Encyclopaedia Biblica/Footstool-Gai

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Footstool-Gai
see Encyclopaedia Biblica for other articles, typographic issues, links to PDF copies, and public domain status

Contents

FOOTSTOOL[edit]

(i) b23. 2Ch. 9i8; (2)^nD nn, Is. 661 ; (3) YTTOTToAiON, Mt 033. See THRONE.

FOOT-WASHING.[edit]

See MEALS, 4, and WASHINGS.

FORAY[edit]

("Vn5), 28.822 RV, AV [pursuing] a troop. See WAR and cp ARMY, 3.

FORD[edit]

the equivalent of "Ql E, ma abhar, !T13i;D, madbharah ( generally AlAB&CIc) in EV of Gen. 3222 [23] Josh. 2? Judg. 828 Is. 162, also in RV of 2 S. 1528 17 16 ( apa^wB) and in Kau. HS (with which We., Dr., H. P. Sm. agree) of rmi , abhdrdh, in 2 S. 1528 1716 (a apapw0) and in Kau. HS (with which We., Dr., H. P. Sm. agree) of il???, ‘Zbhdrdh, in i S. 1918 [IS].

The last three passages are of great interest ; they come into the narrative of David s flight and subsequent return from Absalom. In all, the text needs some emendation. In 1528 and 17 16 neither AV s the plain [plains] of the wilderness (= ^r.) nor RV s the fords of the wilderness ( = Kt.) is a natural phrase. Read probably ^~!En JV3 the house of the wilderness (a local name like Beth-arabah). In 19i(,f. read ~7D,"t 3E? ?S Wl"i pT.YTIN 17DH rT3;nN T3jn?- The closing words (except JV3) are dittographed in? . 16 (end); YSJjriT" ( w < 19) is written three times over, and each time incorrectly ; probably the closing words of ? . 16 originally stood in the margin as a correction. Render And they relieved one another (in going) before the king to escort the household of the king across the Jordan. The ford was presumably the well-known one not far from Gilgal (2 S. 19 15 [16]) ; cp JORDAN, 2, 7. T. K. C.

N), Mk. 1468f RV m 8-, EV

FORECOURT[edit]

PORCH. See TEMPLE.

FOREIGNER[edit]

Dt. 15 3 ; Ex. 12 45 ).

See STRANGER.

FORE-RUNNER[edit]

(npoApOMOc), Heb. 620 Wisd. 128. The phrase 33? pT ( TrpOTpe\eiv) is, used of one who runs before" a chariot (i S. 811 2 S. 15 i [Traparpex 6 1 ] > see CHARIOT, 10), or of a member of the royal body-guard (i K. 15 [Traparpe xeu ] ; see ARMY, g 4). In i Mace. 1C 21 the Gk. equivalent is used of a messenger (see RUNNKRS).

BA FL in Nu. 1821 gives Trpdipo/oioi for D ^33 (see FRUIT, 4 [2]).

1 In Job 1 22 H7Sn should probably be n^in, cp Is. 32 6 (Che.) ; on 24 12 see Budde and Duhm. As a compensation "I7TIH, Job 4 18, should probably be il7Sn (so Hupf. ; but cp Dillm.).

FORESHIP[edit]

(rrpcop*.) Acts273<> EV. See SHIP.

FORESKINS, HILL OF THE[edit]

(HiWrj ni73|) Josh. 63. See CIRCUMCISION, 2 ; GILGAL ; HELKATH-HAZZURIM (end).

FOREST. The first of the three words represented by forest is unfortunately very doubtful.

i. uh n. hores ; 8pv/j.6s, in 2 Ch. , also given for HAROSHETII ; cp Ass. fttirhi, mountain, NH e ; Tin = Aram. Nehin, vvood, thicket. The readings in 2 Ch. 274 Is. 17g Kzek. 31s, however, are all prob ably corrupt. In 2 Ch. read jiins, level country (see PERIZZITES) ; in Is. probably charr, the Girshite (see GIRXITES) ; in Ezek. 31 3 SXD enn (" om. ; EV with a shadowing shroud ) should be a "ic Nn, a shadowing fir tree (a variant to nx iipx). OB i S. 23 is/:, see HORKSH.

2. DTIS, pardes, TrapdSeiffos, Neh. 28 (RV m e- park ), Eccles. 2s (AV orchard, RV park ), Cant. 413 (EV 1 orchard, RV m - a paradise ). A rare and late word, see GARDEN.

3. iy, yd ar, 8pv/j.6s , Ass. dm, Aram, my , usually rendered forest, occasionally wood ; *J~\y, to be rugged, difficult.

Some of the many references to forests, bushes, and thickets are mentioned here, partly because EV has not always preserved the colouring of the original.

(a) The phrase the forest in Arabia (Is. 21 13, in RV ; (E5 iv Tip Spvpia eaTre pas) is infelicitous ; probably thickets in the desert country would be a better rendering (see Del. ad loc., and cp SIJO !*). The thorns and stunted trees and shrubs of the desert are to supply the only shelter for the fugitives. Cp Aram. mjT-

(6) For forest of Carmel, 2 K. 1^23 Is. 37 24, read with RV the forest of his fruitful field i.e., paraphrasing (with SBOT Isa. ), where its rich woods are thickest (<S ei ti\/<os jue povs rov Spvpov).

(c) In Jer. 56 A lion out of the forest shall slay them, and 12s mine heritage is (become) unto me as a lion in the forest, are slightly misleading. It is the tangled jungle on the banks of the Jordan that is meant (see Tristram, NIf 118); ~\y is often not forest but thickets. 1

(d)The forest in the midst of Carmel (Mic. V 14 RV ; AV the wood . . . ) is due to an exegetical error. The Jews cannot have described their ideal hope in such terms as RV presents (cp Keil). To live in a forest would mean being constantly surrounded with the greatest hindrances to comfort. It is a picture not of future happiness but of present misery. Faithful Israel which is now (in post-exilic times) condemned to make shift with the wildest and least productive parts of Palestine will in the great coming day occupy Bashan and Gilead as before. The heathen will have b^en cast out, and Palestine will be the Holy Land (so \Vellh., Nowack).

(e) Part of the royal palace built by Solomon at Jerusalem, and used as an armoury, was called the house of the forest of Lebanon (i Y^.lif. 1017-21 2 Ch. 9 16-20). Entering it, one seemed to be in the midst of the cedar-groves of Lebanon. The house had four rows of cedar pillars, with cedar beams upon the pillars, and it was covered with cedar above upon the beams. Hence, in all probability, its name.

(f) In Jer. 429 (EV) we read of thickets so dense and large that the population of a city could take refuge in them from an invader. This view of the text implies perhaps too high an estimate of the woodland in S. Palestine. Ewald seems to be right in reading the whole land (l35 Trao-a [17] \tapa.) for the whole city," and Gk. in substituting into the caves (nilJJ93) for into the thickets (C 3J73). 2 For a similar mistake see i S. 136, where EV, following MT, says that the Hebrews fled before the Philistines into caves and thickets, but thickets (D mn) should be holes (onin). See Bu. SBOT, ad loc.

(g) In Zech. 11 2 AV s forest of the vintage is most enig matical. Vineyards and Bashan can hardly have been mentioned together. RV substitutes strong forest. The Revisers, how ever, were sensible of the difficulty of the phrase, and retain the mg. defenced forest (o Spviubs 6 CTUJUK^OTOS, saltus munitus). Probably the true reading is the forest shall come down by the axe {i.e., Kt. iisnn and Kr. TS3?1 are both wrong; read ~W>33 with Che. (Exp. T., March 1899); cp Duhm s emenda tion of ,isij;o2 > n I s - 1033.

(h) For forest of Ephraim, see EPHRAIM, WOOD OF.

(i) For forest of Hareth, see HARETH.

Possibly some writers have exaggerated the woodland in ancient Palestine. The country was too well peopled for thick forests, except in the mountains and in parts of the Plain of Sharon. There is only one solitary grove of cedars on Lebanon ; but fir trees are still abundant. Forests of oak may be seen in Gilead, and park-like woods in Bashan. In Carmel and in the N. and E. of Sharon oaks are abundant, and even elsewhere one still meets with a solitary oak or terebinth of huge dimensions, as at Hebron, valley of Elah, Shiloh, and Dan. Cp PALKSTINK, 15; CARMEI., 2 ; LKHANON, SHARON. T. K. c.

1 Cp Jer. 12s Zech. 113 ( pride of Jordan EV in Zech., RV in Jer.) [ij<3, <j>pvayna, superbia.

2 eis ra <TTrjAata Kai eis ra aAoi) (a conflate reading).

FORFEITURE[edit]

the penalty for sowing divers seeds C^pn; Dt. 229 RV; see CLEAN AND UNCLEAN, i). For feiture of substance (Qirv) is threatened in Ezra 10 8 (|| i Esd. 84). See BAN ; cp also CONFISCATION.

FORKS[edit]

the EV reading of flC ^p tfaff in i S. 1821, taken apparently as meaning three-pronged ; but the text is certainly corrupt. Between DTIK and D 3Ti;3 one expects Q V B S ( Ps. 746) i.e. , hatchets. The word was written twice and twice corrupted. See AXE.

T. K. c.

FORNICATION[edit]

(HMm. Kzek. 1629; nopNeiA, Mt. 532). See MARRIAGE, 4; also COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM, ii.

FORTRESS[edit]

meant as a general rule a town surrounded by a defensive wall (!"Ori) ; cp CITV, VILLAGE.

The Hebrew terms are: Ya3O> milisdr, fortress (Is. 173 25 12 Dan. 1139 AV), strong hold (Nu. is 19 2 K.8i2 Jer. 48 18 EV Dan. 1139RV); lisD Ty, Irmasor, strong city (Ps.COg [n] RV) ; TSX*P$i * r 1 >t &i* r < fenced city (Nu. 32 17 Josh. 10 20 10 35 i S. 6 18 EV). There also occur, ,TVS3 mpi kiryah besiiriih, a defenced city (Is. 25 2 EV), and rvni>3D "1JS iff mibsaroth, a well fenced city (Dan. 11 15 EV).

Fort represents various Hebrew terms : (i) p>^, diiyck (prop, a look out ?, cp Smend ad Ezek. 42), 2 K. 25 i (|| Jer. 52 4) Ezek. 4a 17 17 21 22 [27] 26 st ; (2) D flJTO (? ), Ma uszim (lit. place of refuge ), Dan. 11 19 AV (RV fortress ); (3) a^c, i>iussdl>, Is. 293 RV (AV mount ); (4) nnso (p -)> tnesadoth t Ezek. 8827 (RV strongholds ); (5) n vnsD (pi.), tnfsftroth, Is. 293 AV, RV better siege works ; (6) ajed iiss<ib, Is. 25 12 (elsewhere high tower, refuge, etc.; cp Ps.Og [10] 182(3] 46 7 [8] RVmg.); ( 7 ) ^Sy, ophel, Is. 32 14 AV, RV hill ; cp OPHEL, and see TOWEK.

1 From Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Sardinia, Jtidtf a, and Syria.

1. Of the Canaanites.[edit]

[FIG. 1]. Plan and illustration of an ancient wall at Hazor. After De Saulcy.

Defensive walls, at an early stage in the history of Canaanite civilisation, consisted of great unhewn stone blocks ; specimens of these may, it has been suggested, still be seen in Persea , and Galilee. The illustration 1 (fig. i) represents a fragment of an ancient wall at Hazor ( Bahr el-Hiileh) in Upper Galilee, and is borrowed from De Saulcy's Journey round the Dead Sen. It is not easy to say whether the walled towns or fortresses that confronted the Israelites when they entered Canaan were of this primitive character ; it is possible that some at least may have had walls of hewn stone analogous to those depicted on Assyrian and Egyptian monuments. Babylonian influence had already been long prevalent in Palestine when the Amarna letters were written by the prefects of the Canaanite towns to the Egyptian Pharaoh (1400 B.C. ) ; we should therefore have a right to assume that such places as Byblus (Gebal), of which Rib Adda was governor, as well as Zemar (Sumur), Ashdod, Jerusalem (Urusalim), and Lachish, were provided with fortifications of a more finished character.

This assumption has been thoroughly justified by the excava tions conducted by Bliss at Lachish (Tell el-Hesy) which have brought to light a cuneiform document contemporaneous (as the contents clearly prove) with the Amarna despatches.

The LACHISH of this period had crude brick walls 9 or 10 ft. in thickness ; the words ascribed by J to the Israelite spies were therefore justified : the cities of the southland were fenced and very great (Nu. 13 28/. ; cp Dt. 1 28 Nu. 32 36 Josh. 19 29 35). Fort- resses such as Lachish the nomadic Hebrews could hardly take by storm, not possessing the arms and engines of war requisite for the purpose. Consequently they must have remained encamped in open spots, and when pressed by overwhelming numbers or disciplined troops must have betaken themselves to caves and hollows in the rocks, as we find they did ( i S. 136) when they were confronted by the better-equipped Philistines. It was only by an act of supreme daring, and probably with great loss of life, that such a stronghold as Jerusalem, the citadel of which was Zion (jis rmp), was captured by David (2 S. 56/).

2. Of the Hebrews.[edit]

The reigns of David and Solomon marked an onward step iu Hebrew civilization. From 2 S. 5n (cp i K. 5 1 [13] 7:13-51 ) we should infer that the fortifications erected around Millo (2 S. 5g i K.3i 9 15 Il2 7 ) were built by Phoenician most probably Tyrian workmen. For many genera tions the Phoenicians had the reputation of being the most skilful craftsmen in the world. Compare Herodotus tribute of admiration to their skill in the construction of the canal near Mount Athos (Herod. 723). During the regal period the Hebrews became thoroughly grounded in the arts of Canaanite civilization. 1 Whilst the fortifications of Gezer, Beth-horon, Baalath, Hazor, and Megiddo were probably erected by Solomon with the aid of foreign (especially Phoenician) labour (cp i K. 915177^), we may assume that the fortresses erected in the Southern Kingdom by Asa viz. , Geba and Mizpah (i K. 15 2i/. ) to resist Northern aggres sions were built by the Hebrews themselves, and the same thing might perhaps be said of Shechem and Penuel which Jeroboam fortified (i K. 1225).

It would seem that Moab in the time of king Mesha likewise was dominated by this advancing civilization ; we may infer this from the ruins of Rabbath Moab which exhibit floral forms of ornamentation like those of the sacred plant of Assyria. 2

The most notable fortress in the Northern Kingdom was Samaria, built by one of its greatest kings, Omri, whose name the Assyrians attached, as we learn from the annals of Tiglath-pileser and Sargon (Schrader, KB 232 42), to the Northern Kingdom (bit Humri[a]). This renowned fortress withstood all the assaults of the Assyrian armies equipped (as we know they were) with engineering appliances, battering rams, and towers for upwards of two years (724-722).

1 In proof of this statement note the contrast between the condition of civilization as depicted in i S. 13 19 and in 2 K. 24 16.

2 Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of A rt in Sardinia, Judiea, Syria, y&f., based on De Saulcy s discoveries.

Among the fortified towns of the Southern Kingdom, Jerusalem occupied the most prominent place from a very early period (so the Amarna despatches would lead us to conclude). 1 It is essentially a mountain city and stands on the southern extremity of a spur or plateau enclosed by two ravines, Kedron and Hinnom. A third ravine joins the Kedron at the pool of Siloam to the SE. NW. between the Tyropceon and Hinnom valleys is the steep hill of Zion (see Perrot and Chipiez). This fortress, strong by nature, was regarded by the Egyptians as forming with Samaria and Ashdod im portant strategical outposts against Assyrian aggres sion. That Sargon and Sennacherib regarded them in the same light is obvious.

During the strong military rule of Azariah (Uzziah), Judah was well provided with fortresses. The state ments in 2 Ch. 266g are sustained by the Taylor- cylinder recording Sennacherib s invasion of Palestine in 701 B.C. In col. 813 we read that forty-six of these fortified towns (mahdzi dannfiti [bitit] durdni) were reduced by Sennacherib s officers. From line 22 we learn that the fortified city of Jerusalem was provided (as we might expect) with a gateway which was probably of massive masonry. Egress from this was barred, as we gather from this passage, by the intrenchments which enclosed the beleaguered town. 2 These strong gateways were furnished with doors of great strength provided with bolts of iron and bronze (i K. 413; cp Dt. 3s 33zs). Occasionally the gates may have been plated with bronze, as were the gates of Balawat erected by Shalmaneser II. (cp Is. 462). Shalmaneser s plates contained representations of his military expeditions. 3

3. Assyrian representations.[edit]

It must be confessed that the lack of monumental records and figures having direct reference to Palestine renders it impossible to give as vivid and precise details respecting its fortresses as could be desired. We can only derive illustrative materials from the copious stores of graphic Assyrian representations furnished by its monumental portrayals and the ruins of Khorsabad and Nineveh. The illustration, fig. 2 (next page), taken from the reliefs belonging to the reign of Tiglath-pileser III. (745-727) preserved in the British Museum, repre sents the general type of fortification of the towns of Western Asia.

It is hardly possible to accept the high figures given by Herodotus in his description of the walls of Babylon (1:173-174)

Still, they may not have been so far in excess as we might imagine. Herodotus measurements (178 ad _/?.), 200 royal cubits for the height and 50 for the breadth i.e., over 380 ft. for the former and over 80 ft. for the latter, are probably excessive ; but Layard excavated one of the chief gates of ancient Nineveh, and according to the scale of his plan the walls were about no ft. thick. Probably, however, the strength of the walls at special points (and especially near the gateways) was excep tional. The Nineveh gateway was built by Sennacherib. Two pairs of winged bulls were placed by it one pair looking toward the city and the other facing the exterior.

The extraordinary thickness and solidity of the walls were doubtless designed to neutralise the effect of the battering rams.

The fortified town erected by Sargon, Dur Sarrukin or Sargon s town, was considerably smaller than Nineveh. It stood upon a parallelogram, two sides of which measured 1950 yards, whilst the other two measured 1870 yards. As there was no proper akro- polis, the king s palace with its massive gates and dominating towers formed a quasi-citadel into which the inhabitants could fly for refuge when the outer walls were captured or a breach was made through them. Perrot and Chipiez in their description of this interesting fortress give the following details :

The parapets of the towers were corbelled out from their walls and pierced with loopholes, as we can gather from the reliefs. Each doorway was flanked by a pair of towers, the wall between them being only wide enough for the entrance. We have no trace of a ditch, though it might easily have been supplied mountain streams that flow past the mound 1 ... There were two gates (see fig. 3) to each of the faces SE., SW., and NE.

1 See the letters of Abd-hiba of Jerusalem in KB 5, no. T. &of.

2 Hahl elisu urakkis, the current expression, which again occurs in ASur-bani-pal s description of the siege of Baal of Tyre (Rassam cyl., col. 252).

3 See The Bronze Ornaments oftlieGates of Balaivat, edited with introduction by Samuel Birch, and descriptions and transla tions by T. G. Pinches (Soc. Bibl. Arc/taol., 1883).

[FIG. 2]. Fortress of Askuttu. From a slab in the British Museum.

Owing to the massive thickness of the walls in the more important fortresses, such as Nineveh, their summit would afford ample room for a large number of defenders. According to Place (Ninive, Ii6s; 2u), throughout the circumference of the enceinte the curtain was strengthened by rectangular flanking towers separ ated by intervals of 90 feet or double the front of a tower.

[FIG. 3]. Assyrian fortress. From a slab in the British Museum.

From the scale of the figures in the sculptures we conclude that the head of the towers averages one-fourth or one-fifth the height of the curtain. Place gives to the towers a total height of 105 feet- to the top of their crenellations.

1 The great defensive value of trenches filled with water was, however, thoroughly understood. In Sargon s description (great Khorsabad inscr. \z-jff.) of his siege of Merodach-baladan in Dur-Yakin he narrates how Merodach-baladan made a fprmid able trench 200 cubits wide in front of the wall and filled it with water from the Euphrates.

- This is nearly the same height as that assigned by Xenophon {Anab. iii. 47) to the walls of Larissa (the Assyrian Resen near Nimrud). Xenophon s measurements are : height 100 ft., thickness 25 ft., stone foundation (xprjiri s) 20 ft. in height, the circuit of the walls 2 parasangs (or about 6J m.) ; the walls themselves were built of clay bricks. In the case of Mespila, described by him in iof. t the dimensions are considerably greater.

Respecting the fortifications of Nineveh proper and Kuyunjik consult Layard, Nin. atui Bab. (abr. ed. 74), 395^

4. Egyptian representations.[edit]

From ancient Egypt we have a useful store of illustrative material. One of the most valuable is the fortress of Semneh in Nubia, belonging to the time of the Middle Empire, erected by I sertesen III., blockading the right bank of the river. Large portions of it remain. It is an immense brick building with many projecting corners and irregular ground plan, and is surrounded on the outside by a wall. In this case an interesting point is to be noted viz., the change in direction in the line of slope of the outer wall made with the \ie\s- of rendering the planting of scaling ladders more difficult. This may be noted also in a representation of a fortress of the same period in a tomb at Beni Hasan (Ennaii, Anc. Eg. 526). From very early times Egypt possessed a regular system of fortification. The shape of the fortress was quadrangular. Wilkinson gives the following description : The walls were of crude brick 15 ft. thick and often 50 ft. high with square towers at intervals along each face, generally of the same height as the walls . . . Sometimes the whole was doubled by an outer casing, leaving a space between the two filled in here and there by a solid buttress, which strengthened and united them and prevented any one passing freely round the inner wall when the outer one was broken through. The towers like the rest of the walls consisted of a rampart and parapet, which last was crowned by the usual round- headed battlements . . The fortress was usually square with one or occasionally two entrances : but generally with one and a sally-port, or a water-gate if near the river . . . One great principle in the large fortresses was to have a long wall on the side most exposed to attack, projecting from 70 to 100 ft. at right angles from and at the same height as the main wall, upon which the besieged were enabled to run out and sweep the faces or curtain by what we should call a flanking fire. In order to keep the enemy as far from the main wall as possible, it was raised on a broad terrace or basement, or had an outer low wall of circumvallation parallel to the main wall at a distance of from 1310 20 feet. "1

Wilk. Anc. Eg. \?(*jf. ( 78).

2 Nowack, HAlqtf., zoojf., 206 ff.

3 A v., 11,92823726^8114.

5. Palestinian copies.[edit]

That many of the details in the above descriptions hold good of the Palestinian fortresses during the royal period is undoubtedly true. Both Babylonian and Egyptian civilization " exercised considerable influence in Canaan from very early times. The impress of the Babylonian, however, was deeper and more permanent. 2 We should, therefore, expect to find a closer approxi mation to the Babylonian-Assyrian model. Thus the Migdal or TOWER [y.i . ] was a characteristic feature of Palestine from the earliest times. There were small, simple towers, and there were others of great size, solid and durable, such as would serve as landmarks and give their names to places (see MIGDAL-EL, MIGDAL- GAD). These erections in some cases go back as far as the fifteenth century B.C. at least. Compare (alu or mahazu} Magdali in the Amarna despatches, 3 the de terminative clearly showing that it was the name of a place (in one case Migdol on the NE Egyptian frontier). Moreover, we have frequent references to strong doors or gates in Canaanite fortified towns (ludg. 16 2/. i S. 23? 28.182433 [19i] 2Ch.l46[ 7 ] Neh.28 3 3 6 i Macc. 1833 1539)- From 2 8.1824 we gather a few picturesque details. The gateway of the town had an inner and also an outer gate, and the king was sitting between the two in the shade. There was a porter to the gate and a watchman on the roof above the gateway, who announced to the king the approach of messengers. With these fortified gates we may compare bit hillani (places of windows, see LATTICE, 2 [2]) the name given by the Assyrians to the two towers in front of the city gate, connected by an open porch with two pillars or sphinxes, which they adopted from Syrian models in the time of Tiglath-pileser III. On the bit-hillani, the ruins of which have been found at Zenjlrli, see Ansgrabungen in Senjirli, Heft II., 1898, and Rost s review, OL/. 1 197 ff.

In front of the main wall there was frequently a lower rampart (^ n, hi I), or glacis called in Syriac bar siird and in Greek Treptrtt^os or 7rpor xi<r/ua (Is. 26i 2 S. ~2Q 15 i K. 2123 [?]). Moreover, battlements were erected on the walls 1 (nias, pinniith, 2 Ch. 26 15 Zeph. 1 16 ; nirDB*, s mHSoth, Is. 54 12 [AV windows, RV pinnacles ]). Of course, migdalim (see TOWER), rendered irvpyoi in i Mace. 56s Judith 13, formed a characteristic feature of Hebrew (as they did of other) fortified towns in Western Asia ( Ezek. 26 4 27 1 1 ) E/.ek. 27 1 1 and Cant. 44 (cp ARMOURY) may perhaps suggest that it was customary to affix shields (otsWi s f lafim) to the walls for greater protection against the missiles of the enemy. On the methods by which fortresses were stormed, see SIEGE. O. C. \\.

FORTUNATUS[edit]

(^ORTOYNATOC [Ti.WH]), a member of the Corinthian Church. Along with Stephanus and Achaicus he brought news of the Cor inthians to Paul at Ephesus which gladdened and refreshed him (i Cor. 16 i?/). See CORINTHIANS, &5 3. 13-

FORTUNE[edit]

O3; TO A&IMONION [BA], o AAIMOON [NQ] ; fort iina), and DESTINY (:p, T] Tv\ri [BNAQ] ; super cam ; Pesh. unites the two as gadde, the fortunes ). Two deities (Gad and Mfni) worshipped by Jews who had forsaken Yahwe and forgotten his holy mountain (Is. 65nf)- Obviously, though both are male deities, they form a pair, and if Gad be early Canaanitish, MSni can hardly be a late variation of an important Nabatasan god Manot ( =the Arabian Manat, Koran, 53 19-23.

The antiquity of the worship of Gad is shown by the names HAAL-GAD, MIGDAL-GAU, the one localised in the far north, the other in the territory of Judah ; less certainly by the exclamation of Leah (Gen. 80 1 1 J), for 13 in 133 or 1J N3 is perhaps more naturally taken as an appellative (so the same word often in Syriac [Baethg.]) than as a divine name (sec, however, Ball in SKOT). The tribal name HAD is also probably a borrowed divine name. Of the prevalence of the cultus of Gad or Tyche in Syria in later times there are abundant proofs (see Mordtmann, 7.DMG?>\. 99-101 ; Noldeke, // . 62474, .-78^ ; Baethg. Beitr. 77 ./)> nor can we doubt that it was part of the primitive Aramaean worship. Of the Syrian cultus of Men! we have only the evidence of some Aramaeo-Persian coins of the Achaemenida: (Ges. Thus., Addenda, 97 /;); but if there was really a Babylonian god Manu, 2 we may assume that it was not less ancient than that of Gad.

It has often been held that Gad and MCnl are the planetary gods, Jupiter and Venus. This view is supported from Arabic usage, in which Jupiter is called the great fortune, and Venus the little fortune, but lacks further confirmation. There were no doubt several varieties of Gad or Fortune (and consequently of M6nl or Destiny). Thus in early times there was one at a well-known point of the Hermon range (Baal-gad), and a Christian writer (Jacob of Serug) tells us that in his time many mountain-tops were crowned with temples of Fortune (Mordtmann). Moreover, there was also the domestic Fortune or good genius.

1 It is uncertain whether JYI3S and fl trCC are quite syn onymous, or whether the latter word denoted a special form of battlements, of pointed shape, to resemble solar rays. [On "133 see CORNER-STONE.]

- Lenormant, La Magic, no; Davis, Presb. and Ref. Rev., Oct. 92, p. 773; Johns, EA-/>. T. 10526 (Aug. 99). See how ever Hommel, Kxf>. T. 10 566/1 (Sept. 99).

In Per. Rabba, par. 71, Leah s joyful cry is explained, The Fortune of the house the Fortune of the world is come, and in Ned. 56 a, Sank. 20 a K^J"! ND"W means the couch of state reserved for the Luck of the house, and covered doubtless with foods in his honour (cp Ball s note on Bel and the Dragon, v. 3). This refers to the fourth and fifth centuries A. D.; but we may assume that the same custom was in vogue in the fifth century B.C. when Is. Co was written.

The people accused of worshipping Gad and M6ni are most probably the half-Jews commonly called Samaritans and those in the Jewish community who sympathised withthem(see Duhm s /? / Che. Intr. Isa. 364/1). To emend >js (Mni) into jj (Nani or Nanai ; see NANEA) with Lagarde (Gcs. Abhandl. 16), is arbitrary (see v. 12). T. K. C.

FOUNDATIONS[edit]

(DHOIC, mostdoth, DHD1D, most-dim, etc., GeMeAlOl)-

(a) Of the earth : 2 S. 22i6(|IPs. 18 15 [16]), Ps. 24 2 etc. Mic. 62 Is. 13 13 etc. Job 38 4 Ecclus. 10 16 1(5 19. (Cp passage from legend of Istar on the ocean-foundations of the earth ; Karppe, Journ.Asiat. !> 101.) a and b (see below) lare practically synony mous. This usage may be connected with the primitive Baby lonian idea of the earth as a huge mountain.

(b) Of the mountains: Ps. 18 7 [8] (|| 2 S. 228 wrongly of heaven ), Dt. 3222 Job 184 (BXC 6pij [A ^ yij] K SejueAtW : see Duhm).

(c) Of the temple : i K. 6 \f. 1 9 Ezra 3 10. See TEMPLE.

(d) Of Jerusalem : Ps. 87 i (or less probably of the temple, Aq. Jer. Bii. ?), Is. 1432 etc.

(e) Of the wall of the new Jerusalem : Rev. 21 19.

Laying the foundation of a new building was a sacred rite ; how else could the presence and favour of the divinity be secured? Hence a foundation-stone was to be goodly and valuable. This is set forth with great fulness in the later Babylonian inscriptions. Together with the stone, we are told that gold, silver, and stones of the mountains and the sea were deposited (AT? 3^, p. 5); a cylinder (temenu) containing a written record of the foundation was also indispensable. The most interest ing account is that given by Nabu-nahid (Nabonidus), the last of the kings of Babylon (556-538 B.C.). After a long search for the foundation-stone of the ancient temple of Istar of Agade built by Sargon I. (3800 B.C. ), he found it (KB 3*, p. 87). Such discoveries were common ; they gave confidence to later builders who knew that a spot once sacred was always sacred, and that the divine power did not love changed altars. The foundation-stone might in fact be called an altar, as the primitive rite of laying the foundation in blood (see Hi EL, 3) sufficiently shows. According to Hil- precht, the cylinders and deposits in primitive Babylonia were at first placed under the threshold, and afterwards under the four corners of the building. 1 There is therefore a close connection between the sacredness of the threshold-stone and that of the corner-stone ; and one remembers that corner-stone and founda tion-stone are synonymous terms in the Hebrew Scriptures (see CORNER-STONE).

We can now understand better why the foundation- stones of Solomon s temple and of the wall of the New Jerusalem are so carefully described. Also the reference in Is. 54 ii Rev. 21 19 to precious stones, and the description of Yahwe s self-manifestation in Zion as a precious foundation corner-stone (Is. 28 16). It is note worthy that the Israelites avoided such fantastic titles for their temple as foundation-stone of heaven and earth (E-temen-an-ki), borne by one of the Babylonian zikkurrats (Jastrow, Bab. and Ass. 639).

Attention was drawn long ago to a curious use of Sffie Atoc in i Tim. (iig. Men do not lay up a good foundation. Clericus suggested KeifijjAioi , which must surely be right. In the Epistle to Hero attributed to Ignatius, we read ras jrapfle rous AuAarreTe to? XpicTToi) KetftrjAia. A common word among church writers. Laying up a fair jewel is a natural expression. T. K. C.

1 Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant, 22.

FOUNTAIN[edit]

($7O), Gen. 7 n etc. See SPRINGS.

FOWL (AND FOWLING)[edit]

Under this head it is proposed to group those members of the family Aves (Birds) which are mentioned in the OT or the NT as used for food (1-5) and to add some observations on the methods then in vogue of catching the wild ( 7-12) and of rearing the domestic fowl( 51).

1. Edible.[edit]

I. Food. Of all clean birds ye may eat (Dt. 14 it. see CLEAN AND UNCLEAN, 9, and FOOD, 8). The Pentateuchal legislation contains no list of the birds allowed as food ; it gives, instead, two lists, practically identical, of the species tabooed (Lev. 11 13-19 Dt. 14n-i8), prominent among which are the birds of prey (o yn. Gen. 15 n). Of the birds that remain, clean and available for food, the first place belongs to the Columbidcc or pigeon family, comprising the turtle-dove and the pigeon (as to the originally sacro sanct character of which see DOVE, SACRIFICE). The various species of PARTRIDGE (top) were hunted for the same purpose (i S. 26 20 ; cp Ecclus. 11 30, for which see below). The use of the nearly allied QUAIL (iVc-) we ma y b 6 sure, was not confined to the period of the desert wanderings (Ex. 16 is 1 Nu. 11 31, cp Ps. 7827 [26] 10040). In NT times, and doubtless for long before, the SPARROW (q.v. ) was caught and sold at an exceedingly low price (Mt. 1029^ Lk. 126/;).

2. Domestic fowl.[edit]

In i K. 423 [5s] the list of provisions furnished daily for Solomon s table closes with D tpnx D"i3"i3 (opviOuv [tVAe/crci] ^K\fKTuii> crtreurd [BA], 6p. K. Kal [L], avcs altiles, whence our EV fatted fowl ; cp Kimchi s capons ), a phrase of uncertain meaning, and not free from critical suspicion (see FOWL, FATTKD). If the reading is correct are we to take the phrase as including various species of food-birds, or as denoting only a particular species? In the latter case, the identification of the bird with the goose (so Targ. Jer. ) has perhaps most in its favour. The goose (nx) was certainly a common domestic bird in NT times, since it is several times mentioned in the Mishna with poultry and house- pigeons (Shabb. 24s Chull. 12 1). Like the duck, of which also mention is made in the Talmud, the goose, from the nature of its food, can scarcely have been a popular food-bird with the more punctilious of the Jews. It was quite otherwise with the ancient Egyptians ; the flesh of the goose has been called their national dish.

The introduction of the domestic fowl into Palestine can hardly be dated beyond the Persian period, even should the ancients be right (see COCK) in identifying the obscure Tin] of Prov. 30 31 with the cock (<& Aq. Theod. dX^-Twp ; but cp COCK). By the first century, at all events, fowls had long been domesticated (see below, 4). The touching words in Mt. 2837 need no quoting ; cp 2 Esd. 1 30.

3. Method of cooking.[edit]

We have no express indication of the favourite methods of cooking fowls. Both roasting and stewing, were doubtless in vogue among the Hebrews as among the Egyptians. Among the latter the goose was either roasted on a primitive spit stuck through the beak and neck of the bird (Erman, Egypt, 189), or stewed in a pan, as pourtrayed on the monuments (see Wilk. Anc. Eg. 235). Roasting probably remained the popular mode of cooking the smaller birds such as sparrows, which at the present day are roasted on skewers, like the gobbets of meat called kebab (see COOKING, 6).

1 The so-called Targum of Jonathan has converted the modest quails into pheasants (pi DS, <f>a<rtavoi) ! Cp Targ. Ps. 10640.

4. Eggs.[edit]

The eggs (c X a) of several of the birds named above, in particular those of the domestic fowl, entered largely into the diet of the Hebrews. The egg of the ostrich (Job 39 14) which dressed with santn and flour in a pan savoured as a well-tasting omelette (Doughty, Arab. Des. 1132) is much relished by the Arabs of to-day ; but beyond the fact that a portion of a shell was found by Bliss in the mound of Tell- el-Hesy (Lachish) there seems to be no evidence that it was so used in Palestine. For the strict Jews, the egg, like the flesh, was doubtless taboo (j pr). This objection did not apply to the eggs of the partridge, which also are eagerly collected for food by the Arabs ; Jer. 17 n may point to a similar custom among the Hebrews (cp PARTRIDGE). The eggs most in use (Lk. 11 12) were, as among ourselves, those of the domestic fowl (nVuyvi). Job, according to Bickcll, Buddc, and Duhm who have revived the traditional interpretation, draws (Job 66) from the white of an egg a figure to express the strange unreasonableness of his affliction ; Dillmann, however, 1 prefers the rendering, Is there any taste in the juice of purslain (or some other plant)? [The text needs emendation ; see PURSLAIN.]

There are frequent references in the Mishna one of the treatises of which bears the name Bcsn (egg 2 ) to the use of eggs as food and to various methods of cooking them. They might be boiled (Shabb. 9 5), or broken and fried (nVs. ib- 1 10 ), or mixed up with oil and fried in a saucepan (ib. 85). A favourite dish (Besa, 2 i) consisted of eggs (perhaps poached) spread upon fish.3

The law of D - from motives purely humanitarian or partly humanitarian and partly utilitarian - required that when the eggs were taken from under a wild bird the mother should not be interfered with (Dt. 226/. ).

5. Domestic pigeons.[edit]

II. Supply. The requisite supply of fowls, in the wider sense of the word, was obtained (a) by the complete or partial domestication of pigeons and poultry on tge one hand, and, on the other hand by the skill of the fowler, amateur or professional.

(a) The partial domestication of the pigeon was already accomplished when Is. 608 was written, where the reference in the windows spoken of is clearly to the lattice-like apertures (nianx) of the dovecote (see LATTICE, 2). The fowls (D TSS) prepared for Nehemiah s table were probably pigeons and the smaller species of edible birds (Neh. 5i8; cp Ps. 84s [4] and Tob. 2io).

The usual name of the pigeon-house in later times was ~31t? (Shabb. 24 3, Bab. bath. 1 6 and often). Another name was 7^1 jD (lit. tower ), which suggests the pigeon-towers, so common in certain parts of the East at the present day. The Jews, it would seem, recognised a distinction between the semi-domesti cated pigeon, which had its home in the dovecote or pigeon- house, and the more completely domesticated house-pigeon. The house-pigeons were called riVD Tin or nvmn after Herod, who is said to have introduced them into Judaea. It was per mitted on the Sabbath to provide them (along with the geese and poultry) with water, whilst less completely domesticated pigeons, like the bees, were supposed to be able to find water for themselves (Skabb. 24 3). These Herodian pigeons evidently shared the living-room with the family, as is very often the case in the present day, and had their nests in the house (Chull. 12!).

6. Fattening.[edit]

The art of fattening artificially the goose and other birds used for food was widely practised in ancient Egypt. The birds were fattened in the game way as the cattle; the fattening bolus was pushed down the throat of the goose in spite of its struggles (Erman, Egypt, 442). The process here described was not unknown to the Jews, as we see from Shabb. 24s-

It was forbidden on the Sabbath, however, to feed the poultry in this way. Water might be poured over their bran (JD"RC), but kneading or mixing was forbidden, and the animals were to be allowed to feed in the ordinary way (ibid., cp for Passover time PC-sack. 2 7).

Hens then as now had the habit of laying outside their proper houses (Chull. 12 i).

The Talmudic precept (Bdl>a Kamnia, 7 7) that poultry may not be reared in Jerusalem on account of the holy things (or on account of the sanctuary ) must be regarded as a pious dream in view of the express and repeated testimony of the NT. It is just possible, however, that the accompanying prohibition nor by priests throughout the land of Israel because of (possible) uncleanness (ibid.) may have been observed by the more scrupulous of the priesthood.

1 The white of an egg was hardly familiar to the ancient Hebrews, who did not keep fowls (Di.).

2 For the curious discussion to which this treatise owes its name see Delitzsch, /esus und Hillel, iijff.

3 On a hen s egg as a pretended unit of the Hebrew measure of capacity, see Novrack, HA 1 206.

7. Fowling.[edit]

(b) For the supply of the non-domesticated birds, the Jews, like every other ancient people, were dependent on the art of fowling. The wide popularity of fowling may be inferred from the number and variety of the metaphors borrowed from it. The psalmists liken the evil machinations of enemies to the fowler's snare (cp Ps. 140s [6] 141g/ etc.), and the author of Job (e.g. , in 18 7 f.) describes the end of the wicked in metaphors borrowed from fowling and the chase. Indeed, Jesus himself emphasizes the sudden ness of his parousia by a simile drawn from the same source (Lk. 21 34/. ; see below, 10).

With regard to the fowler s equipment, the bow and the sling (j/?g) the latter especially in such capable hands as those of the left-handed Benjamites (Judg. 20 16) at once suggest themselves as possible weapons ; but according to Wilkinson the Egyptian fowler used them but seldom. 1

8. Nets.[edit]

The most effective, however, of all the fowler's apparatus was the NET (rush, Prov. 1 17 Hos. 7 12 and often ). Fowling nets are of four kinds : the flight-net, which is hung up in a perpendicular position to intercept the birds in their flight ; the drag-net (well-known to poachers), which is dragged across the ground where the birds are resting, Ezekiel probably refers to this species of net (12i3 1720 32s) ; the bag-net, which is hung loosely between two poles, and is still in use in Syria ( The birds alarmed by a lantern held in front of their roosting places at once fall into it 1 ; Tristram, NHB 163); and the most elaborate, and, to judge from the Egyptian practice, the most popular form of fowler s net, the clap-net.

The clap-net was in daily use for securing the geese and other wild-fowl frequenting the marshes of the Delta, and was from ip to 12 ft. long, and about 5 ft. wide. It was closed at the right moment by means of a rope pulled vigorously, at a signal from the fowler, by four or five attendants (for further details and life-like illustrations see Wilk. 2iogj^., Erman, 236 ff.\ The modern reversible horizontal fowler s net, of which a minute and lucid description with detailed illustration will be found in Payne-Gallwey s The Fowler in Ireland, does not differ in principle from the ancient Egyptian, and presumably the Pales tinian, clap-net.

9. Snares: mokes and pah.[edit]

The art of trapping birds was doubtless practised by the ancestors of the Hebrews long before the latter entered Caanan. In historic times we find a variety of traps and snares (cp especially Ps. 140s Jobl88-io); but two stand out as the trapper s special companions, the mokes (rpio) and the pah (na). It is usual to describe the mokes as the trigger (the ffKavdaXov or cnca.vdd- \r]Bpov [not in <] of the Greek) on which the bait was placed and by which the spring of the pah was released (see Hoffmann, ZA TWSioi).

This view, however, is dependent on the MT of Amos 3 53, which is here inferior to & (i.e., n3 in 50: is an intrusion from 51$). Scarcely less dubious, in the present writer s opinion, is the view adopted in BDB (cp also Driver, Joel and Amos, 158) that mokes originally signifies bait.

A careful examination of the biblical data in the light of the practice of fowling among primitive peoples leads to the view that mokes is the Hebrew name for the noose or snare known to bird-catchers, young and old, all the world over.

It is thus synonymous with S^n, liebhel (cord) in Ps. 140s t 6 J which may have been used for larger birds with the "1*3^3 of Mish. Kelim, 23 5 (see Levy, Lex. s.v.), and with the 3l?J of Baba Kamma, 7 7. The last was clearly a snare by which pigeons were caught, although it could not be set within 30 stadia of an inhabited place, and, according to the Talmud, was made of hair from the tails of horses and cows (Levy, op. cit.).

The pah, on the other hand, we talce to be a general name for any form of bird- trap.

It need not, therefore, be identified (so Driver, as above) with the special form of trap so frequently depicted on the Egyptian monuments, and explained and illustrated by Wilkinson and Erman.

1 The use of the sling was almost confined to gardeners and peasants, who thus frightened the birds from the vineyards and fields (Anc. Eg. 1 381). The favourite weapon of the Egyptian sportsman was the throw-stick, a species of boomerang (ib. 2 105).

10. Other bird-traps.[edit]

The most widely distributed form of bird-trap is probably that in which the native elasticity of a twig is utilised ( naturally with almost infinite variety of detail) to draw a noose tight round the legs or head of the unwary bird. The free end of the twig, to which the noose is attached, is bent down till it reaches the ground or some other suitable support, to which it is held fast by varying devices. The touch of the bird releases the twig, which rebounds, carrying with it noose and bird through the air. Some such springe was in Amos mind when he asked : Does a bird fall to the ground when there is no snare (set) for him? Does a springe fly up from the ground and take nothing at all? (85). A still simpler form of trap is also in universal use, and receives in the Mishna the name of fj-np or clap-board. It consists of a sloping board resting on two or more slender supports, the adjusting of which suits the verb (rrriB O 3 irn) in the difficult verse, Jer. 626. When the bird, in search of the bait spread beneath, touches the supports, the board falls and maims or kills the bird (cp the Arab boys method of trapping partridges in Doughty, Ar. Des. 1433). Since the success of such an instrument depends on the almost instantaneous fall of the clap-board, the aptness of Jesus words : that day [shall] come upon you suddenly as a snare (Lk. 2134) is at once apparent. 1 Other forms of trap, such as the basket-trap, with its funnel-shaped entrance precluding egress, and the trap-cage, in which the bird on alight ing frees a spring and shuts itself in, can only be men tioned, as there is no reference to them in OT or NT. We find, however, a solitary reference to the crate (see CAGE) in which the fowler collected the birds which he had netted, trapped, or snared (Jer. 627). @ in Am. 8 -if. has &yyos ifVTov (fowler s cage?) instead of a basket of summer fruit.

11. Decoy birds.[edit]

The fowlers of the ancient world early learned the value of decoy birds. It would be out of place here to enlarge on their use as valuable auxiliaries to the methods of fowling already explained. In the Syria of to-day larks, linnets, pigeons, quails, and especially partridges are employed as decoys (see for details Tristram, NHB I ^3/-)- The only mention in the older Jewish litera ture of this mode of fowling is in Ecclesiasticus : As a decoy partridge in a cage, so is the heart of a proud man 1 (H 3 oRV).

12. Bird-lime.[edit]

No fowler s equipment, however, can have been complete without the universal bird-lime (Mishna p;n d<?bek). It was probably made from the cactus or the fig. Pliny gives a recipe for making it from the berries of the mistletoe (HN 1694). The Jewish fowler smeared with his lime the end of a long rod (roEOB ), and with this he cautiously approached the birds as they rested, touching them with the point of the rod, to which, of course, they adhered (Shabb. 84).

It only remains to add that by the Jewish Law the fowler, no less than the hunter, when he had brought down a bird that was intended for food, was required to pour out the blood thereof and cover it with dust (Lev. 17 is/.). A. R. s. K.

FOWL, FATTED[edit]

(D^D-inN Dnria), or more plaus ibly geese (cp Ass. birbirru, brilliance ) i K. 4 23 [5 3]. See FOWL, 2. When, however, we consider (i) that no other food -animal s name is given in the sing., and (2) that D Hia, which occurs earlier in the list (in apposition to 13), and 3K are synonymous, it is not improbable that the true reading is 3N D NTa, and that the words are a gloss, and should be rendered for O l*" 1 .? read D D13N (a rare word, which the previous scribe had altered into D N13). T. K. C.

1 Note especially the alternative punctuation <os jrayts yap 7rei<7eAei/ <reTai en-i irdi/Tas K.r.A.. and the recurring preposition.

FOX[edit]

The Hebrew term Hudl include both fox and jackal.

Hence some writers think thnt Samson's shzi'dZinz(Judg. 154) may have been jackals, for 300 shz2dZim are said to have been caught by Samson, and this is thought not to accord with zoology (see below). It has also been remarked that jackals may have abounded in Samson s country, for Hasselquist (Voyages and Travels, 1766, p. 119) found the little eastern fox jackal in large numbers near Jaffa. Even Hitzig is not averse to this view, and he accordingly interprets the words of Ps. 44 19 [20] ( that thou hast sore broken us in the place of jackals, RV) as referring to the neighbourhood of Jamnia not far from Samson s country where Joseph and Azarias were defeated early in the Maccabean period (i Mace. 5 56-62). Such rationalistic arguments are quite needless.

If the story in Judg. 15 is a legend, we need not con sider the respective claims of the fox and the jackal, and unless any one can prove that Philistia had been laid waste and been given up to jackals, it is useless to argue from Ps. 44 19 [20] that the event referred to is the real occasion of that psalm. Presumably this passage, like so many others, is corrupt. 1 At any rate, in Ps. 63 10 [n] jackals (RV n e-) is clearly more correct than foxes (EV), for it is characteristic of the jackal to be ever on the watch for the bodies of the dead. In Neh. 4s [835] Lam. 5i8, and, according to Cheyne(/ ) j.( 2 >), Ps. 74 14 b (emended text 2 ), the jackal appears to be referred to. Foxes (dXwTTT/f), however, are certainly meant in Mt. 820 Lk. 9 58 13 32.

There are, according to Tristram, two species of fox inhabit ing Palestine : Cam s niloticus (the Egyptian fox) and C.jlaves- cens. The former is common in the central and southern regions ; the latter is found in the wooded districts round Galilee and in the N. The C. flavescens, however, is regarded by some authorities (.., Blandford, Fauna of Brit. Ind. ; Rlain- malia, 88) as simply a local variety of the common fox, C. wipes, from which it differs in coloration.

The fox, unlike many other species of Canidee, is solitary, and does not associate in packs, which is a point to be considered by translators and commentators {see above). Foxes excavate holes in the ground (Mt. 820), in which they live and bring up their litter (usually from four to six) of young. Frequently they take pos session of the burrow of some other animal, such as a badger, and thus save themselves the trouble of digging. They are omnivorous. Their fondness for grapes is pro verbial (Cant. 2 1 5), and, when crowded out by the more powerful jackal, they are confined to a vegetable diet. They usually lie concealed during the day ; but as even ing comes on they make their appearance, and are everywhere to be seen prowling amongst the ruins.

T. K. c. A. E. S.

1 Che. renders (Ps.W), with an emended text :

For thou hast made us to dwell in dark places,
And enveloped us in gloom (of Deathland).

See, however, Duhm, KHC ad lac., who thinks that the place of jackals may be a phrase for the wilderness, and compares i Macc. 9 3362. This, however, does not suit the parallelism.

2 Ba. admits that the jackal is referred to, but supposes an obscure allusive term to be used,

Hast given him for food to a people dwellers in the wilderness.

Duhm omits Qj; 1 ?- Read rather, for D"^7 DJ?S, D^yv^ (Che.). Cp BEHEMOTH AND LEVIATHAN, zf.

3 The latter only twice in (5 (i Ch. 9 29 [BNA] ; 3 Mace. 5 2) ; Ai jSawj? is the word in Mt. 2 n Rev. 1813.

  • [The hill of frankincense in Cant. 46, however, should

probably be the hill of Lebanon, and the smell of Lebanon (v. n) should be the smell of frankincense H313 1 ? and p:37 being confounded. Cp CANTICLES, 15.]

FRANKINCENSE[edit]

(Hp? ; AiB&NOC, AiB&NW TOC I 3 rendered frankincense Ex. 30 34 Lev. 2 if. is/. 5n 6 15 [8] 24 7 Nu. 5is i Ch. 929 Neh. 13 5 9 Cant. 36 46 4 14 Mt. 2n Rev. 1813, rendered incense [RV frankincense ] Is. 4823 606 663 Jer. 620 17 26 4 1 sf) is a fragrant gum-resin, technically called olibanum (M. Lat. , apparently from Ar. al-lubdn), which is yielded by trees belonging to certain species of the genus Boswellia. 1 These are now met with chiefly in Somali- land about Cape Guardafui ; but the most famous growth in ancient times was in the central district of Hadramaut in S. Arabia. The Heb. I bhondh, which denotes -white ness, appropriately refers to the form of milky exudation in which the gum issues from the tree ; the same word is found in Arabic (lubdn) and has passed into Greek.

Of the two forms in Greek, Lagarde (Mitt. 2357) holds that Xi- /3<xi 0f = a supposed Hebrew J3? lebhan, and Aij3apu>To? = 0133? kbhdnotk; he infers that the word had its origin in Hebrew rather than in any of the cognate languages ; but it seems more likely that the name arose in the dialect of a people who were acquainted with the tree itself.

Pliny's interesting account of the manner in which the gum is obtained from the tree (12 14) may be com pared with the following modern description of the operation as carried out in the Somali country. 2

About the end of February or beginning of March, the Bedouins visit all the trees in succession and make a deep incision in each, peeling off a narrow strip, of bark for about hve inches below the wound. This is left for a month, when a fresh incision is made in the same place, but deeper. A third month elapses and the operation is again repeated, after which the gum is supposed to have attained a proper degree of consistency. The mountain sides are immediately covered with parties of men and boySj who scrape off the large clear globules into a basket, whilst the inferior quality that has run down the tree is packed separately."

This mention of two kinds differing in quality reminds us that the frankincense employed in making the holy incense and in connection with the shewbread was a specially pure kind nst rubV (I bhondh sakkdh).

Wellhausen (Prol.W 65) and Nowack (HA 2247) point out the comparative lateness of all the passages where frankincense is mentioned in OT. Still the Egyptians at an early period imported fragrant resins and among them probably myrrh and frankincense from the land of Punt, i.e. (as most scholars agree), Somaliland. Thus in some of the paintings of Deir al-Bahri (see Memoir, Egypt Exploration Fund], trees of the sort that yields these gums are portrayed as being brought to Egypt about the seventeenth century B. C.

In the developed Levitical ritual, frankincense appears with stacte, onycha, and galbanum, as a constituent of the holy incense (Ex. 8034), and is also placed upon the shewbread (Lev. 24 7), but is oftenest mentioned as an accompaniment of the nmp, minhah, or cereal offer ing (Lev. 2 etc. ), with which also it is repeatedly associated in the language of the prophets (Is. 4823 663 Jer. 17 26 41s). The offering of which it forms a part, and in one place (Lev. 24?) the frankincense itself, is called an m3TN, askdrdh (EV memorial, but the root idea may be that of fragrance ; see SACRIFICE). The S. Arabian origin of the frankincense knov. n to the Hebrews is indicated in Is. 606 Jer. 620. Naturally frankincense and myrrh are often mentioned together (Cant. 36 46 Mt. 2 ii etc. ). Cp MYRRH. N. M.

FRIEND[edit]

(niTI; @ eTAlpOc). ^ title applied to Ahuzzath, a courtier of Abimelech, Gen. 2626 (1T1.P II N2 "ib* ; <S vv/j.<t>ayuy6s) ; to Hushai the Archite (con stantly)", 2 s. 15 37 16 16 <nin), i ch. 2733 (in. BA

4>lAoc ; but see HUSHAI) ; and to Zabud ben Nathan, i K. 4s (Hin), who was also probably called J3D, chief minister or administrator (see MINISTER, CHIEF).

In Gen. 2626 (and elsewhere) JHO should probably be l"ia, kinsman. The title friend often occurs in i and 2 Mace. e.g., i Mace. 2 18 so shalt thou and thy house be in the number of the king s Friends (cp 2 Mace. 7 24). This is a bribe held out to Mattathias. i Mace. 106$: And the king gave him honour, and entered him among his Chief Friends (TUIV irptartav <f>i\tav) ; I Jonathan is referred to. It was a title in use at the courts of the Ptolemies and the Seleucidae (cp Polyb. xxxi. 87); thought of it in rendering D^ty, princes, by <j>i\oi, friends (Esth. 1 3 2 18 69 ; cp i Esd. 826). It must not be considered a novelty. Diodorus (1650) speaks of the friends of Artaxerxes ; from Persia the title was adopted by Alexander. A similar title was also in use at the court of the old Egyptian kings, where there were several grades of Friends (Maspero, RPity 2 is).

The title may have lingered on traditionally in Palestine from the long-past Egyptian rule ; at any rate, there were kings of countries adjoining Judah who must have adopted this court-title before David. The name was not merely honorific ; the friends of David and Solomon were those whom ties of race or of personal gratitude had made absolutely devoted to the king ; hence the surprise of Absalom in 2 S. 16 17 (see HUSHAI). T. K. c.

1 The species are enumerated by Fluckiger and Hanbury (Mann. I34/). Sir G. Birdwood says (EBP\ 12718), the

um-resin of Boswellia Frereana and /> . Hhtiu-Dajiana of the omali country, and of B. Carterii of the Somali country and the opposite coast of Arabia.

2 Cmttenden in Trans. Bombay Geograph. Soc. 7 121, quoted by Fluck. and Hanb.l 2 ) 137.

FRINGES[edit]

the EV rendering of D^H/I, g dillm (crpeTTTA [BAFL],//V/a [Vg. adding infimbriis^. According to D, they were to be worn by every Israelite upon the four borders (kandph, FpD, KpACTieAON) of the garment as a distinctive mark (Dt. 22 12). The RVs- twisted threads is probably better (cp Dr. ad loc. , Bab. gidlu, a string [e.g. , of onions]) ; the word is used in i K. 7 i?t of festoons of chain-work upon the capitals of columns. Corresponding to this is the law in Nu. 15 yi ff. (P, or perhaps in particular H [Dr.]) which goes more into detail over the nature and object of these appendages.

This law enacts that sislth(rW l, Sam. flVS Si EV fringes R Vmg. tassels, icpd<Tne$a,_/lHtfir!i/ ) are to be worn upon the borders (fpq, Trrepu yia RVmg. corners ) and that upon the rpjrt rT!PX (icpdcrjr. riav nrep.) is to be set a blue cord. 1 There can be little doubt that here again in spite of (5 the RVmg is preferable, and that n S Si slsit/t (in Ezek. 83! lock of hair) is to be connected with sis, a ! dower (Is. 40 6 etc ). 2

The Jewish tallith (n Sn) of later times, an oblong cloth with a hole in the middle for the head, and its tassel at each corner, is well known. 3 Its excessive size led to Christ s rebuke (Mt. 23s) ; but the form of the forerunner of the tallith in post-exilic and pre-exilic times must remain uncertain.

Jehu's tribute-bearers, portrayed upon the black obelisk of Shalmaneser II. (860-824 B - c -), wear a garment with a sort of fringed border (see illust. Moore, SBOT, Judges, ET 58) similar to those depicted in Assyria (cp Perrot-Chipiez, Art. in Ckald. 2 221, fig. 118) ; and fringed borders were not unknown in Egypt {see Wilk. Anc. Eg. 2 ij^f., 323 and 324, figs, i 7 9), 4 and W. Asia (see WMM As. u. Eur. 341 [Champ. 191]). The early existence of tassels is nevertheless vouched for by representations found upon the ruins at Persepolis (see Riehm, HWB\ 898), and by the pictures of Asiatic tributaries depicted upon the tomb of Rekhmara (see As. u. Eur. 297 [Leps. Denkm. 116], 299 [Leps. Denkin. 136] ; and more fully Wilk. 1, pi. \\.ti). It is interesting to observe that these tassels (in some cases numbering five) are coloured blue.

The origin of the custom of wearing such appendages is not clear. That originally, like the frontlets, the fringes had a sacred significance, is not improbable ; Robertson Smith acutely finds an analogy in the goat skins (cegides] fringed with thongs worn by Libyan women. He also compares the old Ar. raht or hauf, a. girdle or short kilt of skin slashed into thongs, worn by some women and also by worshippers at the Kaaba (Rel. Sem.W 437). See DRESS, 7, and cp TUNIC.

s. A. c.

1 Apparently for the purpose of suspending the slsitJi (so f-g., Dr.); otherwise, following EV, we may suppose that many such cords were hung along the border. Vg. affords a simpler text, reading, in b, ponentes in eis tnttas hyacinthinas.

2 Cp Konig, Lchrg. 2a6o. Similarly, a tassel and lock of hair ; and Eg. (loan-word) di-rf^, flower and fringe or tassel (cp WMM As. u. Eur. 104, 299).

3 Each fringe is made of eight threads, of which one is wound round the rest with double knots at prescribed intervals. No blue is now used. The tallith is usually made of wool or silk, with a striped border. Many Jews also wear under their clothes an oblong scarf of wool, with an opening for the head. The scarf hangs over back and breast, and fringes are added at its four corners (hence the name of the garment niBJD jniK )-

4 Cp the Eg. KoAatripis (Herod. 28i), a garment with a fringe running round the border.

5 HDiy. The mg. has ntyiy he that maketh.

FROCK[edit]

(COMOAINON fBNAC], . . HTOtT). only in Ecclus. 40 4t, where he that is clothed 5 in a linen (RV, hempen) frock is contrasted with him that sitteth upon a throne. s reading points to a kind of unbleached flax (cp LINEN). Pesh. reads garment of poverty (cp Vg. ligno crudo)\ so perhaps originally the Heb. which is unfortunately incomplete. See MANTLE.

FROG[edit]

(lH"lDy ; BATR&XOC)- Frogs are mentioned as one of the plagues of Egypt (Ex. 727 [82] j/f. etc.), and in Rev. 1613 workers of false miracles are virtually likened to frogs.

Various species of Anurous Amphibians are found both in Egypt and in Palestine ; we can hardly venture to single out the Ratio, esculenta, or edible frog, as that referred to in the Bible.

FRONTLETS[edit]

(niBDto; ACAAeyTON [BAFL], AC A- AeyTA, [L] in Dt. in allusion apparently to their being firmly bound). In Dt. 6Sf. (cp 11 18) it is commanded : thou shall bind [these my words] for a sign upon thine hand, and they shall be as frontlets between thine eyes, and thou shall write them upon the posts of thy house, and on thy gates. The corresponding expressions in Ex. 13g (jhsi), 16 (niDDit:), a passage closely relaled to Deuleronomy, are plainly metaphorical ; but in the present instance the contexl (wriling upon the door posts and gates) makes it quite clear that by niBBie, totdphoth, certain external sacred signs are intended (see CUTTINGS, 7). In the last resort the origin of these frontlets (as of nimp, the boxes fastened on the doors) is to be sought in the use of amulets which pre vailed among the old Israelites as a matter of course, and, as it could not be wholly done away with, was in this way turned to holier purposes.

In later Judaism also, frontlets were employed as amulets (see below). The Jewish interpreters, accordingly, are not far wrong when they find the use of phylacteries of some kind already alluded to in Prov. 83 621; in any case we must at least suppose a literal binding of words of the law round the neck to be meant. On the other hand, however, Ezek. 24 17 (HNS) is to be understood as referring to a head-tire or TURBAN (y.v.), and not, as the rabbins held, to prayer-bands (cp Jer. on Ezek. 24 17, Rosenm. on Ex. 13 16). The Karaites, however, explain the passages in Dt. figuratively ; as also do the older Christian interpreters (Jer., Lyra, Calvin, Grotius), and, among the moderns, Hengstenberg, Knobel, and others.

We do not know when out of the law in Dt. first arose the standing practice in accordance with which every one at morning and evening prayer (except on Sabbaths and festivals) was required to wear the two prayer-bands known in the Talmud as J^BPI and in Greek as <j>v\a.KT-f]pLa. (Mt. 23s). In the form in which it still prevails the custom cannot be traced further back than to the first century B. c. These tUphill/n consist of two leather satchels or capsules each fastened to a band. The one band (T Vs? n^spi or y n? ^w n ran) is fastened by the worshipper round his left arm so as to bring the satchel towards his heart ; the arm after receiving the tfyhillah is again covered with the sleeve. The other band (&-] *?t? rr^Bi-i) is so fastened round the head as to bring the satchel into position between the eyebrows. The satchel of the \vesA-tiphillah is divided into four compartments in which severally are placed four strips of parchment containing certain words of the law (Ex. I3i-io 11-16 Dt. 44-9 1113-21). The satchel of the urm-tlphillah is simple, containing a single parchment slip on which the same passages are written. Jesus censures it in the Pharisees, as characteristic of their tendency to dwell on the external acts of worship and to vain display of piety, that they made broad their phylacteries (Mt. 23s) that is, that they wore the satchels larger and the bands broader than was customary.

The rabbins hold the tephillln in special sanctity and place them, in their reverence, almost on a level with the sacred writings {Yad. 83); like these, they may be rescued from a fire on the Sabbath day (Shabb. KJi). They are holier than the frontal of the high priest s MITRE (y.v.), inasmuch as this last contains the name pprp only once, whilst on the tephillin in the aggregate it occurs twenty-three times. They are held to be highly effectual in protecting against demons; whence their name c^vAa/cTrjpta (amulets ; see Targ. Cant. 8 3). They are sworn by, by touching them. God himself, in the Talmudic view, wears ttphillin, swearing by them when he swears by his holy arm. Such being the sacreclness attached to phylacteries, it is easy to understand why their production and application should have become matter of minute and elaborate prescription down to the minutest detail. They ought to be so arranged as to represent the divine name Shaddai ( ^cO ! the head-satchel contains, upon two little pieces of wood, a three-cornered and a four-cornered y? , the loop of the head-band is so arranged upon the neck as to figure a -\ , the loop of the arm -band represents \

Only male Israelites of thirteen years old and upwards may wear phylacteries ; women, lepers, mourners, and unclean persons of every kind are forbidden to do so. In putting them on and taking them off they ought to be kissed.

Literature.[edit]

The Rabbinical precepts are collected in the extra-canonical tractate Tt phillin, published by Raph. Kirchheim, Scpteni libri Talmudici parvi Hierosolymitani, Frankfort, 51; Ugolini, Thesaurus, 21, de Phylacteriis Hebrseorum ; Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., s.v. ^73, and Synag. Jud. 170-175 ; Carpzov, Apparatus hist.-crit. 190- 197 ; Spencer, De leg. Heb. ritualibus ( De natura et origme Phylacteriorum ) ; Lundius, Die altenjtidischen Heiligtiimer, 798 ff. ; Lightfoot, Wolf, and other commentators on Mt. 285 ; Hamburger, Realencykl. art. Tephillin ; Klein, Die Totaphoth nach Bibel u. Tradition in JPT, 81, pp. 666-689 ; Schiirer, Gesc/t.fi) 2 406-408 (where further literature is cited). I. B.

FRUIT TREES, FRUIT[edit]

From the settlement in Palestine onwards fruit was an element of the first im portance in the dietary of the Hebrews. That this is true of the later days of the monarchy is sufficiently evident from the injunction of the Dt. code requiring the trees in the orchards of a besieged city to be spared 1 (Dt. 20i9), which so strikingly contrasts with the un scrupulous procedure of an earlier age (2 K. 81925). The most convincing evidence, however, of the large place filled by fruit in the social and religious economy of Judaism is supplied by the rules so painfully elaborated in numerous Talmudic treatises for the use, under re ligious sanction, of the fruits of the field and of the tree (see references below, passim).

1. List of fruit trees.[edit]

Canaan was, from early times, distinguished as a land of wheat and barley, and vines and fig trees and pomegranates ; a land of oil olives and honey ( Dt - 88). To the fruit trees here specified Joel adds the palm tree and the tappuah (Ii2). More extensive lists are found in later Jewish literature as, e.g. , in the Mishna treatises Pe'a (Is) and Ma'aseroth (\vf. ).

Ma'aseroth mentions, as subject to tithe, figs, grapes (two varieties), sumach (? see below, 14), sycamine berries, pome granates, dates, peaches, nuts, almonds, carob beans, pears (two varieties), quinces, and medlars ; these, as in all probability in use in Palestine in NT times, will be briefly noticed here, along with some others, such as the tappuah, the sycomore fig, and the citron. A still more extended list of fruit trees is given in the so-called Alphabet of Ben Sira (nth cent. ; cp Schiir. Hist. . 5 28, GJ1 7{ ?) 3 161). Ben Sira, in reply to a test question put by Nebuchadrezzar as to the number of trees in the royal garden, replies, There are thirty varieties : ten bear fruit which is entirely edible, ten fniit of which only the inner portion may be eaten, and ten fruit of which only the outer portion may be eaten. 2

2. Legislation.[edit]

Before we proceed to inquire into the use of the individual fruits, let us notice the law regulating the date from which the owner of an orchard might enjoy its produce. By the legislation of H (Lev. 1923^), all food trees (j-j;

  • ?DXC) or fruit trees ( ns py ; so always in P) were

to be allowed three years to come to maturity. The fruit during that period was technically said to be un- circumcised ; hence the title of the treatise Orlafi (rh~\y, foreskin ), comprising the later Talmudic legis lation on this subject. The fruit of the fourth year 4 was to be exclusively reserved as an offering to God, and only from the fifth year onwards was the owner free to employ the fruit for his own use (Lev. 1923-25 ; cp Dt. 206).

1 RV is here much to be preferred to AV. Point Q~INn for Q~ l ? ( so most moderns, following Vss.).

2 See Low, Aram. P_ft.-nam., for names and identifications.

3 See also 8 3, 14.

4 Cp ZDPV 11 163. The vine-shoot is here said to begin to bear in the second year ; but it does not produce mature fruit till the fourth year.

3. The vine.[edit]

The first place among the fruit trees of Palestine must be given to the vine (for varieties, mode of cultivation, etc see VINE )- Although the greater part of the produce of the vineyards was made into wine (see WINE), whence wine was spoken of as the fruit of the vine par excellence ( Mt. 26 29 and parallels ; |Bjri na of contemporary Hebrew, Mish. Ber. 61), grapes were as much relished as among ourselves. They appear as an article of commerce alongside of wine in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 13 15).

In the Mishna (Nidd. 9n) it is said of wine that some is red (Di~IN) and some is black (line ). The dark red grapes suggested the phrase blood of the grape for wine * (Gen. 49 1 1 Dt. 32 14 Ecclus. 3926 6015), and comparisons like those in Is. 63 2f. Rev. 14 20 etc.

The pure juice of the grape also is once described as the blood of grapes (i Mace. 634). The bunches or clusters of grapes (see GRAPE) were gathered in baskets (see BASKET) to be carried to the wine-press or to market (so too in Egypt ; Wilk. Anc. Eg. [ 78] l379_^). Under certain restrictions, passers-by could help themselves from their neighbour s vineyard (Dt. 2824 [25]) a privilege afterwards extended to other fruits (Maaser. 2?) ; fallen grapes were the perquisite of the poor and of the resident alien (Lev. 19 10). The Pharaoh is represented as drinking the juice of the grape pressed by hand into the cup (Gen. 40 n). To squeeze the grape for this purpose, even to drink the juice that flowed out of itself, was forbidden on the Sabbath (Shabb. 22 1 ). This liquor of grapes (Nu. 63 RV) was forbidden as were also grapes themselves to those under the Nazirite vow (Nu. 61^). The Mosaic legislation is in this point more drastic than the Mohammedan, which allows the use of the grape whilst forbidding wine (Koran, 2 216 692).

At the present day in Syria large quantities of grape juice are boiled down to make grape syrup or grape honey (Ar. dibs = till, debas), the sapa and defrutum of Pliny (NH 14 u). This seems to be referred to in such passages as Gen. 43 n Ezek. 27 17 (see HONEY, i [3]).

4. Dried grapes.[edit]

In addition to the grape in its natural state, the Hebrews from early times made large use of raisins (f imm *? im > n jjaw. <rra<f>id^), the 'dried grapes' of Nu. 63.

The freshly gathered grapes were laid out, precisely as at the present day (see Van Lennep, Bible Lands, etc., in), to be dried by the hot sun. The flat house-top or other suitable spot (riDE D, 2 see Levy, NHWB, s.v.) was spread with leaves (Mish. Tcharoth, \4f.), on which the grapes were dried in clusters. It is possible that, as at the present day, they were previously dipped in a strong lye (cp the elaborate processes mentioned by Pliny, NH 14).

In the form of raisins, the grapes were more con venient for transport, and hence, as we might expect, we find raisins appreciated by travellers and soldiers on the march (i Ch. 1240). Thus Abigail brought an hundred clusters of raisins to David and his men (i S. 25 18, cp 30 12), and the servant of Mephibosheth the same number (28. 16 1) with an hundred of summer fruits (pp, for which see below, 10).

Raisins are now exported in considerable quantities from Es-Salt, Damascus, and other parts of Syria. (JZDPVVi 174). In ancient and in modern times we find an inferior sort of wine pre pared from raisins (see WINE AND STRONG DRINK).

1 Cp, however, WRS Rel. Sein.ft 230.

2 The word (cp Ezek. 265 47 10) corresponds to the Arab. vtistah. One such spreading place stood in the midst of the vineyards of et-Ta if (Iazwinl, 264, quoted by Jacob, Altarab- isches Beduinenleben, 97). In modern Arabic sa.ta.ha. is to spread out figs or grapes.

5. Fruit cakes.[edit]

Among the accompaniments of Baal worship Hosea (3i) mentions G lUj; K^N ( ire/j,/j.ara yuera <TTa<i5os [we] ; Vg. vinacia uvarum). Alt Id A (without D 33Vi grapes ) occurs also in 2 S. 619 (|| i Ch. 163), Cant. 2s and Is. 16? ; RV every where renders it cake (or cakes) of raisins, or raisins (Cant. 2s; mg. cakes of raisins ), or raisin-cakes (Is. 167 ; mg. foundations ). Let us [first] try to ex plain the word on the assumption that MT is correct.

1. Robertson Smith (MS note on Hos. 3i) would identify the asisdh with the later f"3n, hdbis, which was a confection of flour, honey (cai), and oil. A cake baked with grape honey would be almost, if not quite, the same as the ntfts-x. Most scholars, however, since Gesenius, have explained it a cake of pressed raisins like the dZbhelim or fig cakes (see below, 7). Perhaps a better explanation is a cake of flour kneaded with grapes (or with grape juice, which would ferment in the process of baking). This suits the reference in Cant. 2s, where a restorative is clearly meant. Such grape cakes would correspond to the cakes still used at festivals in Cyprus ( Isa. SBOT 170). The following are the grounds of this explanation :

(a) The Greek translators, in all cases probably, understood a cake of mixed ingredients. Thus we find \dyavov O.TTO njydvov, a girdle cake (BAL 28.619), and a/iop(e)t -n)s UNA ( T ch. 163; <S L \dyavov rqydvov), a cake made of d/u.dpa, which Athenaeus and Hesychius define as fine flour baked with honey (|iAeAiTTiO|ua).l (6) The Mishna speaks of D sr B N, which the GemSra explains as lentils cooked with honey (see Levy, op. cit.). (c) Tg. Ps. -Jon. uses the Aramaic form to render t5"3^ JVn SSS (Exod. 1631), which was clearly a species of sweet cake or confection, (d) Offerings of sweet cakes are common to many ancient cults (see the commentators on Jer. 7 18 44 19, and cp QUEEN OF HEAVEN), (e) The Jews of a late time were familiar with the practice of mixing dough with the juice of various fruits (n lYS D, an expression frequent in the Mishna), which acted as leaven (Tcrilmoth, biff.; Challah, 2 2).

2. [No adequate philological justification, however, having been found for asisdh, cake, it is legitimate to regard the word as probably corrupt.

In 2 S. 6 19 i Ch. 16 3 the degree of probability is very great (the corruptness of natrx just before is undeniable), and it is not much less in the other places. The emendations called for in the several passages are plain. David presents each Israelite with a cake of bread, a piece of flesh (~)Np re), and a seah of lentils (D B T^ r"*p ) ; cp the Mishna passage above cited (i [6]). The bride (Cant. 2 5) asks to be stayed or refreshed with lilies (nijB W), not with raisin-cakes. Evidently something which grows in the garden is meant, and the context points to lilies (l| tappuhim i.e., quinces, see APPLE, 2 [4]). The Moabites in the elegy (Is. 16 7) mourn, not for the raisin-cakes, but, as the context shows, for the fruit harvest (^DN) of Kir- hareseth ; and the Israelites (Hos. 3 j) who look to other gods would hardly be said to love cakes of raisins," Asherim and Hammanim are the right words ( i.e., D 3Snl D lt^N, not D 33J? 1 E < B N). The emendation of Hos. 3 i is due to Gratz (cp Is. 178 27g). These are instructive specimens of necessary emendation. The lexicon loses one word (nwertt) , but the exegesis of five passages gains. A reference to the use of sweet cakes made of pressed grapes and flour (SBOT Isa. 170, after Ohnefalsch-Richter) at festivals does not by any means prove the correctness of the disputed words. Such cakes would probably have been called D 313, or D 33J? nn SS, or possibly j"3n; such a word as nsP C N, cake, lacks philological justification. T. K. c.]

1 The reading V uv pois [BNAC] of Cant. 2 5 is probably a corruption of o^iopou?. In Isaiah all the Greek versions are at a loss.


6. Fig tree.[edit]

Next to the vine, among the fruit-bearing trees, stands the fig tree, the sister of the vine, as a Greek poet has called it (ffvKijv fie\aiva.v, a/unre\ov KaffiyvriTTjv : Hipponax, quoted by Hehn, Kulturpfl. u. Hausth.^ 94). These two are repeatedly named together in the OT (see FIG, which see also for varieties raised, time of ripening, etc. ). As an article of diet, indeed, figs must have been even more prominent than grapes, the range of their season being greater, although Josephus declares that about the Sea of Galilee figs and grapes alike were procurable for ten months of the year (Bf iii. 108). The place of the fig among the staple articles of food in NT times is well shown by the fact that, in the case of a fire on the Sabbath day, only three necessaries of life were to be rescued, viz. , a basket of loaves, a cake of dried figs, and a jar of wine (Shabb. 163 ; cp FRONTLETS, end).

The unripe figs (HJB, pi. c iS Cant. 2 13 ; 6\vt>0oi [BNAC] ; NT only Rev. 613; but see BETHPHAGE) were of course not edible ; but as soon as they began to take on colour, they might, like half-ripe grapes, be eaten with bread (Sh?6i\ 47/.). The early fig(rr\)2i,6i&kurdA), which appears on last year s wood, was clearly a choice delicacy, as we see from Is. 284, where the prophet speaks of the firstripe fig, which when he that looketh upon it seeth, while it is yet in his hand he eateth it up (RV), and from the comparison in Jer. 242, very good figs, like the figs that are first ripe (niisan J^na ; cp Mic. 7 1 Hos. 9 10). When ripe the early figs were easily shaken from the tree ( Nah. 3 12). The ordinary summer fig (n^Nn, F cndh, LXX and NT <TVKOV the tree is CTI/KT}) was a favourite in all periods of Hebrew history. The Hebrews at Kadesh missed the figs, vines, and pome granates of Egypt (Nu. 20s) ; the sweetness and good fruit of the fig were appreciated in the rough days of the Judges (Judg. 9n) ; references abound in the prophets, whilst figs appear with grapes and wine in the markets of Jerusalem (Neh. 13 15) after the exile. In the first two centuries of our era the period covered by the NT and the Mishna figs were still one of the first articles of diet (see, for the Gospels, Lk. \Zdff. Mt. 7i6 21 19^ Mk. 11 13/1 etc., and the Mishna pa ssitn). Jewish prisoners at Rome in the time of Josephus lived on figs and nuts (Jos. Vit. 3).

Of the varieties of figs mentioned in the Mishna two are specially interesting, the so-called dark (nilinE*) and pale (711337) figs (Terfimoth, 479). These more correctly dark purple and green were, according to Hehn (op cit. 96), the favourite varieties of ancient times, corresponding to the nt ri and bianchi of the present day. The latter (he adds) are the sweeter and therefore better adapted for drying ; the former, of greater acidity, are eaten fresh.

7. Drieg figs.[edit]

Figs dried in the same manner as raisins were termed gerogeroth (sing, rnrnji, see Levy, NHWB, s.v., with Fleischer s note, 436 f. ).

As icrx<Ses and caricce they were certainly the most ex tensively used of all fruits (Daremberg et Saglio, Diet. d. Antiq., s.v. Cibaria, 1150^) among the Greeks and Romans. They were not less popular among the Jews, to judge from their frequent recurrence in the Mishna.

Although, as it happens, they are not mentioned in OT or NT, we do find mentioned an equally popular mode of preserving figs by pressing them into a cake (iiSai, dtbhelah, iraKaO-r}) , which was allowed tohardenand was thus easily transported. This method of treating figs was known in Egypt from very early times (Maspero, Dawn, of Civilisation, 66). Two hundred fig-cakes formed part of Abigail s present to David (iS. 25i8; cp 30 12), and, as we should expect, they formed part of a soldier s rations (iCh. 1240). One such fig-cake Judith took with her to the camp of Holofernes (Judith 10s, EV lumps of figs ).

When round in shape the fig-cake was termed 713J7 (Mishna frequently), also "173 H 133 (Skeb t. 1 2) ; when square J2 ?O (see Terfun. 4 s), from the name of the brick-shaped mould (cp 28.1231; r. Nah. 3 14). From the Mishna we learn further that the dcbhclah or fig-cake was so hard as to require to be cut with an axe (Shabb. 17 2).

A slice cut off (n^S, in late Hebrew, njrsp) was given to a sick Egyptian (see MIZRAIM, 2 b] by David s men (iS. 30 12).

One interesting use of the fig (although scarcely falling under the head of food ) remains to be mentioned viz. , the medicinal. Pliny has much to say regarding the medicinal properties of the fig (HNIZd^f. ), and in the OT we find Isaiah prescribing a lump or cake of figs (o JNn nSn^, Tra\d6r) [ex] aiiKtav) as a poultice for Hezekiah s boil (Is. 8821 = 2 K. 20 7).

8. Sycomore.[edit]

Next of kin, though not in importance, to the fig (Ficus carica) is the fruit of the sycomore or fig-mulberry ( f "" ?""} For the nomenclature in Hebrew and Greek, and for the process by which the fruit is rendered edible, see SYCOMORE (for illustrations of fruit and fruit instruments see Henslow, The Plants of the Bible, 89).

The fruit of the sycomore was formerly held in high esteem by the Egyptians. Hence its use in the service of the altar (see Wilkinson, Anc. Eg., 78, 8419, illustration, and especially Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kupros, pi. 71). At the present day, on the other hand, it is only the poorest, as well as children and dogs, that eat the sycomore figs (Henslow, o/>. cit. 91). By the Jews the tree was, like the carob tree, valued more for its wood than for its figs (see the proof from the Talmud quoted by Anderlind in his essay on the fruit trees of modern Syria, ZDPV\\ 100), which are said to be insipid or woody to the taste.

The allied sycamine (Morus nigra, Lk. 176 ; see SYCAMINE) is still cultivated every where for its delicious berries (Post, Flora, 729; ZDPV \\K\f. ) under the name of tut shdmi (Heb. run, Ma asir. \v.\ Their juice is of a bright blood-red colour, the olftn. fj.6puv (EV mulberries ) of i Mace. 634, by the sight of which the elephants of Antiochus were provoked to fight.

9. Olive.[edit]

Returning to the more important fruit trees, we meet first with the olive (rn, see OLIVE for details of culture, etc.), the chief economic value of which is indicated by the fuller name it sometimes receives in the OT, the oil olive (JOE* n T, Dt. 88; cp 2 K. 1832). See OIL. From the earliest times to the present day the olive berries (Jas. 812, AV for t\cu<u) were beyond all doubt an important article of diet, although, singularly enough, there is no biblical refer ence to their use. 1 The fruit was plucked by the hand the method recommended by Roman writers on arboriculture (cp Pliny, HN 15s) from the lower branches at least (ppc, 2 hence p DD, the olive harvest, Chall. 89), or the branches were shaken or beaten (Ban, Dt. 2420 Is. 27 12), probably with a long wand (cp Pliny, harundine levi ictu ), care being taken not to injure the tree. Hence the beating of the olive trees (rn f]p}. nokeph zdyith. Is. 17 6 24 13) became synonymous with olive harvest.

The Mishna distinguishes between olives of three sorts accord ing to their destination (Terfun. l8yC) viz., olives destined for the oil-press, olives for preserving, and olives for eating (cp 2 6, Cb:i n t and JCP n T). The last-named must always have been the exception. The poor man would no doubt be glad to have the berry, even in its natural state, to eat with his morsel of bread, or dipped in salt (Ma asir. 43). Such were probably the dry olives (D 3U: D JVt) of Teb. Vdi36. The usual way, however, as in all countries, and in all periods, was to lay the olives to soak in brine (D n T D, MikivaSth, 1 2). For this purpose, at the present day, the brine is formed by adding salt to water till an egg can float on it (Anderlind, ZDPV\\ 72). The olives are left for a period of twenty to thirty days (according to the native authority quoted by Landberg, Prov. et Diet. etc. 16), at the end of which time they are soft and palatable.

Another method, also still practised in Palestine, was first to crush the olives (y*3, Ter. 10? Maaser. 4i, and often in Mishna; for the term cp Dt. 232[i]), then to place them in a jar and preserve by the addition of salt. 3 The berries seem to have been occasionally pickled the technical term for which is jjos with the leaves ( Ufa. 2s). From these and many other passages in the Mishna we are well entitled to affirm that the use of olives as a relish to the poor man s bread, and as a table requisite for the rich, was as uni versal among the Hebrews as among the other peoples of antiquity.

1 In every passage of the OT where n T signifies the fruit of the olive (as, e.g., Mic. 6 15) the reference is to its oil-producing properties.

a See Buxtorf s Lex. s.v. for the later Hebrew termini technici for the gathering of the chief kinds of fruit.

  • For further details of present-day methods, see the references

given above to Landberg and Anderlind.

10. Palm tree.[edit]

The same remark holds good of the fruit of the palm tree. Judaea, according to the testimony of classical writers (Horace, Pliny, Tacitus), was famous in the ancient world for its palm trees and its dates, yet, if we were to argue from the silence of the Bible, we should have to maintain that dates were never seen on a Jewish table. The word does not occur in EV, except once in the margin of AV as a mistaken alternative for honey (2Ch. 31s). (S BA also in one passage (2 S. 16 1/ ) gives <f>oit>iKfs, dates, as the rendering of j"p, kayis, usually rendered summer fruit generally. Joel, however, ranks the palm with the vine and the fig among the fruit-trees of the land (1 ta). 1 In this, as in similar cases, the later testimony of the Mishna must be admitted as throwing light on the habits and tastes of preceding centuries, although the abundance of other fruit prevented the date from assuming the same unique place in the dietary of the Hebrews as it had in that of the ancient Egyptians (Wilk. op. cit. 1398/1 ), and still has in that of the Bedouin of modern Arabia, who live for weeks at a time on dates and milk.

Still it is significant that in one passage of the Mishna three varieties of dates are mentioned as forbidden to be sold to the heathen, one of them the famous Nicolaus date, so named by Augustus after the friend of Herod, Nicolaus of Damascus, who, on the occasion of a visit to Rome, had presented the emperor with dates of this choice species (cp Pliny, /fWlSg). Pliny also connects with Palestine two other varieties, the Caryotce and the Chydceoi (ibid.).

Dates (inn, men ; also Vpi, from which it has been proposed. to derive date through Sd/cTuXoj), like figs, were eaten either in their fresh state, 2 or dried in clusters ( Tib. Yam 36), or pressed in the form of cakes. To secure the fruit it is necessary to climb the tree and let down the clusters by a rope (see the description of the date-gathering at Teima in Doughty, Ar. Des. 1S57/-; cp Plin. 187). The dates were dried on the housetop, or on some other exposed flat surface such as the threshing-floor (Fleischer in Levy, op. cit. i. 437 ), the better sorts being used for dessert (cp Xen. Anab. ii. 815). According to Doughty, dates eaten alone as a meal are overheating and inwardly fretting (op. cit. 1 148). Pressed date-cakes of great antiquity have been found in Egypt (see illustration, Wilk. 243), and they are still the most convenient form for export and for travellers. It has even been suggested that pp_ should be rendered date-cakes in 2 S. 16 1/ (Nowack, HA 1113)

The oriental practice of eating the sweet, juicy crown or 'cabbage' of the growing palm (TOI> eyiee<ha\ov rov ^otViKOs) is known to us from Xenophon (Anab. ii. 3 16), who was also aware that it meant the destruction of the tree. It was also known to the later Jews (Mishna, Ufa. 87), whose rabbis were much exercised as to whether the cabbage (kdr, kara, lip, NTlp) should be classed as fruit or as vegetable (Low, \\ftf. ). On the much-esteemed date-syrup see HONEY, i (3). Dates were also one of the principal fruits from which wine and vinegar were prepared (see WINE).

11. Pomegranate.[edit]

The pomegranate (pan, p6a ; for description of fruit see POMEGRANATE) remains to complete the choicest productions of Canaan (Dt. 88). The tree is represented in the tombs of Egypt (illustration therefrom, Wilkinson, op. cit. 1376), and the Hebrews are said to have there enjoyed its fruit (Nu. 20s). The pomegranate might be eaten in its natural state (cp Cant. 43 : thy temples are like a piece [n^>9, perhaps slice ; but see Wetz- stein in Del. Comm. in loc.\ of a pomegranate ), or it might be first cut up and dried in the sun (Ma a ser. 16 ; see -ns in Levy and the Tosephta quoted in Suren- husius in loc. ; another interpretation [Maimonides] explains the word as the seeds of the pomegranate ; so also Low, 363). The somewhat acid juice of the pome granate mixed with water is a favourite cooling drink in the East. A species of sweet wine (o p^, vdfj.a pouv [BXA]) also was prepared from this fruit (Cant. 8-2) ; Pliny calls it rhoites (HN\^ig).

1 In Cant. 7 8 [7], rn ?3B N evidently means clusters of dates (note the parallelism). RV, however, clusters of grapes (cp Siegfried, ad loc.).

2 For the special Hebrew names for the various kinds of dates (e.g., 3D n, the fresh ripe date, n3rH3, the dried date), see L5w, op. cit. 122-4.


12. Apple, quince, pear, apricot, citron, etc.[edit]

With the pomegranate is associated, in Joel's list of fruit-trees (1 12), the much-debated tapptiah (msn), which is not improbably used somewhat loosely in the OT to include the apple, quince, pomegranate, etc. (but cp APPLE). 1 As a fruit the tappuah is spoken of as sweet to the taste (Cant. 2 3), as of a pleasant smell and as a favourite restorative (2s, comfort me with apples ). It was one of the commonest fruits in NT times (see Mishna passim). Besides its ordinary table use, the juice was used to mix and leaven dough ( Terum. 102). Cider or apple-wine (msn j") was a favourite drink (AW. 69 THrum. \\zf. ). The quince (Cydonia vulgar is), which many authorities since Celsius have identified with the tappuah of the Bible, was named B>ns by the later Jews. It can scarcely have been eaten raw, like the apple, but only when made into a preserve. That it was so treated we know from an attempted etymology of the word in Talm. Jer. (see Levy, s. v. , and Low, 144). The name -^pvybfj-r/Kov f r tne quince (see Pliny, 15 10) suggests the golden apples of the Hesperides (quinces according to Hehn), and the apples of gold in baskets of silver 1 of Prov. 25 n (RV). 2 In several Talmudic lists of fruit trees, the quince follows the pear (Pirus communis, DJN), many varieties of which were known to the ancients, and are still grown in the orchards of Syria (Post, Mora, 309). This fact notwithstanding, the Greek translators were mistaken in identifying the baca tree (^33 : see MULBERRY TREE) with the pear tree (#;rios, i Ch. 14 14 [<JI B A ]), a mistake repeated in Vg. both in this passage and in 2 S. 5 23 f. (so also Aq. in v. 23 ; but Aq. Symm. in v. 24 (ppovpycris). Pliny has much to say of the methods in vogue in his day for preserving apples and pears ; both of these were sometimes boiled with wine and water to make a pre serve to be eaten with bread (pulmentarii vicem), a preparation never made of any other fruit with the exception of quinces (NH15ij; cp Cibaria in Dar. and Saglio, op. cit. ). 3

The introduction of the citron (Citrus medico, cedra, jinx), as of various other Eastern fruits, was one of the many results of Alexander s conquest of the East (see Hehn and Candolle, opp. citt. ).

Our earliest witnesses to its cultivation among the Jews are perhaps the copper coins usually assigned to Simon the Maccabee (circa 138 B.C.), on which an ethrog (citron) figures either alone or with other accompaniments of the solemn pro cession at the feast of Tabernacles (see TABERNACLES). In view of the uncertainty as to the real date of these coins, all the more importance attaches to the incident related by Josephus from the reign of Alexander Jannaeus (104-78 B.C.). His angry subjects are said to have pelted him with their citrons ((cir/aiois, Ant. xiii. 185). The fruit is too sour ever to have been in request, except as a preserve. At the present day the pulp is never eaten in any shape (Post). From the Mishna {Me il. 64) we learn that a citron or a pomegranate might be bought for a perutah (the NT Ae7TToi>), an infinitesimal coin of which prob ably twenty to twenty-four were the equivalent of an English penny.

Many fruits of less importance were no doubt as popular as at the present day, such as the fruit of the Christ-thorn (Xizyphus spina-Christi), which is eaten fresh or dried, with sour milk (Tristram), the service tree (Sorbus domestica), medlar {Mespilus germanica), hawthorn (Crattegus) for references to which in later literature see Low, op. cit. not omitting the humble bramble 1 (Rubus). The nutritious properties of the bramble berries (nJDH 33J7, Toseft. Ter. 114, the popa airb TOV /Sdrou of Hippocrates; cp Lk. 644) are not overlooked by the encyclopaedic Pliny, ffN 2^T$).

1 Cp the use of jutrjAoc in Greek. It is still disputed, however, whether /j.rj\ov had first this general and then the special appli cation (apple) so Hehn or vice versa, as Hehn s latest editor suggests {Kulturpflanzen 1 ^), 594 f.). For the same compre hensive use of malum see Pliny, 15 n.

2 Cheyne thinks the passage corrupt, but believes that the true reading can be recovered (JBL 1899, pt. ii. ; cp BASKETS). Assuming the phrase apples of gold i.e., apples bright as gold to be correct, we must, at any rate, reject the claims of the orange to be the fruit referred to, since the orange did not reach Syria from India by way of Arabia till the middle ages. See especially Hehn, op. cit., with the evidence of Mas udi, 430./ ; De Cand. Orig. 184 ; Wildeboer (in HK, 1897) has over looked this.

3 The apricot (Prunus Armeniaca) was unknown in Syria in Bible times, though to-day it enjoys the highest popularity in the East (see Wetzstein, ZDMG\\ 517 f., and, especially for modern preparations of the fruit, Anderlind, ZDPV\\ ^^_ff.). Few fruits, it is true, are so highly esteemed in the East to-day as the delicious mishmush; but the fact remains that the apricot was unknown even to the Jews of the second century A.D. Of its congeners, the peach (Prunus persica, pD19; but cp Schiir. Hist. 843) was known to the authorities of the Mishna (Kil. 1 4 Ma aser. 1 2), the famous Syrian plum (Prunus domestica, NVpDDTl, Saju.acrioji a, whence our damson ), on the other hand, only to those of the Gemara (Low, no. 105).

13. Nuts and almonds.[edit]

A very early list of the choice fruits of the land of Canaan closes with nuts and almonds (Gen. 43 n [J] ^^ D "? has re P*P lve v Te />l fuvOov Ka.1 K<ipva [AD,FL] probably berries of the Pistacia Terebinthus [so Hehn] and walnuts ). The botnim of the original are now generally identified, since Bochart, with the nuts of the Pistacia vera, which are still, both fresh and roasted, a delicacy among all ranks in the East (cp Wetz. ZDMG 11520). The garden of nuts (liix) on the other hand, of which we read in Canticles (611), produced not pis tachio nuts but walnuts.

These it was forbidden to crack (i jfS) with a hammer on the sabbath (Shabb. 17 2) ; nor was a merchant allowed to give such delicacies as parched corn and nuts to children because he might accustom them to come to him (Bata Mes. 4 12). Acorns and walnut shells were children s playthings (Kft. IT 15). It has already been mentioned that certain Jewish prisoners at Rome lived on figs and walnuts ((capvots) to avoid pollution from eating heathen food (Jos. Vit. 3). An excellent oil was (Shabb. 2 2), and still is, manufactured from the green nuts.

Of the almond we may say that the OT references (Gen. 43n Jer.ln Nu. 178 [23] Eccles. 12s) form suc cessive links in a chronological chain of evidence for the familiarity of the Hebrews with this favourite fruit till we reach the writings of the Mishna.

Here we find two varieties distinguished, the bitter almonds and the sweet (Ma aser. 1 4). Classical writers recommend that the sweet should be roasted, while bitter almonds in the whole of antiquity were supposed to prevent drunkenness if eaten before drinking ( Cibaria, op. cit. 1155^). The modern Syrians use almonds extensively, not only as a dessert fruit but also in the preparation of a great variety of toothsome confections (see Landberg, Prov. et Diet. etc. 123-126, for a list of modern con fections into most of which almonds and nuts enter).

14. The Carob.[edit]

The Carob or locust tree is said to be indigenous in Palestine, and yet we have in the Bible but a single K incidental mention of its fruit (Lk. 15 16; see, however, HUSKS). The carob tree, however, is frequently named in the Mishna. As food trees to which the law of the corner (HNS, peak ; see Lev. IQg f. ) applies we find enumerated the Og-tree (:in, see below), carob trees, walnut trees, almond trees, vines, pomegranates, olives, and palms (Peak \$ f.). The carob tree was also among the trees whose fruit had to be tithed (Maa ser. Is), and was accepted and presumably eaten by the priests as part of the heave- offering (Ttrum. 114). Although we further hear of the pods being preserved in wine (Steit .Tj), which points to their fairly general use as an article of diet, their great abundance and consequent cheapness made them a special food of the poor. It is only those of the cultivated species that are edible by man.

The Og-tree above mentioned is the sumach (Rhus coraria), still common in Syria, not, as some have thought, the cornel, whose habitat is too far to the N. (cp Post, Flora, 377 / ). The red (Maa ser. 1 2 ) berries of the sumach are said to make an excellent acid drink. By the Jews they were probably used chiefly as a condiment (cp poOs 6 iirl rk 6\f/a, Dioscor. 1147) like the berries of the myrtle (cirr rma). These, we learn from Pliny (15 35), were largely employed as a season ing before the introduction of pepper (cp FOOD, 7). Myrtle berries are still a favourite delicacy of Syrian ladies (Wetz. ZDMG 11480524). A similar purpose was served by the CAPER BERRY (rm 3R, Eccles. 12s RV), the young berries of which are still used as a condiment in Syria. On the duddlm see MANDRAKES.

A. R. s. K.

1 The rubus in later Hebrew is rup (cp BUSH, i [i]) ; the 1DN (EV bramble, RVmg;. thorn ) of Jotham s fable is the Rhamnus or buckthorn (cp BRAMBLE, i). A singular ignorance of the history of plants is betrayed by Gratz in his attempt (MG J^y 21390) to identify the atad with the Opuntia ficus indica, the Indian fig or prickly pear (which now forms so conspicuous a feature of an Eastern landscape), whose figs hold a place almost second to none in the summer dietary of the Syrian peasant." This species of cactus is a comparatively recent importation from America.

FRYING PAN[edit]

(nBTHD) Lev. 2 7. See COOKING UTENSILS, 7.

FUEL[edit]

([B>K] r6b^D, Is. 9519; n!??K, Ezek. 15 4 6 21 32 [37])- See COAL, 2.

FULLER[edit]

(D33P, lit. treader 1 [nAyNCON, BKAQF] Mai. 82; rN&4>eyc M k-9s). In the preparation of woven woollen materials there are two processes, both of which are now termed fulling (from the Low Lat. fullare) ; probably at one time a common operation sufficed for both. The primary sense is to cleanse or bleach, and this is undoubtedly the sense in Mk. 93. The secondary is to mill or felt the wool together in such a way as to minimise shrinkage in the finished article. This is done by heating or stamping the woven fabric in hot water. Cp LYE, NITRE, SOAP.

The Fuller s field (0513 rntr, dypbs r. yvafous [BAL], ager fullonis) is mentioned only in defining the locality of the conduit of the upper pool. Its exact position is obscure. Stade (G VI 1 592 /. ) suggests that it lay to the SE. of Jerusalem. From Is. 862 ( =2 K. 1817) it would appear to have been situated on the road to Lachish, whereas in Is. 7s a N. or NW. position is looked for. At all events it must have been near the w,all (36n); see JERUSALEM. The fuller s monu ment (rb TOV yvafaus /j.vTJfj.a) with which it has been associated, lay near the NE. corner of the third wall (Jos. BJ v. 42).

It is perhaps an objection to the usual rendering of the name that elsewhere the Piel form of ODD is regularly met with, the Kal particip. D33 finding its only analogy in the Punic D3.3 a washerman). For another supposed resort of fullers, see EN-ROGEL. A. E. S.-S. A. C.

1 Fuller comes ultimately from ~L,z.\..fullo. The true Eng. term is walker (ilso in Germ.), for which cp Wyclif, Mk. 9 3 : a fullere or walkere of cloth.

2 For the Egyptian potter s furnace see illustration in Wilk. Anc. Eg. 2io8.

FURLONG[edit]

(CT&A ION), Mt. 1424, etc. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

FURNACE[edit]

Of the words enumerated below, nos. 1-4 are names for smelting furnaces, though no. 3, if a genuine word, rather means crucible. All except no. 3 are rendering by /cd/atj os, which is also used in Ecclus. 8828 Rev. lis of the smelting furnace, and in Ecclus. 27s and 8830 of that of the potter. 2 "K6.fj.Lvos furnace in Mt. 1842 50 is a symbolic term for Gehenna, which was imagined as a fiery furnace, on the ground that, according to Is. 31 9, God had a furnace in Jerusalem ( Erubtn 19 a), cp TOPHET ; ESCHATOLOGY, 70, 3[v]. In Dan. 3 a fiery furnace is mentioned as used for the punishment of great offenders, and roasting in the fire is the anticipated punishment of two Jews in the Babylonian period (Jer. 2921-23). That this was a Babylonian practice is undeniable (see, e.g. , Smith, Hist, of Assurbanipal, 163 ; cp AHAB, 2). It has also been reported as found in Persia down to the seventeenth century (Chardin).

1. Hebrew terms.[edit]

1. ]2?33, kibfan, ^/2*53, to subdue; (cajouvos [xa/Liicaia] fornax ; Gen. 19 28 Ex. 98 10 19 i8t. See METALLURGY, and cp POTTERY ; NIBSHAN. Allusions to the smelting furnace or brick-kiln (KO/X 11/05) are found also in Ecclus. 2 5 22 24 27 5 31 26 38 28 30 43 4 ; see also Wisd. 36 (xuiwnjpioi ).

2. "W3, kitr, derivation uncertain ; Kajuucot , fornax ; Dt. 4 20

1 K8si [here xiavevrripiov], Prov. 173 27 21 [here Trvpaxris], Is. 48 10 ( the furnace of affliction [ 3V] ; text doubtful), Jer. 11 4 Ezek. 22 18 ( om.) 20 22 ; also Ecclus. 43 4 (Heb. difficult), -$3 is also to be read, perhaps, in Is.l 25 (133 for 133: Lowth, etc.)

3. ^y, alii; SOKC/JLIOV ; Tg. ton ; Ps. 12 7 [e]. The older critics think that ^y may possibly mean crucible ; (5 gives SoxifjuLov in Prov. 27 2 1 for ^pSD. The phrase, however, in

which ^ ^j; occurs is plainly corrupt. It becomes in Che. Ps.P), in the toils of the wicked ; if this is so, the phrase must have got in from the margin, where it was placed by a corrector, with reference to v. 6 [7]. See SILVER.

4. pRK, attfm, probably an ancient loan-word ; Ass. atunu, utunu (see Del. Ass. HWB 158 b\ Muss-Arn. 131 / ) ; cp Syr. Ar. Ethiop. ; KOJU.I vos, fornax ; Dan. 36 n 15 17 19-21 23 26f. See METALLURGY.

5. -W3JJI, tanniir, Ass. tinuru (Del. Ass. HWB 711 b); K\ifiavo<;, clibanus , rendered furnace in Gen. 1617 and Is. Slg; also in the expression tower of the furnaces in Neh. 3 1 1 12 38 [vaOovpei/j. (BN), 6a.vvovpfi.fi. (AL), devvovpip (K c a ) davov- peijii (L in 12 38)].

2. The tannur.[edit]

The last term (tannur) is much more frequently rendered oven. Tannur is in fact the special term for a baking-oven. In Mal. 4l [3 9] Ps. 21 9 [10] RV has sought to give dignity to the figure by changing oven into furnace. This is done quite needlessly, even in Ps. 21 9 [10], where one is glad to hope that the emended text which makes thorns of the wilderness the objects burned in the tannur, not human beings, may be right. 1 In Is. 31 9 EV s rendering furnace, though more dignified, is less accu rate than oven. The passage is probably not Isaiah s work (see Che. Intr. Is. 204), and is based on Geu. 15 17, where the divine appearance is likened to a smok ing oven and a flaming torch. The oven intended is the ordinary baker s oven, for a description of which see BREAD, 2 (c). Such ovens have been found at Tell el-Hesy, with sides baked hard, showing use (Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities, ii4/. ). Modern Syrians still use the same primitive kind of oven.

From the phrase the tower of furnaces (Neh. 3n 12 38) it has been supposed that a number of public furnaces stood to gether near one of the towers of Jerusalem. It is possible, however (<j or 13 are often confounded with n), that D Tunn j UD is a very early corruption of OHDB D, tower of the palm trees (Che.); even now several fine and ancient [palm-] trees still wave among the buildings of Jerusalem within the walls (Tris tram, NHB 383). Cp also Neh. 8 15 Jn. 12 13.

1 Thou wilt make them as [thorns of the wilderness. In] a heated oven at the time of their punishment. (Che. Ps.W).

FURNITURE, CAMEL'S[edit]

("?3iT-|3), Gen. 31 34 . See CAMEL, 2.

GAAL[edit]

(7&|, dung-beetle ? 68; cp Ar. jual [Wellh.] ; r-AX.&A.X. [BA ; A has also pA&A constantly, and once in v ~ 36 r*A] ; r^&A [L] ; Jos. rY<\AHC, and other forms), an early demagogue with a striking story (Judg. 926-41).

1. Nationality.[edit]

To understand the role he played we must seek to determine the vexed question whether he was an Israelite or a Canaanite. Those who adopt the view that he was an Israelite appeal (i) to the name of his father (Judg. 826), (2) to the speech assigned to him in Judg. 9 2 8 (7aa5[BAJ).

1. It is true, Goal is described in MT as son of Ebed ; but in B he appears as vibs Io>r,A, and Kuenen (flnd. 1 19 n. 5), Stade (<7F/lia 4 ), Budde (Ri. 117), Kittel (Gesch. 2 77 ),1 and W. R. Smith (Th.T 1886, p. 197) identify this Jobel with Jobaal (Syav), a possible Israelitish name meaning Yahwe is Baal. According to these scholars Jobaal is the correct name of Gaal s father, which was altered contemptuously into Ebed (slave) out of repugnance to the divine name Baal (cp Ishbosheth for Ishbaal). This theory, however, though widely accepted of late, is certainly erroneous ; 2 Io>0T)A, as Moore has abundantly proved, is simply -QIJ; (Obed), a synonym of -QJ; (Ebed), and Obed or Ebed is a shortened theophorous name i.e. , the second and omitted part of the name which began with Obed or Ebed was that of a god.

2. As to Judg. 9 28, it is no doubt a difficult passage, but so much is clear that Robertson Smith s view of it as a Hebrew declaration of revolt against the king of Shechem (9 6), who for three years has by the aid of his mercenaries tyrannised over Israel (922), is opposed to the context. Unless (with this scholar) we transfer v. 2%f. elsewhere (viz. to a place after v. 22), it is undeniable that Gaal identifies himself with the Shechemites, and appeals to their pride of race against the half-Israelite king Abimelech, who maintains himself on the throne (as appears from 9 55) by Israelitish warriors. A demagogue who talks thus cannot possibly be an Israelite.

2. Story.[edit]

It is almost equally important to recognise that the account of the doings of Gaal in vv. 26-29 stands in no connection with vv - 22 ( 2 3)- 2 5- It is not the organised brigandage set on foot by the Shechemites that tempts Gaal (as We. represents) to place himself and his kinsmen at the service of the Shechemites. The sequel of vv. 22 (23)-25 is to be sought in vv. 42-45, whilst in vv. 26-41 we have an in dependent, parallel account of the hostilities between Abimelech and the Shechemites which issued in the victory of the former. It is a writer symbolized by J who has preserved the tradition of Gaal s short-lived greatness ; the other account may be assigned to E (Moore, Bu. ). The occasion which the newly-arrived Gaal seized to make his fortune was the annual vintage- festival (v. zja), or, as another report says, a solemn sacrificial meal 3 in the house of their god (see BAAL- BERITH). The temper of the people was already hostile to Abimelech. After cleverly stirring up race-pre judices 4 he came boldly to the point and proposed himself as the leader of a Shechemite revolt (928/). This part of the narrative is an admirable specimen of the traditional Hebrew folk-stories. The festival scene has been justly praised by Robertson Smith (I.e.); but the scene between Gaal and Zebul (vv. 36-38) is hardly less striking. For the issue of Gaal s attempt, see ABIMELECH, 2. T. K. c.

1 Note, however, the qualification in ET (Hist. 1 86).

2 Wellhausen, who arguedfor it in 1871 (TBSp. xiii.), has now abandoned it (f/GW 26 [ 94]). Hothenberg(7Y,Z, 1891, p. 371), Moore, and Budde (commentary differs from Ri.-Sa. 117) adopt the form Obed, which is found in some MSS (30, 56 ; cp 63 \o-]taflr)S), and (see above) is probably s true reading. A and other MSS, quoted fully by Moore, give a/35. For the prefixed i in io>|3>,A, cp i Ch. 2 12 37 f. 267, 2 Ch. 23 i, where B has 0)01,5, A t(0 |37,S.

3 Namely, that in which Gaal was admitted to full religious rights as a Shechemite (Budde, Ri. 75).

4 See ABIMELECH, 2 ; but cp We. CH ft) 353, n. 2 ; 7/GW 27.

GAASH, THE HILL OF[edit]

(BfypPI), in the hill-country of Ephraim, had TIMNATH-HERES (q.v. ), the burial-place of Joshua, on its northern slope or at its northern base ; Josh. 24 30 ( T oy Opoyc [roy] fAAAAA. [BL], T. O. [-AAC [A]), Judg. 2 9 ( T . o. I-AAC [BAL]). The brooks [or wadies ] of Gaash are also alluded to in 2 S. 2830 (euro xet/xa/tyxtw yaS [B], e* paaXeaj [A], o e vexapcu TaXofa/Jnyj], L), and i Ch. 11.32 (e*r j-axaXei yaas [B], f K vaxa\rj y. [A], airo vaxaXt y. [L] ; see HURAI), and may perhaps be found to furnish a clue for deciding between the claims of Tibneh and Harts respectively to represent Timnath-heres.

GABA[edit]

(inS), Josh. 1824, Ezra 2 26, Neh. 7 30 AV, RV GEBA.

GABAEL[edit]

([-ABAHAtoc] [BNA], also rAM . [A] ;i.e., perhaps 7N&QJ), God haschosen out (see NAMES, 27).

1. The great-great-grandfather of Tobit (Tob. 1 1).

2. (ra0<n,A(o [BNA], -/STjAw [N*, 1 14], ya/aa. [A, 4 20]) brother of Gabrias, the Jew of Rages to whom Tobit lent his money (Tob. 1 14 4 20).

GABATHA[edit]

(pABAGA [BNALJS]), Esth. 12 1. See BIGTHAN.

GABBAI, SALLAI[edit]

(^D ^), the name (in spite of the comma after Gabbai) of a Benjamite clan among the inhabit ants of Jerusalem (see EZRA ii., 5 [6] 15 [i] a), Neh. 11 8 (yij/ST, CTTjAei [B], yr)/3eei 5. [A], yjj/Seis i)Aei [^ ; ? y>j/3ei <rr,Aei, so HR Cone.], te/Soue <n)Ai [L]). In i Ch. 98 the corresponding name is IBNEIAH (m;r), no doubt the more authentic reading of Gabbai. It is conjectured that SALI.AI came into the text from the margin, where SALLU (v. 7) had been written to explain the word rinNI ( and after him ).

GABBATHA[edit]

(fABBAGA [Ti. WH], the Hebrew equivalent of AlGocpCOTOC in Jn. 19 13) is the Greek transcription of the Aram. NO?;! (emph. st. of N23 height, back, ridge ; cp Kautzsch, Aram. Gram. 8 n. 2, lo). 1

A similar Heb. word n|3 is doubtless to be read instead of the difficult nail height in Ezek. 41 8 (so Davidson, Kautzsch, Bertholet ; cp RV basement ), see PAVEMENT.

GABBE[edit]

(f-ABBHC [A]), i Esd. 620 RV, AV Gabdes = Ezra 226 GEBA.

GABRIAS[edit]

(rAB P [e]iA[BA] r &Bpei [N] i.*., nnjj 1 man of Yahwe ), brother of Gabael [2], Tob. 1 14 4 20.

GABRIEL[edit]

(7gn?| * . man of God, r-<\BpiHA[87 and BAQF Theod. ; Ti. WH]) is the name of the angel who was sent to Daniel to explain the vision of the ram and the he-goat, and to communicate the prediction of the Seventy Weeks (Dan. 816 92i). He was also employed to announce the birth of John the Baptist to Zechariah, and that of the Messiah to the Virgin Mary (Lk. 1 19 26). Both Jewish and Christian writers gener ally speak of him as an archangel a habit which is readily accounted for when Lk. 1 19 is compared with Rev. 82, and also with Tobit 12 15. In Enoch (see Charles, Enoch, notes on chap. 40) he is spoken of as one of the archangels ; his task is that of intercession, and he is set over all the powers.

His name frequently occurs in the Jewish literature of the later post-biblical period. Thus, according to Targ. Ps.-Jon., the man who showed the way to Joseph (Gen. 37 15) was no other than Gabriel in human form ; and in Dt. 346 it is affirmed that he, along with Michael, Uriel, Jophiel, Jephephiah, and the Metatron, buried the body of Moses. In the Targum on 2 Ch. 322i he is named as the angel who destroyed the host of Sennacherib ; and in similar writings of a still later period he is spoken of as the spirit who presides over fire, thunder, the ripening of the fruits of the earth, and similar processes. See ANGEL, 4, n. w . R. S.

1 According to Bar-Hebraeus yaftSafla is from (the Syr. c3 being equivalent to the Gk. ft). See Duval Syr. Gram. 22, n. 3, 30.

GAD[edit]

  • Character (10).
  • Settlement stories (11).
  • Towns and boundaries (12).
  • Genealogies (13).
  • Name and race (1-3).
  • Non-biblical data (4).
  • Land (5-6).
  • Struggles ( 7-9).

1. Name.[edit]

Gad H3, [-A.A) 1 was a name borne by inhabitants of eastern Palestine. In i S. 13?, indeed, we read of the land of Gad (-\\ px) ; but neither this nor the phrase men of Gad in the inscription of Mesha (line 10) need imply that Gad is a geographical name like Ephraim.

Land of Gad, if the text is sound, 2 is most naturally explained on the analogy of land of Naphtali (i K. 15 20), the land of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali (Is. 9 i [8 23]),* and the recurrent land of Israel (2 K. 5 2, etc.), just as land of Ataroth in the inscription of Mesha (I.e.), doubtless means the land controlled by Afaroth, which the king of Israel had [rejbuilt for himself.

Similarly the phrase men of Gad (-|j erx ; see below), although it might no doubt be interpreted on the analogy of men of [the town] RN, and men of [the town] MHRTh (lines i^/.), and of men of Jabesh (i S. 11 9), may be explained just as well otherwise.

We might compare people of 'Chemosh' (jj ico Oy) an 4 his sons (Nu. 21 29 II Jer. 48 46) and suppose that Moab was, in the 9th century, still conscious that Gad was abbreviated from some such phrase as 'sons of Gad' 4 (cp ISSACHAR, g 3, 6, and see below). It is more probable, however, that we should follow the analogy of the frequent OT expression men of Israel >6 (i S. 136 etc.).

Gad is therefore, probably, a people, not a district. The name of the district may have been Gilead, with which Gad is sometimes confused (see next paragraph, and col. 1580 note 4, and cp GILEAD).

The only question is whether Gad does not represent an original Gilead (cp v. 6a).

Popular etymology as usual supplied the name Gad with several explanations. According to one version, it contained a reference to bands of freebooters : in the blessing of Jacob, as we have it (Gen. 49 19),

Gad - raiders [g'dud] raid [yegudennu] him
But he raids [yagud] their rear, 6

the people might think of the bands of Jephthah. According to another version the accession of Gad to the ranks of the Leah tribes was a piece of good fortune (Gen. 30 n, J).

So RV rightly, following (B ADE 7 (i v TI/XJ))- Holzinger wisely rejects Ball s theory that we should render by the help of [the god] Gad ; although the tribal name is no doubt in fact de pendent on the divine name (see below) : it was, probably, the possibility of this reading that led MT, Targum Onkelos, Aq. (^A0ei> rj i<ri), Symm. (^. TaS) and Peshitta to read N3 there has come, 8 for 3 with.

The fact is, Gad bears the same relation to Gaddiel (Nu. 13io) that Dan does to Daniel. Alongside of Gaddiel, we find the abbreviated form Gaddi (as a Manassite, in the same list of spies ; v. u), and, strange to say, the still more abbreviated form Gad (next art.). 9 The gentilic would naturally be ^3, Gaddite. The Massoretic form HJ, EV Gadite, is doubtless a late euphemistic device (cp above). (51 has preserved the correct form (-ya55[e]t [BXAF] ; but ya.8 Deut. 3 15 [B*AF], i Ch. 5 18 [B], 12 8 [A]).

1 For the gentilic see below ( i).

2 Gad and Gilead may be merely variants, the original having been simply the land of Gilead.

3 On land of Benjamin see BENJAMIN, i.

4 13 J3 ! thirteen times in Nu., fifteen times in Josh. ; also iCh.5n 12 14.

5 Compare the parallel phrase men of Judah in 2 S. 19 17 and other early passages (also in the post -exilic insertion i S. 11 it). See Moore on Judg. 7 14.

6 C. J. Ball, PSBA 17 171 ( 95).

7 L probably differs only apparently : evrux^Ka. K<U is doubt less a miswritten iv TU\-Q (tot, not a rendering (as Holzinger thinks) of 133-

8 Ber. rabb. sect. 71 explains : fn rirO TU 1 ? Tn^i? D K3 niDlN h&, which, it says, refers to Elijah.

9 Manasseh is the only other tribe-name said to have been borne by an individual in pre-exilic times.


Other readings in <B are: yaS [L ; except 2 K. 1614, i Ch. 5 26, yaSSi ; and 2 S. 23 36, ayrjpei], yoAaoiSei [B. 2 S. 23 36 ; A, 2 K. 1033], yt&&iL [B, i Ch. 128, yaAA [Avid. 2 K. 15 17], yaSSnv [N i Ch. 12 37], A, 2 K. 15 4]. Peshifta has f^ like (Si., or (twice) 1 t^k-*-*-

In the inscription of Mesha (/. 10) the expression used is -]j tj N, 'men of Gad' (see above).

The evidence, lacking in the case of DAN 2 [q. v. i], that the tribe-name was a divine title is conclusive (see FORTUNE). In Gilead, indeed, beyond the tribe- name the worship of the god Gad seems to have left no- trace ; but he was honoured in the farthest N. (BAAL- GAD) and in the S. (MiGDAL-GAD) of West Palestine (see also AZGAD), and, at a later date, in the central highlands (cp FORTUNE).

2. Connected with Aram?[edit]

As Gad is known to us best as an Aramaean deity (cp Baethgen, Beitr. 76^.; but see also We. Ar. Heid.W, 146 and PHOENICIA), it is natural to inquire whether there is anything to suggest that the Gadites were Aramaean.

The name of a prominent figure in the East Palestinian episode in the reign of David suggests that its bearer was Aramaean (see BARZiLLAi), 3 and later there were others in Gilead who bore the same name ; Gaddiel, also, occurs as an Ar.-Ass. name (*?N-n) ; and, as we shall see ( 9), East Jordan came more and more under Aramaean influence. Did the imperious Aramaean, then, impose his deity on the people of Gilead ! It is a fact that our earliest reference to East Palestine has nothing to say of Gad : it was Gilead * that abode beyond Jordan (Judg. 5 17), and the same peculiarity is to be noticed in the story (or stories) of Jephthah. Further, the genealogical system followed by J and E made Gad a son of Zilpah, which has been supposed to be Aramaean (see, however, ZILPAH).

That Gad was of a stock somewhat different from Joseph is likely enough ; this seems to be true of its brother tribe in the highlands of Galilee (see ASHER 1- 1).

Whatever may have been the affinities of Asher, however, it can hardly have been Aramaean. The linking together of the two tribes may have to be explained otherwise. Asher and Gad are deities of Good Fortune. It may be that the grouping of the tribes under a common name is a memorial of the worship of those related deities (see ZILHAH). The tribal name Manasseh is perhaps a parallel to this ; Siegfried has ingeniously explained Manasseh as a memorial of the worship of Meni (Is. 65 n), a deity akin to Gad (see MANASSEH). If the Song of Deborah as we have it has been changed (as some have argued) to suit later views about Yahwe, may the objectionable tribe-names Gad and Manasseh have been suppressed (in Judg. 5 r4 Machir apparently takes the place of Manasseh)? 5 Asher might escape the censure for some reason unknown to us. It is at least a plausible conjecture, however, that the explanation of the variety of nomenclature is to be found in the exceedingly mixed char acter of the population of Gilead.

When the Gileadites began to ask themselves whence they came, they would not unnaturally think of the Aramaean districts towards the north. The northern Aramaic, we know, was much nearer to Hebrew than it became later (cp ARAMAIC, 2, begin.). There were constant dealings with the Aramaeans ; and there was no physical barrier to be an obstacle. In fact, one of the most important features of the history of Syria in general, during the centuries that elapsed from the time when Israel began to become a nation to the time when it finally lost its independence, is the advance southwards of the Aramaeans.

Accordingly we find traditions of the kind just suggested. At the important sanctuary (and fortress) of MAHANAIM 8 it seems to have been told that the divine host, from the alighting of which the place had received its name, met the immigrating Jacobites after they had severed themselves from the Aramaeans (Gen. 32 i/:, E). Elsewhere also there were places that did honour to the immigrant Jacob (see SUCCOTH, PENUEL, and especially RAMOTH-GILEAD).

It must be remembered, however, that the relations of Israel as a political power with Aram were unfriendly (below, 9), and the Jacob-story is evidently influenced by later events. We have no more reason to expect to find a genuine tradition of the settlement of the various tribes and clans in Gilead than of settlements elsewhere. Indeed, everything in Gilead was so unstable that memory would more probably go back an excep tionally short distance.

1 i Ch. 5 26 and 12s. 2 Cp Kuenen, 7%.T5 291.

3 On his son s name see CHIMHAM.

4 Unless we should read Gad for Gilead ; cp 2 S. 23 36 [B], 2 K. 10 33 [A]. The whole clause is commonplace and not beyond suspicion (cp C. Niebuhr, Gesch. 254).

8 In the Chronicler s list of David s tribe rulers (i Ch. 27 16^) Gad and Asher are selected for omission to make way for two half-Manassehs and Levi ; so, in Ezek. 48, Gad to make room for Levi. Cp also ISSACHAR, 3.

6 Perhaps Ajlun ; but it has been suggested that there may have been more than one trans- Jordanic Mahanaim. See MAHANAIM.

3. Mixed population.[edit]

It was well known that the people living in Gilead were of diverse origin. Whether any considerable element in the population was recognised as being Amorite (see below, 11) or Rephaite 1 we cannot tell. It is clear, however, that people were distinctly conscious of a Reubenite strand (Judg. 5 is/. ). How far the Reubenites were settled in any one portion, or were represented by families here and there (so, perhaps, the writer of Nu. 32 34-38), 2 or were nomadic shepherd clans, is uncertain (see REUBEN) : naturally the conditions changed. 3

4. Egyptian evidence.[edit]

We must turn now to extra-biblical sources. Unfortunately we cannot hope for much light. The Egyptian expeditions aimed at Lebanon and the N. which did not naturaully take them into Gilead. It would seem, indeed, that as early as the time of Thotmes III. they were not unacquainted with the country N. of the Yarmuk, if no. 28 ( A-si-ti-ra-tu) in the Rtnu list is Tell Ashtera (ASHTAROTH), and no. 91 ( O-ta-ra- a) is EDREI ; 4 Flinders Petrie has even conjectured that the same list names two places farther S. , in Ajlfm, 5 where also W. M. Miiller places no. 16, Hamat. Of the inhabitants, however, this (were it certain) would tell nothing. On the other hand, three or four generations later, if letter 161 of the Amarna collection tells us nothing more than that Artamanya ruler of Zir-Basan (Zi-ri-ba-sa-ni : a trans-Jordanic place ?) professed readiness to be loyal to the Egyptian arms, another letter (KB 6145) in the same collection tells the Pharaoh of that time that one of his caravans (?) has been led by the writer to Busruna (BOZRAH ?), whose king, along with the king of Halunni, 6 is accused by the writer of letter 142 of being in league with Biridasya, a ruler who had handed over Astarti 7 (ASHTAROTH) to the SA.GAS. Habiri, there fore, if we may identify SA.GAS and Habiri, were already getting a hold in the district where a late Hebrew story told of the fate of Og, seizing his very city. Farther S. , in Gilead proper, of which we hear nothing, they may have been already present in force. 8

We should have evidence that the condition of things implied in letter 145 was still present in the time of Amenhotep IV. if we could accept the conjecture of Flinders Petrie about the letter (no. n) in which that Pharaoh is requested by a Babylonian king (Burna- burias) to make reparation for the plundering of a caravan, on the ground that the Pharaoh is suzerain. Petrie proposes to identify Hinnatuni in Kinahhi (cp HANNATHON), where the attack was made, with Ianawat (K.ENATH) in Hauran. However that may be, letter 196 (1. 32) suggests that Egyptian authority at Hinnatuni was weak.

By Seti I., however, of dyn. 19, Egyptian authority was reasserted in Palestine ; and in the time of Ram(e)ses II. it was so far effective over East Palestine that civilians could erect monuments with hieroglyphic inscriptions (the stone of Job at esh-Sheikh Sa d : the reff. are given in col. 1241, n. i). There is no evidence, however, that his son Me[r]neptah made his power felt E. of the Jordan, and Egypt disappeared below the horizon for more than two centuries (see below, 6).

1 It has been conjectured that there may at one time have been a people called Girshite settled, on both sides of Jordan (see GILEAD, 6, GIRZITES).

a The cities assigned to Reuben seem to form a group sur rounded by cities assigned to Gad (see REUBEN).

3 Perhaps the most striking example is the case of Heshbon : Amorite (Nu. 21 25), Reubenite (Nu. 8237 Josh. 13 17), Gadite (Josh. 13 2 6 [?] 21 39 = i Ch. 6ai [66]), Moabite (Is. 15 4 I6g Jer. 48 2), Ammonite (Jer. 49 3). Cp 12.

4 Flinders Petrie conjectures, further, that no. 29 ( A-no-r-po) is the modern Rafah and no. 30 (Ma-ka-ta) the modern Tell Mikdad, farther N.

5 Esh-Shuni (no. 24 : A-ma-Sa-na), and Fahil (PELLA ; no. 33 : Pa-hu-ra).

  • > A name connected conjecturally by Petrie with Golan and

the river Allan.

7 Mentioned also in 237 21. ls (at) Ya-bi-si in linezS JABESH?

8 Cp Ernst Trampe, SyrienvordemEindringenderlsraeliten, 16 [ 98].

5. Character of land.[edit]

Of the state of things just described we could not have guessed from what has survived of the East Palestinian traditions. Their confused and fragmentary character is an inevitable consequence, as we have already hinted ( 2, end), of the physical conditions of life in the uplands E. of Jordan.

No doubt it was a goodly land to live in. Writers have vied with one another in praising its well-wooded hills and valleys green with corn (cp GILEAD). Its streams, too, call forth general admiration, the Yarmuk especially, which is as large as the Jordan which it joins, and which may (see JABBOK) once have played an important part in Hebrew legend.

6. Insecurity.[edit]

There was one blessing, however, that it lacked - security. Its uplands were in direct contact with the eastern desert. From year to year, from century to century, from millennium to millennium, the desert of North Arabia has driven its waves of hungry nomads westwards as a devastating flood. So it has been, and so it must be till some strong hand intervenes to bid the flood hold back. It is probably only because the centre of observation lay W. in Ephraim that we do not hear more about the endless conflicts with nomadic tribes ; what we read in Judg. 6 ff. (incursions of Midianites) l owes its preservation to its connection with an Ephraimite tale. 2

According to MT there was a place called Kamon that boasted of containing the remains of one of the ancient heroes (JAIR ; see, however, CAMON). The Chronicler (i Ch. 5 iq) at any rate preserves the names of desert tribes that must have contributed, at one time or another, to the general unrest (see HAGAR, 2, ISHMAEL, 4 [7]).

There was not wanting, however, another source of unrest the danger of invasion by other tribes settled in the east. It is true, invasion might come even from the west. In proof of this see JEPHTHAH, 5, and note Shishak s claim to have included in the sweep of his incursion trans-Jordanic cities such as Mahanaim (no. 22 : Ma-ha-n-ma) and Penuel 3 (no. 53 : Pe-nu- a-ru) : see SHJSHAK. These, however, were isolated events. Gad usually looked to the west for fruits of peace.

What people is referred to in the stories of Jephthah and Jair is not clear (see JEPHTHAH, where it is suggested that the people lived in Hauran) ; but we know of three enemies that gave little rest.

7. From Ammon.[edit]

(i.) Whether the inroads of the Ammonites began with the time of Saul we do not know certainly. The legend about the relationship of Ammon (Moab) and Israel may be late (see LOT). The measures taken by DAVID ( 8, a) must have given Gad some relief ; but there is no evidence that the relations with Ammon established by him continued long ; and it is not clear what they were. Winckler thinks (GI 1 214) that Shobi (2 S. 1 7 27) was a king of Ammon appointed by David. Its king Ba sa, however, is men tioned by Shalmaneser II. (COT 1 127) as a vassal of Bir idri of Damascus. Indeed, he seems to have been an Aramaean from Beth-rehob (Wi. 1 214). Ammon probably remained dependent on Aram for long. Ultimately the place of Aram was taken by Assyria. Winckler therefore suggests that the attacks on Gilead, also subject to Aram, complained of by Amos (113-15) were instigated, or at least countenanced, by Assyria, just as Nebuchadrezzar may have been responsible for the raids that are said to have occurred in the reign of Jehoiakim (2 K. 242).

1 Elsewhere it is suggested that Jerubbaal was a Gadite, and the city of Succoth, which he took, the frontier-fortress towards the desert better known as Salhad (see GIDEON).

2 The literary history, and therefore the meaning, of the references to unfriendly relations with Midian in Nu. 22 25 is obscure.

3 On Jeroboam s fortification of Penuel see PENUHL.

8. Conflict with Moab.[edit]

(ii. ) We have no means of determining with certainty whether Moab or Gad arrived from the desert earlier. In later times there prevailed in Israel a belief that it was Moab ; but it has been maintained i that Moab thought it was Gad (MI /. 10 ; but see below, 8).

A priori, perhaps, the probability is in favour of Gad's being the earlier (Wi. GI\ 203^ 45 f. ) The story of Eglon, indeed, which has been thought (Wi. Gil zo+f. 48, n. i) to refer to the first arrival of Moab, nowhere mentions Gad. In its present form, however, the scene is laid W. of the Jordan. 2

Whichever of the tribes arrived first, Winckler's argument that a considerable interval must have intervened between their arrivals seems to be valid. The tribes had become too dissimilar to unite. The conflict of interests must therefore have led to struggles.

What relations prevailed in the time of Saul we cannot say definitely (i 8.1447 is not authoritative; see SAUL); but the fact that, after the disaster at Gilboa, the royal seat was in Gilead (MAHANAIM = Ajlun?), could not be indifferent to Moab. When we come down to the time of David we seem to reach an actual tradition of a subjugation of Moab (DAVID, 8), which must have relieved Gad of one source of anxiety. The subjuga tion cannot have been as thorough as that of Edom (Wi. GI 1206); but Gadites and other Israelites may at this time have settled north of the Arnon {MI 1. 10 : Q^yo)- At what times this quiet prevailed, through Israel s being able to make its suzerainty effective, we do not know. Omri and Ahab were able to maintain the upper hand, by the confession of Mesha himself. 3 On the story of a punitory expedition by Ahab s younger son see JEHORAM (i) ; Moab continued to be a thorn m the flesh to Gad. Whether Moab was ever again subject to Israel is not clear (see JEROBOAM, 2). That during the reign of the house of Jehu, Moab assumed the role played in the days of Gideon by Midian, could not be stated on the authority of 2 K. 13 20 ; it is not for such things that Amos threatens Moab (Am. 2 1-3). On the other hand, Winckler argues somewhat plausibly for an intervention on the part of Moab in the time of turmoil that preceded the fall of Samaria (GY12O8/!) See, further, MOAB.

9. With Syria.[edit]

(iii. ) On the other side were the Aramaeans. The struggle with them involved all North Israel (indeed, at times, South Israel also) and is one aspect of its history ; but the details are obscure. On the history of the relations with nearer tribes, such as Maacah, Geshur, etc., see MACHIR. The great historic struggle was with Damascus, which was in the main successful in Gilead. The writers who brought the Book of Kings into the shape in which we read it 4 knew nothing of the horrors experienced across the Jordan in the bitter struggle, and did not care to preserve a connected account of the contest. 5 Omri may have been, Baasha probably was, Ahab certainly was, a vassal of Damascus. This in no way interfered with Israel s relations towards Moab. The spirit that inspired the struggle with Benhadad was a desire to assert independence. Accordingly we need not suppose that Gilead was detached from Ephraim. Both were attached to Damascus (see OMRI, AHAB). If it was the accession of Hazael that tempted JEHORAM (q.v. , i) to revolt, he paid the penalty with his life. 6 Whether or not 2 K. 1032 warrants the statement that from the time of Jehu East Palestine belonged to Damascus (so Winckler), it is noteworthy that in Shallum, Menahem (PEKAHIAH?) and Pekah, Gilead apparently set revolu tionary kings on the throne of North Israel, Pekah receiving the active support of Rezin (because Menahem [or his son ?] remained loyal to Assyria ?). 1

1 G. H. B. Wright, Was Israel ever in Egypt* 252 ; Guthe, GVI 46.

2 On the question of the position of Seirath see SEIRATH. Winckler thinks that in one version of the story Eglon was slain somewhere on the eastern side. See further, EGLON.

3 Mesha claims to have recovered the land of Medeba {MI I. 8), Ataroth (10), Nebo (14), Jahaz (19), and Horonen (31). For the twelve towns that he rebuilt see lines gf. \^f. 21 f. zf>f. 30.

4 Israelitish writers might have had more to tell us about Gad.

5 Hence the conflicting theories as to the identification of the city which was repeatedly the object of contention (see RAMOTH- GILEAD).

6 The indignation against the Aramaean policy felt in Israel appears in Am. 1 3.

10. Character and history of people.[edit]

Inhabiting a tract of country ever exposed to the ravages of peoples of the desert ( 5), Gad could provide a refuge for fugitives from the W. (ISHBAAL, DAVID) and rear a race of daring spirits ( MENAHEM, PEKAH, SHALLUM) such as those whose warlike skill is praised in the poetical fragment preserved by the Chronicler (i Ch. 128) ; occupying a land fitted by nature for the rearing of cattle ( 4) it could offer a home for the accumulation of wealth (BARZILLAI) ; but, if the primi tive society which we may suppose to have lived on in such a retreat was able to produce a religious enthusiast and send him forth to champion the old against the innovations of an Ahab (on the question of the origin of ELIJAH see col. 1270, n. i), there is at least no evidence of its ever having made any contribution to the literature of Israel. 2 It is not so certain, however, that it may not have had a contribution to make to the development of its civilisation. The very insecurity of life may have produced a greater willingness to submit to the limita tions of monarchy than is characteristic of Ephraim (Jephthah, Saul, David; see Wi. G/lsin.). If Winckler s solution 3 of the mystery of Jabesh-Gilead should be accepted (for a different view see SAUL) the true foundation of monarchy in N. Israel, and con sequently in all Israel, was really laid east of Jordan.

Communication between the trans-Jordanic lands and the highlands of Ephraim being easy (see EPHRAIM, 3/-- JORDAN, 7),* the eastern tribes, although they took no part in the fight celebrated in Judg. 5, became closely linked with northern Israel. 9 When at last Ephraim succumbed before the advance of Assyria, Gad shared or rather anticipated its fortunes (see TIGLATH- PILESER). The change thus produced was radical (see AMMON, 5/. , MOAB, ISRAEL, 32).

Henceforth we hear of Gilead as a land where Israel used to dwell (Mic. 7 14) and whither it might return (Zech. 10 10), where later there were Jews (i Mace. 5) but not of Gad : Gad was a tradition of the past, 6 or a dream of the future (Ezek. 48 Rev. 7 5).

11. Sanctuaries and theories about settlement.[edit]

An unfortunate consequence of the failure of the Eastern Israelites to leave any literary remains is that we are almost entirely confined, for our knowledge of them and their traditions, to such hints as western writers have chosen to give. From what has been said ( 5, begin. ) it is obvious how little we can hope to learn of the actual condition of things east of Jordan from any of the contributors to the Hexateuch.

Most of the legends about the early settlements of Israel in western Palestine seem to be connected with some sanctuary or other. In the E. too there were of course sanctuaries : Penuel, Succoth, Ramah of Gilead (its very name shows its character : see RAMOTH- GILEAD), Mahanaim (probably) ; see further, SHITTIM, PISGAH, NEBO, BETH-PEOR (on Goren Ha-Atad see ABEL-MIZRAIM), ZEPHON, MIZPAH. We have perhaps contemporary testimony to such local sanctuaries in Hosea (68 12n[i2]; but the text is doubtful : see GILEAD, 2). There are seldom, how ever, the clear local traditions that we find in the W. Probably the reason is one we have referred to already : our literature was all produced in the W. If any old tradition underlies the story of the altar in Josh. 22, it has been quite obscured. It is even a question on which side of the river the altar is represented to have been. JABESH [q.v. ], which may have been a sanctuary, and must have been a place of considerable influence, is linked strangely with Benjamin (see above, 10).

1 Guthe, however, argues conversely that the Gileadite kings represented the anti-Aramaean party {GVI 188).

2 See, however, EZEKIEL i., i.

3 In the forthcoming second vol. of his GI.

4 On the strange genealogical linking of the Zilpite Gad with the Leah tribes see ZILPAH, REUBEN.

6 When David succeeded to the Benjamite kingdom, therefore, his rule extended in time across the Jordan. In the list of Solomon s prefects we read (see ) of one for the land of Gilead (see GEBER, 2), one at RAMOTH-GILEAD (f.v.), and one at Mahanaim.

6 We can understand how one of the writers called P said (Josh. 13 25) that Gad inhabited half the land of the sons of Ammon (see, however, AMMON, 3).

It would appear that the writers of the Hexateuch, who regarded the eastern population as a part of Israel just as truly as the western, were much perplexed to account for their not being in the land of Israel : l Ezek. 47 1 8 (Co. Ezechiel) seems to regard Jordan as separating the land of Israel from Gilead. Such a problem had its attractions. It is all the more necessary to be circumspect in dealing with the solutions that were offered.

Where the writers formally give a reason they agree in sug gesting that the East-Jordan tribes were (in some unexplained way) distinguished from the other tribes by being pastoral, and that they asked for, and received permission to settle in, the pre-eminently pastoral eastern plateau. We need not wonder at this inversion of cause and effect : it is inevitable in such naive philosophy of history. A question that seems to have awakened considerable interest was whether there was in this settlement beyond Jordan any blame. The answer given was that it would have been blameworthy had the tribes simply remained behind, but that as a matter of fact they crossed over with their brethren and then returned. According to one ver sion, however, they did this after censure by Moses at their own suggestion (Nu. 326 16), whereas according to another it was at the direction of Moses (Dt. 3 18-20).

A favourable view of the conduct of the eastern tribes finds hearty expression in the saying incorporated in the Blessing of Moses (Dt. 332o/.).

The text is uncertain in places. It may have read somewhat as follows : -

Blessed is he that gives room for Gad.
[Gad] has let himself down 2 [but] like a lion(ess) ;
He rends arm and crown.
He looked him out the first-fruits of the land,
For a portion [fit] for a leader was there ;
But he came [hither] at the people s head :
Yahwe's righteous acts he wrought
And his ordinances with Israel.

It might be asked : Are we to connect these stories with other hints of a movement eastwards (see MACHIR, REUBEN), and infer from them that there was a theory that the Israelites E. of the Jordan reached Gilead from the Ephraimite side ? It is not very likely ; 3 and if there was it was no doubt a pure guess. On the other hand, the degree of probability of the story that the settlement of Gad was earlier than the entrance of Joseph into W. Palestine will be estimated variously by different minds. It may be asked, Must not the tribes farthest E. be those that arrived last? 4 It is not impossible, on the other hand, that Gad came no later than Joseph, but was content, or was forced, to remain in Gilead while Joseph pressed over.

The view prevailing among the various writers who have contributed to the Hexateuch is that Gad obtained possession of its home E. of the Jordan by conquest. Every one of the peoples whom Israel knew on the E. of the Jordan is represented in some story or other as unfavourable to the settlement ; see AMMON, MOAB, MIDIAN. The most popular story, however, seems to have been that most of the territory was found in the possession of Amorites.

According to J, 5 Moses, after sending to spy out Jaazer, drove the Amorites out of its towns (Nu. 21 32) and took them and settled in all the Amorites cities : in Heshbon and all its towns (z>. 25 ; on v. 26 see below). According to E, Israel asked Sihon to allow them to traverse his territory (Nu. 21 21 /.), and when he refused defeated him at Jahaz and occupied his territory from Arnon to Jabbok (21 23-240:).

1 Compare the contrast between land of Canaan and land of Gilead in Josh. 22 9 [P] ; also 22 n (end), whatever view of the position of the altar be taken.

2 Taken, perhaps, from the saying in the Song of Deborah (Judg. 5 1 7).

3 Judg. 12 46 could not be cited in confirmation ; the text is corrupt. See SHIBBOLETH, and cp Bu. Moore, ad loc.

4 Compare Winckler, GI 1 45.

B According to Stade a late addition.

There were historical difficulties, however : the most prominent trans- Jordanic element was Moab ; moreover Israel obtained possession of lands far N. of the Heshbon district.

A later writer, therefore, explains that the district of Heshbon as far S. as the Arnon had been won for the Amorites from Moab (v. 26) ; and in later documents it is represented that the northern portion was ruled by a certain Og whose chief cities were Edrei and Ashtaroth (see OG).

That at Jahaz and about Edrei tradition told of great battles once having been fought near by is not unlikely. On the other hand, the story that the fights were with Amorites 1 has been variously estimated. 2 What we have learned of the Amurri from the Amarna letters makes it more plausible than it was (cp Wi. GI 151-54); see SIHON.

In contrast with the prevailing story that Heshbon and all the towns thereof (Nu. 21 25, J), or Jaazer and the towns thereof (v. 32, J), were taken from the Amorites by all Israel, we find the statement that [all] Gilead was taken from the Amorites by Machir 3 (Nu. 8239-41; ultimate source uncertain). On Josh. 13 25 see above, col. 1584, n. 5.

The later historiographers had lost the thread of events in the trans -Jordanic territory, and until (or unless) some further sources of information become available, all we can regard as certain is that the popula tion among which Gad and the other clans and tribes ultimately reckoned to Israel were settled, was very heterogeneous.

As has been hinted ( 8), Winckler thinks that the earliest story represented Gad and Reuben as settled in territory that had been Midianitish (cp GI 148), not Moabitish.

Some addition to our stock of local traditions would be obtained if we could regard the mention of certain places in the stories of the arrival of Israel E. of the Jordan as owing their origin to traditions actually current at those places. To do so, however, seems somewhat precarious. We cannot be sure, for example, that there was really any place that boasted of being the burial- place of Moses ; Gad may have been content to assign the figure of that hero to the twilight period preceding the arrival of their fathers in the home known to history (see MOSES). On the question of the date of the arrival of Gad, see above ( u, 8).

12. Geographical details.[edit]

To attempt to assign to Gad a definite territory is useless. The conflicting statements found in the Hexateuch and the references to the same subject in the historical books are, in their present form at least, the work of men who had no real knowledge of the early conditions E. of Jordan.

According to Nu. 32 Reuben and Gad were impressed with the desirableness of the land of JAZER and the land of Gilead (r. 2), the land which Yahwe smote before the congregation of Israel (v. 4) as a place (land) for cattle, and Gad and Reuben asked Moses and Eleazar the priest and the princes of the congregation that it should be given to them ; v. 3 identifies the land with nine towns: Ataroth, Dibon, Jazer, Nimrah, Heshbon, Elealeh, Sebam, Nebo, Beon. According to v. 33 (minus the interpolation) Moses actually gave them the kingdom of Sihon king of the Amorites and the kingdom of Og king of Bashan ; an interpolator adds that they were given to Gad, Reuben, and half Manasseh. In zn>. 34-38 we read that the nine towns asked for in v. 3 were rebuilt, the last five by REUBEN, the first four (which appear elsewhere, Is. 15 f. Jer. 48, as Moabitish) by Gad, who also built four others : AROER, ATROTH-SHOPHAN (unknown), JOGBEHAH (cp Judg. 8 iit), and BETH-HARAN (cp Josh. 1827), of which the first is Moabite elsewhere (Jer. 48 19). The first of each group is claimed by Mesha as Moabite (Daibon, MI II. i 28 ; Aroer, /. 26), and Ataroth as a conquest, whilst Josh. 13 16 f. assigns Aroer, Daibon, and Heshbon to Reuben.

1 To suppose that there was really at Ashteroth-Karnaim a local tradition of an early Elamitic invasion (Gen. 14) would be unwise (see CHEDORLAOMER).

2 Favourably by Wellhausen, Winckler and others, unfavour ably by Meyer, Stade and others.

3 [It may be asked whether the story of Machir who took Gilead and dispossessed the Amorites is not due to a misunder standing of an old tradition that Manassites possessed them selves of the strong city of Salhad, both Machir and Gilead being very possibly corruptions of Salhad. The process of corruption of names seems to have begun very early, and differ-

nt corrupt fragments of the same name were actually taken

to represent different persons not only in the genealogies of Chronicles, but even in earlier writings. The occurrence of ' Machir ' in Judg. 5 14 is a problem which requires fuller consideration.- T. K. c.]

Finally, an attempt is made in the Hexateuch to delimit the territory given by Moses to Gad.

Apparently it is made to include the whole of the E. side of the Jordan valley, and the uplands between Heshbon and RAMATH-MIZPEH reaching as far E. as the upper course of the Jabbok (Josh. 13 24-28). See further REUBEN, MANASSEH, MACHIR. According to one of the writers called P, Ramoth- Gilead, Mahanaim, Heshbon, and Jaazer were Gadite levitical cities (Josh. 21 38/1).

For a list of Moabite cities referred to in the prophetic writings, see MOAB.

13. Genealogies.[edit]

The genealogy of Gad in Gen. 46i6 = Nu. 26 15 contains seven names. 1

Zephon suggests the place-name ZAPHON [y.v.]; Haggi might be the clan from which came the mother of Adomjah (see, however, HAGGITH) : David was well received E. of the Jordan when the son of Maacah rebelled against him ; Shuni ( 3lt5 ) may be a corruption of Sharonite ( jit? ; cp i Ch. 5 16 ; MI I. 13 ; see SHARON); Ozni (Nu.) and Ezbon (Gen.) may be merely variants ; Eri (nj?) ma y be half of Aroerhe ( ijnj; ; Josh. 1325); 2 Arel may be really Uriel (cp JERUBBAAL, who was perhaps a Gadite).

The passage in which the genealogy in i Ch. 5 occurs is plainly corrupt.

Possibly Gad's genealogy really begins at v. 13 (see REUBEN) with a group of seven names (one of which is j;3t? !) 7 >- J 4 appears to say that these seven are sons of a certain Abihail, whose genealogy is then traced. Among the links we find Gilead and Michael (both, it is maintained elsewhere [ZELO- PHEHAD], corruptions of the same name Salhad), 3 Jeshishai (corrupted from Manasseh 4 ), Jahdp, Buz-Ahi (BA Ahibuz 5 ; see KEMUEL, Uz, and cp Am), Abdiel, Guni. All these dwelt in Gilead in Bashan ; and in her towns, etc. ; whether Gilead is the original word is disputed (see ZELOPHEHAD).

Not many personal names are definitely assigned to Gad.

The list of eleven attached by the Chronicler to the poetical fragment referred to above ( 10) does not seem to be of value. In P s list of spies we have Geuel, son of Machi. The omis sion of a prince (x B j) of Gad (and Reuben) from P s list of dividers of western Palestine in Nu. 34 17-28, needs no explana tion- H. W. H.

GAD[edit]

(13, 57 ; (-&A [BAL]), a seer (cp PROPHECY) especially devoted to the interests of king David, to whom he gave warning of the divine displeasure at the famous census, and whom he afterwards directed to raise an altar on a certain threshing-floor (2 S. 24 i-iff. , = i Ch. 21 9 ff.\ In the description of him as 'the prophet Gad, David's seer', the title 'the prophet' seems to be a later insertion (H. P. Smith, following @ L and Ch. ), derived from i S. 22s where the prophet Gad is represented as warning David to seek a refuge in Judah (see MIZPEH, 3). The latter passage is, accord ing to Budde, a late addition. In 2 Ch. 29 25 Gad appears as concerned in the regulation of the musical service in the temple, and in i Ch. 2929 as a historian (see Driver, Introd. 528 f. , and cp CHRONICLES, 6 [i], HISTORICAL LITERATURE, 14). T. K. c.

1 The Book of Jubilees (44 21) calls them eight, but the present text has only six names. Gad s wife s name is given : Maha.

3 Compare, however, the Benjamite name Iri( -pL ), also follow ing Ezbon in i Ch. 7 7 (BENJAMIN, 9 ii. a).

3 More strictly of Salhad and Salecah respectively. For Michael Pesh. reads Machir. [In fact, -|<3O itself might be a corruption of ^D = Salhad, and V rvax of Zelophehad. T. K. c.]

4 jo fell out after p.

5 L omits Ahi, and Pesh. omits several names.


GAD[edit]

(13), Is. 65 ii EV"*-, RV FORTUNE (q.v.).

GADARA[edit]

(TA r<\AAp<\), Gadarenes, Mk. 5i Lk. 82637, AV ; Mt. 828 (RV). For Greek readings see GERASENES.

It has been shown elsewhere (GERASENES) that, though Gadarenes is probably correct in Mt., the original tradition spoke of the country of the Gerasenes. The vigorous defence, however, of the reading Gadarenes by Keim (Jesu von Nazara, 2 531) is reason enough for devoting some space to the famous city of the Decapolis called Gadara (now Mkes), which, moreover, plays a certain part in Jewish history. Gadara lies 1 194 feet above sea-level, near the western edge of the Bashan plateau, 4i miles from the Jordan, about midway between the YarmCik (Hieromax) and the Wfidy el- Arab. It was captured by Antiochus the Great in his first invasion of Palestine in 218 B.C. (Polyb. 5 71), and again, after a ten months siege, by Alexander Jannxus (Jos. Ant. xiii. 3 3, BJ\. 42). Under Jewish rule it does not seem to have flourished ; Pompey restored it, after his Syrian campaign in 64-63 B.C. (Jos. Ant. xiv. 4 4, BJ \. 7 7), and Augustus gave it to Herod in 30 B.C. (Ant. xv. 73, BJ 1.203). After the death of Herod it came under the immediate suzerainty of Rome (Ant. xvii. 114, KJ\\. 63). At the beginning of the Jewish war it was laid waste by one of the Jewish generals (Jos. BJ ii. 18 1) ; but at a later stage the Gadarenes asked and received from Vespasian a Roman garrison (BJ iv. 7 3). Josephus speaks of it as TToAtj EAAiji/i s (Ant. xvii. 11 4, BJ ii. 6 3), and /nijTpon-oAif TTJS Trepcu as (BJ iv. 7 3). That its territory extended as far as to the sea of Galilee seems to be shown by the frequent occurrence of the figure of a ship on its coins, and perhaps also by the mention of a vav^ia^ia upon one coin.

Gadara was for several centuries the seat of a bishopric (Geogr. Sac. S. Paul. 307 ; Rel. Pal. 776). It fell to ruins soon after the Mohammedan conquest, and has now been deserted for centuries, save for a few families of shepherds, who occasionally find a home in its rock-hewn tombs. The ruins occupy a narrow and high ridge, which projects from the mountains of Gilead. On its northern side is the deep valley of the Hieromax, now called Sheri at el-Manadireh ; on the west is the Jordan valley ; and on the south is a glen called Wady el- Arab, running parallel to the Hieromax. The ruins crown the ridge, and as it declines in elevation towards the east, the site is strong and commanding. The space occupied by the city is about two miles in circuit ; and there are traces of the ancient wall all round.

GADDI[edit]

(*13, 57, abbrev. for GADDIEL(?); r*AA[e]l [BAL]), a Manassite (Nu. 13 n [12]). See MACCABEES i. , 3, n. Cp GAD i. , col. 1579, end.

GADDIEL[edit]

( PN 1 !^, God is Fortune, 31 ; Hommel, very unhappily, my grandfather is God [A HT 300] after Ar. jaddun, grandfather ; yovSiT)A [BAL], yoviji. [F*]), a Zebulunite (Nu. 13 10 [n]). Cp. GAD i., col. 1579, end.

GADDIS[edit]

(r-AAAlc [VA], |-AAAei [N]). surname of John the Maccabee. See MACCABKES i., 3, n.

GADFLY[edit]

is the plausible rendering of RV m s- for Vll? ^ re ?> J er - ^6 20 (EV DESTRUCTION), following Hitzig, Graf, Keil ; cp Chrysostom. Field s Hex. 2708. Mic. 2 13, however, suggests that ktres was originally pnb, an invader.

The versions have : a.ir6<rira<riJ.a. [B"AQ], iynevrpifiav [Aq., Symm.], stimulator [Vg.], |l Af ^ [Pesh.] i.e., a host. Schultens compares Ar. karis, a species of Ciinex. See Ges. Thes. add. in. T. K. C.

GADI[edit]

(H| ; r( 5,AA[e]i [BL], r eAAei [Av. i [A vid - v. 17]), father of Menahem (2 K. 15 14 17).

The analogy of ben Jabesh (see SHALLUM, i) in v. 13 sug gests that Gadi expresses the local or tribal name of Menahem. Render a Gadite (Klo.); but cp NAMES, 57. T. K. C.

GADITE[edit]

(H3H), Deut. 812. See GAD, i.

GAHAM[edit]

(DH3 ; T&AM [AD], rA&M [L], [-A.AAMOC [Jos.]), a Nahorite clan (Gen. 2224). From its position between Tebah (Tubifii) and Tahash (Tehis), Gaham should be a disguise of Hamath. The loss of the final n is intelligible, but the prefixed j remains a riddle.

T. K. C.

GAHAR[edit]

pPI3 ; r<*&p [ A ]) family of NETHINIM in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA, ii. 9), Ezra 247 (yaeA [B], yar,p [L]) = Neh. 749 (om. BN, ya >)A [L])=i Esd. 630 (ya>jA [L]), EV possibly CATHUA (g.v.) or GEDDUR (but cp GIDDEL, i).

GAI[edit]

(N^3, without the article, therefore representing a place-name; r-Aj [A], but peG [BL] i.e. , 03), the spot to which the men of Israel pursued the Philistines after the death of Goliath (i S. 1752). Wellhausen, Driver, Budde, Klostermann, and others agree in reading Gath for Gai. Whether the verse is even then restored to its original form is doubtful (see We. adloc.}. Cp GATH, SHAARAIM, i.