

See also LINEN ; and on the use of flax for nets, see FISH, 3.

FLEA[edit]

(PjnS : y yAAoc). In i S. 24 14 [15] 26 20, according to Smith s Z?Z?( 2 (s.v. Flea ), David, ad dressing Saul, compares himself to [the flea], as the most insignificant and contemptible of living things. The statement is incredible, and the reports of travellers among the Bedouin do but make it more so. For these insects (Pit lex irritans, Linn. ) swarm in the dust of caves. That David should refer to hunting a single flea is absurd. Did he wish to preach resignation to king Saul? The question suggests itself whether the text is correct. Considering that the Flea-clan turns out to be imaginary (see PAROSH), we may well doubt it.

An explanation lies close at hand. For inx tyjns we should read naiD K~\3, wild ass of the desert ; cp Job 24 5, and especi ally Gen. 16 1 2 (where Q-JK K~\2 should be -pin tO3 [Griit/.]). David asks if Saul has come out to chase a wild pariah dog (see DOG, 3) or a still wilder desert-ass. In i S. 26 20 the reference to the flea is due to a misreading ; BA has tyvxn v ( Jtou i % ?*?3 (see Dr. ad loc.). The word fleas (plur.) occurs in RVniK- of Ex. 8 16 for D 33. See LICE. T. K. C.

1 This form is inferred (see Ges. 7 /:.)from the twice occurring W9 (Hos. 2s 9 [7 n])

FLESH[edit]

1. Meaning of Basar[edit]

i. OT usage. The Hebrew Msdr in the most literal sense signifies flesh as distinct from the outer skin (Lev. 9n), the living flesh of human beings (Lev. 13 id) and of brutes ( Gen 41:3 ) as well as the dead flesh in the one case (Gen. 168) and in the other (Gen. 40:19). Hence by a natural extension of meaning flesh is used for the whole body (Lev. 14 9 and so frequently in P; but cp also i K. 2127). Further, although the Hebrews from ancient times distinguished between flesh and soul (B : SJ) they did not at first draw any sharp line of demarcation between the two ; much less were they conscious of painful contrast between the flesh in its weakness and sinfulness on the one hand, and the eternal, holy God upon the other. Naturally, therefore, flesh is employed to signify not only the whole body, but also the whole man as a personal being ; at least in Neh. 65 Job 216 Ps. 682 we appear to meet with the survival of this usage.

It is also used of the male alSola (Ezek. 1626 23 20 Lev. 152 16 4). Again, marriage is said to make the man and woman one flesh. Kinsfolk, and even compatriots, have the same bone and flesh (Gen. 29 14 37 27 i S. 5 i 19 i^f.), and it is of the bond of common lineage in Israel that the later Isaiah is thinking when he exhorts his countrymen (Is. 58 7) not to hide themselves from their own flesh. Indeed flesh, like the Arabic basar"", becomes a synonym for mankind (Ps. 65 3 Jer. 12 12), or may include all creatures that live and feel (so P in Gen. 7 15 etc.).

Next, flesh is regarded as united in the case of the living man with soul, so that the whole man con sists of flesh and soul (Ps. 16g 682), though in one passage where, however, both text and meaning are uncertain the book of Job (1422) apparently ascribes some dull feeling even to the flesh separated by death from the soul. The flesh, moreover, and especially the heart, is the receptacle of the spirit (Sen. 63) which is the principle of physical and spiritual life, or in a more special sense the endowment of Yahwe s chosen servants and in the Messianic age of all Israel (Joel 3i). There fore when Yahwe recalls his people from their disobedi ence, he begins, according to Ezekiel (11 19 8626), by giving them a heart of flesh i.e. , one which is human and susceptible instead of a heart of stone i.e. , one which is hard and inhuman.

2. As a synonym of 'mankind'.[edit]

Lastly, in the prophetic writings, man as flesh is contrasted with God as spirit. This opposition first appears in Isaiah (31:3, written, as seems most likely in 702; with a view to the Egyptian alliance ; see ISAIAH i. , 14) : The Egyptians are men and not God, and their horses are flesh and not spirit ; and Yahwe will stretch out his hand, so that the helper shall stumble and the helped fall, and both of them perish together. In this passage, the nearest approach to a dogmatic conception of God in the prophetic writings, God is represented as the absolute spirit, who exists without dependence on creatures, unaffected by national disaster. All else is flesh ; the same God who gives them breath at his will withdraws it. The heathen gods are simply ignored, and it is apparent that the Divine Spirit must in the end conquer that which is mere flesh. Like thoughts recur in subsequent literature. Cursed is the man, says Jeremiah (17s), who trusts in human beings and makes flesh his arm, while his heart with draws from Yahwe. All flesh, according to Zechariah (11 17), is to be hushed into silence before Yahwe in his temple. Job asks if God has eyes of flesh (104) i.e., whether he is really ignorant and impatient like short-sighted and short-lived men. So, on the contrary, God is said in Ps. 7839 to remember that his people are but flesh i. e. , weak and fleeting. Here we reach the threshold of the NT idea of crdp. The theological use of this word is confined to Paul s employment of it to denote the seat of sin in man. Outside of this, it is used in a merely popular sense to designate the material part of man in its various contrasts with the spirit (see ESCHATOLOGY, 102). W. E. A.

1 Cp Ar. basar"n, the external skin, with the Syriac besra, flesh, and with the Assyr. bisru, used of relations by blood. Probably the Arabic word best preserves the original meaning, basar being the outer, as opposed to INI? ( = Ar. thiir), the inner flesh. See Hoffm. ZA Til 3 107.

3. Paul's use of the word.[edit]

ii. NT usage. Paul s use, however, becomes part of a system of theological thought which is carried through the subject of sin and redemption (instances are so frequent and familiar as scarcely to need citation : the most obvious are Rom. 7s 18 25 ; 86-13 ; Gal. 513-24). This system, therefore, must be briefly described.

In the first place, since the seat of sin is in the flesh, the punishment of sin is mainly, not wholly, physical death. The final redemption of man, of which the spirit is only the pledge, is therefore the restoration of the body (Rom. 8iof. 23). Moreover, since sin has its seat in the flesh, the resurrection is not only a re-creation of the body, but a change from a body of sin and death to one fitted for the higher spiritual part of man, and incorruptible (i Cor. 1642-49).

This localising, not only of sin, but also of the punishment of sin, in the body, explains how it is that, in the apostle s thought, redemption is through Christ s death and resurrection. As long as both punishment and cure were thought of as purely spiritual these physical means of the cure in the apostle s thought were inexplicable. It is incongruous to make Christ s physical death in some way take the place of man s spiritual death, or Christ s resurrection effect man s spiritual resurrection (Rom. 5 10). If, however, physical death is the main element in punishment, then the physical death of Christ can take the place of that of the sinner ; and if resurrection is essentially corporeal, the physical resurrection of Jesus may become its appropriate cause.

Again, the placing of sin in the flesh, in the body and its members, makes it superficial, not identified with the essential mail, which is in subjection to the law of God.

It is not the ego, the human personality, that sins, but sin, seated in the man as an alien principle, penetrating only the flesh, not the spirit of the man (Rom. 714-25). At the same time, since sin dwells in the flesh, and the flesh is resolved into the body and the members, which are the executive parts, it is sin that gets itself done in spite of the protest of the inner man (it.).

This does not mean, of course, that it is not the man himself that sins, but that it is the man dominated, not by his inner real self, but by an alien principle of sin, in a way external to himself. The remedy is to be found in the first place in the displacement of sin as the dominant principle in the man, by the spirit. The apostle represents the dominion of sin as amounting to a law to which the man is subject, but from which he is freed by the law of the spirit of life. Sin is dispossessed, not of power, but of supreme power in the very flesh which has been its stronghold (Rom. 81-10).

4. Resurrection of the body.[edit]

This, however, is not all. If it were, there would be a state of strife incompatible with the apostle's idea of the completeness of the work of Christ. To be sure, sin is no longer the dominating principle even in the flesh : it is met and overcome by the stronger spirit. However, it is there still, and keeps up its fight against the spirit (Gal. 5 16-26) ; the flesh being the part of man which is vulnerable to sin, the final act of redemption must be the deliverance of the man from the flesh itself. This occurs, accordingly, at the resurrection, when the body of another sort, another material, fitted for the higher part of the man, is substituted for this body of flesh (i Cor. 1642-49). An analysis of the statement will show that the flesh of which this is said is simply the flesh itself in its primary meaning.

In the first place, the resolution of the flesh into body and members, which we find commonly in Paul, is enough to show this, unless we find rebutting testimony (Rom. 7$ 23_/C). Then the apostle s account of the way in which his good will is frustrated points to the same conclusion. He himself wills the good, hut does not find any way to bring it to pass ; because the members which accomplish things have within them a principle of evil iistead of good (Rom. 7&,). The final remedy for this state of things is the redemption of the body. The pledge of this is the spirit, which helps the situation as long as the flesh complicates it ; but the final cure is the change of material of the body into something befitting the spirit instead of clogging it (Rom. 823). This it is that achieves for man at last the con dition of sonship.

5. Rationale of Paul's theory.[edit]

We must now seek the rationale of this theory of sin. In the present state of this question, it is enough to say that it is probably not the Greek dualism, which affirms evil of matter as such.

(1) The Jewish philosophy which mediates between Judaism and Hellenism is Alexandrian, and Paul was not an Alexandrian (cp HELLENISM, 9). He says of himself that he was excessively zealous for the ancestral traditions. That is to say, he was a Pharisee ; and Pharisaism and Alexandrianism do not coalesce : they are opposites (Gal. 114 Phil. 85).

(2) The apostle s doctrine of the resurrection of the body involves for it a change of material, not the substitution of a body that is immaterial.

When Paul says that the resurrection body is spiritual, he is not speaking of its material (if one may speak of spiritual material ) but of its adaptation. The contrast is with the psychical body, the psyche being the lower spiritual part of man ; not of course the material of the present body, but its inhabitant. In the same way, the pneuma, which is the higher spiritual part, would be, not the material of the future body, but its spiritual principle. In 2 Cor. 5i-8, the apostle expresses a dread of the disembodied state what he calls its nakedness a dread that is repugnant to the essential spirit of Alexandrianism, which regards the body as a clog to the spirit, not as a covering for its shivering nakedness.

(3) Finally, Paul deprecates Greek wisdom or philo sophy, speaking of it as worldly and opposed to the foolishness of the cross (i Cor. 117-31).

This, again, can scarcely refer to anything else than Alex andrianism : that Jewish adaptation of Platonism is the only form of Greek thought familiar to the Jews. When a Pharisaic Jew, Paul, in a controversy with an Alexandrian Jew, Apollos, speaks in this way of Greek wisdom, the reference is plain. This applies generally to the attempt to make Paul cover the Alexandrian as well as the Jewish tracts of thought in traditional Paulinism.

The apostle shared, however, the depreciation of the body common to all races, which is due to its actual seductions and misdemeanours. The grosser and more obvious sins have there not only their seat but also their occasion. It is the side of man which is vulnerable ; not actually evil, but susceptible to appetites which run easily to evil (Gal. 619-21 24). Then, not only is it the seat of the most obvious sins, but also in it are located the most apparent and obtrusive results of sin. The mind reacts within itself, and the moral nature in its own sphere, and in these cases the reactions of trans gression are subtle ; but in the case of physical trans gression they are visible. This is sufficient to account for Paul s use, which is not singular except as its peculiarities are emphasised by their place in the system he has wrought out.

w. E. A., i/ ; E. P. G., $ff.

FLESHHOOK[edit]

()6pp) Ex. 27s, etc. See COOKING UTENSILS, 5 (ii. ).

FLINT[edit]

So much of Palestine consists of cretaceous strata that we are not surprised to find flint often re ferred to. The terms used for it are :

1. li;, sor (Ex. 4 25 [i^ij^ov], Josh. 5 zf. [irerpa aicpOTO/u.os], Job 22 24 [Trerpa], Ps. 89 44 [43], where MT s -nx is corrupt [ T^V jSorjfletac; sec Che. ad loc.], Ezek. 89 [irfTpa.]). In Is. 5 28 read "li for "1!> [<rTepea Trerpa]. Plainly generic = rock, stone. On Josh. 5 2 see KNIFE.

2. t>> DVn> hallamis (aicpoTOjuos, orep. irer. On Tg. see ADAMANT, 4), flint, and, with -us, rocky flint and flinty rock (Dt. 815, quoted in Wisd. 11 41 Dt. 32 13 Job 28 9 Ps. 1048 Is. SO?). Emblem of hardness or unfruitfulnes s ; hence the marvel of oil or water from the flinty rock (see On.). Also of moral stedfastness (Is. 507 E/ek. 3 9). Cp also HAMMER, 2. Hommel, FSB A, May 93, p. 291, who connects elmesu ( = alganiesu) \i\t\\gilgainisorgibilgamis, according to him a name of the Fire-god.

ffalliitn is is etymologically identical with Ass. ehncsu or elinfisu, the hardest and costliest of precious stones, the name of which probably underlies a corrupt Hebrew name of a precious stone (see TARSHISH, STONE OF). See Del. Pro!. 86, and cp

3. icdx^af , i Mace. 10 73 EV, in the plain, where is neither stone nor flint (rather, pebbles ). K. also in (5 i S. 14 14. On both passages see SLING.

FLOCK, TOWER OF THE[edit]

(TUT^?*?) Mi. 48. See EDER, THE TOWER OF.

FLOOD[edit]

(TOO), Gen. 617. See DELUGE.

FLOOR[edit]

(jni), Gen. 50 n. See AGRICULTURE, 8.

FLOUR[edit]

(i) HP;?, Judg. 619 RV meal ; (2) nSb, Ex. 29 2 ; (3) ps2, 2 S. 13s RV, dough. See BREAD, i, FOOD, i/

FLOWERS[edit]

Four Hebrew words for flower or blossom correspond to the single Greek word dvdos (taking the LXX for our guide). The NT therefore could not (even if the love of flowers were more perceptible in it than it is) be expected to do justice to the floral beauty of the landscape of Palestine in spring (Cant. 2 12). It is true, the neighbourhood of Jerusalem has not a rich flora. Still, all the hills of Judah have bright though small spring-flowers ; nor, since Isaiah (I7n 18s see SBOT) refers to it, must the vine-blossom (see GRAPE) be forgotten. Samaria was probably better favoured (cp Is. 28 1 ). Two of the most beautiful of the flowers of Palestine compete for the honour of being referred to by Jesus in his saying on the lilies (see LILY). The tulip, poppy, hyacinth, cyclamen, asphodel, star of Bethlehem, crocus, and mallow may also be mentioned among the many attractive flowers. Wild r<5ses and wild jasmine also perfume the air in some parts. Lebanon and the deserts have floral beauties of their own. Delitzsch, though he had never been in Palestine, fully realised this variety in the flora of that country (Iris, 18). That flowers should be an emblem of evanescence is natural (Job 142 Ps. 103is Is. 406 Jas. lio).

1. rr&,perah, Ex. 25 31^ ( Kpivov) Is. 18s(AV bud, RV blossom, i.e., of the vine), expresses an early stage of inflores cence. Cp ALMOND, CANDLESTICK, 2.

2. f X sis, nss sisdh, Nu. 17 8 [23] Is. 28 14 406 Job 14 2 etc. Root -meaning to glitter ; cp MITRE, 3_/C

3. .tin, nissak, Is. 185 Job 1033, of the early crude berries of the vine and olive respectively. See GRAPE, 2.

4. fJH, nissiin, Cant. 2 12, of the spring flowers.

On the sweet flowers of AV (RV banks of sweet herbs ) in Cant. 5 13, see SPICE.

FLUE NET[edit]

(rnO?p), Hab. 1 15 AV m s- See NET, 3.

FLUTE[edit]

(Xn^rf>P), Dan. 85710 i 5 t- See Music, 4 (*)

FLUX, BLOODY[edit]

(AyceNreplON), Acts288. See DISEASES, 9.

FLY[edit]

Two Hebrew words are rendered fly : i. 3-13?, zZbtib (fivia, musca), cp Ass. zumbu [see LICE, end]. Everyone knows the divine name Baalzebub, according to some so called as being a god who averts flies (cp the fly-god Myiodes in Plin. xxix. 6 34) ; see, however, BAAL-ZEBUB. Elsewhere the word only occurs in Is. 7 18 Eccles. 10 1. In Isaiah fly and bee (the Assyrians) are parallel ; the fly is an apt emblem of the dwellers in the Nile valley where noxious insects abound. Can the fly intended be identified? i Perhaps, at least if Delitzsch and Cheyne (inPropk. Is. ) j are right in connecting the D;S:S *?sSit (Del. land of the whirring of wings ) of Is. 18 i with the tsetse-fly. The tsetse-fly (Glossina morsitans) is the most dreaded insect of S. and Central Africa ; it was described by the traveller Bruce as long ago as 1790.

This fly acts as a carrier of disease. It conveys a blood para site from one animal to another and the parasite causes the disease or death of most cattle. We know of no evidence that this disease ever visited Egypt.

We might also think of the seroot fly of Upper Egypt and Nubia, which is apparently a species of Pangonia ( Tabarnacle), and allied to our horse-flies. This insect is about the size of a wasp, with an orange-coloured body striped with black and white. Its very powerful mouth-organs inflict a painful wound from which blood flows freely, and in which other flies attempt to lay their eggs. During the rainy season in Upper Egypt, Nubia, etc. , it is a plague both to man and to beast. At any rate, the seroot may be taken as exemplifying the category to which the dreaded insects referred to belong. The obscure and rather lengthy proverb about dead flies in Eccles. 10 i (EV) is well emended by Siegfried, A poisonous fly brings corruption to the perfumer s ointment ; (so) a little folly destroys the worth of wisdom. (6avarov<7ai) at any rate supports the sense of deadly or poisonous, 1 though like MT it has flies (plur.). Flies in Egypt and Syria are indeed per nicious. They propagate diseases such as ophthalmia, and transmit some of the parasites which live in blood, etc.

2. ahy, \lrob (icvp&fHiUt), the name of the insect or insects of the plague of Egypt (Ex. 821 [i?]/: Ps. 7845 1053i, EV swarms of flies). It is impossible to specify what particular insect is intended.

The rendering dog-flies ((5, Ge. Kn.) implies a derivation from piy, to suck. These flies have a reputation for their voracity. The rival rendering swarms (cp RV) suggests a connection with any, to mix. So Pesh. Ltft^y... ; other early interpretations (see Ges. Thes.) need not be cited.

A. E. S. S. A. C.

i. In the Mishna treatise Ckalla* 12 (cp Ptsdch. 2s), whoso takes a vow to abstain from ddgdn has to abstain only from the following five kinds : wheat, barley, spelt (a Dpia), fox-ears (?y?B> rrVac ), and siphon (pay), of which only the first three are mentioned in the OT. 3

1 The analogy of phrases like n.lD 73, a deadly weapon, is decisive.

2 This treatise deals with the various contents of the kneading- trough, subject or not subject to the dough dues (H?n ; see Nu. 15 20 ff., and cp P.AKEMEATS, $ 2), as they may be called, which for the ordinary housewife amounted to one twenty-fourth, for professional bakers one forty-eighth of the whole.

3 For the two remaining grains see below, 3, and cp the list in Ezek. 4 9.


FODDER[edit]

p^>3), Job 6 5. See CATTLE, 5.

FOLD[edit]

(HU), 19.65 10, or Folds (nhl|), Nu. 32 24 . See CATTLE, 5.

FOOD[edit]

A. VEGETABLE KINGDOM.

  • Cereals, 1-3.
  • Vegetables, 4-6.
  • Condiments, 7.

B. ANIMAL KINGDOM.

  • Restrictions, 8-13.
  • Cattle as food, 14-15.
  • Other details, 16-17.

A historical treatment of the food of the Hebrews would eventually shape itself into a history of their social and economic progress from the condition of nomads in prehistoric times, through centuries of agri cultural and pastoral life in Canaan, to the latest days of Jewish independence, when the choicest products of neighbouring countries found a ready market in the cities of Palestine. It suits our present purpose better, however, to treat the subject of food in Old and New- Testament times with reference to the natural kingdom to which the various food-stuffs belong. Of the three familiar divisions, the vegetable kingdom ( 1-7) sup plied the inhabitants of Palestine, as it still supplies the peoples of Eastern lands, with all but an insignificant proportion of the ordinary daily food. To this day the Syrian yW/<i/z/>z are practically vegetarians, tasting meat ( 8-16) only on the occasion of some religious or social festival. (On the price of food see 17. )

A. VEGETABLE KINGDOM.[edit]

I. Cereals.[edit]

1. Wheat.[edit]

In every period of Hebrew history the most important food-stuffs were those classed by Hebrew writers under the general name dagan (pi), corn, which comprised the grains of a number of common cereals.

The most highly esteemed of these cereals, universally used by rich and poor, was wheat.

(a) Wheat, 1 hittdh (nen, more often Q En), appears in the OT as a food-stuff under various forms. The most primitive custom the only method practised in Rome, tradition says, till the days of Numa (see Cibaria in Daremberg and Saglio s Diet, des Antiq. 1142^) was to pluck the ears (m l/ldk, dbtb) when filled but not fully ripe, to remove the husk by simply rubbing the ears in the hand, and to eat the still juicy kernel.

This the Hebrews were allowed to do in passing through a field of standing corn (Dt. J3 25 [26]). It was disallowed on the Sabbath, however (Mt. 12 i Alk. 2 23 Lk. t> i), inasmuch as plucking and rubbing were legally regarded as special forms of reaping and winnowing (cp S/ia6. 7 2). Ears, whether of wheat or of barley, eaten in this way seem to have been known as kartnel ftiyia, RV fresh ears ; Lev. 23 14 2 K. 4 42). 2

The same fresh ears, crushed in a mortar or other wise, produced the Sci3 cn.3, gtres karmel, of Lev. 21416 (RV bruised corn of the fresh ear ). Much more common was the method of roasting the ears, before they had hardened, on an iron plate or pan.

This parched corn ( ?jj more fully ^j3 3"}?, Lev. 2 14 ; ^7/3 alone Josh. On) is repeatedly mentioned in the OT as an article of diet common among all classes of the people (Lev. 23 14 1 S. 17 17 25 18 2 S. 17 28 Ruth 2 14), and is largely eaten at the present day in the East (cp Rob. JiK 2394 [ 41]; ZDPV9$. This mode of rendering the grains of the cereals more palatable everywhere preceded the use of the mortar and pestle by which the grains were crushed, just as the latter method preceded, and was eventually superseded by, the hand-mill or quern (see MILL). On the main use of wheat in the Hebrew food-supply see, further, BAKEMEATS, BREAD.

Among the modern Syrians the favourite mode of cooking wheat is as follows :

The grain is boiled after it has been thoroughly cleaned (hence OT 13, see CORN, 3) by the female members of the family (see , 2S.4 6, and cp SBO T) and freed from the impurities unre- moved by the process of winnowing ; it is then spread on the housetop to dry (cp 2 S. 17 19), after which it is ground and boiled to a thick paste. A similar dish seems to be intended by the obscure drisdh, nD IJ? (Nu. 10 2o_/ Neh. 10 37 [36] Ezek. 44 30). EV renders dough ((5 <>upa/aa in Nu., tririov in Neh., om. in Ezek. ; other authorities kneading-trough ), but aristili is more probably to be identified with the Talmudic arsan, a porridge or paste, made from the meal of barley or wheat (see mod. Lexx. and especially Lag. GGJV, 1889, p. 301). Wheat, sodden and crushed as above described, the modern burgitl, added to mutton which has been pounded to shreds with a pestle and mortar, forms kibbeh, the national dish of Syria (see COOKING, 3). The modern siitui, the finest of the wheat meal, got by bolting the ordinary flour (kemah, nOp, RV meal ) with a fine sieve (cp Pirke Aboth, 5 15), corre sponds to the Hebrew s&leth (n^D I <rejui. SaAis ; RV fine flour ). A poetical designation of this fine flour is the kidney fat of wheat (Dt. 32 14 Ps. SI 16 [17] 147 14). * Its price was, at one period, twice that of barley (2 K. 7 i 1618). The distinction between these two kinds of Syrian flour (kemah and soIetK) was familiar to the Egyptians of the New Empire, who made soldiers bread from the former, and princes bread from the latter (Erman, Anc. Egypt, 188).

2. Barley.[edit]

(b) The second place among the food grains of the Hebrews was occupied by barley. A brief summary of what is more fully stated elsewhere (see BARLEY) will suffice. In the list of foods offered to David and his friends (2 S. 1728) we find wheat and barley not only in the grain but also ground and parched ( ^>pi nsjj)- Commonly, however, barley, like wheat, was consumed in the form of bread (Judg. 7 13 2 K. 442 Ezek. 4912); it formed the bread of the peasantry, and the low esteem in which it was held seems to be the ground for the sole instance of the admission of barley meal among the sacred offerings (Nu. 5isjT-)- In NT times barley bread was still in use (Jn. 69 13, and Mishna passim), and it is common among the Bedouin of N. Arabia now.

1 In AV Nu. 18 12 and Jer. 31 12 the rendering wheat is too special for JJ1, RV earn, but Amer. Revision grain (so always for p).

2 AV here, full ears of corn in the husk thereof (Wjpl^J) ; RV, with the best authorities, fresh ears of corn in his sack.

3 Also probably in the original text of Ecclus. 39 26 (Bacher inJQK, July 1897).

3. Spelt, etc.[edit]

(c) The third of the cereals mentioned above as included under corn (dagan) in Mishnic times (Challa, cb- 2s) is kusst!u-th (nODD I hardly ie, as AV except in Ezek. 4 9). See FITCHKS. From Ezekiel (4g, plur. AV fitches ) we learn that it was, at least occasionally, employed by his countrymen to make bread. In the Mishna it is re peatedly mentioned with wheat and barley.

The two remaining cereals are not mentioned in the OT.

(d} The shibboleth sha'al (lit. fox s ear ) has been identified by the Jewish scholars (Rashi, etc. ) with oats ; by Low (129) with the eegilops, a grass closely allied to wheat (cp Post, Flora of Syria, etc., 899).

(e) The Siphon is probably a species of oats (the Avcna barbata of Post, 871, which by the Arabs is called seifiln}. From the frequent mention in the Mishna, both (d and e) must have been cultivated and used as food by the Jews of Palestine in the first and second centuries of our era.

ii. In the Mishna treatise (Challd, \n, cp Shebi it/i 2?) cited above ( i, beginning), mention is made of four food-stuffs that were not subject to the dough dues. Three of them may be identified with certainty as the rice plant, millet, and sesame. (a) Rice, ores (IIIN 6pvfa), was introduced into Palestine in the Greek period (see Hehn, Kulturpjl.(^ 485.^). (/3) Millet, dohan (jm. Ar. duhn; see MlLLKT), is mentioned in Ezekiel s list (4g), where @ has Ke-/xpos, by which @ (BQ n s-) also represents the obscure and perhaps corrupt pp: of Is. 2825. (7) Sesame is still largely cultivated in Syria, mainly for the oil-producing quality of its seeds (see On,). The seeds are used also like carraway seeds in western lands, sprinkled on the housewife s bread, and even mixed with sugar and flour of rice, to produce a species of confection. (5) The remaining plant of the four may be the familiar dura of the Syrian plains (cp Low, pp. 101-3), which in the present day supplies the black bread of the peasant. Mixed with wheaten flour, it is said to keep longer soft (ZDPl/%%}. It is not mentioned in the OT or NT. 1

1 In the Aramaic inscription of Panamu from Zenjirli (/. 6) occur the names HKr. mi 8? (cp mijr, Is. 2825), nerv rn; 1 ;;-.

Sachau in his edition of the inscription proposes to identify nil with the modern grain called dura. So also Dr. Authority ami Archteol. 132. See, however, Che. Isa. (Heb. SBOT 99).


II. Other vegetable products[edit]

4. Leguminosse.[edit]

(a) The pulse family. We pass now to another important group of food-stuffs the Leguminosse or pulse family. It is somewhat remarkable that out of the many hundreds of species belonging to the natural order Leguminosce which are found at the present day in Syria (see Post, op. cit. 208-299) only two are mentioned in the OT or the NT, (i) the lentil, and (2) the bean. Still, we may be sure that the pulse plants in all periods furnished an important part of the Hebrews diet. If EV rightly renders D J/ lt, sero lm, and Q jjnT, zeronitn (Dan. 1 12 16), the diet preferred by Daniel and his companions was confined to PULSE \_q.v. ]. Probably, however, herbs (as RV m -) is a more ac curate rendering ; the context suggests a contrast between vegetable food - products generally, and the sacrificial and therefore unclean meat (flesh) from the royal kitchen. Various designations of the products we are now to consider occur in the OT, the most precise being the general term ydrdk (pr, in the Mishna nipv [Ab. Zar. 38]); thus pi j (AV garden of herbs ) is the equivalent of our vegetable or kitchen garden (Dt. 11 10 i K. 21 2 ; cp pi nrnx, a vegetable diet, Prov. 15 17). Like Daniel, Judas Maccabasus and his associ ates are said to have lived on a vegetable diet (rriv XopTuSr) Tpo<frfiv, 2 Mace. 527 ; cp 4 Esd. 926 12si). For the same reason the avoidance of food ceremoni ally unclean Josephus and his fellow-deputies lived at Rome on figs and nuts ( I it. 3).

Regarding the antiquity of the pulse group of foods and its importance among the peoples of Eastern and classical countries with the curious exception, noted by Plutarch (is. 5, 8), of the Egyptian priests 1 we may refer to Hehn s great work (Kulturpft. u. Hansth.(^ zo%/. [ 94]).

1. The first place in the group may be assigned to lentils, adds! in (pnho). The staple diet of the Egyptian pyramid -builders, according to Strabo (xvii. 134; cp Wilkinson, 224), lentils were cooked by the Hebrews from the earliest times to the latest (see LENTILES). 2 Now, as in Ezekiel s time (4g), they are sometimes ground and mixed with wheat Hour to make bread ; but they are more generally used as a pottage or cooked as the Spaniards cook haricot beans, stewed with oil and flavoured with red pepper (Tristram, NHB 462).

2. The bean, pol (Sis), occurs only in 2 S. 17 28, and as one of the numerous ingredients of Ezekiel s bread (4 9). Several different species of bean were cultivated in Palestine for consumption in the first two centuries of our era. For example, in chap. 1 alone of the Mishna treatise Kifdim, at least four varieties are men tioned ; among these is the Egyptian bean, at present one of the most extensively cultivated leguminous plants of Syria. Next, indeed, to the preparations of wheat we may place the bean in its various forms (fiil, lubiyah, etc. ) as the most useful food-stuff in the Syria and Egypt of to-day (cp ZDPV^^, Landberg, Proverbes et Dictons, etc. 250). Either the pods are boiled and eaten entire, like our French beans, or the seeds alone are eaten after being roasted, or are boiled to a thick soup. Bean meal, painfully ground in the handmill, is sometimes mixed with wheat flour and baked into bread. Landberg (op. cit. 77-88) gives various native recipes for favourite Syrian dishes in which lentils and beans are the main ingredients.

3. Another popular food is the chick-pea (Ciccr arietitnim, Arab, hummus), known in early Talmudic times as Q ilENS (Pi tih 3 3, etc.). It is cooked in the same manner as the bean. Roasted, the hummus furnishes an esteemed delicacy, called kudami.^

4. Here, too, may be mentioned the vetch (Vicia emilia), .he modern kirsenneh, which is sometimes identified with the kussemeth of Is. 2825 (RV and SBOT spelt ; see 3 [c]). It is now, as doubtless it was formerly, grown as fodder ; only in times of scarcity, according to Pliny, was it used as food by man.

5. Cucurbitacea.[edit]

(b) The gourd family. The principal members of the gourd family (Cucurbitacea;} have at all times been prized as food in the East. Next to the fish of the Delta, the Hebrews looked back with regret to Egypt's cucumbers and melons (Nu. 11s; see CUCUMBER, MELON). At the present day bread and melons or cucumbers form the main food of the poorest class in the large cities, from Constantinople to Damascus and Cairo, for months together. The cucumber (Mish. rfivj} ; Nu. 11s D Nts p) is largely consumed in the raw state, but also prepared with vinegar as a salad. Equally popular at all times was the water-melon, abhattiah (rrtsrw ; plur. Nu. 11s), the modern battlkh, now cultivated by the acre in certain parts of the East, besides which we frequently find in the Mishna the sugar-melon (pss 1 ? !:!, /aajXoWirw), which came to the Jews, as its name shows, from the Greeks. The seeds of the melon are roasted and eaten lil* those of the chick-pea. Various gourds are in cluded under the D jn^>n of the Mishna, among them perhaps the favourite kusa or vegetable-marrow. 5 A popular modern dish is prepared by removing the seeds of the kusa and stuffing with rice, minced mutton, and other ingredients. For the wild gourds of 2 K. 439 see GOURDS, WILD. Post (Flora, 324), with some older authorities, suggests that the colocynth may be intended by the gall |>Ni]in Dt. 29 18 [17] Ps. 692i, etc. See GALL, i.

1 Cp Herodotus statement about their special abhorrence of the bean (/cua/uos), 237. The flamcn dialis at Rome, also, according to Aulus Gellius, was forbidden to touch the bean.

2 They have been found in the lake-dwellings of Switzerland.

3 Vg. inserts it at the end of 2 S. 17 28 for the intrusive ^n (see Bu. in SBOT).

  • In the streets of Damascus this delicacy is thus praised by

its vendors : Tattooed, warm and soft ! Make a night of it, O Barmecide ! ! (Wetzstein, Der Markt in Damaskus, ZDMG 11 519).

8 Low and Post give the following equations : nV 1 ?"!, Cucrir- bita Pepo (Low) ; Squash, kftsa, Cucurbita Pepo (Post, PEFQ, 1881, p. 119).

6. The genus Allium.[edit]

(c) Leeks, etc. Conspicuous among the vegetables enjoyed by Israel in Egypt were the leeks, the onions, and the garlic ( Nu - Us)- all three familiar members of the genus Allium. Marcus Aurelius's description of the garlic -smelling Jews (fcetentium Judaeorum) whom he met in Palestine has often been quoted (Amm. Marcell. xxii. 5s)- The leek, hdsir (run, Nu. 11s; in the Mishna generally nrns), was at all times highly esteemed in Egypt (cp Pliny s laudatissimus porrus in AEgypto, 1933) and Syria. ONIONS, bifsdlim (c^ua), and garlic, sum (DIE"), Herodotus was told (2 125), held a chief place among the food supplied to the builders of the pyramids, and their universal cultivation in later times is attested by contemporary monuments. All three species were usually eaten raw as a relish (8^/ov) to bread, occasionally as now, no doubt, roasted or boiled with meat to form a stew (cp Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 1 184). In Syria onions are also preserved like cucumbers (ZDPV9n). For a more ambitious treatment of the onion, see Landberg, op. cit. 77-79.

In times of famine, no doubt, recourse was also had to other and less familiar herbs. Such was the plant (m^s, mallil a h, AV mallows, RV salt-wort ; see MALLOWS) mentioned in JobSf^. 1 Though this plant, from its etymology, is more likely to be the saltwort than the mallow, it is true that, according to Conder, the mallow in Syria khubbeizi (so called from its fruit resembling in shape the native bread, khubz ; cp Low, 360) is eaten in time of scarcity cooked in sour milk or oil ( Tentwork, 317). Cp, further, HUSKS.

This probably exhausts the greens (P^) mentioned by name in the OT as articles of food. - A glance, however, at any of the Mishna treatises dealing with the legal requirements as to the sowing, tithing, etc., of the fruits of the soil, shows that those above enumerated are but a fraction of the plants culti vated for food in Palestine in the first century A.D. Here we can mention only a few of the commoner greens, such as lettuce C 1 !]-^) various species of chicory and endive (f C /iy), which furnished the main ingredients of the bitter herbs (D VC, Ex. 12s) at the Passover, as is shown by the list in Pesach. 26 the lupine, still known by its Graeco- Hebrew name turmus (DiDllH) 9epiioy), expressly stated to have been a food of the poor (Shabb. 18 i) ; the kolkas (Dp7lp, colocasia), still extensively cultivated as food (Post, op. cit. 829), and the li if (rv;^), both members of the Arum family, and used, with mustard and lupine together, to form a pickle (see Low, 240) ; the turnip (HE ?, modern lift), the radish (pj i), the cabbage (3D3), and the asparagus

Most of the vegetables we have discussed were not only used in the fresh state (nV) or in some cases dried (c>:r) but also laid in vinegar or in brine and used as pickles. Such preserved vegetables were called Q BOS (Shtdiith, 9 5 )orD-&n3 (P&dcli. 26).

1 On this verse as a whole see Budde, and in opposition to the current explanations of v. 4 6, see JUNIPER.

2 RV i>g- introduces the purslain into Job (56 ; but see PURSLAIN.

3 Salt, the prince of condiments, belongs elsewhere, and must, in any case, receive special notice (SALT).

7. Condiments.[edit]

Of the remaining contributions of the vegetable kingdom to the Hebrew kitchen and table, the fruits are of sufficient importance to claim an article for themselves (see FRUIT), leaving only the various condiments for brief mention here. (For fuller treatment of these see the separate articles. 3 ) Hehn (op. cit. 205) has rightly emphasised the fact that before pepper was discovered or came into general use, seeds like cummin, black cummin, Nigella sativa, the coriander, KOpia-vvov, etc., naturally played a more important role in the cookery of anti quity. Of these, the first which meets us in the OT is the coriander (na, Ex. 1631 Nu. 11 7; K6piov ; also Ex. 1614), to the greyish- white seeds of which the manna is compared. Under the name of -i3D the coriander was cultivated in later times both for its seed and for its leaves (Ma &ser, 4s) ; the seeds are still very largely used as a spice to mix with bread in the East^ as well as to give an aromatic flavour to sweetmeats (Tristram, NHB, 440). Black cummin (so RV n - for nup ; 5 fj.f\dvOtov) occurs in Is. 2825. Its black seeds are still used in Syria to sprinkle over bread. In the NT mint, anise, cummin, and rue are associated with Jesus denunciation of the Pharisees. Of these cummin " the fastidiis cumminum amicissimum of Pliny was held in the highest esteem by the classical peoples. Like salt it was used proverbially as a symbol of friend ship ; the phrase, ol trepl &\a Kal KV/JLIVOV, is synonymous with confidential friends (Plutarch, quoted by Hehn). The textual variation of <@ in Is. 2827, and the cummin shall be eaten with bread, is interesting in the light of Pliny s observation that cummin seeds were so used by the Alexandrians of his day (19 47)- The anise of Mt. 2823 is undoubtedly the Anethum graveolens or dill (so RV m - ; Mish. row. modern shibith}. The tithe was levied on the seeds, leaves, and capsules (pTi jnj pTji) of this plant (Mciaser, ^5) i.e., when its seeds are collected, or when its leaves are used as vegetable, or when its pods are eaten (Jastrow, Diet., s.v. TT). Its use as a condiment is attested by Uksin, 84. Accord ing to the Mishna (Shtbi ith, 9i) no tithe was levied on the rue (ors, Trrryavov, Lk. 1142), which seems to show that the form given to Jesus words by the first ( Jewish ) evangelist (Mt. 2822) is the more accurate of the two. To the category of condiments must also be reckoned the mustard (a-ivairi, *rnn), which, according to a recent authority (see Condimenta in Daremb. and Saglio), does not appear to have been used in the form with which we are familiar ; rather the leaves were cut up and mixed with the dish to be seasoned (Athen. 9366 a). We have already found that the mustard leaf was used in making pickles. The best mustard, accord ing to Pliny (19s4), came from Egypt, the "iso Vriri of Kil dim, 1 5.

Ginger (Zingiber officinale) does not seem to have been known in Palestine within our period (for onn, Oksln, 85, which Jost reads oon and renders ginger, see SPICE) ; pepper (Wps), on the other hand, had found its way into common use during the Roman period. The esteem in which this familiar condiment was held at a later date is shown by the Talmudic saying, As the world cannot exist without salt and pepper, neither can it exist without the Bible, the Mishna; and the Talmud (Low, 318). Pepper, carried in the mouth, is mentioned along with a grain of salt (njpp St?> -n"i?)> apparently as a cure for toothache (Shabb. 65). It was ground in a metal hand-mill (Besd, 2s), and was used not only to season the ordinarj tabie food, but also as a spice in the concoction of mead (p rDj", oii^eXt ; see WINE AND STRONG DRINK).

B. ANIMAL KINGDOM.[edit]

8. Animal kingdom : restrictions.[edit]

Whilst the Hebrews were free to make full and unrestricted use of the products of the vegetable kingdom, they were limited as regards the animal kingdom by various restrictions, most of them in principle and origin at least traceable to very early times.

(a) The most important was that by which the members of the animal kingdom were ranged under the two cate gories of clean and unclean, those under the former the so-called clean animals, alone being available as food. For the origin and significance of this distinction, as well as for parallels among other ancient peoples, see CLEAN AND UNCLEAN, FISH, andSACRincE. For our present purpose, the following summary will suffice. Df Mammals the locus classics Dt. 14.3/ . names ten species as clean : viz. , the ox, the sheep and the goat, he hart, and the gazelle, and the roebuck, and the wild goat, and the pygarg, and the antelope, and the chamois (so the RV ; on the identifications see the separate articles) ; whilst the camel, the hare, the rock-badger (EV CONEY [f.v.]), and the swine, are similarly named as unclean. 1 As regards birds the enumeration proceeds by the method of exclusion ( Lev. 11 13/: Dt. 14ii/i ), various birds, chiefly birds of prey among them the bat being specified as forbidden or taboo (to adopt the current scientific term), in Hebrew technically likes ([ pj>, a detestation, object of abhorrence [see ABOMINATION, 2]; Dt. 726 Lev. 7 21 \\-soff., etc.). Of fishes only those having both scales and fins were regarded as clean (FiSH, 8/1 ), whilst, from the inverte brates, a few species of the locust family alone arc admitted as food.

9. Prohibition of blood.[edit]

(b) Of equal antiquity, probably, is the prohibition as food (taboo) of the blood of the clean, -warm-blooded, animals (hence not of the blood of fish). This taboo holds a foremost place in the Hebrew dietary legislation (cp Dt. 12162325 1523 Lev. \l\off. [H] Gen. 94 Lev. 817 7 2 6/. [P], etc.), whilst its antiquity is historically attested at a period much earlier than the promulgation of any of the codes now referred to (see i S. 1432-34). The discussion of the idea or ideas ultimately under lying this prohibition one by no means confined to the Hebrews belongs elsewhere (see SACRIFICE). In the above passages of the OT the prohibition is mainly based on the ground that the blood was the seat of the soul or nfyhes (OBI, properly the vital, sentient principle ; cp ESCHATOLOGY, 12). It was therefore too sacred for ordinary use, and was to be reserved for, and restored to God, the author of all life. In early times among the Hebrews, when as yet all slaughter was sacrifice, this dedication of the blood was a matter of course ; but when, on the suppression of the local sanctuaries, as the result of the Deuteronomic legisla tion, it became necessary to authorise slaughter for domestic purposes elsewhere than at the sanctuary, it was expressly enacted that the blood of the animal slaughtered should be allowed to flow away (Dt. 12 is/. ; see Dr. in loc. and cp OTJC, 249/1). The same held good of the beast or fowl taken in the chase ; the hunter shall even pour out the blood thereof and cover it with dust (Lev. 17 13)- To this abstention from blood the Hebrews have at all times remained faithful (cp Mohammed s prohibition : Kuran, Sura 2167). Only on an occasion such as that in the time of Saul referred to above (iS. \^ff.; cp the in teresting addition of the Old Lat. and the Vulg. in Judith 11 12, to lay hands upon their cattle to drink their blood }, and in a period of great religious declension, did they imitate their neighbours the Philistines (Zech. 9y) and eat with the blood (Ezek. 8825). The attitude of the early Christian Church and of the later Jews to this part of the dietary laws will be referred to later.

1 On the question whether the Israelites in time of famine ever ate ass s flesh (2 K. 25), see HUSKS.

2 The custom of fitting this tail in extreme cases to a small wheeled cart, which has often been ridiculed, is referred to in the .Mishna ; see Shabbath, 04, and cp Herod. 3 113.


10. Prohibition of intestinal fat.[edit]

Another restriction, closely associated in P with that now discussed, had to do with the intestinal fat of the three sacrificial species, the ox, sheep, and goat (Ex.29i 3 Lev. 3 3^ I"/-: cp Jos Ant iii 9:2-3) to which was added the fat tail (n Sn, alyah, Ex. 2922 Lev. 89 RV) of the sheep of the country (see SHEEP ). 2 Deuteronomy is silent with regard to this taboo ; but its antiquity is vouched for by the incidents of i S. 2 15^ The prohibi tion, it should be observed, has reference only to the 3711, helebh, the fat of the omen turn and the organs that lie in or near it (K el. Sem.C 2 ), 379 /. which see for probable reason of this abstinence ; J cp SACRIFICE), and not to the fatty deposits (probably the Q-SSVD or tit-bits of Neh. 8 10) in other parts of the animal, about which there was no restriction. It is important also, in view of later usage, to note that this abstinence from the fat of the intestines applies only to the case of an ox, sheep, or goat offered in sacrifice. The inference is that if any of these were slaughtered privately the fat might be eaten ; in any case the prohibition does not extend to the fat of non-sacrificial animals (game, etc.), pro vided these are clean and duly slaughtered. On the other hand the fat of animals coming under the two categories of N&bhelah and Tlrephah (see next paragraph) might be used for any domestic purpose other than that of food (Lev. 724). The eating of the fat, as of the blood, entailed the death penalty (Lev. 725 ; for details see treatise KlrTthoth, especially chap. 3 ; for blood, chap. 5).

11. Prohibition of Nebhelah and Terephah.[edit]

Of more importance is the taboo placed by the Pentateuchal legislation on two kinds of meat known technically as (a) Nebhelah (n^, Lev. 7:24 17:15 22:8 Dt. 14:21 cp. Ezek. 4:14 44:31) and Terephah (r^ti", Ex. u 22 31 [30] Lev. 7 24 17 15 22 8; cp Ezek. i.c.). In view of the extensive development of later Jewish jurisprudence with regard to these two categories of forbidden meat, it is essential to understand clearly the original significance of the terms.

(a) The first, Nebhelah , denotes the dead body of a person (i K. 1824^ ) or the carcase of an animal ; in its technical sense it means the flesh of an animal that has succumbed to an organic disease and died a natural death. In this sense it is opposed to the carcase of an animal that has been properly slaughtered and the blood drawn off. 2

(b) The second, Terephah, as its etymology shows, denotes an animal that has died through being torn (na, Gen. 31.39) by wild beasts, in other words torn flesh. 3

Of these, Ttrephah was forbidden even by the earliest code (Ex. 22 31 [30]), which requires that it shall be cast unto the dogs ; the prevalence of this custom near the time of Jesus is confirmed by the lines of the Pseudo-Phocylides (i48/, Xeixava \e1we Kvfflv OripSiv atrb Orjpes HSovTai). Nebhelah appears first in the legislation of D (Dt. 142i), which allows it to be given away to the stranger or to be sold to the foreigner. By the later regulations of P (H), however, its use is forbidden to native-born Israelite and stranger alike (Lev. 17 15).

With the increasing attention to the requirements of the Levitical legislation in matters of ceremonial purity that marked the later pre-Christian period, and the ever-growing eagerness of the Scribes to make a fence round the Torah (Aboth, 1 i), the two termini technici under discussion gradually assumed other significations widely different from those originally belonging to them. Hence we may assume that in NT times they already possess the significance assigned to them respectively by the authoritative definition of the Mishna.

Every animal that has to be rejected (technical term o|?Sp = 7533) on account of (a defect in) the method of slaughter (,TB. neO \sNebhelah; every one slaughtered according to rule but rejected for some other cause is Terfphah (Mish. Chullin, 2 4). In the same treatise (3 i) we find the Terephdh category so extended as to include meat vitiated by the animal suffering from any one of a large number of fatal ailments, so that we have this other definition : every animal in similar circum stances that cannot live is Terephah.

1 This was certainly not due to any thought of these portions being prejudicial to health, still less to the fantastic notion of Michaelis that the fat was forbidden in order to encourage the culture of the olive !

2 Cp s OvytTinaiov throughout; Vg. cadaver morticini ; EV that which dieth of itself.

3 Cp (S s 0T)piaA(oToc ; EV that which is torn of beasts.


By means of this casuistry the original prohibition of the flesh of an animal dying of itself has now been transferred to the flesh of one not slaughtered according to rabbinic prescription. In the present work it would be out of^place to enter into the minutiae of the Jewish laws of Stfhttdh or ritual slaughter, even were this, for an outsider, possible. One other reference to the Mishna, however, may be permitted, because of its bearing on an important passage of the NT. In the same treatise (Chullin, 1 2) we read, Any one may slaughter and at any time and with any instrument except a harvest- sickle, a saw, etc., because these strangle i.e. , they do not make the clean incision required for the proper slaughter. We have here the explanation of the things strangled (TOV TTVIKTOV), from which, we are told, the first Gentile Christians were advised to abstain (Acts .162029 2125; see COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM). They were to abstain not only from blood, that is from meat killed by any method other than that of blood letting (see [] above), but also from the flesh of animals from which the blood had been drawn in any way other than that sanctioned by the Jewish authorities of the time. 1

12. Of heathen's food[edit]

A word must suffice for a last limitation implied, not formally enjoined, in the oldest legislation. The Hebrews, on the ground of Ex. 34:15, in later tlmes at least, consistently abstained from meat that had formed part of an offering to a foreign deity, or might be even suspected of such an origin. We have seen (above, 4) how Daniel, Judas the Maccabee, Josephus, and their respective companions preferred a modest vegetable diet to the risk of defilement by heathen food. On the recommendation of this form of abstention attributed to the Council of Jerusalem (Acts, I.e.) by which the eating of meats offered to idols and of blood is classed with fornication, precisely as in an earlier age the eating of the blood is ranked in the same category with murder and idolatry (Ezek. 8825), see COUNCIL ii., n.

Having examined in detail the restrictions which the Hebrew dietary laws placed on the use of animal foods, we proceed to another interesting taboo.

1 The whole ritual minutias of slaughter are referred in the Talmud to God himself, on the ground of Dt. 12 21, where the true reference is of course to v. 15. Details of the process by which kosher meat (i.e., "1E>3, meat prepared according to prescription, the opposite of 77DS) is secured at the present day would be out of place here ; suffice it to say that the custom of rubbing salt into the newly-killed meat in order to remove as much as possible of the venous blood is said on good authority to have been introduced by a Babylonian doctor of the name of Samuel in the early Tnlmudic period (circa 220 A.D./.C., later than the Mishna). See Wiener, Die judischen Speisegesetze, 206 ; Strack, Das Blut, 87 /. (1900).

13. The hip-sinew.[edit]

At the close of the early narrative (J) of Jacob s experience at Penuel, the redactor (R JE ) has added, 'Therefore the children of Israel eat not of the ""? " T ? RV the sinew of the hip- AV the sinew that shrank ; cp <, rb vevpov 8 tvapKiricrtv) which is upon the hollow of the thigh unto this day' (Gen. 32 3 2[ 33 ]). We have here the first reference to a popular taboo of (evidently) great antiquity, which, strangely enough, has not found a place in the dietary legislation of the Pentateuch. The sinew in question is the great muscle of the leg known to anatomists as the nervus ischiadicus. Whatever may have been the original significance of the abstinence here referred to (cp Rel. Sem.W 380), it is given by the writer as use and wont merely. It must soon afterwards have been raised to a formal prohibition.

The Greek translators appear to have so regardedit, rendering the narrative tense of the original by OB pi +&~WLTLV, 'are by I:" means to eat' (cp Lk. 115, 04 p$ r i g 'shall by no means drink'). The next witness is Josephus, &ho, after informing us that Jacob himself abstained from the flesh of this muscle, adds, and for this sake it is taboo for us (ovS yniv fSw&ifiov, Ant. i. 202). This is confirmed by the Mishnic legislation, by which the nervus ischiadicits of domestic animals and wild animals, of the right leg and the left leg is formally forbidden (Chullin, 7 i)and the minimum punishment of forty stripes decreed for the transgressor (ib. 3).

This taboo is still faithfully observed by orthodox Jews. For the important dietary law against seething the kid in its mother s milk (Ex. 2819, etc.), see COOKING, 8 ; MAGIC, 2.

14. Cattle as food.[edit]

From this study of the more important laws by which the use of animal food generally was regulated in OT and NT times, we proceed to review in detail the evidence of the OT regard ing the individual animals. We have adverted to the fact that the enjoyment of animal food was much less frequent among the Hebrews than among ourselves, more especially in the more primitive times when meat was available only on the occasion of a sacrifice. Such occasions might be offered not only by the recurring family and tribal festivals (rms&O nai, i S. 2029 ; cp \3/. 21), but also by the arrival of an honoured guest (Gen. 18 iff., and often), or by some event of more than usual significance (i K. 19zi). Only at the tables of royalty and of the great nobles, we may suppose, was meat a daily luxury (i K. 4 23 [5 3] Am. 64; cp Neh. 5i8). In the Greek period and onwards, however, the standard of living rose with the growth of commerce ; indeed the table of a wealthy Jew of the first century would astonish us by the variety and elegance of its dishes.

The source of the ordinary meat supply was at all periods the domestic animals cattle (npa), sheep, and goats. The minimum age at which any of these species was available for sacrifice, and therefore for food, was eight days ( Lev. 2227). Sacrificial meat, if not previously consumed, had to be destroyed on the third day at latest (Lev. 7i6/. 196/1), probably because in the warm climate of Syria decomposition sets in rapidly. The dam and her offspring must not be killed on the same day (Lev. 2228 ; cp the similar humanitarian legislation of Dt. 226/. ). From this passage and others (e.g. , i S. 162) we see that the cow, as well as the ox, was eaten by the Hebrews, whilst their neighbours the Egyptians and the Phoenicians would as soon have eaten human flesh as that of the cow (Rel. Sem.W 280).

The animals slaughtered might be taken directly from the herd (Gen. 18 7) these are the jn ipa (j&ies vopddes), oxen from the pasture, of i K. 423 [03] but the custom of specially fattening them for the table also was in vogue (Prov. 15 17). These fallings were known as ma, mlrl (2 S. 6 13 i K. 1 9 etc. ), or xna. btr? ( i K. 4 23 [5s] Ezek. 34s 20 Zech. 11 16). A more expressive term is derived from the fact that the creatures were tied up (pai) and doubtless fed with special fattening stuffs, as was the case with the oxen and geese of Egypt (Erman, Egypt, 438, 444) ; this term is paiD Sjy. (Jer. 46ai @ 2621, ;u6erxos ffiTf UTO S = the fatted calf of Lk. 1623, and the <rm<rrd of Mt. 22 4 i S. 2824 Am. 64 Mai. 4 2 [820]). * The method of slaughtering for the table probably differed little from that practised by the Egyptians as illustrated by Wilkinson (op. cit. 2z6/). The throat of the animal was cut in such a manner as completely to sever the great arteries and veins of the neck, in order that the blood might flow as freely as possible (see 9). The choicest portions (see i S. 924), and those probably first removed (cp Wilkinson, I.e.), were the right hind-quarter (pic*, /cwXea, AV shoulder, RV thigh ), and the shin or upper portion of the right fore-leg (y li, ztroa, Dt. 183 Nu. 6 19 [P] ; cp Ezek. 244), both of which, in the case of sacrificial victims, were the perquisites of the priests (Lev. 7s2/. ).

1 The MT of i S. 15 9, D 3B>an (AVm B . O f the second sort ), is explained in Jewish tradition hy an alleged popular belief that the young of the second bearing are superior to the firstlings. Modern editors, however, read D JDlPn, the fat ones (cp Ezek. 84 16).

15. Of sheep and goats.[edit]

The goat and (especially) the kid were held in more esteem in former times in Syria (Gen. 27:9 Judg. 6:19 13:15 1 Sam. 16:20 etc.) than at present, when mutton is the principal animal food. Yet the variety cf lambs known as nna. karim, is mentioned with special honour (Dt. 32 14 i S. 15 9 Am. 64). Both Syrians and Arabs now set great store by the fat tail of the native sheep, a swagging foot-lap wide (Doughty, Ar. Des. 1502), which was no doubt equally relished by the Hebrews. If the sheep was offered in sacrifice, however, the tail, as we learned above ( 10 beg. ), was consumed on the altar. The ancient Egyptians, on the other hand, had a decided prejudice against mutton (see Wilkinson, op. cit., 1878, 230, with Birch s note). At the present day the goat is prized chiefly for its milk. The flesh of the kid is said to be tender and delicate, especially when boiled in milk (Van Lennep) ; but this favourite Arab dish (see especially Thomson, LJi, 94 /. ) was forbidden to the Hebrews (see COOKING, 8 end). A special article will be devoted to MILK and its preparations, butter, cheese, etc.

The daily supply of meat for Solomon s table included, we are told, besides ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures, and an hundred sheep, harts, and gazelles, and roebucks, and fatted fowl (i K. 423 [53]), for which see VENISON and Fowl, respectively. The cate gory fowl included at least the following : pigeons, turtle-doves, quails, perhaps also geese the national food-bird of Egypt and in later times the domestic fowl and the sparrow. For the prominent place occupied by FISH in the Hebrew food supply, and for the methods of catching and cooking them, as also for the preparation of the LOCUST and the use of HONEY, see the separate articles. For EGGS see FOWL, 4.

16. Tabooed Food.[edit]

Of the tabooed or unclean animals by far the most important is the pig. The Jews abhorrence of swine's flesh, which is mentioned by many of the classical writers (see references in Cibaria, Daremberg and Sagho, 1159(2, n. 537), more than anything else brought them into contempt with their heathen neighbours. J The martyrs of 2 Mace. 6 rtff. preferred death to eating the loathsome food. It is apparently inconsistent with this feeling that swine s flesh was eaten sacramentally, though doubtless in secret, when Is. 65 4 and 6617 were written. See SWINE, and on the mystic eating of mice see MOUSE. It was not, however, an obscure religious tradition, but the pressure of famine that led to the eating of the un heard-of foods mentioned in 2 K. 62529.-

17. Price of food.[edit]

A few observations regarding the price of provisions, more particularly in the NT period, would form an appropriate close to this article. Unfortunately the data at command incidental statements, for the most part, in OT and NT, in Josephus and the Mishna -are so conflicting, not to dwell on the uncertainty as to the measures and moneys, that, beyond a few relative values, no certain results can be secured. Thus all we may safely infer from 2 K. 7 1 16 is that when the siege of Samaria was raised, the price of flour stood to that of barley in the ratio of 2:1. The ratio of wheat to barley at a later period was 3 : i (Rev. 66). Similarly, from Alfndchdth, 138 we gather that the relative values of ox, calf, ram, and lamb were 100, 20, 8, and 4 denarii. Josephus, again, supplies some details, which are diffi cult to reconcile, regarding the price of oil in his day ( Vit. 13, BJ ii. 212), whilst the familiar words of Jesus have made the cheapness of sparrows proverbial (Mt. 1029 Lk. 126). 3

All that requires to l>e said under the head of beverages will be found in the articles MILK, VINKC.AK, WATKK, WIM AND STRONG DRINK. For some remarks on the methods of pre paring food mentioned in OT or NT, see COOKING ; on the mode of serving and the etiquette of the table, see MEALS ; and on the facilities for purchasing the necessaries of life, either in the natural state or prepared as food, see SHAMBLP:S. Besides the articles already named, see BREAD, MANNA, OIL, SALT.

A. K. S. K.

1 See the passages from Greek and Roman authors collected by Wiener, S pc is ege seize, 462^, and Keinach, Les Juijs c/tcz li s auteurs grccs et remains.

- See, however, DOVE'S DUNG.

3 A large amount of material regarding prices generally in Talmudic times has been collected by Herzfeld in an appendix to his Handelsgcsch. dcr Judcnft) [ 94].

FOOL, FOLLY.[edit]

The antithesis of wisdom and folly is characteristic of the Lite ethical or humanistic move ment. Of the numerous words rendered fool in EV it ought to be noticed that for two of them fool is not an exact equivalent. Take especially (i) 733, ntibhal, which, as Driver (on Dt. 22zi i S. 2625) agrees, ought not to be translated fool ; for an examination of passages see Cheyne (Psalms^}, on Ps. 14 i. The case is analogous to that of men of Belial, a phrase which is generally taken as equivalent to unprincipled, good- for-nothing men, but which really expresses reckless wickedness (see BELIAL).

733 and Tjp^a e,"tf are in fact synonymous, as Abigail s speech in i S. 25 25 shows. The origin and meaning of 733 are treated elsewhere (see NABAL); here, therefore, we need only caution the reader against rendering 733, fool, though this interpretation is as old as <B (a<f>p<av , Pesh. Ps. 14 i 53 i [2], aiuwala). The nabhal is not adequately described even as one who has moral and religious insensibility (Driver, Dt. 256); he is a dangerously bad man, violent, destructive, or a render ing which suits well in Ps. 14 i (53 i [2)) 398[g] 74i822 an impious man. See also Dt. 326 (/xtopds), 21 (aervi/eros), i S 252 5 2S-333 13 13 Is. 3-2 5 f. Oxwpos), Jer. 17 n Ezek. 13 3 ( om.) Prov. 17721 3022 Job 2 10 308 (but 733, Prov. 8032, is corrupt). 1 The denom. verb 72J means to treat as a 733 is treated" (Nah. 36 Mic. 76 Jer. 14 21 Dt. 32 15).- The noun ri733 also expresses the same disregard of moral and religious law, the same nihilism we might almost call it (see NABAL on derivation) ; it is used, e.g., in speaking of sexual offences (Dt. 22 2 i Judg. 206 [|| nSTl, 2 S. 13 12 Job 428 Is. 9 17 [16]).

(2) The other word misrendered fools, foolish, is D^Vin. holilim (Ps. 5 5 [6] 73 3 75 5). RV better, the arrogant ; but the mad or raging ones (see i S. 21 13 [14]) can also be defended (see on the respective renderings, BOB, s.v. 7 ?n, and Che.l 2 ) on Ps. 56).

Certainly P ,?7irt and n SViri in Eccles. mean neither arro gance, nor mere folly, but madness (see EV), and in Job 1217 7?iiV= he deprives of reason.

The other terms generally (as in EV) rendered fool, folly, foolishness/ do not imply more than an in veterate moral and religious insensibility, which issues in disorderly actions (cp Che. Jew. Rcl. Life, 136).

(3) 7*02, ktsil (root idea, fatness or thickness), often in Prov. and Eccles., thrice in Pss. ; K sil, the constellation, may be connected (but cp STARS, g 3 ; ORION). See especially Prov. 20 1 3-n;also Ps. 49 ii [10] 927 [6] 948 (|| -,5.3, brute ) Prov. 8 S (II O NDE, simple ). The verb <-c3 in Jer. 10 8 (l| -|ti 2 ; late passage).

(4) 73D, sakhal (root idea, stopped up ? cp 13D with Ass. sakhi, sakku, deaf i.e., stopped up; see Del. Ass. Hn T B\ Jer. 422 621 Eccles. 2 19 7 17 etc., whence ITl73p, IVI/rib in Eccles. only (syn. WTDB, TO7^JT); ?3D3 (2 S. 24 10) and 7 Spn (i S. 2621), to play the fool ; 72D, to befool, 1 Is. 4425 I ?2D, folly, Eccles. 10 6, and, by emendation, 72S 3 (MT 702).

(5) TW{i 7rw/(same root idea as in 7 D3), often in Prov. ; also Hos. 97(11 JE>!?)Jer. 422 Is. 19 n, but not Ps. 107 17 (see We., Che.); probably too Hn in Job 5 3* and D ^ IK in Is. 358 should be 7 1J?, D V^-Tiy, D ^P; the noun is nj?JK, folly, Prov. 5 23.

(6) 1j;3, bii ar (prop. brutishness ), Ps.49io [n] 7322 926 [7] (II 7 D3), Prov. 12 i 30 2.

(7) D KrtB, pttha im, Prov. 9 6, but elsewhere the simple (prop. the open ), and so uniformly RV.

(8) 7S n, ^ //" /(prop. insipid ), Lam. 2 14, and H^EFI, Job 1 22 (AV foolishly ; RV with foolishness ), 24 12; both these passages are corrupt. 1

On the idea involved in this group of ethical terms,

cp ECCLESIASTICUS, 23 ; WlSDOM LITERATURE.

Passing^ to the NT, we find in EV fool for (9) a.vm\to^ Lie. 2425, cp avoid 2 Tim. 3 9, (10) aaxx/wt Kph. 5 15 (RV unwise ), (i i) a<rvVeTos Rom. 1 21 (RV senseless ), (12) wapa^poviov 2 Cor. 11 23 (cp RV); (13) aijipiav, a strong term, i Cor. 1636 2 Cor. 11 16 19 126 ii ; cp a^poervnj 2 Cor. 11 i ; and finally (14) ^cope s Mt. 7 26 23 17 Gxoipoi Kai TV(AoO 19 (Ti. WH om.) 25 *ff. i Cor. 3^18 4 10 etc. ; cp fj.iapo\oyia Eph. 64 (between a.i<r\p6-n\<; and evrpaireAia ; cp Col. 3 8), unedifying discourse ; fj.wpa.iuu> Rom. 1 22 (in a different sense Mt. 5 13 etc.). fj.u>pe (Vg. fatue) Mt. 5 22 also belongs here ; it is not, as Alford supposed, the Heb. .TflD, ntSrefi. In Mishnic Heb. miC, OHIO. H11D represent lucopds, iJnapi; Never call any one more, that is, fool, says a certain king, in entrusting his son to a pedagogue (Pesik. S/tii u. ii8). We cannot indeed prove that the word was already common in the time of Jesus ; but such colloquial ex pressions would become naturalised first. (On the exegesis of Mt. 622, see RACA.) See, further, HYPOCRISY.

T. K. C. S. A. C.

1 Here and in Dt. 32 6 we should perhaps read fl^SO, 73D.

2 IjM should perhaps be read also in Is. 28 3 (Ruben, Che.) ; the word now appears mispointed (73J) alu ] misplaced (in 7 . 4).

3 Ps. 49 13 [14] (7D2) and 85 8 (nSp3) are also corrupt (see Che. Psalms ).

4 Job 5 3 is probably a later insertion; it interrupts the con text (see Bickell ; Che. JQR 9575 [97]).

6 Cp also the verb 7Mij Is. 19 13 Jer. 5 4 Nu. 12 u.

FOOTMAN[edit]

(^>:n), i S. 4 10 154, see ARMY, i ; (p) i S. 22 17, RV GUARD, cp ARMY, 4, and see RUNNERS.