Encyclopaedia Biblica/Mother-Name

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Mother-Name
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MOTHER[edit]

( DN). A very few points of Hebrew usage need be here indicated ; for further information see the related articles DAUGHTER, SON, and especially FAMILY, KINSHIP, and MARRIAGE (with reference to the so- called Matriarchate or Mutterrecht). When precision was necessary, the fact of uterine brotherhood was expressed by such a phrase as 'his mother's son' (Gen. 43:29 : cp Judg. 8:19) and a stepmother was distinguished from the womb-mother by the name of 'father's wife' (Lev. 18:8). The word 'mother' could also of course be used widely for 'ancestress' (Gen. 3:20 ; on 1 K. 15:10 see MAACHAH), also for the people personified (Is. 50:1, Jer. 50:12), and consequently, in the symbolic language of ethnic genealogies, for one of the tribes or races of which a composite population was composed (cp also GENEALOGIES i. , i). Hence in Ezek. 16:3 the mother of Jerusalem is called 'a Hittite' (see, however, REHOBOTH), thus suggesting one of the elements in the early population of Jerusalem. In Judg. 5:7 Deborah is called 'a mother in Israel', which may either mean 'a benefactress' (cp 'father', Job 29:16) or be regarded as an indication that 'Deborah' (but cp OPHRAH) was the name of a town or a clan. In 2 S. 20:19, at any rate, the phrase 'a city and a mother in Israel' means 'a prominent, influential city' (LXX, irt)\i.v K<d /u.i)Tp6iro\iv [polis kai metropolin]). In the language of strong emotion Sheol can be called 'a mother' (Job 1:21b, cp 17:14). The 'parting of the way' (Ezek. 21:21 [21:26]) is in the Hebrew 'the mother of the way' a transparent symbolic phrase.

MOUNT, MOUNTAIN[edit]

("in ). Where AV has 'mount' RV has a marked preference for 'mountain' or 'hill-country' e.g., 'hill-country of Ephraim' (Josh. 19:50, 20:7), 'mountain of Gilead' (Gen. 31:21), 'hill-country of Naphtali' (Josh. 20:7), hill-country of Judah (ib.), though 'mount Seir' is retained. See EPHRAIM, etc.

The uncertainty whether 'mountain' means a single eminence or a mountain range or district must be always borne in mind, both in the OT and in the NT. This affects the possibility of the identification of the 'Mount of the Beatitudes' (Mt. 5:1 ) and the Mountain of the Transfiguration (Mt. and Mk. give eis 6pos v\j/r)\bt> [eis oros upselon], but Lk. 9:28 fit TO dpos [eis to oros]). Cp Weiss on Mt. 5:1. For phrases into which 'mount' or 'mountain' enters, see CONGREGATION, MOUNT OF ; CHERUB, 2, and SINAI (Horeb, 'mountain of God' ); COPPER, 5 ( 'mountains of brass' ) ; DESTRUCTION [MOUNT OF].

Mountains are referred to as monuments of the might of the Creator (Ps. 65:6 [65:7]; cp Is. 40:12) ; hence, according to most, they are called 'the mountains of God' (Ps. 36:6 [ 36:7 ] ; cp 'the trees of Yahwe', 1 Ps. 104:16). They were, as Job 15:7 and Prov. 8:25 appear to state, the earliest created objects ; so ancient is their date that to express God s everlastingness in the past a psalmist declares that God existed even 'before the hills were brought forth' (Ps. 90:2). When God touches them, they smoke (Ps. 104:32, 144:5); when he appears, they melt like wax (Judg. 55, Ps. 97:5, Is. 64:1 [68:19b], Mi. 1:4 ), or skip like lambs (Ps. 114:4-6). They shudder at his judgments (Ps. 18:7 [18:8] Mi. 6:1-2) ; but they rejoice when Israel's redemption draws nigh (Ps. 98:8, Is. 44:23, 49:13, 55:12).

Mountains are also symbols of kingdoms e.g. , of Israel (Ezek. 17:23, 20:40), and especially of the Divine kingdom (Dan. 2:35, 2:44) ; the latter representation seems to have mythological affinities (cp CONGREGATION [MOUNT OF]). In Jer. 51:25 Babylon is called a 'destroying mountain' (see DESTRUCTION [MOUNT OF]) ; but in Is. 41:15 the mountains which Israel is to 'thresh', and in Zech. 4:7 the mountain which is to become a 'plain' before Zerubbabel, are probably symbolic terms for obstacles to the activity of the people of God. With the former passage cp Is. 40:4 ; with the latter, Mt. 17:20, 21:21, 1 Cor. 13:2.

For 'mount',

  • (1) 3SC, mussab, Is. 293 RV 'fort', see FORT ; and for
  • (2) .tSSb, solelah, 2 S. 20:15 etc. (AV sometimes 'bank' ), see SIEGE.

For Mountain Of God (Ezek. 28:14), see CONGREGATION, MOUNT OF.

MOURNING CUSTOMS[edit]

Both before and after the burial, sorrowing for the departed found expression in remarkable customs which, in part at least, Israel had in common with other nations.

1. Biblical references.[edit]

One of the most usual was that of rending the garments (2 S. 1:11, 3:31 etc.), a practice afterwards wea kened to a conventional tearing of the dress at the breast for a hand's breadth. Instead of the usual materials sackcloth (pfc>) was worn (2 S. 21:10, Is. 15:3). This was a rough garment of goat-hair or camel-hair, in form somewhat resembling a modern shirt, but without long sleeves ; originally, perhaps, it was merely a body-cloth like the 'ihram of the Arabs (to which we shall refer again, 2). The mourners went bareheaded and barefoot (Ezek. 24:17, 2 S. 15:30), or covered the head, or at least the beard (Ezek. 24:i7, Jer. 14:3, 2 S. 15:30), or laid the hand upon the head (2 S. 13:19) ; they sat in dust and ashes, and sprinkled themselves (Is. 32:6, 47:1, Job 28), and especially their heads, with these (Josh. 7:6, 2 S. 1:2 etc. ). Various mutilations also were practised (Jer. 16:6, 41:5, 47:5 etc. ; see CUTTINGS OF THE FLESH, i). It was also the custom to fast for the dead (1 S. 31:13, 2 S. 3:35) ; after sundown the fasting was closed (or, if the fasting lasted several days, broken) by a funeral feast (Hos. 9:4, 2 S. 3:35, Jer. 16:7 Ezek. 24:17, 24:22) ; cp FASTING. Food was placed upon the grave (Dt. 26:14). Tobit indeed (Tob. 4:17) was commanded to place food only upon the grave of the righteous ; the ungodly were not to be so kindly treated ; the son of Sirach, however, ridiculed this custom altogether ; 'of what use', he asks, 'is such an offering to a spirit ?' 'Like dainties to a closed mouth are offerings laid on the grave' (Ecclus. 30:18). The burning of spices as practised by the nobles in later times (Jer. 34:5, 2 Ch. 16:14, 21:19) is also to be regarded as a form of offering to the dead. The customary lament for the dead was certainly more than a natural expression of sorrow. Besides the women of the house, who sat weeping upon the ground, profes sional women mourners were called in. Probably to some fixed melody, the peculiarly rhythmical dirge (nrp) was sung (cp LAMENTATION, POETICAL LITERATURE, 4 [i]). Zech. 12:10-14 makes for the view that the lament for the dead was a religious ceremony conducted under rules handed down by tradition. The dirge might be accompanied by flutes (Jer. 48:36 ; Jos. BJ 3:9:5). Cp Music, 40.

2. Origin of these customs.[edit]

Several of these customs (especially that of wearing mourning) may be accounted for simply as being expressive of grief, and the explanation of their prohibition on the other hand (Lev. 19:28, 21:5-6; Dt. 14:1-2) has been sought in the supposition that as wild excesses they were not pleasing to Yahwe. In the majority of cases, however, this interpretation of the practices in question can hardly be allowed. How could mutilation of the person, shaving of the head, cutting off the beard, come to be expressive of sorrow ? That this was not the light in which they were viewed by the Law is shown by the reason given for their prohibition - viz. , that they were sacrilegious, unbefitting Israel, the people of Yahwe, and in every respect defiling (Lev. 21:5). In point of fact they were forbidden as being ceremonies originally occurring in the worship of heathen gods. This conclusion is abundantly proved by the offerings to the dead. Such are even now brought by the Bedouins. Very similar is the custom still in vogue among civilised races of placing food and drink on the grave, as to the origin of which there can be no doubt. Just as in the last case the offering to the dead has been changed into a burial feast, so the burial repast grew out of a sacrifice. The text of Jer. 16:7 is in all probability corrupt ; but the statement of the offerer of the tithe (Dt. 26:14), that none of it has been given to the dead, can only refer to an offering to the dead or a funeral feast, whilst the latter, again, is shown to be of the nature of a sacrifice to the dead by the fact that the funeral bread is impure and contaminating (Hos. 9:4). In agreement with this we find that with many nations, particularly the ancient Greeks, sacrifices to the dead occurred in connection with funeral feasts. Cutting the body with knives is mentioned in 1 K. 18:28 as a religious ceremony. Cutting off the hair of the head and the beard corresponds to a similar custom among the Greeks, who laid their hair with the dead in the grave (Iliad, 23:135). The shaving of the head as a religious ceremony was also in use among the ancient Arabs, perhaps as a sign of devotion to the service of God. 1 It is a suggestive conjecture of W. R. Smith 2 that the dust which was strewn upon the head was taken from the grave, and the ashes from the funeral fires (2 Ch. 16:14, 21:19). It is chiefly among races having a form of worship of the dead that we find a dirge sung according to fixed forms. The shades of the departed, to whom the future was known (as [ob], yijrr [yiddeoni]), were either consulted at the grave (Is. 66:4) or summoned through exorcists (Is. 8:19, 29:4, 1 S. 28). Covering probably takes the place of cutting the beard as a form of diminished severity. That mourning clothes have their origin in some religious ceremony seems likely ; cp the religious habit 'ihram worn by the Muslim pilgrims in the sacred precinct of Mecca. However, the effort to trace back all these customs to a religious origin seems unlikely to succeed.

1 Wellh. Ar. Heid.M 118.

2 Rel. Sent. 413 ; so Schwally, Das Leben nach dem Tode, 15.

J. G. Frazer (Journ. of the Anthrop. Inst. 15, 1:64+, 1885) explains a large proportion of the mourning customs of various peoples as typifying a complete renunciation of the spirit of the departed. Mutilation of the body and the wearing of special mourning apparel were, he thinks, originally meant to render the survivors unrecognisable by the spirit of the departed if he should at any time return. For Semitic peoples, however, such an explanation of mourning customs is impossible. On the contrary, the aim of the mourner was to maintain his connection with the dead. So in the old Arabian custom of erecting a tent on the grave of a venerated person and staying there, or the oft- recurring apostrophe to the dead in Arabic elegies : 'depart not'. The Hebrews located the graves of their family as near as possible to their homes (1 S. 25:1, Ezek. 43:7 ; and see TOMB). See further CUTTINGS, ESCHATOLOGY, 7-9, LAMENTATION.

Even though the mourning customs owe their origin to some form of worship of the dead, it does not by any means follow that the knowledge of this was retained in later times. It is more probable that, on the introduction of the religion of Yahwe, the original meaning was gradually forgotten and a new signification (as an expression of sorrow) more and more took its place. Only by some such transformation could the old customs succeed in maintaining themselves in the religion of Yahwe ; and those of them (mutilations) which from their nature were most in danger of leading back to the old conceptions were, accordingly, forbidden by Deuteronomy and the Priestly Code, as heathen abominations.

3. Literature.[edit]

J. Lippert, Der Seelenkult in seinen Beziehungen zur alt~ hebrdischen Religion, Berlin, 1881 ; Oort, De doodenvereering bij den Israeliten in Th. T 15 355^ ; Sta. GI\^ff. ; Schwally, Das Lcben nach dem Tode nach den I orstellungen des alien Israel u. des Judenthums, 1892; Perles, Die Leichenfeierlich- keiten des nachbiblischen Judenthums in Frankel s MGWJ 10, 1861, pp. 345-355 3?6-394 , Bu. Das Heb. Xlagelied in ZA TW, 1882, pp. -iff., 1883, pp. 299^, and in ZDPl r , 1883, pp. 180^ ; Benz. Heb. Arch., 23 ; Now. Heb. Arch., 32, 33 ; Bender, Beliefs, etc., connected with Death, Burial, and Mourning, JQR, 1894-1895 ; Goldziher, Muh. Stud. 1 299 ff., On Worship of Dead in Pagan and Mohammedan Arabia ; Frazer, Journ. Anthrofi. Inst. ofGt. Brit, and Ireland, 15 n. i, 1885, pp. 64-100, On Certain Burial Customs as illustrative of the Primitive Theory of the Soul ; Jastrow, Journ. A mer. Or. Sac. 20 133^ On the mourning women in primitive Babylonia, see Maspero, Dawn of Chi. 684. L B .

1 Goldziher, Mythology among- the Hebrews, 83, n. i (chap. 4).

MOUSE[edit]

("1331? ; Myc ; mus]. Seven species of the genus Mus found in Palestine are described by Tristram, and to these may be added many other small rodents, field-mice, dormice, etc. All these were no doubt included under the Hebrew term 'akbar, and were regarded by the Jews as unclean. We hear indeed of certain persons who ate the mouse ; but this was a sign of apostasy from Yahwe (Is. 66:17). Evidently these persons regarded the mouse as a sacred animal, the eating of whose flesh consecrated the eater (see SACRIFICE). The Arabs, too, frequently ate mice. Arabic writers, when satirising the Bedouins, are wont to call them 'mouse-eating' ; once we even find the epithet 'field-rat-eater' justified by a positive statement that 'the Arabs of the desert eat field-mice'. The jerboa is still eaten by the Arabs of the desert, and the hamster in Northern Syria. Many of the smaller rodents live on the succulent underground tubers and bulbs of the desert flora. Three species of the hamster (Cricetus] are known ; they lay up such large stores of grain as to cause serious loss to farmers. The jerboa (Dipns] is remarkable for its 'gambols and kangaroo- like bounds'.

Of the devastation caused by field-mice there is abundant evidence (see, e.g. , Lilian, 1741). Small votive offerings in the shape of mice have even been found (see Frazer, Paus. 6290), and it is possible that the worship of mice (especially white mice) may have originated not so much from the survival of a mouse- totem as to propitiate mice in general and to induce them not to ravage the cornfields (cp Frazer, Paus. 5:289-290). On the story in 1 S. 6 and the significance of the golden mice see EMERODS, PESTILENCE, HEZEKIAH, 2, ii. , and ARK, 5.

In Heb. 1123V ACHBOR (q.v.), occurs as a name (cp Phoen. 123y> NT, m~), and in Ar. the equivalent, 'akbar, is applied to the male jerboa,! which is borne as a name by an Arabic tribe, the 'Amr. b. Yarbu'. Robertson Smith mentions that the mother of this tribe was a lightning-goddess, and so akin to the divine archer Cozah, who has so many points of resemblance with Apollo (Kin. 302-303).

For an original theory as to the meaning of 1335; ( 'mouse' ) in 1 S. 6 see Nature, 57 (1898) p. 618, where it is suggested that the sufferings of the Philistines were caused by the bites of the Arachnid Solpuga. These spider-like animals can readily be mistaken for mice. Critically, however, the theory is very weak. A. E. S. S. A. C. T. K. C.

MOWINGS[edit]

occurs in the expression king's mowings (TJ/Sn V T3; poop o B&ciAeyc [BAQ]; tonsionemregis), Am. 7:1. The only certain meaning of gez (ia), however, is 'fleece' ( = a?a), and both in Am. and in Ps. 726 (where EV gives 'mown grass' ) the text is disputed (see LOCUSTS, 3, and Che. Ps.). Hoffmann defends the sense of wool-shearing for gez even here (ZATW 3:117), but without plausibility (see Nowack on Am., I.c.). Most scholars find a reference to the king's right of cutting the grass in spring before others, on which see GOVERNMENT, 19.

MOZA[edit]

(N> to. 'sunrise' 72).

1. 'Son' of Caleb b. Hezron by his concubine Ephah (1 Ch. 2:46, iioaa [A], -v [15], /noucra [L]). Some locality in Judah is probably intended ; cp the place-name MOZAH.

2. b. Zimri a descendant of Saul mentioned in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (q.v., 9, ii. |3), 1 Ch. 8:36-37 (ju.aicra [BA; sup M vestigia appar rus et litur in B], /xcoo-a [L])= i Ch. 9 42 f. (^ao-cra [B], /naaa [NA] ^<o<ra [L]).

MOZAH[edit]

(listen), a Benjamite locality, grouped with Mizpah and Chephirah (Josh. 18:26 [P], A.MOOKH [B], &MO>C<\ [A], MACCA [I-])- A Mozah, situated below Jerusalem, is mentioned in Sukka, 45 ; it was the place from which willow-branches were fetched for the Feast of Tabernacles. The Gemara adds that it was a 'colonia' (x a rip). Now, on the way to Karyat el-'Enab, NE. of Jerusalem, we find the two neighbouring places named respectively Kulonieh and Bet Mizza (cp Bad. 17). Buhl (Pal. 167) would identify the latter with the Mozah of Josh, and of the Mjshna. Certainly Kulonieh is not the Kulon of LXX's addition to Josh. 15:59 (see EMMAUS, KULON), When, however, we consider similar cases of double representation of the same place in P's lists, and notice corruption close by, it seems best to regard risen as a corrupt dittogram of i7sovrt. 'the Mizpeh' which precedes. See MIZPAH. T. K. C.

1 So Bochart, Gesenius, and Knobel all understand the 1335; to be the jerboa. It may be noticed that 'adal, the field-mouse, occurs also as an Arabic clan-name.

2 Lectio suspicione non vacat (Field, 1 554).

MUFFLERS[edit]

(rv6in), Is.3:19 t EV, AV mg- 'spangled ornaments'. See VEIL.

MULBERRY[edit]

(MORON) 1 Macc. 6:34 t, and Mulberry trees (D fcO?), 2 S. 5:23-24, 1 Ch. 14:14-15, and AV mg, Ps. 846 [7], where AV mg virtually reads beka'im ( D*X32). At BETHZACHARIAS (q. v. ) the elephants in the Syrian army were shown the blood of grapes and of mulberries (see ELEPHANT). No doubt the fruit of the black mulberry-tree (Morus nigra ; MH run) is meant, the juice of which suggests an apologue illustrative of Gen. 49 in Ber. rabba, 22. The juiciness of the mulberry also suggested AV s rendering of bekaim (from aaa, 'to weep' ) in 2 S. 5:23-24 , which is adopted from the Rabbins, but is a worthless conjecture.

Targum gives the general term 'trees' (N"J? N) ; LXX{BA} (in Ch.), Aquila in 2 S. 5:23,{2} and Vulgate (in S. and Ch.) give, for no good reason, an-ioi [apioi], pyri (i.e., pear-trees), which, however, grow only in N. Palestine.

Celsius (1:138+) identified the Baka tree, as we may provisionally call it, with a tree or bush of the same name (baka') known to Arabian writers. Mr. M Lean writes, 'It is, according to Abulfadl, similar to the bas'am (Balsamodendron opobalsamum), and grows in the district round Mecca. It differed from the balsam tree in having longer leaves and a larger, rounder fruit. From it a juice or resin (his language is not clear, but he connects the distillation with the severance of the leaf) was obtained which was a remedy for toothache.

To this identification (accepted by many, including Del. Ps. ) it is a conclusive objection that no such tree is known in Palestine. Nor is it easy to see how a tree which grows in the hot dry valley where Mecca lies, can have grown in the highland plain of 'Rephaim', whether we plnce this near Jerusalem or in the Jerahmeelite Negeb (see REPHAIM, VALLEY OF). It is possible of course that the same name (the 'weeping' tree) may have been borne by some gum-exuding variety of the acacia. Apparently the trees referred to in 2 S. I.c. were sacred trees, and in the Sinaitic peninsula at any rate we know that the seyal-acacia is often a sacred tree (H. J. Palmer, Sinai, 39 ; cp Doughty, Ar. Des. 1273). Several species of acacia are found in Palestine (see SHITTAH TREE). We might further suppose that BOCHIM [q. v. ] is a popular corruption of beka'im. ( 'weeping trees' ). See also POPLAR.

However, the corruptions suspected elsewhere in this narrative (see RETHAIM, VALLEY OF) suggest caution. The text may be corrupt. The two narratives in 2 S. 5:17-25 are clearly parallel. Very possibly for D KDa we should read D ^KDnT l;"12l, 'Perez ( = Zarephath) of the Jerahmeelites', and D K33a e>tO3 should be ITV ["IS3, 'in Perez of the Jerahmeelites'. This gives another play on the name Perez or Perazim, for the next words are, { "12FI IN (as read with Grii.), 'then shall thou break forth'. See PERAZIM. The key to the narrative is the theory that the fighting referred to was for the possession of the Jerahmeelite cities (see 1 S. 30:29) ; the combatants were David s men on the one hand, and the Zarephathites on the other.

The case of Ps. 84:6 [84:7] requires separate consideration. The rendering of Baer, Kautzsch, 'going through the vale of tears', is supported by all the ancients, but will hardly stand (for another view see Konig, 2a 174). <B s roO (tAauSjuwros points to D 33ri, hab-bokim; hab-bokim might come from hab-bekaim, so that the Valley (Plain) of 'Rephaim' might be meant, if that valley is rightly placed near Jerusalem. More probably, however, there is a corruption in the text, and for K23a pCl 3 we should read nypsa 7pn3 the passage will then run, 'Who going through a region of vales drink from a fountain' (see Che. Ps.W) ; cp Is. 41:18, 'I will open . . . fountains in the midst of the valleys' (nil pS). y. K C.

MULE[edit]

(T1S, piredl HMIONOC)-

1. History.[edit]

The Hebrews do not seem to have been familiar with the mule before the establishment of the monarchy. Long before this, however, mules had been in use in Egypt and Assyria ; their sure-footedness, hardiness, and endurance making them handier, and often more valuable than the horse, which was reserved for military expeditions and wars (see HORSE).

Mules are first met with in Asia Minor, and the high lands to the N. of Mesopotamia. In Homer they are associated with the Paphlagonian Enetoe (Il. 28:72), and the Mysians (Il. 24:277). The Phoenicians (and through them doubtless the Hebrews) carried on a trade in mules with TOGARMAH (Ezek. 27:14, om. LXX{B} ) ; and the same region on more than one occasion furnished the Assyrians with supplies of these animals.

In the OT the mule is first mentioned in the time of David. * It is the animal ridden by the king s sons (2 S. 13:29, 18:9 ; the pack-animal is the ass, cp 16:1), while for the king's use upon state occasions the female animal seems to be preferred ( 1 K. 1:33+). Mules were among Solomon's yearly presents (1 K. 10:25, 2 Ch. 9:24), and henceforth became widely used. Mules together with asses, camels, and horses, in large numbers, were carried off by Sennacherib after his invasion of Judah (Prism-Inscr. 3:18+). Further references are made to the use of the mule as a beast of burden (2 K. 5:17 {1} cp Judith 15:11), as a baggage animal in war (Judith 217), and as harnessed to a LITTER (q.v. ). The breeding of mules would be prohibited in post-exilic times by the law in Lev. 19:19.

1 For 1 S. 21:7 [a] where Doeg, according to LXX{BAL} , was Saul's mule-keeper, see DOEG. LXX again finds an allusion to mules in Neh. 2:8 where N c a L (not BA) display the reading Dll^a 10B by the side of the MT DTlSa v 'the keeper of the king's park'. The latter is, of course, correct.

2. Names.[edit]

The usual name for the mule in Heb. is TIB, pered, a word of uncertain origin, cp Syr. barduna 'mule, beast of burden'. This word lies at the bottom of the mid. Lat. burdo, O. Eng. 'burdown' (the offspring of the stallion and ass; Engl. hinny), and is transferred from the pilgrim's mule to his staff in the O. Eng. 'bourdon' (cp the diverse meanings of the Span, muleta). For this and other vicissitudes of the word, see the New English Dictionary, s. 'bourdon', 'burden'. It is interesting to find that Wyclif in his translation has actually used burdown, burdones, to render the Heb. Q >-|"IB of 2 K. 5:17. Other Hebrew words rendered 'mule' are DC ri, hayyemim, Gen. 36:24 (see ANAH), UO1, rekesh, Esth. 8:10, 8:14 and c JinttTiN Est. 8:10 ; see HORSE, i.

Among other Semitic terms for mule may be noticed the Ass. kudinnu (see Muss-Am, with refs.), cp Syr. kudanya; and paru (but according to Jen. Kos.ioqf. 'horse' ). The Syr. bagla 'mule', as also the Ar. bagl, are conceivably derived from Hv\\os [muchlos] (of Phocian origin, so Hesych.) ; from which, in their turn, come the Lat. mulus (properly the offspring of the ass and mare), and our own 'mule'. A. E.S. S.A.C.

1 D T1S"I3S N2 3 two mule-loads. Ass-load (inn pya -yo/oioy OI/IKOS), and camel-load (xSoJ a), are used as units of weight in the irreat Palmyrene tariff; see Lidzbarski, Nord-sem. Epig.

MUNITION[edit]

(rnwrp, Is. 33:16 EV ; rn ivp, Is. :7 AV ; rn-lXO, Nah. 2:1 [2:2] EV) ; see FORTRESS, col. 1552, and, for Dan. 11:38 AV mg, MAUZZIM.

MUPPIM[edit]

(D BD ; M <\M(|>eiN [AD] ; - e , M [L]), one of the sons of Benjamin (Gen. 46:21). The name seems to be a corruption from the SHEPHUPHAM of Nu. 26:39 (SHUPPIM in 1 Ch. 7:12) ; see AHIRAM.

MURDERER, MANSLAYER[edit]

See GOEL ; also ASYLUM, and LAW AND JUSTICE, 13.

MURRAIN[edit]

("O^I ), Ex. 9:3. See DISEASES, col. 1 105, and cp PLAGUES, THE TEN.

MUSHI[edit]

C^-IO, ^ D 'Mosaite' [9] or 'Moses-clan' [MOSES, 2]; in Nu. 3:33, 26:58, BhlSn, the Mushites), a Levitical (Merarite) family ; Ex. 6:19; Nu. 3:20, 3:33; 26:58; 1 Ch. 6:19, 6:47 [6:4, 6:32]; 23:21-23; 24:26, 24:30 (usually p|uouer[e]t, or, especially in L, juou<r[e]i, occasionally /ioou(r[e]i] ; in 1 Ch. 6:47 [6:32], B has nocrei). Cp MERARI, GENEALOGIES, i. 7.

MUSIC[edit]

Rhythm, melody (1). Instrumentation (2). Percussion (3). Wind (4-5). Strings ( 6-10). Orchestration (11). Development of music ( 12). Character (13-14). Christian hymns ( 14, end). Melodies (15). Literature ( 16).

1. Rhythm.[edit]

Music is the art of the expression of the feelings by means of rhythmical and melodious sound. Its origin is lost in the night of antiquity ; but it is safe to assume from a study of the development of the art among savage peoples that the first music was a system of rhythmical intonation. There can be little doubt that melody or tone -variation in singing was a comparatively late development from this original rhythm, a sense of which is inborn in all races. As soon as man reached a stage of cultivation where he was able to repeat his experience to his fellows, to give an account of his own passions or to tell of the heroic deeds of others, the need must have been felt of a declamatory style, a method of reciting which would not only impress the words of a tale on the hearers, but would also enable the reciter himself to remember his theme more easily. This mnemonic style, which must have been a method of intonation and emphatic accentuation of the most important words or phrases of a story, was the beginning of what we now call rhythm. It may be supposed that the reciter intoned his song in a mono tone, marking it, both by means of his own voice and artificially, with a strong rhythmic beat, but that in the course of time it was discovered, possibly at first accidentally, that an occasional inflection or tone- variation would hold the attention of the hearers more satisfactorily. Finally, a distinct melody proceeding from two to five notes was probably evolved, which became the foundation for further modulations.

2. Instrumentation.[edit]

The development of instrumentation, although undoubtedly very ancient, must have begun some time after the rise of rhythmic intonation. It was probably customary among the very earliest declaimers, as it is to-day among barbarous peoples, to emphasise the rhythmic beat of a song by stamping, by clapping the hands, or by striking the breast at proper intervals. Such an action would have suggested the first artificial instrument of music the hand - drum or tambourine. The dis covery by primitive man of his power to produce a whistling noise with his own mouth, which he was perhaps impelled to do in imitation of the wind, was in all likelihood the first step towards the invention of wind instruments. The most ancient instrument of this sort must have been a simple reed with a slit cut in it. Stringed instruments, which were probably de veloped last of all, may have been suggested by the accidental tone produced by the twang of a gut bow string, 1 which impelled some inventive genius to create musical tones by means of similar cords strung tightly across a resonant piece of wood or bladder.

Percussion, wind, and stringed instruments are all mentioned in the OT ; but as we have no ancient pictorial representations of any of them, it is impossible to do more than conjecture concerning their form and musical compass in early times. It may be assumed, however, that during the period covered by the OT history (from about 1300 B.C.) there was a distinct musical development, especially of the wind and stringed instruments. The only authentic pictures of Jewish instruments known at present are those of the citterns on certain late coins, probably not older than the time of the Jewish rebellion against the Romans in 68-70 A.D. , and those of the later form of trumpet on the arch of Titus (79-81 A.D. ). There is every reason to believe that the art of music among the early Hebrews was essentially the same as that of the Egyptians and the Assyrians, of whose musical performances there are many representations. These may be used quite legitimately, therefore, to illustrate the character of the ancient Hebrew instruments.

1 Cp Heb. minuiw (Ar. -wcitar), Ps. 45:9, 150:4, strings of a musical instrument, properly bow-strings. [The correctness of MT, however, is not beyond doubt. See PIPE.]

2 np|, from nsrii 'to strike' ; Ar. duff; Ok. rvfitravov. tm in Ezek. 28:13 probably means the setting of a jewel (cp Cornill); on nsm Job 17:6 where AV finds a 'tabret', see Budde, Hiob, 89.

3. Instruments of percussion.[edit]

We begin with instruments of percussion, [picture of FIG. i. drum woman goes here] [picture of FIG. 2. hand drum man goes here] (1) The most primitive Hebrew instrument was perhaps the hand-drum or toph z (EV 'tabret' or 'timbrel' ). This was simply a ring of wood or metal, covered with a tightly drawn skin, occasionally provided with small pieces of metal hung around the rim, exactly like those on the modern tambourine, of which the toph was the prototype. The instrument was held up in one hand and struck with the other, as may be seen from the accompanying illustration (fig. 1) of an Egyptian woman playing it. Both Egyptians and Assyrians seem to have had, as well as the toph, a drum which was supported against the performer by a belt and beaten with both hands (fig. 2). Among the Hebrews the hand-drum was played chiefly by women, but sometimes by men (1 S. 10:5). It was used at festivities of all sorts - e.g. , at weddings (1 Mace. 9:39), in public processions (2 S. 6:5) - as well as in ordinary song (Gen. 31:27). It was also employed in religious music of a joyous and popular character (Ex. 15:20, Ps. 81:2), but probably not in the Jerusalem temple worship, as it is not mentioned in 2 Ch. 5:12-13, where we should expect to find it along with the cymbals.

[picture of FIG. 3. Eastern Cymbals. goes here] [picture of FIG. 4. Arab Castanets. goes here] (2). The cymbals (mesiltayim, G nVxo 1 1 AV and RV 'cymbals' ; Gk. Kir/j.j3a\a) which were used in the temple to mark time (Ezra 3:10) were bronze discs struck together by the performer (Jos. Ant. 7:12:3). They must have had outside handles. Whether they were some times bell-shaped like those on the Assyrian reliefs (fig. 3) it is of course impossible to know. The late Hebrew tradition asserts, perhaps correctly, that cymbals were used in religious worship in David's time (1 Ch. 25:16). The selselim, c SsSs (2 S. 6:5; selsele-shema , Ps. 150:5; AV 'loud cymbals' ; RV 'high sounding cymbals' ), were probably the same instrument, although some scholars translate this word in Ps. 150:5 'castanets'. - Finger-castanets like those now in use among the Arabs (fig. 4) may have been employed by the Hebrews to accompany their popular dances ; but there seems to be no word in the OT to denote the instrument.

[picture of FIG. 5. Egyptian Sistrum. From SBOT(Eng.) Psalms. goes here] (3). Mena'ne'im* vyiyjo; (Kv/j.^a\a, 2 S. 6:5 t; RV 'castanets' ; AV 'cornets' ), were probably an instrument for shaking, like the sistritm* (Gk. aeiffTpov], which among the Egyptians consisted of an oval frame with iron rods lying loosely in holes in the sides. Rings were suspended from the ends of these rods and a handle supported the whole (fig. 5). These sistra were used in Egypt in religious services, and especially at the Isis dances (Juvenal, 1893^ ). The Hebrew mind mena'ne'im were very probably simnar to the Egyptian sistra, if not exactly like them.

(4). The correct translation of the name of the fourth and last Hebrew instrument of percussion, salisim (a jy^y.Kv^aXa, i S. 186f; EV 'instruments of music' ), is more difficult to determine. The etymology shows plainly that they were in some way connected with the numeral three. It has been conjectured, and it seems likely, that they belong to the same class as the sistra and resembled the modern triangle, 1 being made of metal, but hung with rings and shaken instead of being struck with a metal bar. The only objection to this view is that there is no proof of the existence in the ancient East of triangular instruments of percussion. According to Athenoeus (Deipn. 4:175), instruments for shaking like the sistra came to Greece from Syria, and were used, as in some modern European regiments, for military field music. Nowack supposes, with little foundation, that the Salisim were cymbals with three parallel bars (HA, 273 ). 2 That they were triangular harps like the Gk. rpiyuvos [trigoonos] 3 is also unlikely, because the context leads us to suppose that they were instruments of percussion. Luther's rendering Geige, viol, is impossible, as there were no bowed instruments in early times.

1 From "?S<ii to jingle, clash.

2 Jahn, ffavtl. Alt. 1, 105 ; Pfeiffer, Musik d. Hekraer, 55.

3 Pilpel, participle of yij, to shake.

  • So RVi tf-, 2 S. 6:5, and Vulg.

4. Wind instruments: flute class.[edit]

Of wind instruments we may take first those of llie flute class,

[picture of FIG. 6. Arab Flute. From SBOT (Eng.) Psalms. goes here]

(a) Of these the most ancient was probably the flute called halil, I r ?n 1 lit. 'bored instrument' - (EV 'pipe' ), also nehilah, ^^ Ps 5:1 \ . The Hebrew flute was originally made of reed, but afterwards of wood bored through - e.g., of box, lotus, laurel - and later even of ivory and metal. There were many varieties of this instrument in use among the Assyrians, the Egyptians, and the Greeks. Some flutes were played either like the modern Arab flute (fig. 6), or as a flageolet with a mouthpiece of wood or metal like that of whistle. This was the case, for example, with the Egyptian and the Assyrian double flute (fig. 7) still used by Palestinian shepherds ; but other varieties like the Egyptian long flute (fig. 8) were played obliquely through a lateral blow -hole. Flutes varied greatly in length, tone, and number of finger-holes. The most primitive instruments had probably only two or three holes ; but the later flutes seem to have had seven, covering the entire octave. It is uncertain whether the kalil was a single straight pipe, a double flute, or a genuine horizontal or oblique flute. In fact, the word may have been applied as a generic name to these three kinds of instrument.

1 See RVmg, 'triangles', 'three-stringed instruments' ; Vulg. in sistris.

2 LXX and Pesh. make them a sort of cymbals.

3 Haupt, Psalms, .V AY T (Eng.), 233.

4 But see Uaethgen, Ptmimtn, n.

[picture of FIG. 7. goes here] [picture of FIG. 8. goes here]

The halil was essentially peaceful. It was used at feasts (Is. 5:12), festal processions (1 K. 1:40), pilgrimages (Is. 30:29), and to accompany dancing (Mt. 11:17). Besides this, it was the characteristic instrument of mourning (Mt. 9:23). J Even the poorest Hebrew had to have two flute-players and one hired female mourner at his wife's funeral. 2 There were probably no flute- players in the original temple orchestra, although the Talmud, referring to the Maccabsean and later temple, states that from two to twelve flutes were used at the regular sacrifice. 3 These were employed during the Passover and the following season, and also during the night services of the Feast of Tabernacles, 4 when a flute was blown at the altar to repeat the final tones of the Hallel. The associations with the flute, however, were evidently quite secular, as Clement of Alexandria objected strongly to its use at Christian love-feasts on the ground that it was a worldly instrument.

The word nekeb, ;pj (Ezek. 28:13 ; EV 'pipes' ), is probably not the name of a variety of flute, 5 but a technical expression for a jewel setting or box.

[picture of FIG. 9. Primitive Pipe-Organ. goes here]

(b) The ugab 6 (AV 'organ', 7 i.e. , 'pan's-pipe' ; RV 'pipe' ), and the mashrokitha 8 (only Dan. 3:5, 3:7, 3:10, 3:15; EV 'flute' ), were in all probability one and the same instrument - some development from the double flute, such as a mouth-organ or pan's-pipe, 9 the favourite pastoral instrument, which consisted of from seven to nine reed pipes of varying lengths and thicknesses tuned in a simple scale. This is the traditional inter pretation of ugab. The word seems to be used in Gen. 4:21, however, as a generic term for all wind instruments. If this is so, it may have been applied later especially to the pan's-pipe, which, strangely enough, was the parent of the most elaborate modern instrument, the pipe-organ, a nearer approach to which may have been reached in the magrephah of the Herodian temple.

The magrephah seems to have been a pipe-work with bellows of elephant's or bull's hide and a wind-box with ten openings, into each of which was fitted a pipe with ten holes, so that it was possible to obtain from it one hundred distinct tones. 10 Unfortunately, the accounts regarding this instrument are so contradictory that but little can be known about it definitely. Thus, according to some, it was small enough to be moved about by a single Levite, whilst others state that its thundering tones were audible on the Mount of Olives. This has caused some scholars to doubt its existence altogether. It is very likely, however, that wind-organs were known before the discovery by Ctesibias about 250 B.C. of the hydraulic organ. There is nothing improbable in the idea that such a wind instrument might have been used in the later temple. The Hebrew name magrephah, which means a 'fork' or 'tined shovel', would seem to be due to the form of the instrument, the pipes of which were thought to resemble tines. How it was played cannot be determined ; but of course it had no keyboard. 1 which was a very late development. The accompanying illustration of a primitive pipe-organ (fig. 9) is copied from the Constantinople obelisk erected by Theodosius, who died in 395 A.D.

The ugab was essentially an instrument of joy (Job 21:12, 30:31), and was used in praise services (Ps. 150:4). It was probably not a bagpipe as one tradition makes it. This would have been too secular for use in the worship of Yahwe. The modern Jews call pianos mashrokiten.

1 Jos. BJ 3:9:5.

2 Lightfoot ad Matth. 9:23.

3 Arakh. 2:3 ; Sukk. 5:1.

4 Also Tac. Hist.bs- See on this subject Del. PsalmettW, 27, rem. 7.

5 Ambros, Gcsch. d. Musik, 209.

6 Gen. 4:21, Job 21:12, 30:31, Ps. 150:4- 2X\y from 335;, flare, anhelare (?) So Delitzsch.

7 LXX, in Ps. 150, opyavoi , Jer. organum.

8 NrVpnc D from p-\jy, 'to hiss, blow'. nip IB i Judg. 5:15, probably refers to the piping of a flute, syrinx, or bagpipe (LXX, (rupta/uds [syrismos]) not 'bleatings'. nplB i Jer. 18:16, however, means 'object of hissing'.

9 2upiyf, fistula Panis.

10 nS"UC> Ardkh. 10611 a.

(c) The last example of flute-like instruments is the sumponya of Dan. 3:5, 3:15, incorrectly translated dulcimer 2 by EV (see BAGPIPE). Sumponya is an Aramaic loanword from the Gk. <rv/j.<f>uvla. [symphonia], which in later Greek may have been used to denote the ancient bagpipe, 3 an instrument whose form possibly resembled the modern Spanish zampona (Ital. sampogna], the name of which is clearly a derivative from <rvfj.<f>uvia [symphonia]. It was probably a goatskin bag with two reed pipes, the one used as a mouth-piece to fill the bag, which in Roman times had a porte-vent to relieve the strain on the player s throat, and the other, employed as a chanter -flute with finger-holes. The Arab bagpipe ghaita, also used in Spain, has seven finger-holes. The combined chanter mouthpiece and the three drones of the modern Scotch war-pipe are of course a peculiarly national development. It has been suggested that sip(p)onya Dan. 3:10, undoubtedly used of the same instrument sumponyd, may be derived from the Gk. <ri<j>ui> [siphon], 'tube, pipe', and may thus be the correct form of the word. 4 It is much more likely that sifonya merely represents an Aramaic mispronunciation of (TVfttfXitvicL [symphonia]. The whole question is doubtful, because ffvfj,(f>(i3via. [symphonia] in classical Greek meant a concord or unison of sounds (cp Lk. 15:25), 5 and appears only in the later language in the sense of a special musical instrument. 6 It is not likely that the av^uvia [symphonia], was a sistrum. 7

The bagpipe was popular in Rome (under the Emperors), where it was called chorus or tibia utricularia.

5. Wind instruments : trumpet class.[edit]

Of instruments of the trumpet class two are mentioned in the OT, (a) the shophar, ~\3ier, 'horn' (EV 'trumpet, cornet' ), and (b) the hasostrah, msisn (EV 'trumpet' ).

[picture of FIG. 10. Horns and curved Trumpets. goes here]

(a) Shophar. Synonymous with the shophar was the kiren, pp, horn (Josh. 6:51 Ch. 25:5). The kiren was primarily a simple ram's-horn (Josh. 6:4+), and according to the Talmud was crooked in shape. In later times, however, shopharath seem to have been made of metal 8 and straightened. This caused them to be confused with the hasostrah, which was essentially the priestly instrument. The primitive shophar is still to be seen in the Synagogue ritual horn (fig. 10), which is the oldest form of wind instrument in use to-day. 9 The early shopharath, however, were used chiefly for secular purposes -e.g. by watchmen (Am. 3:6), for battle alarms (Judg. 3:27), in assemblies (1 S. 13:3+), and at coronations (2 S. 15:10) - although in very ancient times they were employed also in ritual ; thus, to announce the Jubilee (Lev. 25:9), which takes its name from the instrument, 1 and at the approach of the Ark (2 S. 6:15).

1 As Saalschiitz thought, Arch. 1:282.

2 Identical with the mediaeval psaltery described below (fig. 20).

3 So RV margin.

4 Behrmann, Dan. 9. According to Meier, Wurzelw. "J^ff., rTJS D is f Semitic origin, either from rpo or [ED = |E!- He thought .TJESID was a Semitic word with g for resolution of the doubling in a form pSD. This is very doubtful.

5 AV margin, 'singing, symphony'.

6 Polybius, xxvi. 10s, Ed. Hultsch, along with Kfpdriov.

7 Ducang, s.v. Symphonia.

8 Crock. Chay. n. 586.

9 Cp Cyrus Adler, The Shophar, Report of U.S. Nat. Museum, 1892, pp. 437-450. Wash. 1894.

[picture of FIG. ii. Straight Trumpet and Pipe. goes here]

(b) The hasoserah was a straight metal trumpet (tuba), according to Josephus (Ant. 3:12:6), nearly a yard long, and but little wider than a flute, with an embouchure and a slightly flaring bell-like end. On the relief of the Arch of Titus two trumpets of this sort are shown leaning against the golden table of shewbread (fig. 11). The use of the hasoserah, in distinction from that of the shophar, was almost entirely religious. In fact, during the time when the post-exilic temple flourished, hasoseroth might be blown only by priests. Thus, there were in the temple two silver trumpets, which were sounded especially to announce festivals (Nu. 10:2, 31:6), and according to the Talmud two priests stood in the temple hall blowing trumpets when the drink-offering was presented (cp Ecclus. 50:16+). One hundred and twenty priests are said to have blown hasoseroth in Solomon's temple (2 Ch. 5:12). A secular use of the instrument, however, is mentioned in Hos. 5:8, where it is to be blown as a war-signal, and in 2 K. 11:14 and 2 Ch. 23:13, according to which it would seem that hasoseroth were blown also by laymen. It is possible that the instrument referred to in these passages was not the priestly hasoserah, but the straight later form of the shophdr, which, owing to its similarity of shape, might have been confused with the religious instrument.

[picture of FIG. 12. Trumpet on Jewish Coin. From SBOT (Eng.) Psalms. goes here]

A coin, dating from the reign of Hadrian (131-135 A.D. ), shows an example (fig. 12) of this trumpet, which was probably used in war. It will be noticed that these trumpets differ considerably in form from the sacred hasoseroth of the Arch of Titus. It would appear, however, from 1 Macc. 4:40, 5:33, that the later Jews also used trumpets in worship, either the straight war instrument or the real hasoserah.

Neither form of trumpet was, properly, a musical instrument, as both were used merely in signalling or in connection with other instruments to augment a joyous uproar of the people, not to accompany any melody (Ps. 98:6, 150:3). They were essentially instruments of teru'ah, noise' Three distinct methods of blowing them are recorded : taka , 'in blasts' ; mashak, 'sostenuto' ; and heru , 'with vibrating tones'. 1

1 See Josh. 6:5, Lev. 25:13 ; cp JUBILEE.

6. Stringed instruments.[edit]

Stringed instruments may be divided into two classes : harps, on which the strings arc strung perpendicularly, or obliquely from a sound-frame either above or below them, and lyres and lutes, on which the strings run horizontally, generally lengthwise across a sound-body. Only three stringed instruments are mentioned in the OT, the kinnor and the nebel ( 7-9), and the sabbekha (10), of which the first two were native and the last foreign. On 'Neginoth' (EV 'stringed instruments' ) see special article.

There can be no doubt that the very earliest Semitic and Egyptian stringed instruments were always either swept or plucked with the fingers. Later, however, as may be seen from the monuments, use was made of a plectrum. This was probably made at first either of wood or of bone, but subsequently of metal. Although there is no direct proof of the use of such a contrivance by the Hebrews, there is no reason to doubt that it was known to them. It is scarcely necessary to remark that bowed instruments were a very late development, and are not mentioned in the OT at all. 2

The Hebrew musical strings were probably generally of gut, and hardly ever of metal as in the modern Arab lutes. The statement in 2 S. 6:5 that the wood of which the Jewish instruments were made was cypress seems to depend on a textual error ; 3 but in 1 K. 10:12, 2 Ch. 9:11 it is recorded that Solomon had harps and psalteries made of sandal-wood (EV ALMUG, ALGUM TREES, q.v. ). This was very likely imported from India and Ethiopia.

7. Psaltery and harp.[edit]

[picture of FIG. 13. Citterns on Jewish Coins. From SBOT (Eng.) Psalms. goes here]

There is some confusion as to the exact nature of the kinnor* and the nebel, 6 and as to the distinction between them, one instrument being apparently sometimes called by the name of the other. The kinnor (and its synonym kitharis,* Dan. 3:5+) is translated 'harp' by EV, whilst the nebel (and its equivalent, pesanterin," 1 in Dan. 3:5+) is called by EV 'psaltery', except in Is. 14:11, Am. 5:23, 6:5, where nebel is rendered by 'viol' (in Is. 5:12 AV 'viol', RV 'lute'. )

The two instruments represented on the late Jewish coins (fig. 13) mentioned above strongly resemble the Greek lyre and cittern, which were closely allied to each other. 8 In the former the frame is square, the body oval, and there is a kettle-shaped sound-body below. In the latter the sides of the frame are curved and connected across the top by a bar, which supports the upper ends of the strings. The sound-body, as in the lyre, is below, but is vase-shaped. This resemblance to the Greek lyre and cittern is, of course, striking, but is in itself no proof that the instruments figured were essentially Greek not Jewish. So conservative a people as the later Jews would never have depicted instruments which did not resemble very strongly those in use in their own worship at the time, and they would certainly not have used foreign instruments in their services. The number of strings on both instruments seems to vary between three and six. It is impossible to determine definitely which of the instruments figured is the kinnor and which is the nebel, or whether they are both varieties of the one or the other ; but the probability is, as will appear presently ( 9), that they represent two sorts of kinnor.

1 Cp on the ancient trumpet, Ambros, 492.

2 In spite of AV in Is. 5:12.

3 See RV i g.; Q B -I-Q ^y "733 should be CTBQ1 IV S32, so, after i Ch. 138, We., Dr. TBS 204, HPSm., etc.

4 n33> KiOdpa, but in I S. 1623 Kivvpa. Also Josephus. 1133 = il/aAnjpioi [psalterion] in Ps. 81:3.

8 VlJ) i/nxAnjpioi ; but once, mOdpa [kithara] (Ps. 81:3), and in Am. 5:23 ti 5 opyavov [organon].

6 D"irrp> a loan-word from Ki 0apic [kitharis]. Not OTJVp as n MT. The fCtre changes it to the usual D"irij3 of the Targums.

7 The form iajD8 with Q in Dan. 3:7 is really more correct than j TTUDfl w i h n in 3:5, as in Aramaic and late Hebrew j\ generally represents 6 [th] and B = [t]; cp jncjwi = Scarpov , but we do find N~ ;nn = Tpayr)ju.a (see Strack, Neuheb. Gr. 13, 6). Cp DANIKI. [BOOK], it.

8 Avpa [dura] and *#dpa [kitara]. The latter must not be confused with the German zither. The name guitar is a derivative from KiSdpo [kitara]. The guitar itself is a development of the lute.

8. Their relation to foreign instruments.[edit]

[picture of FIG. 14. Egyptian Lyre. goes here]

Any comparison of either kinnor or nebel with the many varieties of Assyrian and Egyptian stringed instruments, however suggestive, must, of course, be purely conjectural, as we have practically only statements of the Fathers to guide us.

Augustine, Eusebius, and Hilary distinguish between an instrument with a drum-shaped sound-body below, with the belly turned downwards (kinnor), and an instrument with a sound-frame above, which covered the ends of the strings (nebel).

Jerome compared the shape of the nebell to a A [delta], and in his explanation of Ps. 33:2 also mentions the difference in the position of the sound-body. Of course the Church Fathers could have known only the late form of the Jewish instruments which had come under Greek and Roman influence ; but it is highly improbable that the fundamental character of the instruments had changed materially, except, possibly, as to size and the number of the strings. 1

These descriptions certainly seem to show that, in the form in which the Fathers knew the instruments, the kinnor was a lyre and the nebel a pure harp.

Whatever the character of the kinnor may have been, the class of instruments which it represented was certainly very ancient, as its invention is attributed to Jubal in Gen. 421 (see CAINITES, 11). The constant translation of kinnor by kithara (lyre), as well as the descriptions of the Fathers, makes it highly likely that the instrument belonged to the lyre class. It was certainly not a lute, 1 although the lute is a development from the primitive lyre.

1 The theories of the later Jews are not trustworthy.

[picture of FIG. 15. Later Egyptian Lyre. goes here]

The oldest form of the lyre appears on an ancient Egyptian relief (fig. 14), showing the peaceful immigration into Egypt of a family of Semitic Bedouins during the twelfth dyn. (see JOSEPH ii. , 8, col. 2591, and col. 19, n. 2 ). One of the immigrants is carrying a rudely-formed stringed instrument, consisting of a long four-cornered board, the upper part of which is cut into a four-cornered frame, on which are strung seven or eight strings, all of equal length, running parallel to the long sides of the board. The player carries the instrument braced against his body horizontally and plays it with a black plectrum. His left hand is pressed against the strings, probably in order to secure the correct tone by damping them. This ancient representation of the lyre shows that it must have been originally a Semitic instrument, although the Egyptians developed it still further, as may be seen from the accompanying illustration of one of their later lyres (fig. 15).

An interesting illustration of a Hittite lyre appears on a relief slab now in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (see Humann and Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien u. Nordsyrien, PI. xlvii. fig. 2).

The Assyrian horizontal harp, which was played in exactly the same manner, but was essentially different in form, must not be confused with the lyre.

1 The translators of the Arabic version of the London Polyglot render iij3 by tunbur (tinbar), which is a stringed instrument of the lute species. They use also el-ud (Port, alaude, Sp. laud, Eng. lute).

[picture of FIG. 16. Semitic captives playing Lyres. From a slab in the British Museum. goes here]

The kinnor was probably the Hebrew form of the lyre, and this view is strengthened by an examination of the interesting relief (fig. 16) showing an Assyrian warrior guarding three Semitic captives, playing on lyres held obliquely. The dress seems to indicate that they were Israelitish prisoners, possibly in the same unhappy condition as that of their Judrean kinsmen (in later days), who are made to complain in Ps. 137:2+ that they had hung up their kinnoroth in sad despair, because their captors required of them songs (cp, how ever, PSALMS, 28, ix. ). The instruments on this relief, like the lyres of the Jewish coins, seem to have four or five strings. Josephus states, however (Ant. 7:12:3), that the kinyra (kinnor) had ten strings and was played with the plectrum, whilst in 1 S. 16:23 we read that David played the kinnor with his (own) hand, which may mean simply that David himself and no other played the instrument. This does not imply that he did not use a plectrum. Jerome, commenting on Ps. 332, asserts that the kinnor had six strings. The probability is that the earlier Hebrew stringed instruments were much simpler in construction, and had fewer strings, than the later forms. That there was a distinct development of the Greek lyre and cittern may be seen from the fact that the lyre had originally only four strings (Diod. 3:16), but later seven (Eur. Zph. in Taur. 1129), whereas the cittern, since Terpander's time (700-650 B.C.), had seven strings (Eur. Ion, 881), which were afterwards increased to eleven (Suidas, s.v. 'Timotheos' ).

The cittern (kithara) mentioned in 1 Macc. 4:54 may have been the kinnor.

[picture of FIG. 17. Assyrian Harp. From a slab in the British Museum. goes here]

The idea that the nebel was a sort of lute 1 with convex belly, in distinction from the kinnor, which was supposed to be a harp, arose from the meaning of the Hebrew word nebel, 'water-skin, jug', 2 which would seem to imply that its sound-body was shaped like a vessel of this sort, as is the case with the citterns on the Jewish coins. This meaning of nebel might also indicate that the chief part of its sound-body was an animal membrane (?). It is much more likely, in view of the testimony of the Fathers, that the nebel was a harp-like instrument, a fair idea of which can be got from the representations of the Assyrian portable harp (fig. 17), although the sound-frame of the nebel may have been shaped differently from that of the Assyrian instrument. Furthermore, the A shape of the nebel mentioned by Jerome agrees with the appearance of the Assyrian harp. Jerome's statement may have been due, how ever, to a confusion of the nebel with the Gk. Tpiyuvos. Varro's name for the nebel-psahery, ortho-psallium, 'erect stringed instrument', shows plainly that it could not have been a lyre, which was played in an oblique or horizontal position. As both nebel and kinnor were portable instruments (1 S. 10:5, 2 Ch.20:28) the nebel could scarcely have been the same as the great bow-shaped Egyptian standing harp (fig. 18). Harps of all sizes 3 were in use among the Assyrians and the Egyptians, and there is no reason to doubt that many varieties were used also by the Hebrews.

[picture of FiG. 18 Egyptian standing Harp. goes here]

1 The Jewish tradition that the lute was David s favourite instrument is based on a misinterpretation of Am. 6 5 (see DAVID, 13, n. 3).

2 The etymology is uncertain. Gk. va/3Aa, va/3Aas, I a^Atof, are simply Semitic loan-words. There is no reason to suppose that nfbel is a loan-word from Eg. nfr, lute (We. Psalms, SfiOT[Eng.} 222, n. 8).

^ Cp the illustrations in Wellhausen, SBOT (Eng.) Psalms, 224-232.

[picture of FIG. 19. Assyrian Dulcimer. goes here] [picture of FIG. 20. Mediaeval Psaltery or Dulcimer. From SBOT (Eng.) Psalms. goes here]

The translation of nebel by psaltery, however, adds another element of difficulty to the identification. On the Assyrian monuments we find an instrument like a dulcimer (fig. 19), which must not be confounded with the pure horizontal harp. The strings on this dulcimer must have lain parallel to each other, strung horizontally over a flat, dish-shaped sound-body. The Assyrian artist could not represent this properly, owing to his ignorance of the laws of perspective. This instrument was probably the predecessor of the Arab santir, which some expositors have sought to identify as a form of the nebel. The santir has now practically given place to the kindred kanun. The twenty-stringed Greek magadis x and the forty-stringed epigoneion 2 were developments from some earlier instrument of the dulcimer-kanun class. The psaltery of the later Greeks, 3 which was an instrument of the same sort, survived in a somewhat modified form into the Middle Ages under the same name, and is found to-day in the Hungarian czimbal. 4 This mediaeval psaltery or dulcimer (fig. 20) was the instrument known to the translators of the AV. 5

[picture of FIG 21 - Babylonian Harp. From SBOT (Eng.) Psalms. goes here]

One form of it, the testa di porco, was triangular, a fact which, probably owing to Jerome's giving this form to the nebel, seems to have caused some confusion. Of course, it is not quite impossible that the nebel may have been something like the Assyrian dulcimer ; but such an idea is in direct contradiction to the descriptions of the Fathers, and could be only feebly supported by the meaning of the name when not applied to a musical instrument. At first, the nebel may have had only a small number of strings, like (fig. 21) the Babylonian harp (five) ; but, as its musical possibilities became apparent, the number was increased. Josephus asserts (Ant. 7:12:3 ) that the nebel of his time had twelve notes and was played with the fingers. This latter statement certainly seems to confirm the theory that the nebel was a harp, as it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to get a satisfactory effect from an instrument of the dulcimer species without a plectrum. In Ps. 33:2 we find mention of a nebel with ten strings. The preferred Assyrian harp had sixteen strings (two octaves), which would cover the range of the ordinary human voice.

1 Not to be confused with the Lydian flute of the same name.

- See Ambros, I.e. 474.

3 The instrument, whose tone-changes are alluded to in Wisd. 19:18, was probably the Greek psaltery.

  • See Wetzstein ; Del. Isaiah W, 703.

8 The cembalo of Boccaccio and the sautrie of Chaucer (cp Wasiliewski, Gesch. d. Instrutneittal-musik int \bten Ja.hr- hundert [1878], 78^).

Athenaeus (4 175), quoting from Sopatros, gives an obscure verse from which some have sought to show that the nebel was a pipe or flageolet. The allusion, which is to a pipe-shaped part of the instrument, probably refers merely to the hollow curved sound-body.

It is quite possible that kinnor and nebel may have been generic names, the former for all instruments of the lyre class, and the latter for all instruments of the harp class.

[picture of FIG. 22. Egyptian Stringed Instruments. goes here]

Although the lute does not appear in the OT as a native instrument, there is every reason to believe that the Hebrews knew and used it, as it was well-known both to the Assyrians and to the Egyptians in practically the mediaeval form (fig. 22). The modern Arab lute came from Persia, although the Arabs attribute its invention to Pythagoras. It is highly probable that the lute was brought to Persia from Assyria or Egypt. 2 Its convex gourd-shaped belly is an indication that its sound-body may have been originally a membrane drawn across a gourd like a drum-head.

1 An exhaustive treatise on /<>r and nebcl vi\\\ be found in Riehm, //// Ml), 1028^ (2) 1042^.

2 Cp Ambros, 112+, who ascribes to Cambyses its introduction from Egypt into Persia.

3 Cp Ps. 137:2, Job 30:31. It is interesting to note that Jer. 48:36, repeating Is. 16:11, changes 7133 to "j^n-

9. Their use.[edit]

Neither kinnor nor nebel was used for mourning ; 3 their use was always on joyous occasions (Gen. 31:27, Is. 24:8 ) as at feasts (Is. 5:12) and at all kinds of religious services (Ps. 33:2, 43:4 ). The instruments are named together in nearly every passage referring to the national worship (2 Ch. 29:25, Ps. 92:3, 108:2, 150:3 ). The kinnor was undoubtedly more generally used, as it is mentioned in the OT 44 times and the nebel only 27. The use of these two instruments may be compared to that of the shophar and the hasoserah. The kinnor had certainly the more secular character of the two, as Is. 23:16 implies that it was a favourite instrument of harlots. Of course it was also very extensively used in religious services, as the above passages show. The nebel on the other hand, like the hasoserah, seems to be the more solemn instrument, devoted exclusively to religious use (Am. 5:23, Ps. 144:9) ; in fact, it was a desecration to sing popular melodies to its accompaniment (Am. 6:5, Is. 14:11). Another difference appears to be indicated in 1 Ch. 15:20+ which points out that the nebel was used to accompany song in the higher notes ('alamoth) and the kinnor in the lower tones (sheminith). 'Alamoth means 'girls', and the statement here may imply that the strings of the nebel were tuned as high as the tones of the female voice. In Ps. 46:1, Gratz's rendering of rncSy *?>, 'with a nabla in the Elamitic form' * has little to support it. That high-pitched instruments should be spoken of as similar to female voices (see ALAMOTH) has an exact parallel in the Greek description of the shriller flutes yvvaiKriiot ira.pdfvi.Kol av\oi [gynaikeioi parthenoi auloi]. It is of course unnecessary to assume that the nebel was used only to accompany women. The word 'alamoth might have been used as a general term for high tones like those of women and could thus have been applied equally well to male falsettos or tenors. 'Al sheminith may mean in this connection according to the eighth and indicate that kinnoroth were tuned an octave lower. Other renderings of sheminith are 'eight-stringed instruments', - or 'in the eighth mode'. 3 This last translation is very doubtful, as we knOw nothing of the ancient Semitic musical modes. [To these difficult terms we return in special articles, from a text-critical point of view ; see also conspectus of new explanations in PSALMS (BOOK), 25-26]

10. Sackbut.[edit]

[picture of FIG. 23. Egyptian lute-shaped hand-harp. From the British Museum. goes here]

The sabbekha (N23E- [Gi. Ba. 4 ], Dan. 3:5, 7:10-11) was not a Hebrew instrument (EV 'sackbut' ) ; it was probably of Syrian or late Egyptian origin. It seems to be the same as the Greek ffafj.f3vKt] (Latin sambuca), which was a sharp-toned triangular musical instrument with four strings, according to Strabo (471) of barbarous origin. It was said to resemble a military siege-instrument of the same name. 5 It is possible that the aa.^i Kt] [sambuke] was originally Egyptian and came into Syria under the Seleucid;e, which would account for its appearance in Daniel. Riehm suggests 6 that it may have been the same as the lute -shaped Egyptian hand-harp, which was a hybrid creation with a lute belly (fig. 23), but strung as a harp. Its shape agrees with the statements regarding the [sambuke]

1 Psalmen, 85. He thinks (71) that alamoth cannot mean vox virginea, because it refers not to voices, but to instruments (?). Instruments were used, however, only to accompany voices.

2 Gratz, op. cit., 85.

3 Wellhausen, I.e. on 6.

4 See Ba. on Dan. 3:5.

5 Athen. 14 634.

6 HW BV) 1037, (2) 1051.

" -\ V ^3, Neh. 1236 iCh. 1042 2Ch. 5 13 76 34 12. In Am. 6 5 Nowack and especially Cheyne (col. 1034, Exp. T. 9 334) suspect corruption of the text.

11. Orchestration.[edit]

[picture of FIG. 24. Assyrian Quartet. From SBOT (Eng.) Psalms. goes here] [picture of FIG. 25. Assyrian Orchestra. From a slab in the British Museum. goes here]

The expression k'le shir, 'instruments of song', 7 which occurs in several passages of the OT as a general term for all kinds of musical instruments, shows plainly that the ancient Hebrews used instrumental music solely to accompany singing. Indeed, the idea of independent orchestration is a comparatively modern development. In very early times, songs were accompanied only by tambourines beaten by women (Ex. 15:20+); but in later days we find various combinations of the Hebrew musical instruments. Thus, in 2 S. 6:5, strings, drums, and cymbals, augmented by instruments for shaking. The accompanying illustration (fig. 24) of an Assyrian quartet of two lyres, a drum, and cymbals should be compared here. On a relief of an Assyrian orchestra (fig. 25), dating from the time of Asur-bani-pal (668-626 B.C.), there are seven portable harps, one dulcimer, two double flutes, and a drum, all played by men, but accompanied by women and children clapping hands to mark time. One woman is evidently singing in a very shrill tone, as she is compressing her throat with her hand just as Oriental women do to-day, in order to produce a high tremolo. In a similar representation of an Egyptian band, we note a large standing harp, a lyre, a lute, an oblique shoulder harp, and a double flute, all played by women, and only one woman clapping her hands (fig. 26). The Assyrian band is marching to greet the victorious monarch ; but the Egyptian orchestra is stationary.

[picture of FIG. 26. An Egyptian Band. From SBOT (Eng.) Psalms goes here]

These illustrations show combinations of various stringed instruments with wind and percussion ; but in both instances the only wind instrument is the double flute. Analogous to these combinations are the harp, timbrel, flute, and lyre (nebel, toph, halil, and kinnor) of 1 Sam. 10:5 (a band of prophets) and Is. 5:12 (at table). Although the combination of flutes and strings is mentioned only rarely in the OT, there is no reason to think that it was unusual.

We must suppose that nearly all the performers in these Assyrian and Egyptian representations are singing and accompanying themselves (except of course the flute- players), a fact which the artist did not represent except in the case of one member of the Assyrian full band. The use of trumpets with other instruments does not appear until quite late (2 Ch. 5:12+, 20:28, 29:25+), and then they were employed only in the pauses of the song.

12. Development of Hebrew music.[edit]

It is of course impossible to state anything definite regarding the origin of the music of the Hebrews. According to their own tradition, instrumental music was invented by Jubal (see CAINITES, 11), who was the father of all such as handle the lyre and the double flute (or pan's-pipe) : all who played on stringed and wind instruments (Gen. 4:21). In early times such instrumental music as there was - songs accompanied by the hand-drum, flute, or simple form of lyre - was probably purely secular, used as it is to day among the Bedouins at pastoral merry-makings (Gen. 31:27, Job 21:12). The Hebrew, like all other primitive music, stood in the closest relation to poetry, as may be inferred from the mention of musical accom paniment to song (Ex. 15:20, 1 S. 18:6). It was used extensively at festivities, but does not escape the severe condemnation of the prophets (Am. 6:5, Is. 5:12). In the Greek period the popularity of secular music appears to have greatly increased (Ecclus. 32:4-6), nor can this be unconnected with the Hellenising movement among the Jews. According to Josephus, however (Ant. 15:8:1), it was Herod the Great who first introduced Greek songs accompanied by instruments.

Of the music in use at Canaanitish shrines we know absolutely nothing. Without some notion of that, however, we cannot continue to speak positively as to that used at the Israelitish sanctuaries. All that the OT gives us is a few hints respecting the use of music for religious purposes in the prophetic schools (1 S. 10:5, l9:20). This suggests a native Israelitish musical movement which may have combined with outside influences to produce a ritualistic musical service of unnecessary elaborateness. The development of the temple music cannot be here described. There was no doubt a period in which Babylonian influence counted for something, and another in which Greek influence profoundly modified the earlier system (see PSALMS [BOOK], 9, ii. ). All that we are concerned to maintain here is that the development was continuous. We may conjecture that the only music originally enjoined by the Hebrew ritual was the blowing of trumpets by priests at the new moons (Lev. 23:24, 25:9) and at feasts ; but we may be sure that in the royal sanctuary at Jerusalem an orchestra of instruments would not be wanting. Whatever the pre-exilic musical system was, we know that it did not die out during the exile, for we find that a number of singers and musicians returned to Palestine with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:41, Neh. 7:44). We can also easily credit the statement that music enlivened the ceremony of the laying of the corner-stone of the second temple, and of the consecration of the city walls (Ezra 3:10+, Neh. 11:22, 12:27+), and it is doubtless a historical fact that the rededication of the temple under Judas the Maccabee was celebrated with vocal and instrumental music (1 Macc. 4:54).

13. Its character.[edit]

In studying the character of the ancient Hebrew music we are limited to conjectures based on our somewhat uncertain data regarding the nature and the use of the instruments and of the temple ritual. That music was regarded as a noble art may be seen from Ecclus. 44:5, where the composition of melodies is spoken of as a high accomplishment. Although the music was no doubt extremely crude from a modern occidental point of view, it certainly had considerable effect on the hearers (1 S. 16:16+, 2 K. 3:15). Most modern writers on this subject are liable to err in one of two directions. They either, like many Jewish Rabbins, exalt the char acter of early musical art in Israel, or they are too apt to dismiss it as a mere barbarous system. In much the same way the average occidental traveller of the present day is almost sure to undervalue from an artistic point of view the shrill unison singing of the Arabs. The probability is that the Hebrew music like that of the modern Arabs was rhythmical rather than melodious. The Arab tunes consist generally of well marked rhyth mical cadences following a somewhat monotonous melody always sung and accompanied in unison. That unison singing and accompaniment was characteristic also of the ancient Israelites is seen from 2 Ch. 5:13: 'and both the trumpeters and the singers were as one making one sound to praise and exalt Yahwe'. This simply means that the trumpets all played together on the same note at the proper pauses of the song and that the voices sang the air in unison. There can be no doubt that a modern well-balanced oriental chorus singing in unison, accompanied by strings, wood-wind, and percussion, has a powerful artistic effect even on a European listener, provided that he is sufficiently un prejudiced to lay aside for the moment his harmonic training and allow himself to be swayed by the quaver ing movement of the shrill but rarely untrue voices and instruments, accentuated by the ceaseless thrum of the tambourines. The character of the melody itself be comes quite secondary in such a case and only the general effect is felt. The Hebrew songs and psalms must have influenced the listener in much the same way as the modern Arab is affected by his music.

1 The strings of the twenty-stringed magadis were tuned in octaves. Maya&i&iv [magadizein] means 'sing in octaves'.

14. Harmony.[edit]

Harmony was as unknown to the ancient Israelites and Greeks as it is to-day to the Arabs, Turks, and Persians. Its beginnings are traceable, however, in melodies where the lower voices and strings dwell on the dominant or fifth, producing an effect like the drone of a bagpipe, while the higher parts render the air with striking distinctness and accuracy. European harmony began about the tenth century A.D.

We may suppose that the Israelitish choirs sang and played in octaves, 1 as the terms alamoth and sheminith, mentioned already ( 9), as referring respectively to the high and the low pitched instruments, would seem to indicate. It is probable that in the temple worship the higher vocal parts were taken by male falsettos and tenors, rather than by women, who do not appear at all in the temple service. The three daughters of Heman mentioned (1 Ch. 25:5), are not meant to be included in the list of temple ministrants any more than are the singing women referred to in Ezra 26:5 (cp Neh. 7:67, 1 Esd. 5:42). The girls playing on tabors (Ps. 68:25) figured simply in a procession. The boy choir mentioned in the Talmud as standing below the main chorus is not referred to in the OT.

In spite of lack of harmony, the ancient Hebrew singing was not a mere monotonous cantillation. Excellent effects could, no doubt, be produced by means of antiphonal choruses which must have been used extensively both in the secular and in the religious music thus, in secular music in 1 S. 18:6+, Ex. 15:21, and devotionally in the various antiphonal psalms (Pss. 20, 21, 118, 136). The parallelism so common in the sacred poetry seems to point to such antiphonal usage. In many cases the psalms were sung by two answering choirs ; both of which must frequently have united, however, in rendering the effective finale (cp Ps. 121). Both the Assyrians and the Egyptians prob ably sang airs of all kinds in this way.

The Christian hymns mentioned in the NT (see HYMNS), which were no doubt of Hebrew origin, were in all likelihood sung in the same manner (Eph. 5:19, Col. 3:16). In fact, we know 1 that the early Christians had an antiphonal system which still survives in the Gregorian and oriental psalmody. 2

15. Melodies.[edit]

Very little can be stated with certainty regarding the character of the melodies themselves, as we have absolutely no specimens of them. Unlike the later Greeks, 3 the Semitic races never invented a system of musical notation whereby their airs could be recorded, and the modern oriental systems of this kind are few of them older than the seventeenth century of the present era. Nothing is known of the Hebrews scale or modes except that, as stated before, their musicians must have been familiar with the octave which was a very ancient development in music. It was the basis of Terpander's scale of seven notes, and appears doubled at the time of Aristoxenus, the pupil of Aristotle, when a scale of fifteen tones was in use.

The Hebrew religious scale was probably diatonic, as Clement of Alexandria and Augustine both warned the faithful to avoid the heathen chromatic style of singing and advised them to return to the simple psalmody of David. It is clear, therefore, that they thought this to have been diatonic - i.e. , proceeding according to the signature of the prevailing key. They reasoned, no doubt from the accepted contemporary Jewish usage, which was probably diatonic. Clement likens the style of the current Hebrew music to the Greek Doric mode which Aristotle said was the only musical style giving perfect calm to the soul. The Doric and the Phrygian were minor modes and the Lydian was exactly equivalent to the modern major.

The most ancient connected specimen of music which we have is the famous Greek paean to Apollo in the Phrygian scale of the Doric mode, which was discovered at Delphi in 1893 by the members of the French school of Archaeology at Athens. 4 The following few bars may prove of interest, as the hymn, which is in the regulation five-time peculiar to the paean, 5 is undoubtedly very ancient, although it may be doubted whether the air is as old as 277 B.C., the date of the establishment of the Soteria festival at which it was sung. 6 The ode was accompanied by the flute and kithara.

[wordless music goes here]

1 Plin. Kp. 10 97 .

2 Cp the eight styles of Armenian spiritual song (ZDMG 5 366^.).

3 Cp Revue des Etudes Grecyues, 1894, 7 xxxvy?; Pauly,. Reahncycl. der class. Alterthumsvyissenschaft, 1814, s.v. 'Alypius'.

  • Revue des Etudes Grecyues, 1 35./C

5 Bulletin de correspondence Hellenique, 17 593-6, on Greek rhythm.

6 Berliner Philologische U ochenschrift, 14931.

On the various musical headings in the Psalms (cp 9, 22, 45 etc. ), apparently indicating the name of melodies or styles according to which the respective poems were to be sung, see the commentaries [but cp PSALMS, 26].

The modern synagogal tunes, although some of them may be ancient, can give us no clue as to the nature of the original temple music. They are regarded by all trustworthy authorities as a post-Christian development. Leyrer says of them that they are the echo of the spiritual death of the early music. - The following specimen may serve to give some idea of their general style :

[worded music goes here]

Finally, the cantillatory modulations represented by the accents are also of late origin. Of these there are three distinct styles ; one for reading the Torah, one for the Prophetic books, and one for the Psalms, Job, and Proverbs. The accent-signs do not have the value of musical notes, but are simply a mnemonic rhythmic system intended to aid the reader in remembering melodies which he has already learned orally. These chants have become much changed in the course of time and vary in different countries. 4

16. Literature.[edit]

The following works give lists of the older literature : Forkel, Allgenieine Gcsch. d. Musik, 1 173-184 ; Leyrer, PREP) 10387-398; Ugoltni, Tnes.SSG , also Ambros, GescA. d. Musik ; Benz. HA (1894); Brown, Musical Instruments and their Homes (N.Y. 1888) ; Del. Physiologie . Miisik (1868) ; Psalmen, 25^; Ew. Die Dichter d. Alien Bundes^) 1 209^ ; Now. HA 1 270- 79; Pfeiffer, Die Musik d. Alien Hebriier (1779); Riehm, y/;r/> ( ), 1028-45, (2 > 1042-59 ; Saalschutz, Arch. d. Hebr. (1855); Schenkel, BL 4 256-264 (1872) ; We. Psalms in SHOT (Eng.); Winer, Bibl. Reahi<Srterbuch,1im J ff .; F. L. Cohen, Rise and Development of Synagogue Music, Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition Papers (1888), 80-135. J. u. P.

1 This section is taken from the middle of the hymn before the first pause. The musical text is illegible in several places. Revue des Etudes Grecques, ~ 40-42.

2 / A A |2| 10389.

3 For further specimens, see De Sola, The Ancient Melodies of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews (1857).

4 For specimens, cp Japhet, Die Accents d. Ifeiligen Schrift (1896), 170^

MUSICIAN, TO THE CHIEF[edit]

(n-tf etj rb rAos ; Aq. T<a viKOiroiu , Sym. eiripiKiof J Theod. els TO IUKO$ ; Jer. victori or pro victoria; Tg. NrDE S 'ad laudandam' ).

The expression occurs in the headings of fifty-five psalms, and in the subscription of the prayer or psalm of Habakkuk (Hab. 3:19). Tradition is divided. LXX adopts the sense of 'eternity', reading most probably Ianesah, rmS - i.e., 'with reference to the period of the end'.

Cp Dan. 11:13, where D BJ?n fp7, 'at the end of the times' (RV), is rendered in LXX Kara o-ufTtAeiai/ xaipov (see Kus. etc., a/*. Del., and cp Mt. 1839, etc.), and by Theod. eis (TO) rc Aot TIOI

Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion adopt the sense borne by nsj in Mishnic Hebrew, Jewish Aramaic, and Syriac. The Targum comes the nearest to the prevalent modern interpretation, which is 'for the precentor, or director of music', and is supported by D njfJC, me nassehim, which clearly means 'superintendents' (cp 1 Ch. 23:4), 2 Ch. 2:1 [2:2], 2:17 [2:18], 34:13, and, according to most, by the use of the infinitive nw 1 ?, le nasseah, in 1 Ch. 15:21 in a specialised sense for leading in the liturgical service of song. Olshausen, however, long ago pointed out that 'for the precentor' is a very superfluous direction, and various attempts have consequently been made to provide a more satisfactory explanation, based on the view that njfj, nisseah, had the specialised sense referred to. Ewald takes me nasseah as an abstract form meaning 'performance with temple music' (so also Ges. -Bu. ), whilst BDB, on the analogy of le david, inS suggests, 'Belonging to the Director's Collection of Psalms'. These explanations are based on the MT of 1 Ch. 15:21. For a more probable though still not certain explanation see PSALMS [BOOK], 26 (19), with note, where the subject is discussed afresh. Cp also MASCHIL.

T. K. c.

MUSTARD[edit]

(CINATTI; Mt. 13:31, 17:20, Mk. 4:31, Lk. 13:19, 17:6+). In all five passages the minuteness of the seed is referred to, whilst in three the seed is spoken of as growing into a herb large enough to be called a tree and to have applied to it an echo of the phrase in Dan. 4:12 [4:9] 'the birds of the heaven dwelt in the branches thereof' (cp Ezek. 17:23). The former detail presents no difficulty, for although there are in fact several seeds smaller than the mustard, it is certainly one of the smallest, and 'a grain of mustard seed' was a proverbial expression for a minute quantity, found both in the Talmud (e.g., Ber. 5:1) and in the Koran (e.g. , 21:48). On the other hand, that it should be spoken of as growing into a tree gives rise to difficulty, and has led many (e.g. , Royle) to suppose that the reference is to Salvadora persica, a tree which the Arabs call by the same name as mustard (hardal), and which Irby and Mangles (Travels in Egypt, 108) found growing on the southern shores of the Dead Sea. This, however, is most unlikely, for S. persica is of rare occurrence in Palestine and probably never travelled farther N. than the Dead Sea. 1 The mustard plant, which is common throughout the country, has often been found growing to a height of 8 to 12 ft. , and great numbers of small birds alight upon its stalks in order to pluck the seeds (cp Furrer, BL 5:281 ; Tris tram, NHB 473). An unlikely hypothesis is that adopted by Holtzmann and B. Weiss that in Lk. the tree is meant, whilst in Mk. the writer is rather thinking of the herb.2

The mustard plant common in Palestine is the black species, Brassica nigra, Boiss. N. M.

1 [Cp Julicher, Glcichnisreden, ii. 575.]

2 [An Oriental who was no botanist might well call the mustard plant a tree, remarks Julicher, op. cit., 575.)

MUTH-LABBEN, TO[edit]

(J? 1 ? niCT^tf), a difficult phrase or note, occurring only in Ps. 9 title [i] (yTTep TOON Kpyd>itON Toy Y Oy [BNA, R omits TOY Y OY] N6ANIOTHTOC T- y. [Aq.]; for these renderings cp ALAMOTH ; Hexapl. &A/v\coe BeN, Sym. nepi Toy 8&N&TOY Toy Yioy, Theod., Quint, yrrep AKMHC TOY Y - Sext N6ANIKOTHC T. Y -)- -41-muth, FftO ^y, is a corrupt form of 'al-alamoth mo v^I? (see ALAMOTH) ; but the meaning of Labben (LXX{R} om.), if the reading is correct, is unknown. Following the MT (for the death of . . . ) the Targum refers it to Goliath, the ish habbenayim, D"J3rt B K, of 1 S. l7:4; other Rabbinic writers not less improbably identified the name with the questionable BEN (q.v. ) of 1 Ch. 15:18, or with Nabal C?33 by metathesis). Most moderns (e.g. , Hitzig, Hupfield, Delitzsch, Beer) suppose muth-labben (pS nio) to be the opening words of an air, to the melody of which the psalm was to be sung. The analogy of many other enigmatical insertions, however, suggests a more plausible theory. One of the guilds of singers bore the name Salmah ; we should perhaps read, for p 1 ? mo -l ?j;, nD 1 ?!? % JiS, 'of the sons of Salmath'. See PSALMS (BOOK), 26 (1, 18). T. K. c.

MUTILATION[edit]

See CUTTINGS OF THE FLESH ; also LAW AND JUSTICE, 11.

MYNDUS[edit]

(MYNAOC)- A city on the Carian coast, at the extreme western end of the Halicarnassian peninsula, N. of the island of Cos ; only mentioned in 1 Mace. 15:23, as a place in which Jews were settled (139 B.C.). From early times Myndus possessed a fleet (Herod. 5:33 = about 500 B.C.). The town suffered from the proximity of Halicarnassus, and never became important this is indicated by the fact that its coinage does not begin until the second century B.C. The civilisation and importance of the Carian coast declined throughout the Roman and Byzantine periods. It is now Gumushli (or Yemishlu, Murray, Handbook to AM 113), a name derived from the silver mines worked in the neighbourhood, both in ancient and in mediasval times.

On the site, see Paton in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1887, p. 66; 1896, p. 204. W. J. W.

MYRA[edit]

(Acts 27:5 MYPA[ Lp . B ass], MYPPA. [B Jer., Lachm. , Tisch. , Treg. , WH], and, according to D in 21:1 eiC TTA.T&P& K<M MYP&)- Myra (mod. Dembre, from corruption of THN MYP&N) 1 in Lycia stood on a lofty hill at the angle of the gorges of the Myrus and the Andriace, 2.5 mi. from the sea (20 stades, Strabo, 666). Its port was Andriace at the mouth of the river of the same name (mod. Andraki. Cp Appian, Z?C482, A^prAos, fwi.Tre/jL<f>0eis AvSpufxjl, Mv/D&iM fTTivfiti), rr/v re a\vcru> ^ppTj^e TOV \ifj.evos, /cat es Mi /pa di>7?et). Myra was of no special importance during the Greek period ; but its importance continually increased under the Empire and through the Byzantine period, until at last it became the capital and metropolis of Lycia (Hier. 530) : the monastery of S. Nicolas (born at Patara, bishop of Myra 3rd cent. ) on the road to the port was probably the cathedral. This importance arose from the intimate connection of the town with the maritime traffic which developed under the Ptolemies between the eastern Aegean and Egypt (cp Paton and Hicks, Inscriptions of Cos, ,p. xx.xiii : 'there must have been daily communication between Cos and Alexandria' ; see also Rams. St. Paul the Traveller, 298). When, under the Empire, the Egyptian trade, especially that in grain, was diverted to Rome, this connection still continued. For although Myra lies nearly due N. of Alexandria, the corn-ships, owing to the westerly winds prevailing in the Levant in the summer months (Purdy, Sailing Directions, 197, 1841 ; cp Acts 27:4), ran straight across to Lycia, and thence to the S. of Crete. Hence Paul, on his voyage to Rome, 'sailed over the sea of Cilicia and 'Pamphylia and 'came 2 to Myra' where an Alexandrian corn ship (irKoiov A\f^av- Spivov, v. 6; cp v. 38) was found, on the point of sailing for Italy : 3 the centurion could certainly count upon finding a westward -bound ship in Myra, and there was no change of plan on his part as Lewin (St. Paul, 2:716) supposes. 1

1 The form of the name invites discussion. In Acts it is neut. pi. ; but many authorities have the fem. sing, t/lvpav [myron] or Mu ppai/ [myrran]. The passages of Strabo (666) and Ptolemy (v. 3 6), which have Mvpa [myra], do not assist us ; but we find the plural form in Ptol. viii. 1723 and Pliny //TV 32 2; arid so also in CIG no. 4288, and Notitiie (which have 6 Miipwi/ ; see table in Rams. Hist. Geogr. of A HI 424). The Byzantine authors in general use the plural form e.g. , Zon. 3 589 and Malalas 448 (but cp id. 365, Tf) Mup<j). Hence we infer that the proper form was TO. Mvpa [ta myra], the feminine form 1? Mupa being vulgar but gradually asserting itself. The same difficulty is found in the case of Lystra (which see, and cp Rams. St. Paul the Traveller, 128^:).

2 In fifteen days from Caesarea, marg. WH from West, text and Vss. which appears to have a reasonable probability of being the true reading ; cp the corn ship in Lucian, which took ten days from Sidon to the Cheledonian islands 20 mi. E. of Myra.

3 Cp the voyage of Vespasian to Rome (Jos. BJ 7:2:1), and that of Titus (Suet. Tit. 5).

The port of Myra must have been at least sighted, and was probably visited, by the ship in which Paul sailed to Palestine from Macedonia (Acts21i; note the insertion in D, as above). The importance of Myra lasted into the Middle Ages, when it is described as the 'harbour of the Adriatic' (portus Adriatici maris, i.e., the Levant). St. Nicolas usurped the place of the pagan deity as the patron of sailors in this part of the Mediterranean : the name of this patron deity in ancient times is not known (probably Apollo ; but Tozer, in Finlay's Hist. Greece, 1 124, suggests Poseidon).

The many magnificent rock-tombs with sculptures and painting, the imposing theatre, and the remains of buildings near the port, among them those of a granary built by Trajan, 119 A.D. , bear witness to the importance of the city.

See views in Spratt and Forbes, Travels in Lycia, vol. i. front.; Fellows, Account of Discoveries in Lycia, 198-199. Most recent are Uenndorf's Lykia, and Tomaschek s Historische Topogr. von Kleinasien im Mittelalter in Sll AW, 1891.

W. J. W.

MYRRH[edit]

(ID or "I1D, mor; CMYPNA. Ex. 30:23, Ps. 45:8 [45:9], Cant. 3:6, 46:14, 51:5, 51:13 {2} and CMYPNINOC Esth. 2:l2 K P KOC or KROKINOC Prov.7:17- CTAKTH Cant. list).

1. OT mor.[edit]

Mor was one of the ingredients in the holy incense, and is often mentioned as a valuable and choice perfume. The word is generally identified with Arab, murr (Aram, mora, Gk. fj.vppa [myrra], 3 X /TID, with the sense of bitterness), and the substance meant taken to be the myrrh of modern commerce (Ar. murr}. The botanical origin, however, of the modern myrrh has, according to Schweinfurth, been misunderstood. According to this eminent authority, true Arabian myrrh is the product, not of Balsamodendron Opobalsamum (which yields balsam of Mecca ; see BALSAM) but of Balsamodendron Myrrha. The old view of Nees and Ehrenberg is thus vindicated.

2. Perhaps = Mecca balsam.[edit]

At the same time, it becomes thereby all the more probable, according to Schweinfurth, that Mecca balsam is the OT mor. '7)' (mor), he argues, 'is always referred to in the sense of an aromatic liquid [cp BALSAM], whilst [modern] myrrh is a solid body, entirely or almost devoid of aroma, but rather, as used in medicine, of a disagreeable odour'. This revolutionary theory deserves serious attention ; Kautzsch has been among the first to profess his adhesion to it. We should not, of course, require to suppose with Schweinfurth that Heb. mor is a different word from Arab. murr (the modern myrrh). The two words agree exactly in form, and there are many instances in botanical history of a name being transferred from one plant or substance to another which is different though similar. Certainly the mentions of 'flowing mor' (Ex. 30:23) and liquid mor (Cant. 55:13) favour the new view, whilst the reference to 'a bundle (or, 'bag' ) of mor' in Cant. 1:13 (if the text is correct) may be held to tell against it. Whatever the mor of OT may have been, the vntipva. [smyrna] of NT is most probably the same.

For oSi lot (Gen 37:25, 43:11), rendered 'myrrh' in EV but 'ladanum' in RVmg., see LADANUM. N. M.

1 See on this point, Smith, Voyage and Shijnvreck of St. Paul(*}, 68_/ ; Rams. op. cit. 319. The voyage of the Egyptian corn-ship described in Lucian's dialogue, Tire Ship, well illustrates this section of Paul's journey.

- o-iMvpva [smyrna] also Ecclus. 24:15, Mt. 2:11, Jn. 19:39 and ecr^vpcter- jieVos Mk. 1023.

S It is noticeable that nvppa. [myrra] occurs nowhere either in the LXX or in NT ; pvpov [myron] (supposed to be derived from -p), on the other hand, is met with frequently, as also its derivative juvpei//6s [myrepsos]; juvpujw [myrizoo] and juvpioyxds [myrismos] occur each once.

MYRTLE[edit]

(DTn, MJas ; MYPCINH- Is. 41:19, 55:13; Zech. 18:10-11, Neh. 8:15-16; in Zech. LXX TOON OpecoN)- Branches of myrtle are included among those of which the booths of the Feast of Tabernacles were made in the time of Ezra. On the other hand, in Lev. 23:40 (a passage of the Holiness-law [H]), the list of trees prescribed does not include the myrtle (see TABERNACLES, 5). Nor can we safely quote the original name of Esther as evidence for the existence of the myrtle in Palestine, for Esther (at least if the text has not suffered change) is represented as a Jewish maiden dwelling at Susa. The reference to the myrtle in Zech. (I.c. ) must also probably be abandoned, ha.da.ssim being surely a misreading for harim (see COPPER, 5). In Is. 41:19, 55:13, the myrtle is mentioned among the choicest trees by the writer or writers of Is. 40-55. It is true, Is. 40-55 is a late exilic work (expanded still later) ; but the relations of the Israelites with neighbouring peoples under the later kings were so close that we must not give too much weight to the silence of pre-exilic records. The name HABAKKUK (q.v. ), some think, is corrupted from a Babylonian plant-name, and we could easily believe that later kings of Judah interested themselves in acclimatising foreign trees and shrubs. The myrtle was certainly not common in Palestine when the Holiness-law was written, otherwise its branches would surely have been prescribed for the festive wreath.

If Jensen is right in connecting the Assyrian hadasatum (a syn. of kallatu, bride ) with the Heb. hadas, 'myrtle', it may seem to favour the hypothesis that the myrtle was introduced into Palestine from Babylonia (cp Intr. Is. 274). But though recent critics have found a connection between Hadassah and hadasa (the mythic name of the bride of the Babylonian Sun-god ; see ESTHER), it is disputed whether hadasa is so called for an etymological reason (as if = hadasatum) or on mythological grounds (D-IH, 'myrtle', corresponding to Daphne in the myth of Apollo). The connection proposed by Jensen is hardly in itself very plausible. For the name mn (not D~in) s identical with its S. Arabian appellation (hadas) ; the Aramaic (and N. Arabic) word was different, though possibly connected - viz., asa, which, according to Frankel (138), came into Arabic as a loan-word.

The myrtle was sacred to Astarte, and hence, also, according to Winckler (op. cit. ), to Ramman or Tammuz, whose sanctuary near Antioch was called by the Greeks Daphne (oin?). The fragrance of its leaves and blossoms naturally suggested consecration to Astarte. Not less naturally the Jewish authorities appointed or sanctioned the use of myrtle branches at the Feast of Booths (cp TABERNACLES, 7). Sukka (3:4) says that three myrtle branches are required for the wreath, and the tradition is still faithfully preserved by the Jews.

The myrtle is a low evergreen shrub with dark and somewhat thick leaves, elegant white flowers, and dark brown berries. Its leaves are studded with numerous receptacles for oil, which produces its pleasant perfume. It grows wild in many of the glens about Jerusalem, and is cultivated in every garden. It flourishes, too, in the valleys about Hebron, on the sides of Carmel and Tabor, in the clefts of the Leontes, and in the dales of Gilead (Tristram). T. K. C.

1 WZKM 6:211 ; but cp Wi. AF^wf.

MYSIA[edit]

( H MyciA, Acts 16:7-8).

1. Situation.[edit]

An ill-defined district in the NW. corner of Asia Minor. The difficulty of drawing a precise line of demarcation between it and Phrygia gave rise to a saying (x^pis TO. Mi cruiv Kal 4>ptryujj/ 6pi(r/j.ara : Strabo, 564, 572). This was a result of the chequered history of this part of the peninsula, as Strabo says (565). The Phryges crossed from Thrace by the Hellespont, and at a later period fresh swarms of invaders from Europe, the Mysi, penetrated into Asia, pushing the Phryges inland and settling among them (cp Rams. Hist. Geog. AM 146). The general result of the data furnished by the geographers is that Mysia lay surrounded by Bithynia, Phrygia, and Lydia, extending both to the Propontis and the Aegean (cp Strabo, 564). Towards Bithynia, the Mysians seem to have occupied the country as far as the lake Ascania, whilst on the S. they extended to the river Caicus. On the W. lay the Troad, which was sometimes regarded as part of Mysia, and sometimes distinguished from it, the boundary in the latter case being the river Aesepus (Strabo, 560). On the E. lay that part of Phrygia which was called Phrygia Epiktetos, or 'Acquired Phrygia', a district once largely Mysian, but taken from Bithynia by the Pergamene kings (cp Rams. Hist. Geog. AM 145). The whole region called Mysia was commonly regarded as falling into two divisions - Mysia Olympene ( OXu/uirjjc-r/) in the neighbourhood of Mt. Olympus, and Mysia Pergamene (I Ifpya^vr/) on the Caicus (Strabo, 566, 571). Other parts of Mysia also bore special names. It will be seen from this, that, of the places mentioned in the NT, Assos, Adramyttium and Troas were in Mysia. The name Mysia, having a purely ethnical significance, was not adopted in Roman official usage ; but the district was part of the great province of Asia (cp Strabo, 629). See ASIA, LYDIA.

2. Paul's visit.[edit]

The relation of Mysia to the NT narrative is parenthetical, but important. Paul, after a visitation of the churches founded on his first journey, was intending to follow the great road leading to Ephesus in order to 'preach the word in Asia', but was forbidden to do so (Acts 166). Turning northwards, Paul and his companions 'when they were come over against Mysia' (v. 7, RV ; but AV 'to Mysia' ) attempted to enter Bithynia (i.e., the western part of the Province Bithynia-Pontus, second only in importance to Asia itself), but were 'forbidden' to cross the frontier. Accordingly, passing by Mysia (v. 8 EV) they 'came down to Troas'.

Two questions arise:

  • (i) The meaning of the expression /caret rrpt Mucrt av [kata ton mysian],
  • (ii) the meaning of the expression irapeXtfoirej rj}i> Miwac [parelthontes ton mysian].

i. The use of the preposition Kara [kata], in NT Greek requires elucidation. 1 Here we must acquiesce in the explanation given by Ramsay (Church in R. Emp.&l 75, n. ) - 'when they reached such a point that a line drawn across the country at right angles to the general line of their route would touch Mysia', i.e. , when they were in the latitude of Mysia, which lay to the left (for this sense of Kara [kata], cp Herod. 1:76, Thuc. 665104, Acts 27:7, Kara rr}v KviSov). Paul must have diverged from the road to Ephesus either at Iconium or at Antioch, and travelled northwards along the direct road to Bithynia through Nakoleia and Dorylaeum (Seidi Ghazi and Eski-Shehr).2 Why Paul went northwards is not explained ; nor can explanation be wrested from the text, as it is clear that the resolve to enter Bithynia was not formed until the point indicated by the words Kara TTJV Mt criav [kata ton mysian] was reached (see GALATIA, 7 [also 11]). This point was probably Dorylaeum, which lay only about 20 mi. S. of the frontier. Mysia, as ordinarily understood, lay then so far away to the left that it is hard to see why reference to it rather than to the name of the town itself should have been made. When, however, we rememl)er that Dorylneum lay in the heart of the region called Epiktetos, 3 which was at one time, and by some writers, reckoned part of Mysia (cp HGAM, 146), it is not difficult to understand how Lk. may have been actually under a slight misapprehension as to the extent of Mysia.

ii. When, at Dorylaeum, it was found that there could be no further progress northwards, Paul turned westwards. Whether he traversed the valley of the Rhyndacus (Edrenos Chai], or took some more direct route, he could not reach Troas without going through some part of Mysia. Hence TrapeXtfocres TT]t> Mv<riat> [parelthontes ton mysian] cannot be 'translated passing without entering', or 'passing along the edge of Mysia'. The sense here must be neglecting (in obedience to the general prohibition to 1 'preach' in Asia of v. 6). The western text has difXOovrfs [dielthontes], which in its literal sense is good. 4 Still, it must be conceded that the sudden change to the metaphorical meaning in the case of -ira.pf\66vTfs, immediately after the occurrence of irj\0oi> . . . (\06vres in the literal sense is a stylistic defect. And this criticism applies in a special degree to this entire passage. 1

1 Cp the difficulty of interpreting the expression Kara Ai /Ja ital Kara xa>po in Acts 27:12. See PHENICE.

2 It is possible, as Ramsay (ftp. cit. 76 n.) says, that Paul took the longer western road by Cotyasum (Kutaya), which town, in that case, would be the point of second divergence.

s Phrygia Epiktetos contained the six cities, Midaeum, Dorylaeum, Cotyanim, Nakoleia, Aizani, and Cadi (Strabo, 576).

  • Nevertheless, it would overthrow the canon which Ramsay

would establish - that the verb Sie\0elv [dielthein] with the accusative of the country signifies 'to make a missionary tour' ; for here this sense would be impossible, in the face of the prohibition of v. 6.

Ramsay mentions a tradition that, on this journey, Paul travelled by Artemaea, a town 'sacred to Artemis' near the hot springs on the river Aesepus, and founded a chapel in the neighbourhood (St. Paul the Traveller, 197 ; Exp. T, 1898, p. 495). This and other similar traditions may well preserve an echo of the truth, for the route down the Rhyndacus and along the southern shore of the Propontis was that most likely to be chosen, and this would take Paul through Artemaea. Although preaching in Asia was forbidden, there is no doubt that the prohibition applied only to public work on a large scale, not to the private intercourse of Paul with his hosts on his journey. Possibly it was under the influence of the tradition mentioned above that the western text made the change to SteAfloi Tff in v. 8. The door that was opened to Paul at Troas (2 Cor. 2:12) would imply an extension of the new teaching eastwards through Mysia in the natural course of things (cp the case of Ephesus). W. J. W.

1 See, however, the judgment of Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, \<)$f. ; Church in R. Etitp, 484.

MYSTERY[edit]

1. General.[edit]

In the religious life of the ancient world in its period of decline, perhaps the most characteristic feature was the ardour of its craving after the mysterious. Conscious weakness and failure of self-reliance were betrayed in the comfortless gloom that followed every attempt to peer beyond the lowly round of everyday life. The questions whence life comes and whither it goes had to be answered at any cost ; but men despaired of being able to reach such answers, each for himself by his own unaided thought. Resort was, accordingly, had to the mysteries those secret cults, some of them of hoary antiquity, others as recent as Christianity itself, in which, with a lavish employment of symbolism, the candidate for initiation received the desired instruction from the duly consecrated priest (hierophant), and was provided with sacramental guarantees extending both to this life and to the next. There was hardly a deity in connection with whose service some subsidiary cult of this sort did not arise ; a cult in which the chosen ones for admission was not a matter of course strictly marked off from outsiders, and, keeping scrupulously secret the knowledge imparted at initiation, in spite of many follies and excesses, preserved a certain vitality for the pagan religion. These guilds were themselves called mysteries ; so also were the secret doctrines imparted within them ; finally, and above all, the methods of symbolism and allegory, by means of which philosophical or religious and ethical instruction was obtained from the old mythologies, to meet the wants of a new age, went by this name.

2. Jewish writers.[edit]

The Wisdom of Solomon shows its author to have been acquainted with this Greek institution ; in 14:15, 14:23 (cp 12:5) the origin of the mysteries is euhemeristically explained, but the existence of the inner mystery is not at all denied ; in 222 allusion is made to the mysteries of God, and in 8:4 wisdom is spoken of as one initiated (/uwms [mystis]) into the knowledge of God. In marked contrast, however, with the heathen mysteriosophists, wisdom declares to her hearers (6:22), who are by no means to be regarded as a community of mystae, that she will not hide mysteries from them, but will set forth in clear light a full knowledge of the truth. In a number of passages in the LXX the word mystery is used in the colourless sense of a secret idea or plan (e.g. , in 2 Macc. 18:21); but not only do we find 3 Macc. 230 speaking of one who has been duly consecrated in ac cordance with the prescribed ritual, but also in Dan. 2:18-19, 2:27-30, 2:46 (the last passage only in Theod. ) the Greek translation is obviously influenced by the religious phraseology of the same heathen circles, when it speaks of Nebuchadrezzar's vision as a 'mystery' which is 'revealed' to Daniel by the God of heaven, to whom alone this prerogative belongs. The dream as such is not called a mystery ; it is a mystery because it contains a series of symbols which yield up their deeper meaning to interpretation and the allegorical method. Among Jewish writers the great master in the art of allegorising, so as to extract unsuspected meanings from the letter of Scripture, is Philo.

When, for example, in De Cherub. 12+, or in De Sacrif. Abeli et Caini, 15-16, he sets forth his astonishing exegeses of Gen. 4:1, 18:6, he is a genuine hierophant or teacher of mysteries ; and he himself feels that he is such, using, as he does, of set purpose, the terminology of the mysteries. That he does not deal with Orphic myths, does not alter the fact. He even openly demands that what he is revealing be kept secret from all the profane (De Cherub. 14), though, when he has occasion to dwell on the contrast between Mosaism and heathen piety (De Victim, offer. 1-2), he can allow himself to repudiate entirely all secret initiations and mysteries, and to insist upon perfect straightforwardness and honest publicity.

3. Christian.[edit]

Christianity, in like manner, did not simply repudiate the influence of this prevailing tendency of the age. When the synoptists (Mt. 13:11, Mk. 4:11, Lk. 8:10) speak of the mysteries, or the mystery, of the kingdom, a knowledge of which is given to some but withheld from others (see GNOSIS), and represent the parables as designed in some cases to reveal, and in other cases to conceal still further, what had hitherto been hidden, they can hardly be taken as exactly reflecting the mind of Jesus on the matter, but must be regarded rather as giving involuntary and unconscious expression to their own feeling on finding themselves chosen for the honour of initiation. Perhaps the writer of 1 Tim. 39:16 gives quite unconscious expression to the same feeling when he speaks of Christ as the mystery of godliness, or instead of the faith speaks of the mystery of the faith. As for the Apocalypse, it is almost entirely made up of mysteries, and it is surprising to find it only once (10:7?) calling attention to a fulfilment of the mystery of God.

The usage in 1:20, 17:5-7, where the word mystery is employed to denote a figure, such as that of the seven stars, which requires interpretation, comes near Eph. 5:32, where Gen. 2:24 is called a great mystery, because it has to be understood not literally of a man and his wife, but allegorically of Christ and the Church.

4. Paul.[edit]

Most interesting of all is the attitude of Paul. In 2 Thess. 2:7, indeed, when he speaks of the mystery of iniquity or lawlessness as already at work, but still restrained by one that restrains (6 Kar^x uv ANTICHRIST, 7), 'mystery' is used merely as a synonym for something still hidden and invisible as against the manifestation shortly to occur. On the other hand, when in 1 Cor. 15:51 he introduces a piece of his characteristic gnosis concerning the last day with the words, 'behold, I tell you a mystery', one feels that here he is a mystagogue speaking to a circle of mystae ; and in the many passages where he introduces the idea of a mystery in connection with the gospel he proclaims, the derivation of his language from the mysteries so eagerly resorted to by the heathen who were seeking salvation can hardly be mistaken. He who in the spirit speaks with tongues (1 Cor. 14:2) utters mysteries; in 1 Cor. 13:2 'all mysteries and all knowledge' (gnosis) sum up the highest conceivable attainment of human learning - it is precisely what is hidden from others that is known to the true gnostic ; and in 1 Cor. 4:1 Paul claims to be recognised by all, not only as a servant of Christ, but also as a steward of the mysteries of God. It does not signify that elsewhere he always speaks in the singular of the mystery of God or of Christ or of the gospel - in some cases even without the added genitive - as, for example, in Col. 2:2, 4:3, 1:26, Eph. 6:19, 8:49, Rom. 16:25 ; in all cases he intends the saving purpose of God whereby in the fulness of the times redemption is offered to all men, Jews and Gentiles alike, in Jesus Christ - the single plan of salvation, which, however, is carried out in a multiplicity of saving deeds. This purpose of salvation not only remained a secret hidden throughout the ages before the life and death of Christ (Rom. 16:25), it remains so for unbelievers to this day ; and many details connected with it, such as the problem of the hardening of Israel, are hidden even from believers for the most part ( Rom. 11:25) ; he who by the spirit of God has become acquainted with them must exercise prudence in communicating the gnosis thus gained ; he must impart it only to such as are perfect (1 Cor. 2:5+), to those who from being babes in Christ have grown up to be veritably spiritual men (3:1), and instead of milk can endure strong food (3:2 ; see GNOSIS).

Lightfoot 1 justly observes that the apostle has borrowed from the terminology of the ancient mysteries not only the word 'mystery' (nv<TTr\piov), but also 'perfect' (reAetos [teleios], Col. 1:28), 'instructed' (juuctcrdat [myeisthai], Phil. 4:12), 'sealed' (o-$payi ecr0ai [sphragizesthai], Eph. 1:13); the references could be multiplied, and at least one expression added to the list - 'present you as a pure virgin' (n-apao-Trjcrai i/uas TrapOeVoi ayvrfv) of 2 Cor. 11:2. It does not seem, however, to the present writer that in making use of these figures Paul is deliberately uttering a paradox, in so far as what elsewhere was called a mystery was kept closely confined to a narrow circle, whilst the Christian mysteries are freely imparted to all. True, Paul had the desire to bring the gospel to all, and that no one should be left outside in the darkness ; but for the terrible chasm between his ideal and the reality he consoles himself like Philo with the lofty feeling of belonging to a com munity, small, indeed, but possessed of unutterable secrets ; and just as he is still a gnostic, though confessing the imperfection and transitoriness of his gnosis as compared with that of the coming age, so he is not without a real intention - to be explained by the current tendencies of his time - of still maintaining ;the idea of secrecy or reserve' in connection with his exposition of the truths of the gospel.

The words, so free from paradox, of Clement of Alexandria (Protrept. , 120), on the true holy mysteries, are conceived entirely in the spirit of Paul. The mysteries are not themselves the last word, the thing which permanently remains ; but it is only through the mysteries, and through knowledge of them, that entrance can be gained into the eternal light.

5. Later.[edit]

At a later date the sacraments of the Church, especially Baptism and the Lord's Supper, came to be compared to the ancient mysteries, and, indeed, the word mystery ultimately came to be applied exclusively to these ; but not a trace of this is to be found in the NT. The apostle who in 1 Cor. 1:14+ so eagerly and joyously affirmed that Christ had sent him not to baptize, but to preach the Gospel, certainly did nothing to promote any tendency that may have existed in his day to regard the sacramental acts of the Church as in any way resembling certain ceremonies of initiation observed in heathen mysteries ; with him acts of worship are never mysteries.

See O. Wobbermin, Religionsgesch. Studien . . . zur Frage der Bceitlflussvng des Urcliristenthums durch das antike Mystericnivesfn, 1896; and for the mysteries in general, see Reville, La Rel. a Rome sous Us Severes, 1886, 5 7 ; Cheetham, The Mysteries, Pagan and Christian, 1897. A. J.

MYTILENE[edit]

In NT spelled MITYLENE (q.v. ).

NAAM[edit]

(DW, 'pleasant' ? NOO M [BL], NAAM [A]), a son of Caleb and brother of nSmvy - i. e. , ^NDrrr, Jerahmeel (o and y confounded), 1 Ch. 4:15-16. In 1 Ch. 4:19 we meet with Naham, and in Gen. 36:13 with Nahath ; the three clan-names may have the same origin. See NAAMAN i. , end. T. K. c.

NAAMAH[edit]

(HOr?, 'pleasant', 67). i. Daughter of Lamech, Gen. 4:22 (voefM[AE], -/u/xa[L] ; vaa^ajos. ; Noemu, cod. Am. Noemma). See CAINITES, 9, n. 4, but observe that if 'Lamech' is really a mutilated form of 'Jerahmeel', " 'Naamah' is probably a clan-name (cp NAAMAH ii. ).

2. An Ammonitess, mother of Rehoboam, 1 K. 14:21, 14:31 (fj.aaxa.fJ. [B], i>aa/j.a [A], vaava [L], Naama ; in 5:31 LXX{BL} omits clause), 2 Ch. 12:13 (voofj.fj.a [BA], vaa/j.a. [L] ; Naama). It is questioned whether Ammonitess is not due to a scribe's error ; Naamah may have been the true name of the Shunammite ( 1 K. 1:3). See REHOBOAM, SHUNAMMITE. T. K. c.

NAAMAH[edit]

(HOW), a town in the lowland of Judah, Josh. 10:41 (vwfj.ai> [B], vu/j.a [A], vo/ta [L]). <" suggests Naaman, and this we might identify with N(u)mana or with Namana in the name-list of Thotmes III. (nos. 8:3-4 ; JtPM, 5:49), which Maspero and Tomkins connect with Der Na'aman and Arak Na'aman respectively. The place was certainly in SW. Palestine, and near MAKKEDAH (q.v. }. Warren (PEF 2:403) thinks of Na'aneh, 5 mi. NE. of el-Mughar ; but the resemblance of the names is slight. T. K. C.

1 St. Paul's Epistles to the Col. and Philem.P), 1882, pp. 167+

NAAMAN[edit]

(fpW, 'pleasant', 67, perhaps derived from a divine name, see ADONIS ; Gen. 46:21 voefj.ai> [A], /noo-ju.- [D], Koe^i. [L]; Nu. 26:40 [44], i/o^ai/ei [B], vo^a [A], -v [FL]; iCh. 84, voo^a [D], M aa/iia [A], i/a^ei [L); v.j, voofia [BA], voLa/iav [L] ; the patronymic is Naamite, OJN, but Sam. "jsyj, Nu. 26:40, voefiav[e]L [Ba mg. inf. AFL]).

i. A Benjamite clan, son of Benjamin in Gen. 46:21 [MT], but of Bela b. Benjamin in Nu. 26:40 [26:44], 1 Ch. 8:4, and in Gen. 46:21 LXX (see JQK 11 ios). Possibly to be grouped with the name NAHAMANI (q.v.) ; cp NAAM.

2. (NAIMAN [BA], N66M. [L]), general of the king of Syria, miraculously healed by Elisha of his leprosy, 2 K. 5 (see LEPROSY). We hear of his successes as leader of the Aramaean troops (v.13-14) of his easily ruffled temper (v.11-12); of his deference to wise counsel even when offered by subordinates (v. 13-14) ; of his gratitude to Elisha (vv. 15, 23) ; and of his new-born conviction that there was no god worthy of the name in all the world but Yahwe (v. 15). Being compelled officially to visit the temple of RIMMON (q.v. ), and there to prostrate himself, he asks indulgence of Yahwe s prophet. His private worship shall be reserved for Yahwe, and since Yahwe is specially the god of Canaan, he begs that he may take home two mules' burden of earth, that he may offer sacrifices to Yahwe on Canaanitish soil. Elisha, with his 'Go in peace', implicitly grants his request, and, according to EV, 'he departed from him (Elisha) a little way' (v. 19). This, however, is a poor close of the section. The text is corrupt (cp Klo. ), and the right reading seems to be 'with a possession of Israelitish earth'. That Naaman journeyed home with his mules burdens, the narrator certainly meant to say.

The supposed word jrns s really non-existent (on Gen. 35:16 48:7, see RACHEL). LXX{B} reproduces it as SfftpaBa [debratha]; LXX{L} as Xa.fipa.9a [chabratha]; A has, in v. 19, KOI awq^Otv air OVTOU OTTO TTJS yijs lo-parjA. The latter reading cannot be entirely right ; but 'land of Israel' is a contribution to the probably true reading, which we take to be ^Nni!" pN rurma 1B1O TjS l. Klo., less probably, B" pup lis IrtND 1)7*1, 'and he carried away from him about a "cor" of (lit. out of) the earth of Israel'. It is not surprising that LXX{L} seeks to soften the shock to the reader of v. 18 by jrpocr/cvtTJcrcu apa. aiiruj iyta (cai Kvpiia TU> #eu> /nou. T. K. C.

NAAMATHITE[edit]

( HOi;?), Job 2:11 etc. See ZOPHAR.

NAAMITE[edit]

( H ??W), Nu. 26:40. See NAAMAN, i.

NAARAH[edit]

(rn.W, cp MAARATH in S. Judah or NAARATH? NOORA [A], N oep. [L], &coAA [B, with d for r\}, 1 and Helah, wives of Tekoa (cp also Coz), apparently the names of two Judaean clan-divisions ( 1 Ch. 4:5 f.\}. On the names of their 'children' (which in some cases have affinities with S. Judaean names), see ETHNAN, ZERETH, HAAHASHTARI, and cp TEKOA.

1 On the whole it is less likely that aiaSa [aooda] represents HELAH (q.v.). LXX{B} seems to have placed Naarah before Helah in r. 5 (autSa. K. Ooa&a) to agree with their order in v. 6,/i ; at the end of v. 6 B* seems to have read tw5a; [iudos].

NAARAH[edit]

(rnW), Josh. 16:7 RV, AV NAARATH ({*).

NAARAI[edit]

( nM, 79 ; rather "nW, my lad [Nold. ] ; vaapai [BN], /oopa [A], i/apoi [L]), one of David's thirty (1 Ch. 11:37), see PAARAI.

NAARAN[edit]

(pl?3), 1 Ch. 7:28. See NAARATH, end.

NAARATH[edit]

RV NAARAH (HrnW, i.e., 'to Naarah', ?5), a point on the boundary between EPHRAIM [q.v.] and Manasseh ; Josh. 16:7 (AI KCOMAI [B], i - e -< yrpy?- interpreted like rpri33 fcp, e.g. , 1 Ch. 7:28] ; N&&P&6& KAI Ai KOOMAI &YTO)N[A], A.I K. AY- K<M 6IC <Mxi&pA.e& [L], yagrath and pagar [Pesh.]). Identified by Jer. and Eus. with the Naorath or Noopa0 [Noorath] of their day (=the Neara of Jos. Ant. 17:13:1 ; cp JERICHO, 7), a village within 5 mi. of Jericho (OS 283 ii 1422i), perhaps the Kh. el-Aujeh, 6 mi. N. of Jericho in the plain. So Conder, PEP, Jan. 1877, p. 27. Guerin, however (Sam. 1:201+), places it by the A in Samieh in the W. el- Aujeh, about 7 mi. NW. of Jericho, where there are ancient remains and con siderable traces of water- works. In 1 Ch. 7:28 the name appears as Naaran (vaapvav [B], vaapav [A], voapav [L], Pesh. om. ). Cp Neub. Glogr. 163.

NAASHON[edit]

(flKTU), Ex. 6:23 AV, RV NAHSHON.

NAASSON[edit]

(NAACCCON [Ti. WH]), Mt. 1:4, Lk. 3:32 AV, RV NAHSHON (q.v.).

NAATHUS[edit]

one of the sons of ADDI (q.v.) in 1 Esd. 9:31 (A&eoc[B], NAA0. [A], eANAor C iAi<\[?L]). The name is perhaps a transposed form of Adna (Ezra 10:31).

NABAL[edit]

(?3J! ; N&B&A). a man in Maon, whose business was in Carmel, rich in sheep and goats, the first husband of Abigail ( 1 S. 25:3+).

1. Story in 1 S. 25.[edit]

'As his name is, so is he' says Abigail, playing upon his name, which might mean 'fool' (NAMES, 67) or perhaps rather 'shamelessly immoral' (|| Sjr^ari B"N, v. 25 ; cp BELIAL, FOOL). The nebala (n^np), or 'shameless impropriety', ascribed to Nabal (v. 25), consisted in his exclusion of David and David s men, who had conferred benefits on Nabal, from the traditionally binding hospitalities of the sheep-shearing, as if they were outlaws, men deprived of the protection of their class, worse off even than 'sojourners'. David on his side had claimed (not improbably) to be Nabal's 'brother' (v. 6, reading rw 1 ?, with We. , Dr. , Bu. ; cp Vg. , Klo. ) ; both, in fact, it is possible, were Calebites. 1

The story of Nabal is graphically told ; but it is not on that account to be accepted as literally true.

We receive gratefully the picture of the better side of a freebooter's life, and of the delicate, tactful character of a Hebrew woman of the higher class. The 'son of Belial', however, who is so violent that his own people scarcely dare to speak to him, and who holds a feast like the feast of a king, at which he drinks to excess, while mischief (as he must know) is brewing against him, and who becomes like a stone when he hears of the danger which his wife has surmounted for him, till, ten days after, a divine stroke falls upon him, and he dies, is a masterpiece of Oriental romance, in which it is not impossible that there are some features ultimately derived from primitive mythology (see 2).

This, however, may be historical - that David obtained the territory of a rich man of Maon (doubtless the chief of the tribe [gens] dwelling there) by marrying his wife, and so himself became a powerful chief. See ABIGAIL, ISRAEL, 14.

1 Cp DAVID, i, n. 2 ; KIRJATH-SEPHER. In the latter article David's home is placed conjecturally at Kirjath-sepher, otherwise called Beth-zur or Beth-el (?). In 1 Ch. 2:45 Maon (Nabal was of Maon) is called the father of Beth-zur.

2. Origin of legend.[edit]

Thus the political meaning of the legend of Nabal is sufficiently clear. To explain how David effected this master-stroke of policy, tradition (according to WL ( V2l8 7/ : ). ln producing a legend, borrowed from the famous myth of the drunken giant of the sky, whom the Greeks called ORION and the Hebrews Kesil. The chief or sheikh is called Nabal ( 'fool' ), which is a paraphrase of Kesil. The tribe over which he ruled was probably, thinks Winckler, called Habal = Abel, the brother of Kain (i.e. , the Kenites). The theory is brilliant.

We may do well to admit that some current folk-story was probably attached to the person of the sheikh ; but since nabal (Vaj) and kesil (V D3) are hardly quite synonymous, it is better to look for another explanation of 'Nabal'. It is in accordance with analogy to suppose that 'Nabal' has been (humorously) substituted for 'Nadab' which occurs as a Calebite name in 1 Ch. 2:28-30, close to 'Abihail'. It is probable that Abigail in the story of Nabal should rather be Abihail, and that the tribes (gentes) of Nadab and Abihail were united (hence 'Nabal' - i.e. , Nadab - is called the husband of Abigail - i.e. , Abihail). And plausible as it is to explain -^ in 1 S. 25:3 (Kr. ) as 'Calebite', it is a little more probable that 3^3 is miswritten for S n 3Ki and that in the original story the passage ran thus, 'Now the name of the man was Nadab, and he was chief (-\&) of Abihail'. For the convenience of the legend Abihail (Abigail) was transferred, we must suppose, to the sheikh's wife. The humour of Nabal's name now becomes still more manifest. Not 'liberal' (Nadab) nor Abihail (popularly explained, 'strong father'? ), but Nabal ( 'reckless, violent' ).

With regard to the so-called gloss in 1 S. 25:3, it may be well to correct a misapprehension. The interpretation, 'and he was a Calebite' ( 373 Nini), is sometimes supported by a reference to 2 S. 3:8, 'Am I a dog's head', which is thought to allude to David's Calebite origin and to the violent, intractable character of the Calebites (such as Nabal). This is altogether a mistake, and so also is the view that ^^D NIDI is a gloss to account for the violence of Nabal by his being of the dog tribe (cp , KOI [6] avQp. KVVIKOS); see CALEB, DOG. Both passages are corrupt; 1 S. 25:3 is explained above, and in 2 S. 3:8 we should almost certainly read thus, HB VK C n^X 1DH IC X D3N J[h"n Ibri, 'Am I the captain of thine army (2 S. 24:2), who show sacred loving- kindness' (2 S. 9:3). T. K. C.

NABARIAS[edit]

(NABApMlAC [BA]), i Esd. 9:44+. A corrupt name ; see HASHBAUANA (end).

NABATAEANS[edit]

(N&BA.TAIOI or - T eoi [ANY], A.NA-BATAI [N in 625], -BATTAIOI [V in 525], 1 Macc. ; NABATAIOI, NA.BA.THNOI [J os -]: Nabathites AV, Nabathaeans RV), a well-known Arabian people, friendly to Judas and Jonathan the Maccabees (1 Macc. 6:25, 9:35). In 1 Mace. 6:25 the Nabatasans are met with in the desert, three days journey beyond Jordan ; in 1 Mace. 9:35, not far from Medeba, in the N. of Moab. In the time of Josephus (Ant. i. 124 ; cp Jer. QH. in Gen. 25) their settlements gave the name of Nabatene to the borderland between Syria and Arabia from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. The language of Josephus suggests, and Jerome, apparently following him, directly affirms, that the name is identical with that of the Ishmaelite tribe of Nebaioth (see ISHMAEL, 4). This view has been widely adopted, but is phonetically difficult, 1 the name Nabatcean being properly spelt with t [with a dot under it] not t [without] (102:) in the inscriptions (Arabic Nabat, Nabit, etc. ).

The history of this remarkable people cannot with certainty be carried back beyond 312 B.C. , at which date Athenaeus the general of Antigonus, and after him Antigonus s son Demetrius, in vain attempted their subjugation (cp SELA). At that time they already occu pied the old country of the Edomites. How long they had been there, we know not. We may be certain, however, that the beginning of their migration from their earlier home in the wilderness synchronised with the first Edomitish incursions into southern Judah, occasioned by the humiliation of the Jews by Nebuchadrezzar. Its closing stage is referred to by the Jewish prophet Malachi (1:1-5), who regards it as the just punishment of Edomitish wickedness (the wickedness of occupying the soil of Judah). 1 As a consequence of this change of abodes the Nabataeans became masters of the shores of the Gulf of 'Akaba and the important harbour of Elath (cp Agatharchides, Geog. Gr. Min. 1178).

1 [We can hardly say 'phonetically inadmissible', the interchange of H and n being not unexampled (see Lag. Ubtrs. sin., Buhl, Etiontiter, 52, n. 6). The Nabaiti or Nabaiati of the Ass. inscriptions = ri a: (Schr. KGF 104).]

The Nabataeans have already some tincture of foreign civilisation when they first appear in history. Though true Arabs (as the proper names on their inscriptions show), they came under the influence of Aramaean culture. Naturally, therefore, Syriac was the language of their coins and inscriptions, 2 when the tribe grew into a kingdom and profited by the decay of the Seleucids to extend itself over the country E. of the Jordan. They occupied Hauran, and about 85 B.C. their king ARETAS (q.v. ) became lord of Damascus and COELESYRIA (q.v. ). Allies of the first Hasmonaeans in their struggles against the Greeks, they became the rivals of the Judaean dynasty in the period of its splendour, and a chief element in the disorders which invited the Roman intervention in Pales tine in 65-64 B. c. The Nabataeans had to give up Damascus ; but as allies of the Romans they continued to flourish throughout the first Christian century. Petra their capital became a great commercial centre, which was, however, reduced in the time of Trajan when he, most unwisely, broke up the Nabataean nationality (about 105 A. D. ). See ARABIA, 3, DAMASCUS, 13, ISHMAEL, 4.

For the inscriptions and coins of the Nabataeans see De Luynes, Rev. Numism., 1858; Levy, ZDMG 14 363 f. ; De Vogue, Mil. (fArck. Or., 1868; Syrie Centraie, 1866-77; and Inscr. Semitiijues, 1868-77 i Euting, Nab. Inschr. aus Arabien, with excursus by Gutschmid on the Nabataean kings ; also Nold. ZDMG 177057: 25i22./C, Sent. Sprachen, 31 ; Glaser, Skizze, 2418. See also Nold. Nabataer in Schenkel s BL, and F. H. Vincent, Les Nabateens, Rev. bibligue, 1 [1898] 567-588.

W. R. S. T. K. C.

NABOTH[edit]

(nU3, height, 74, but cp NEBAT ; NABOY9&I [BAL], T -6A [A* i K. 21 3] ; Nabutheus], the owner of a 'field' near Jezreel, or of a 'vineyard' near Ahab's palace (? in Samaria), whose story and its sequel are told in 1 K. 21:1+, 2 K. 9:21, 9:25-26. Cp ELIJAH, 3, and, on the criticism of the passages, KINGS, 8, also AHAB, 2, n. 3.

NABUCHODONOSOR[edit]

( N ABoyxoAONOCOp [BAL]), 1 Esd. 1:40 = 2 Ch. 3:66, NEBUCHADNEZZAR; see NEBUCHADREZZAR.

NACHON[edit]

RV Nacon (j 133). According to 2 S. 6:6 it was at the threshing-floor of Nachon that Uzzah was smitten for putting forth his hand to the ark.

The Gk. has viaSaft [noodab] [B], u>a/3 [odab] [Bb], va x <av [nachon] [A], opva rov It/Sou- <raiov [L], \eiSiav [cheidoon] [Jos. Ant. vii. 42]. The translations of Aq. (eu>? aAwcos eroijUJj?) and Pesh. yield no sense, and involve a questionable use of p^j (cp Dr. ad lac.).

It is evident that some proper name or closer designation of the 'threshing floor' (cp, e.g. , Gen. 50:10) lies at the bottom of the MT reading. The parallel passage 1 Ch. 13:9 has CHIDON (JTS ; XAW [A], om. BN, xedwv [L]), which may be a corruption of jn: (p3=p3 == p3Ui cp We. TBS 168). LXX{L}'s identification is 'an evident correction intended to make the ark select its permanent abode thus early' (H. P. Smith) ; but it may conceivably rest upon an old tradition.

Nakon, J ID:, recurs as the corruption of some place- name in 1 S. 26:4 {3} (cp RVmg 'to a set place' ). The readings of BA (?roi/tos K /ceeiXa, a doublet ; cp We. ) and of LXX{L} (diriffti) O.VTOV et s cre/ceXa-y ; cp v. 3^) show how apparent the difficulty was to the translators. It is possible that nakon, psj, is a corruption from ma'on, Itys, based on 23:25b, and that the clause is an addition (cp 46 with 36). H. P. Smith suggests inaj *?, 'to the point just before him'. s. A. c.

1 [See Gratz, MGWJ, 1875, pp. 6o^C ; Che. Proph. fs. 1 194 ; Intr. Is. 211 ; ZA TW, 1894, p. 142 ; JBL, 1898, p. 207 ; We. Die kl. Prof>h.P\ 213^ ; //( ), 147 ; Buhl, Edomiter, 79 ; and especially Torrey, JBL, 1898, pp. 16^]

2 See ARAMAIC LANGUAGE, 4.

3 J13J in i S. 23 23 (RVmg. 'to a set place' ; LXX{AL} 6 i s eroi^ov) occurs in a clause which LXX{B} omits, and is an obvious gloss ; cp Wellhausen, Bu., SBOT. It may come from 264.

NACHOR[edit]

(lim, Josh. 24:2, N &X<*>P Lk 3:34). AV, RV NAHOR.

NADAB[edit]

(^HX according to most scholars, shortened from JEHONADAB or NEDABIAH ; but the common origin of all these forms seems to be the ethnic Nadabu [see NODAB] ; Jehonadab and Nedabiah represent "313 'a Nadabite', and similarly Abinadab and Amminarlab represent DT13, Nadbam [Che.]; NAA.6.B [BNFAL]).

i. Son of Aaron (Ex. 6:23, ouSafl [B*], 24:1, aa/3 [F], 28:1, etc.), see NADAB AND ABIHU, and note that Abihu, like Nadab, probably represents an ethnic (a/3iou6 = Jerahmeel [Che.]).

2 Son of Jeroboam, king of Israel, slain by BAASHA (q.v.) whilst besieging Gibbethon (1 K. 14:20, om. BL, vafiar [A] ; 15:25 + va.^a.6 [BJ, i>a/3aT [l?a-l> vv. 25, 27 and B in v. 31], vafta.8 [A v. 27]). See CHRONOLOGY, g 32; ISRAEL, 29.

3. A Jerahmeelite (1 Ch. 2:28-30).

4. Son of Jeiel in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (q.v., 9, ii. b), 1 Ch. 8:30 (oiaS [B], 9:36). See JQR 11:110-112, 10+:, also KISH, NER.

NADAB AND ABIHU[edit]

(N-in3N1 ina ; on the names see above, and ABIHU), the two eldest sons of Aaron. The names occur in Ex. 24:1, and, although the origin of the passage to which this verse belongs has been much disputed, we may with a fair measure of confidence attribute it to the Yahwist, whose narrative, if we assume the results of criticism, is to this effect. 1

Whereas the Elohist makes the Israelites tremble at the thought of approach to God, the Yahwist represents Yahwe as bidding Moses take precautions against their overweening confidence and rash curiosity. The people are to be kept back under penalty of death from touch ing the mountain ; but on the other hand the priests are to sanctify themselves and ascend Sinai with Moses. Accordingly Aaron, with Nadab and Abihu and seventy elders of Israel, accompanies Moses, and, though left behind by Moses when he receives the revelation of the 'ten words' as given in Ex. 34, they see the God of Israel and partake of a covenant meal.

Here we have, as marks of the Yahwist's style, the use of the divine name, the mention of Sinai instead of Horeb, the mention of priests as in Ex. 19:22, and the strong anthropomorphism of the theophany. With this the use of Elohim in 24:9-11 is quite consistent. It is the approach of mortal man to the deity that the narrator desires to accentuate. The mention of the elders in 24:1 may suggest an admixture of documents, for they have not been mentioned in 19:20-25, and they are generally regarded as indicating the hand of the Elohist (Di. on Exod. 23 ; Kue. 8, 14 ; but see Ex. 3:16-18 in Bacon, 17, 283 ; Comp. Holzinger, 211).

After all, even if 19:20-25, 24:1-2, 24:9-11 be from the Yahwist, it is still possible to believe that the names Nadab and Abihu have been interpolated by an editor who was familiar with P (so Now. Heb. Arch. 2ox>, following Jiilicher and Kue.). In that case the names must have been substituted for a bare mention of the priests which is requisite after 19:22-24. It is not inconceivable, however, that P himself borrowed the names 'Nadab and Abihu' from the Yahwist.

For the rest, the names Nadab and Abihu occur only in P - viz. Ex. 6:23, 28:1, Lev. 10, Nu. 3:24, 26:60-61 and in 1 Ch. 6:3 [5:29], 24:1-2. They represent- an extinct clan of the Aaronidae, for we are told that they died before their father and left no issue. P ( Lev. 1 ) characteristically explains their death as a penalty for transgressing the ritualistic regulations. On the day of their entrance on the priestly office they laid incense on their fire-pans and offered 'strange fire', and were themselves consumed by fire from Yahwe. The expression 'strange fire' is enigmatical. Dillmann takes B N as equivalent to nyx, and understands an offering by fire which Yahwe 'had not commanded', and which was not made according to rule. Their brethren were warned against similar audacity in the rhythmical oracle :

In them that come near me will I show my holiness,
And before all the people will I manifest my glory.

Their bodies were removed by Mishael and Elzaphan, Aaron s cousins, and lamentation, in which, however, the priests were forbidden to share, was made by the people. W. E. A.

1 Clearly vv. 1-2 and 9-11 are connected (Bu. ZA Tlfll 233), and had at first nothing to do with vv. 3-8, which have been interposed from another source. It seems scarcely less certain that 24:1-2, 24:9-11 are the sequel to 19:20-25 (Bacon, Trifle Trad. E.vod. 96), and the general consent of critics, with, however, the notable exception of Kuenen, sees in this latter passage the characteristic style of the Yahwist.

NADABATH[edit]

AV Nadabatha (NAAABA9 [A], |-A- BAAAN [X], NABAAA9 [V], LD3J [Syr.], Madaba [Vg.]; Jos. Ant. 13:1:4, NABA9A [so Niese, etc., |-ABA9A. BAGANA]). a place E. of Jordan mentioned in connection with Medeba (1 Mace. 9:37), from which the b'ne Jamri were returning when they were surprised by Jonathan (see JAMBRI, THE CHILDREN OF). Clermont-Ganneau (JA, May-June, 1891, pp. 541-543) proposes to read the name as pa/Badd [rabatha (cp a%ap [achar], LXX{H} , Josh. 7:1, for Achan), and to identify the town with Rabbath Ammon, which is sometimes written pafia.6 [Rabbath] in LXX (cp RABBAH). This is ingenious. A direct road connected Rabbath Ammon and Medeba, and we are told that the bride was 'the daughter of one of the great princes of Canaan'. A 'great prince' is more likely to have lived at Rabbath Ammon than at NEBO (q.v.), with which some have identified Nadabath. AVmg gives 'or, Medeba' (after Jer. ) ; but the bridal party was going, it seems, to Medeba. W. H. B.

NAGGE[edit]

RV Naggai (NAn-f^l- According to Dalm. Gramm. 143, n. 5, for ^JJ^^nJJ, cp HJb, NOGAH), a name in the genealogy of Jesus (Lk. 3:25). See GENEALOGIES ii., 3.

NAHALLAL[edit]

rather, as RV, Nahalal, as if 'a drinking place for flocks' (77113, Josh. 19:15, NABAAA [B], NAAAcoA [A], dkN&Aooe* [L] ! 21:35. ceAAA [B], AAMNA [AL]), or Nahalol (7?m, Judg. 1:30, AOOMANA [B], ENAMMAN [A; ? = CN AMMAN], AMMAN [L]), a town in Zebulun, mentioned between Kattath and Shimron. In Talm. J., Meg, 1:1, it is identified with Mahlul - i.e., probably Ma'lul, a village W. of Nazareth, in which view Schwartz, van de Velde, and GueYin concur ; see, however, MARALAH. A hint may be gained from LXX{H} at Judg. 1:30 (see above), which suggests the reading 'Dimnah' instead of 'Nahalal'. These two place-names are in fact given together in Josh. 21:35, and the probability is that each name represents a fragment of Jerahmeel - i.e. , SxanT became tem = VWu, and also n^DT=n3D1 (see DIMNAH). And the question is whether Maralah and Nahalal (both from Jerahmeel) do not mean the same place. Double representation is not infrequent in the lists of P and Ch. T. K. C.

NAHALIEL[edit]

(^X^>m, as if 'torrent-valley of God' ; MANAMA [B], MANA[NA]HA[B a bv d - ; the M in thesetwo forms representing the previous preposition D], N AAA I HA [A], NAXAIHA [L]), a station of the Israelites N. of RAMOTH, Nu. 21:19. Conder (Heth and Moab, 141 ff.} and G. A. Smith (HG 561 /. ) identify it with the Wady Zerka Ma'in (famous for its hot springs) ; but cp Oort, Th. T, 1885, p. 247. Probably, however, Nahaliel is a corruption of Jerahmeel (cp NAHALAL) ; the text should run 'And from there to Beer-Jerahmeel, and from Beer- jerahmeel to Ramoth'. Ramoth was near 'the Pisgah', and both, according to the original story, seem to have been in the Jerahmeelite highlands. See BEER ; NEBO, MOUNT, 2 ; MOSES, 16 ; WANDERINGS.

According to Conder (Heth and Moab, I.c.) 'the valley in the land of Moab, over against Bethpeor', in which Yahwe (?) buried Moses (Dt. 34:6) was probably Nahaliel, 'God's valley' !

NAHAM[edit]

(Dm ; N Axe9 [B]. - X eM [A], NAOYM [L], 3 2 57 a Judahite (1 Ch. 4:19). See NAAM, NAHATH. A connection with MANAHATH may be suspected. See also NAHUM, NEHEMIAH.

NAHAMANI[edit]

( 3m, 62), a leader in the great post-exilic list (EZRA ii., 8e, 9), Neh. 7:7 (i/ae/xai/[e]i [BA], vaa.fj.ij.. [n], vai/ji. [L]; cp RAAMIAH, end), II Ezra 2:2 omits (but v(fj.ai><.) = 1 Esd. 5:8 ENENIUS, RV ENENEUS (eirji/ios [BA], IJ.aiaiva.fj.ivLO<! [B ; b nig.], ve^avi. [L] ; cmmanius [Vg.]). Cp NAAMAN.

NAHARAI[edit]

(nn? in 2 S. , "nm in i Ch. ), a Beerothite (see BEEROTH i.), Joab's armourbearer, 2 S. 23:37 RV, AV Nahari (yeAwpe [BA], apaia [L]), 1 Ch. 11:39 (va X <ap [BK], vaapai [A], coapcu [L]).

NAHASH, CITY OF[edit]

(tJ ; m T^), 1 Ch. 4:12 EVmg, EV IR-NAHASH.

NAHASH[edit]

(Cm, 'serpent', 68; NAAC [BXAL]).

1. An Ammonite king in the time of Saul (1 S. 11:1-2 ; cp 12:12).

The present writer sees reason to think that, as in some other passages, 'Ammon' is misread for 'Amalek', and that 'Jabesh-gilead' should be 'Beth-gilgal'. 'Amalek' and 'Jerahmeel' are ultimately the same name. 'Nahash' (see 2) was perhaps the king of Rehoboth. The principal family of Rehobothites bore the name Nahash or rather, as one should probably read, Achish ; cp 1 S. 21:11 etc. 1 K. 2:39-40, where ru, as often, is mis- written for rtalnh] -ie., Rehoboth. See SAUL, i.

2. An Ammonite king, the father of HANUN, 2 S. 10:2, 1 Ch. 19:2 (cu/as [B]). The statement that he had 'shown kindness' to David has been much discussed. The 'kindness' cannot have been passed over in the records, and yet where does the traditional text mention it ? The conjectures offered by Thenius and others are of no weight.

The text may contain some corruptions. 'Ammon' should probably be 'Amalek' and 'Jericho' (v. 5) should be 'Jerahmeel' i.e., Carmel in Judan. 'Achish king of Gath' - i.e., Nahash king of Rehoboth - is probably the king who showed kindness to David. See further, SAUL, i ; MAACAH i. ; SHOBACH.

3. The father of Shobi of Rabbath Ammon, 2 S. 17:27. The passage, however, is very corrupt (see SHOBI).

4. The name of the first husband of David's mother (Kohler), or of a second wife of David's father (Thenius), or of an unknown person (a Bethlehemite ?) who was Joab's father (We. f/C(->, 57, n. i), 28.1725. But see ZERUIAH ; there is deep corruption of the text.

Others think that 'Nahash 'is a corruption produced by 'Nahash' in v. 27, and read 'Jesse' (see ABIGAIL), or, with Wellhausen (TS 201 ; cp Gray, J/I Ngi), omit ETU H3 as a corruption of tynj ]3 (" 2 ?) This hardly goes far enough.

T. K. C.

NAHATH[edit]

(nm, NAXeG [L]).

1. b. REUEL (q.v.), b. Esau ; Gen. 36:13 (va-^ofj. [A], va-^od [Z? slI- E], 17 vaxot) [AZ>], i>axup [E]), i Ch. 1 37 (vax f * [B], vaxeff [A*], ii>axe# [A avk1 -]). Probably the same as NAHAM [q.v. ] in 1 Ch. 4:19 (We. de Gent. 38 ) and NAAM (q. v. ). Naam, Nahath, and Naham are all represented as Jerahmeelites (Che.).

2. An ancestor of Samuel (1 Ch. 6:26 [n], Kaivad [BA], vanO [L]); cp JAHATH, TAHATH, TOHU, EPHRAIM, 12.

3. A Levite overseer (2 Ch. 31 13, /oiaeS [15 ; see MAHATH, 2], WK9[A], i>aae[L]).

NAHBI[edit]

( 2tm ; NAB[e]i [BF], -BA [A], -BIA [L], NAHABI [Vg.]), the Naphtalite spy (Nu. ISi-tf).

NAHOROIM[edit]

NAXCOR [BXADEL]), father of Terah, and grandfather of Abraham (Gen. 11
22-25, P; -cp 1 Ch.

1:26), also represented as Terah's son and Abraham's brother (Gen. 11:26, P; Josh. 24:2, redactional insertion). By Milcah he had eight sons, and by Reumah four more (Gen. 22:20+). Among the former was BETHUEL (q.v. ). We also hear of the 'God of Nahor' (Gen. 31:53, E) and the 'city of Nahor' (Gen. 24:10, J). Nahor must, therefore, have filled an extremely important place in the old Hebrew traditional legends, and the difficulty of accounting for the name is surprising. 'Once', says Dillmann, 'it must have been the name' of a people of some importance' ; but he grants that the echoes of the name which some have found (e.g. Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, 64) in the name of the village of Haura in the district of Sariij (Serug), or in that of Haditha en-Naura, to the S. of 'Ana, are scarcely probable. It is much more natural to conjecture that the name is that of an Aramaean deity (Jensen, ZA, 1896, p. 300) ; but the true explanation is probably to be sought in another direction. Comparing the following clauses from Gen. 24:10 and 27:43 (both J), 'He arose and went to Aram-naharaim, to the city of Nahor', and 'Arise, flee thon to Laban my brother, to Haran', we may be inclined to suspect that (in spite of the A in Naharaim), Naharaim, Nahor, and Haran are connected, and the considerations offered under GALEED may lead us to the conclusion that E -inj, Tin:, and pn are all corruptions of pin. In Gen. 24:10, Gratz and Ball have already corrected 'city of Nahor' into 'city of Haran' ; they have thus taken the first step towards the emendation here proposed. Cp HARAN. Whether all the phases of the tradition of Haran and Nahor have thus been recovered is doubtful. Cp JACOB, 3, and for a further inquiry Crit. Bib.

As a consistent mythologist, Winckler (Gl 2 97) makes Nahor originally a form of the sun-god, adopting of course the plausible view that Milcah means queen (of heaven). T. K. C.

1 But NAHARAI in AV of 1611 A.D.

NAHSHON[edit]

or, in Ex. 6:23 AV, NAASHON NA&[c]cu>N [BXAKL]), b. Amminadab, brother-in-law of Aaron, and (in Nu. , Ch.) 'prince' of the tribe of Judah ; also (in Ch. , Ruth, Mt. ) ancestor of David (Ex. 6:23, Nu. 1:7 [vavffuv, B], 2:3, 7:12, 7:17, 10:14, 1 Ch. 2:10-11, Ruth 4:20, Mt. l:4+). Cp EUSHEBA, JOSHUA.

The name might mean 'little serpent' ( 68, 77). If, how ever, a 'serpent-clan' is improbable, and if the affinities of Nahshon and the names grouped with it are N. Arabian, it is a reasonable conjecture that Nahshon has arisen, partly by corruption, partly by expansion, out of CK in (|I"n), Husham (Hushan), an Edomite name in Gen. 36:34-35. See NUN (end).

T. K. C.

NAHUM[edit]

(D-IIU 62; N&OYM [BNAQ]), 'rich in comfort, comforter [is God]'; cp D-1l"n, J-13H and see Stade, Gram., 227). The name occurs nowhere else in OT (cim, Neh. 7:7 is a miswriting for c!rri, Ezra 2:2; cp Neh. 10:26), but is found in Phoenician inscriptions (CIS 1, no. 123 ; cp <om in 937. ; cp A. Jeremias, Beitr. zur Ass. u. sem. Sprachwissensch. 3 [1894], 91).

1. Heading.[edit]

The heading of the book is twofold. The first part is evidently late (note massa, and see ISAIAH ii. , 9); it describes the reference of the prophecy, and is suggested by 2:8 [ 2:9], 3:7 . The second part will become identical in form with the headings of Isaiah and Obadiah, and almost so with that of Habakkuk in its original form (cp also Am. 1:1), if we regard the opening word sepher (nso), 'book', as a late editorial addition. The concluding word, 'the Elkoshite', gives the name of the prophet's home, which lay, probably but not certainly, in the southern kingdom (see ELKOSHITE).

2. Date of prophecy against Nineveh.[edit]

Nahum is mentioned in Tob. 14:4 [x] Sinaiticus; but only as the author of oracles on Nineveh, the fulfilment of which is yet to be expected. Of Nahum's life all that even the Vitae prophetarum can tell us is that his prophetic message was confirmed by the wonder of the fall of Nineveh, and that he was buried in his native place - therefore not in Assyria (see ELKOSHITE). These statements have no point of contact with history. It is, however, a safe inference from the book itself that the decline of Assyria had begun in the prophet's lifetime. The capture of No-amon (the Egyptian Thebes) was already past (3:8+), and the capture of Nineveh by Cyaxares and Nabopolassar was still future when the prophecy was written. Thus we get both an upper and a lower limit of date for the composition of the work. We have next to ask which capture of Thebes is intended. The Egyptian Thebes was twice captured by ASHUR-BANI-PAL (q.v., i, 3). It is, however, only the second of these events (about 663 B.C.) that was a real conquest and corresponds in its details to the description in Nah. 3:8+ (cp the inscription on the Rassam cylinder translated with parallels by Jensen, KB 2:160-169; also Schr. KA T&, 450^: ). Wellhausen (Kl. Proph.W 164) objects that the conquest of Thebes could not be meant, as in that case to the question 'Art thou better than No-amon?' Nineveh might with good reason reply, 'Obviously, for No-amon itself fell before me'. It is, however, as 3:8-9 clearly shows, on ability to resist an enemy, above all on natural strength of position and resources, that the comparison rests, and such a comparison is valid even if Thebes did fall before the Assyrians. Still, should new monuments bring to light a conquest of Thebes by some other power at a more suitable date, a rather improbable supposition, this would naturally \te preferred. It is only if the prophecy of Nahum had to be assigned a date as near as possible to the conquest of Thebes by the Assyrians, that Wellhausen's objection would have to be allowed some weight, as in that case the abstract and impersonal nature of the comparison, and the absence of the taunt 'As thou hast done to her, so will others do to thee' would certainly be remarkable.

However, the fact that we know of only one imperial city and one great fortress adapted for Nahum's comparison by no means shuts us up to one of these two alternatives,

  • (a) to fix the date of his prophecy immediately after 663 (Schr., Kautzsch, Wi.), and
  • (b), if we insist on giving it a later date, to assume also a later capture of Thebes (We.).

On the contrary, the catastrophe of the year 663 might very well be referred to even several decades later, more particularly if the city never recovered from it (E. Mey. GA 354 [1887]).

On the other hand, it is intrinsically probable that the prophecy belongs to a time moderately near the actual fall of Nineveh, or at least when the fall of the Assyrian power might reasonably be hoped for. Such an occasion, indeed, Winckler 1 thinks he has found not long after 663 in the revolt of Shamash-shum-ukin of Babylon against his brother Ashur-bani-pal of Assyria (see Ashur-bani-pal's account of it, KB 2 182 Jf. ; cp also 3 1 :194+), in which many of the vassals of Assyria, amongst them 'the West land' and thus perhaps also Manasseh of Judah, took part.

The situation may very well have been for a short time quite threatening for Ashur-bani-pal, and a Judaean prophet - whether his own king were involved in the struggle or not, matters not - might very well look forward to the success of the revolting powers. In that case, however, in the opinion of the present writer, the prophecy must have been directed rather against the reigning king in his own person than against the capital of his kingdom. If Ashur-bani-pal's twin brother really succeeded, what his success meant was the end of the Babylonian vice-regency and his own mounting the throne in Nineveh ; no one could in such a case expect a real fall of Nineveh itself from its position as ruler of the world. Moreover, Nahum's description does not read as if Nineveh's own subjects or a great confederacy were marching against it ; on the contrary, the reference appears to be to a single, unnamed, perhaps newly-risen nation, against which Nineveh, like Thebes (3:9), could at first oppose the masses of its own vassals (2:9, 3:15b-17).

Glad as we should be, then, to follow Winckler in using the book of Nahum to impart life to the dreary days of Manasseh, the intrinsic probabilities of the case furnish no support for his ingenious hypothesis. It was probably only with the death of the powerful Ashur-bani-pal (6:26) that Assyria showed any visible decline in strength. It may have been shortly after this that Nahum uttered his prophecy, which would thus fall in the days preceding the first siege of Nineveh by Cyaxares. Absolute certainty with regard to the date is unattainable. Nor yet can we be sure whether Nahum had any definite hostile force in view, whether Mede or Scythian.

1 AT Unters. (1892), 124; (7/1 (1895), 101. [So too, before Winckler, Prof. A. R. S. Kennedy, Good Words, Nov. 1891, P- 743-1

3. Date of 1:1-2:1, 3.[edit]

The date thus fixed can hardly be applied to the whole of the book. In chap. 1:1-2:1, 3 Bickell and Gunkel,following up a hint first given by G. Frohnmeyer (see Del. on Ps. 9), have discovered an alphabetical acrostic. 1 The order, it is true, has been dislocated ; it is seen most clearly down to the letter ' (cp "?N [v. 1], na?D3 [v. 3], iyi-i [v. 4], ... c"n and Nis>ni [v. 5], iojn and won [v. 6], y\o and yrOi [v. 7]) ; but no attempted restoration will lead to adequately certain results. This much at least must be conceded, however, to Bickell and Gunkel, that there once was a complete alphabet, and for this at least the whole of chap. 1 is required. Now, through out the whole of this chapter there is no reference to Nineveh, and the (better preserved) first part is rather colourless and academic in tone. What it speaks of is not a particular but a universal judgment, resting upon the fundamental laws of the divine government (v. j f. ). We find here an approach, on the one hand, to the manner of the didactic alphabetical songs of a later age, and, on the other hand, to that of certain eschatological and apocalyptic appendices by the insertion of which the framers of the prophetic canon sought to adapt other older prophetic books (especially those nearest to Nahum - viz. Micah, Habakkuk, Zephaniah) to the tastes of the readers of their own day. This section of Nahum, therefore, we must, with Gunkel and Bickell, assign to a late date ; Wellhausen had already observed, on 1 7, that 'the language of the Psalms here begins to make its appearance'. The editor of Nahum in this case has for once prefixed the more generalising supplement to the ancient oracle, instead of (as was usually done) making it an appendix ; the reason perhaps being that Nahum's genuine prophecy had already been mutilated at the beginning. He did not, however, make the supplement himself ; he found it among materials already before him ; he himself attached no importance to its alphabetical form, and in its closing portion he obliterated this in the course of a revision which from v. 12 onwards is clearly designed to form a transition leading up to the special subject of the divine judgment. We cannot hope, therefore, that any attempt at restoration can be rewarded with full success.

4. Contents of the genuine prophecy of Nahum.[edit]

The prophecy against Nineveh as we now have it begins with 2:2, immediately followed by v. 4 (cp We.). 2:4-11 (on the text of v.4 see STEEL) predicts vividly and picturesquely the prophecy of assault upon Nineveh (which is named in v. 9), the capture and sack of the city. Verses 12-14 contain an oracle of Yahwe against the king of Assyria, who is likened to a lion seeking its prey (in v. 14 read with Buhl and Wellhausen masc. suffixes of the 2nd pers. ). 3:1-7 again prophesies war, desolation, and the deepest humiliation for Nineveh (named in v. 7) as punishments for its deeds of violence and treachery. Verses 8-11 (not necessarily the beginning of a new section) justify the prophecy by reference to the similar fate of the Egyptian Thebes (see No) ; vv. 12-14, again, contain very vivid touches drawn from incidents of the war, especially the defence by the besieged ; vv. 15b-17 picture the melting away of the Ninevite forces by comparing them with swarms of locusts vanishing as quickly as they have come. Finally, vv. 18-19 are addressed to the king of Assyria after his power has fallen to ruin.

Thus the entire prophecy of Nahum admits of division into three sections, each of which may perhaps have originally been a separate prophecy :- 2:2, 2:4-11, 2:12-14, 3 The last of these is possibly made up of several pieces. Billerbeck (ap. Jeremias, as above) proposes to introduce 3:12-15a (Tin) after 2:4 so as to bring together in one place the descriptions of war and siege with the effect of enriching them ; but this is surely quite unnecessary.

1 CvZATIV, 1893, pp. 223^; SWAW, Phil.-hist. Classe, 131 5, 1894; Gunkel, Schopf. u. Chaos (1895), 102. Further attempts are made by Nowack, Kleine Propketen, 1897, and O. Happel, Der Psalm Nahum, 1900. See also G. B. Gray, Expos.. Sept. 1898 ; Cheyne, il>. Oct. 1898 (who contribute fresh suggestions) ; W. R. Arnold, ZATW, 1901, pp. 2*5-265.

5. Possible restoration of text.[edit]

All the pieces in question, by their similarity of spirit, as well as by the richness of fancy and power of poetical representation which they exhibit in common declare themselves as a whole to be the work of a single writer who in 1:1 is designated as Nahum of Elkosh or Elkeshe (see ELKOSHITE, b]. In details we are left uncertain as to what really ought to be assigned to the author, by many corruptions of the text. The un usual difficulty of the book arises from the same cause, in part at least. The corruption is of ancient date, for LXX gives but little help. J Valuable contributions towards a restoration have recently been made by Buhl (ZATW 5:179+ [ l885]). and still more by Wellhausen (Kl. Proph.) ; on chap. 1, compare also Bickell and Gunkel [see note, col. 3259; also, on chaps. 1:12 -2:14 and chaps. 2-3, Ruben's articles cited at end of article]. Much, however, still remains to be done. 2 [Ruben has also restored the text of chap. 3 ; but his results are still unpublished. He has succeeded in emending the impossible -pun of 3:17, as pointed out in SBOT on Is. 33:18 ; cp SCRIBE.]

6. Metre.[edit]

It was indicated by the writer of the present article, as far back as 1882, that in chaps. 2 and 3 there occur occasional examples of the kind or elegiac verse - the halting verse with two members, a shorter and a longer. Two such verses are found in 22, one in v. 7, two in v. 9 (as restored), two in v. 11, with a supernumerary member, two in v. 13, two in 3:8 (as restored), four in v. 11-12, three in v. 14-15a, five in v. 18-19. (delete -p^y in v. 19). Are we to suppose that the 'elegiac' metre was still more prominent in the original text, and that therefore the attempt to recover this text must include the search for 'elegiac' verses (cp New World, 1893, pp. 46^), textual criticism being thus supplied at once with a standard and an instrument? In some cases this question must be answered affirmatively. Thus, 2:12 cannot possibly have had a different metre from vv. 11, 13 ; 3:9-10, 3:13 were of course constructed on the same model as 3:8, 3:11-12, 3:14-15a and still show unmistakable traces that this was the case ; the same assumption is very natural for 2:8 and 2:10. To apply this method further is tempting, but not free from risk. If the description in 3:1-7 and in the (closely related) threatening in 2:14 [2:13] were originally written in 'elegiac verse', their present form shows that they must have been greatly modified by an editor. This is also the only portion of the prophecy against Nineveh which contains the divine name (2:14 [2:13], 3:5), and which has a certain theological colouring, reminding one of Ezekiel ; elsewhere the prophet expresses simple human indignation at Nineveh s violent deeds, and describes war as if it were a natural phenomenon - a storm which no one thinks of seeking to explain.

1 Cp Vollers, Das Dodckaproph. der Alex. I., Berlin, 1880; Schuurmans Stekhoven, De alexandrijnschc vertaling van het Dodekapropheton, Leiden, 1887.

2 In 2:8 the word 7JC , 'queen', 1 seems to have dropped out before nn?J, although the text is not quite healed by its restoration. [For nn^yn Paul Ruben, Acad. March 7, 1896 (cp June 20), suggests n^nj?n> tne I^ady ; cp Ass. etellu, 'fern', etellitu (see ATHALIAH) ; we must then suppose 2 srt to be a corruption of some verb parallel to nnS:. and insert Sjjj- as proposed already.] In 2:9 restore (after LXX) neni .TD O, and then delete iTD D as (correctly) explanatory of ,tC,TI , it may be presumed further that after the second ncj? a 11DX has fallen out ; in 2:14 perhaps we ought to read n3"13 for ,1331 instead of the n:!31 of LXX assumed by Buhl and Wellh.; in 3:8, adopt Wellh.'s emendations, but also delete n 1 ? 2*30 C D as a gloss. [On 2 i cp Cheyne on Is. 52 7 SOT.]

7. Literature.[edit]

Besides the commentaries on the Minor Prophets and the articles, etc., quoted above, see O. Strauss, Nakumi tie Nino Vaticitiium, i8s3 ; A. B. Davidson, Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah, 1896 ; Billerbeck and A. Jeremias, Der Untergang Ninevehs u. die Weissagungsschrift des Nahum von Elkosch, in Beitr. v. Ass. 3 [i8g8], pp. 87-188; P. Ruben, An Oracle of Nahum, PSBA, 2011898], pp. 173-185; zndJQK 11 [1899], pp. 448-455. A. R. S. Kennedy, art. Nahum in Hastings DBoqisff, See also AMOS and HOSEA, end, and on some outstanding critical problems, PROPHECY and Crit. Bit. K.. B.

NAIDUS[edit]

(NAiAoc [B], NAEiAoc [A]), 1 Esd. 9:31 = Ezra 10:30. BENAIAH, 8.

NAIL.

i. "irP, yathed (jrd<Tcra.\oS:fax-i//us), a peg, pin, or nail, driven into the wall (Ezek. 15:3, EV 'pin', Is. 22:25) or more especially a 'tent-pin' driven into the earth to fasten the tent (Ex. 27:19, 35::18, 38:31, Judg. 4:21-22, Is. 33:20, 54:2); see TENT. Hence to drive a pin or fasten a nail can mean to give any ojje a firm and stable abode (Is. 22:23), an image still fre quent among the Arabs (examples in Ges. Tkes., s.v.). The figure of a pin or nail is also applied to a prince (so LXX para phrases Is. 2223 25) on whom the care and welfare of the state depend (Zech. 10:4, II n:s, see COKNEK-STONE).

2 *1SDO, only in pi. fl llDDD, masmeroth (Jer. 10:4), JTnCOD, mismeroth (2 Ch. 3 9), D "CDD, masmerim (Is. 41:7), Q TODO- mismerim (1 Ch. 22:3) (^Aot [eloi]; cp Jn. 20:25) applied to nails of iron ; rp, masmeroth, used metaphorically in Eccles. 12:11 (see RV).

NAIN[edit]

(NAIN [Ti.WH], some MSS N&GIN, N&ei/v\). a city (note the 'gate' and the 'great multitude' of v. 12) where Jesus restored to life a dead man who was being carried out to burial (Lk. 7:11+).

1. Geographical problem.[edit]

According to Eusebius (0S 285:41) it was 12 (but Jerome [143:22] says 2) R. mi. S. of Tabor, near Endor. This may be held to point to the hamlet now called Nain, which is at the base of the Neby Dahi (or Little Hermon), and is a most miserable nook, though the associations of the gospel-story enable one easily to forget this ; the situation, too, is charming - on one side the western base of Little Hermon, on the other the broad expanse of Esdraelon. But is the site correct ? Though there are rock-tombs near the modern Nain, this is not enough to prove that there was ever a walled city on this site. The Midrash (Ber. rabba, 98, on Gen. 49:15) does indeed mention a locality called Nairn ; but this may be identical with the land of Tin'am (cinn) mentioned just before. There is also a special reason for doubting the accuracy of the traditional text. The parallelism between the miracle of the raising of the widow's son of 'Nain' and that of the widow's son of ZARKPHATH (q.v.) is so close (cp 1 K. 17:8-24 ) that one is justified in suspecting that there has been a combination of the story of Elijah's merciful miracle with the similar one of Elisha (2 K. 4:18-37), and that Nain, or Naim, should rather be Shunem (mvtjfj. ; for a parallel see SALIM). Nain or Naim may be a scribe's correction of the fragmentary vrj/j [nem],. He knew that Jesus had to pass by Esdraelon, and that there was a locality called Naim in the old territory of Issachar (see the Midrash above), and fixed its site not so very far from the true scene of the narrative, for it is but a short hour's ride from Shunem to the modern Nain. 1

Nestle (Philol. Sacra, 20) ingeniously, but less plausibly, suggests that Nain might perhaps be trans literated C m, and rendered 'the awakened'. It is satisfactory that Nestle, too, recognises the doubtfulness of the locality assigned in Lk.

It should be noticed in conclusion that if Tischendorfs reading V TJJ ffrjs (AV 'the day after' ) be accepted in v. 11, the evangelist did not know the distance between Capernaum and Shunem. This will not at all impair the effect of his narrative, for the combination of the Sermon in the Plain, the Capernaum cure, and the still greater marvel of 'Nain' is the finest possible preparation for the message in Lk. 7:22. We may indeed save Lk.'s credit as a geographer by adopting the alternative reading er ria efr)s (RV, 'soon afterwards' ) with Treg., WH, and B. Weiss. Perhaps neither reading is correct, and we should restore fv rfj ff . r)/oie pa (9 37).

1 It is probably true that the gospel narratives (and not in their earliest form) influenced some of the place-names in Palestine in the early Christian period.


2. Method of Luke.[edit]

It is true, Lk. states his object to be to produce an orderly recital of the things most confidently received among Christians (Lk. 1:1) ; but the principle of this arrangement was not purely historical : ideas had an overpowering influence on the mind of the arranger. Jesus could not, he felt, be inferior to Elijah and Elisha, and a miracle like those of Zarephath and Shunem must necessarily have followed the wonderful cure at Capernaum. According to a saying of Jesus current in some circles the Master had remarked on the limitations of the beneficent activity of Elijah and Elisha. It is Lk. who transmits this saying (Lk. 4:25-27), though he gives it a setting which makes it seem unnecessarily and unintelligibly provocative. If we place this saying in connection with such a narrative as that of 'Nain', we shall no longer find it unintelligible. Lk. is the Pauline evangelist, and expounds by narratives the universality of the grace of Jesus Christ. Not of the gracious Master could it be said that the only leper healed by him was a Syrian, or that the only widow s son restored by him to life was a Sidonian. Whether Lk. himself devised the 'Nain' story, is uncertain. We do know, however, that he devised an introduction to the message to John the Baptist (v. 22) already recorded in Mt. 11:4-5, which, however harmless in its intention, cannot be based on facts because it radically misunderstands the symbolic language of that grand Messianic utterance. It is possible therefore that the beautiful 'Nain'-story (or rather Shunem-story ?) is in no sense traditional, but the expression of the tender and deeply thoughtful nature of Lk. T. K. C.

NAIOTH[edit]

(JT1J or JVU [Driv.] or JVU [Kon.] Kt. ; n n, Kr. ; [N]<5,Y<*e [BL], N<\Yia>6 [A], fcocu [Pesh. , transposing and 1], r-AABoYA9 [J os - -Ant. 6:ll:5]; nuath [Jer. in OS 36:12]), usually supposed to be the name of a place in Ramah, where David and Samuel took refuge when Saul was pursuing David, 1 S. 19:19, 19:22-23 (bis), 20:1. Except in 19:18 it is always followed by nsi3t 'in Ramah', and in this passage too Wellhausen following LXX, would restore nc-ia. It is most unlikely, however, that a place within a place would be specified, especially in this late narrative (cp SAMUEL, BOOKS OF, 4). Tg. Jon. explained the word 'school' (NjsSiK rva), thus making rri: an equivalent of nvo in 2 K. 22:14 (AV, following Tg., COLLEGE [q.v.]). This view, however, though supported on grounds of his own by Ewald (Hist. 3:49-50), is philologically too fantastic to be adopted (see Driver, TBS 125), though it may safely be added that no explanation of the word can be made more probable.

Plainly the word is corrupt, and the best emendation of nma n U is perhaps ^NCrrv ni aa, 'Gibeah of Jerahmeel' (cp Jos. yeA/3ova#). The place intended is that mentioned in 1 S. 10:5, where MT and LXX{B} read c nStrt "l (EV 'the hill of God' ), but where we should (supported by several parallel cases) certainly read DyXCrn J, 'Gibeah of the Jerahmeelites'. What the Jerahmeelites have to do in this connection is explained elsewhere (see SAUL, 2). Cp H. P. Smith, ad loc., who, however, cannot throw any light on the word.

T. K. C.

NAME[edit]

1. Name = nature.[edit]

'Name' and 'names' are inseparable departments of the same subject. The conception of 'name' ideally precedes the production of names ; the very first name that can be supposed to have been given presupposes the conception of 'name'. When (the Hebrews said) the first man called the beasts and birds by their names (Gen. 2:20) it was because, as Milton (Paradise Lost, 8352 f.) puts it, he 'understood their nature' - because the (Hebrew) names he gave them were the natural and adequate expressions of their innermost beings. And the wise man commonly known as the Preacher assures us (Eccles. 6:10a) that 'whatever comes into being, long ago has its name been pronounced'. When, however, nothing had come into existence, there could be no names, as indeed there could be no name-giver. As the Babylonian creation-epic says :

There was a time when, above, the heaven was not named,
Below, the earth bore no name.

2. Terms.[edit]

We can now- consider the terms for 'name'. In Hebrew, as in Assyrian, there are two synonyms,

  • (1) or, zeker, is commonly rendered 'remembrance', but is certainly connected with the Ass. siadru, 'to name', 'mention' (whence zikru, name );
  • (2) CB>, shem, corresponds to the Ass. shumu.

For zeker we may quote Ex. 17:14, 'I will blot out the name (EV remembrance) of Amalek from under heaven' ; Ps. 34:16, 'to cut off their name (EV the remembrance of them) from the earth' ; Ex. 3:15, 'this is my name for ever, and this is my title (EV my memorial) unto all generations'; Ps. 30:5 and 97:12, 'give thanks to his holy name' (so RV ; AV mg 'to the memorial of his holiness' ); Hos. 12:5 [12:6], 'Yahwe is his name' (EV 'his memorial' ). The same word zeker may be used of the recital or solemn mention of God's titles to honour and gratitude in the cultus ; hence a psalmist says (Ps. 6:5 [6:6])

In (the world of) death there is no mention (EV remembrance) of thee ;
In Sheol who will give thee thanks?

The other word (shem) is much the commoner. The root-meaning is uncertain, nor is there any valid reason for thinking that the primary meaning in usage is 'monument' (as if from 'to be high' ?).

3. OT references.[edit]

In 2 S. 8:13 the text is certainly, and in Gen. 11:4 most probably, 1 corrupt. In Is. :13 we read that the new splendour of nature which will accompany the deliverance of Israel 'will be to Yahwe for a name, for an everlasting sign that shall not be cut off'. 'Monument' 1 would not be unsuitable here ; but the familiar sense 'renown' will do perfectly well (cp Dan. 9:15 EV, 'thou hast gotten thee renown' ). In Is. 56:5, 'a memorial (see HAND) and a name better than sons and daughters', 1 the word 'name' implies ideas more mystic and primitive than would be suggested by the simpler word 'monument'. The idea seems to be that God-fearing eunuchs will, even in the world of death, enjoy the consciousness of the honour still paid to them upon earth by the congregation of worshippers in the temple. The popular religion clung to the primitive veneration of ancestors (cp 1 S. 24:22, 2 S. 18:18, with H. P. Smith's notes), and the prophetic writer appears to mean that no cultus of dead ancestors will give such satisfaction to those ancestors as the honorific mention of the names of pious proselytes in the community of Zion will give to these proselytes even in death. This may seem to us a strange idea ; but the passage quoted above from Ps. 6:5 (cp 88:11) may strike us as still stranger, if we consider what it implies. Why should the great God, Yahwe, be moved to pity by such a consideration as the psalmist offers ? We must not weaken the passage too much. It certainly contains the idea that worshippers are needful to Yahwe, because the divine life would lack some touch of perfectness without the tribute of reverent and grateful praise. This idea may be un philosophical ; but it is profoundly religious. In some form, the idea of sacrifice is essential to a fervent religion, and to the noblest psalmists true sacrifice is the recital of Yahwe's gracious acts, each of which calls for the ascription to Yahwe of a new title. Now, to primitive men the name is the expression of the personality. Yahwe's worshippers, therefore, from a primitive point of view, enable God s personality to find that fuller expression which it constantly needs.

1 Probably no one practised in textual criticism will fail to see that cjy llVflPJUl comes out of c DB ^ 1B N"V), a variant to Va IB tOl which precedes. 13 = 0.

The truth of the statement that the name is (ideally at least) the manifestation of the personality, and consequently may even be prophetic of the fortunes of the person named, will be clear if we look at a few of the OT narratives ; see, e.g. , Gen. 35:10, 'Thy name shall no more be called Jacob, but Israel shall be thy name', and ib. 18, 'she called his name Ben-oni, but his father called him Benjamin'. It is true, this intimate connection between name and character or fortune is not always prominent. Names are often given, according to the narratives, for some apparently accidental reason ; it is when the person named has some special dignity or pre-eminence among the leaders of Israel that the name has evidently a mystic significance. The prophets make great use of the idea. Thus :-

  • Is. 1:26, 'afterward thou shall be called The city of righteousness, the faithful city'.
  • Is. 9:6 [9:5], 'his name shall be called Wonderful, counsellor' (?), etc.
  • Is. 63:16, 'thou, O Yahwe, art our father ; our redeemer from of old is thy name'.
  • Jer. 33:16, 'this is [the name] by which she shall be called - Yahwe is our righteousness'. 1
  • Ezek. 48:35, 'the name of the city from that day shall be, Yahwe is there'.
  • Mt. 1:21, 'thou shall call his name Jesus, for he shall save his people from their sins'. 2

This connection of name and personality leads to a singular use of 6vofj.a [onoma] in the NT. In Acts 1:15 and Rev. 3:4, 11:13, ovo/jLara [onomata] has the sense of 'persons' (cp, however, Nu. 1:20); Deissmann produces unexpected parallels for this from the Egyptian papyri (Neue Bibel- studien, 2^f.}.

4. Idiom 'to call a name upon'.[edit]

Before passing on to the great religious phrases, 'the name of Yahwe', 'the name of Jesus', we must not omit to mention the idiom, 'to call the name (of some one) over'. For examples see, first, 2 S. 12:28, where Joab in his message to David respecting Rabbath-ammon says, 'lest I take the city and my name be called upon it'. Here we see one of the most obvious secular applications of a phrase which OT writers most frequently employ in a religious context. Eastern warriors were accustomed to change the name of a conquered city. The citadel of the Jebusites, conquered by David, became 'David's burg' ; exactly similar cases occur in the Assyrian inscriptions. Joab = that daring Misrite adventurer (see ZERUIAH) - threatens David that he will not allow Rabbah to go out of his hands if he, not David, is the conqueror ; 'Joab's burg' shall become its name. 3

The other passages are 2 S. 6:2, Is. 4:1, Dt. 28:10, 1 K. 8:43 ( = 2 Ch. 6:33), Jer. 7:10-11, 7:14, 7:30, 14:9, 15:16, 25:29, 32:34, 34:15, Am. 9:12, Is. 68:19, 2 Ch. 7:14, Dan. 9:18-19; cp Ps. 49:11 [49:12]. 4 Of these, Is. 4:1, like 2 S. 12:28, gives the phrase a secular application. In the depopulated condition of Jerusalem, seven women will say to one man, 'Only let thy name be called over us' - i.e. , 'let us enjoy the benefits of having a husband for owner and consequently for protector'. In Am. 9:12 another secular application is implied. Although it is Yahwe who speaks, and a relation of Yahwe which is described, the form of expression is distinctly secular. 'The remnant of Edom' has, at least in one sense of the words, no religious relation to Yahwe ; it is as Yahwe's property that his 'name' is said to have been called over it (and over the other hostile nations) ; for the sufferings involved for Edom in its anticipated subjugation by the Jews Yahwe, as here represented, has no sympathy.

All the other passages, however, imply that ownership involves an interest in the welfare of the persons or things owned. The complaint of the Jewish community in Is. 63:19 is, not that they are owned by Yahwe, but that, although his property, they are treated by him as if his 'name' had not been 'called over' them; compare this with Yahwe's statement in Jer. 25:29, and Daniel's prayer in Dan. 9:18.

1 The name surely belongs to Jerusalem, not to the ideal king, as in the second form of the same prophecy (23:6). See Jew. Rel. Life, 95.

2 We may treat these words, put into the mouth of an angel, as prophetic.

3 Joab is wise enough to give David a chance of averting from himself this dishonour. Not improbably, however, Joab's reported message to David (vv. 26-27) is due to an editorial desire to reconcile two differenl traditions of the capture of Rabbath-ammon (if we assume that to be the right reading ; see, however, REHOUOTH).

4 Cp Kautzsch, ZATWG 18-19 (1886).

In Dt. 28:10 we read that all the other peoples will be afraid to touch righteous Israel, because they will see, by Israel s prosperity, that Yahwe's 'name' must have been 'called over' it ; in v. 9 the parallel phrase is 'a holy (i.e. , consecrated) people', and in Jer. 14:9 for Israel to be the bearer of Yahwe's name is synonymous with having Yahwe in its midst, and gives a right (but not an indefeasible right) to protection ; the same idea is expressed in 1 K. 8:43, where (as in Jer. 7:10, etc. ) it is the temple over which the divine 'name' has been called.

It is plausible to give a similar interpretation to the phrase descriptive of the ark in 2 S. 6:2, in spite of the difficulty caused by the position of V7J? (see Wellh. TBS, ad loc.). See also Bar. 2:15, 2:26, 1 Mace. 7:37, and, in the NT, Ja. 2:7 (on which see CHRISTIAN, i, col. 752), Acts 15:17 ( = Am. 9:12).

There still remain two passages, Ps. 49:11 [49:12] and Jer. 15:16. Of the passage in Ps. 49 there are several renderings. That of Wellhausen in SHOT is, 'even should they have called whole countries their own', which implies that "?j? oe a N^ and "?j? DC* nj3 may have the same meaning (so, too, Hupfcld). There is good reason, however, for thinking that this is not what the psalmist meant ; the text is more than probably corrupt. 1 The passage in Jer. 15, if correctly transmitted, is singularly beautiful as a record of prophetic experience. Jeremiah says that not only externally but also internally he has become entirely the possession of his God - 'thy word ( = revelation) became to me a delight and the joy of my heart, for thy name has been called upon me, O Yahwe Sebaoth'. Probably, however, for vn 'and . . . became', we should read >rn 'and let ... become', making it a prayer of Jeremiah (cp Cornill and Duhm ad loc. ).

In this connection we may refer to the naming of a son by the father. It is true that the name might be given by the mother (Gen. 29, 30, 35:18, 1 S. 4:21), and no doubt was given by her generally in the primaeval period of matriarchy (cp KINSHIP, 4); but in the period of monandrous 'baal' -marriage ( KINSHIP, 9 +) the priority of right belonged to the father (Gen. 16:15, 17:19. Ex. 2:22, 2 S. 12:24 {2}, Is. 8:3, Hos. 1:4+, Lk. 1:13, 1:63), who could, if he chose, alter the name given to the child by the mother (Gen. 35:18). The son, in fact, should theoretically have been named by the father, as a sign of lordship.

5. New Name.[edit]

Another phrase which may be quoted here is a new name. In Is. 62:2 it is said of Jerusalem that at its restoration it shall be called by a new name (enn cy, 6vofj.a KO.LVOV}, and, ac cording to Is. 65:15, Yahwe will call his servants by another name (LXX, again, &VO/AO. KO.IVOV}. Further, in Rev. 2:17, we hear of 'a new name which no man knows but he that receives it'. It is doubtful whether this means a new name for each believer, or the new name of Christ (cp 3:12, 19:12). The former view is more probable. When born into a new world, each believer will need a new name, suggestive of his new character and standing. We may venture to compare the giving of a new name to kings (as notably in Egypt) at their accession ; cp 2 K. 23:34, 24:17. {3} The new name in Rev. , I.c., is also said to be hidden from all but its bearer. This reminds us of the feeling, so widespread among savage tribes, of the danger of disclosing one s name, because this would enable an enemy by magic means to work to one s personality some deadly injury (cp Frazer, Golden Bought, 1:404+).

1 The number of conflicting explanations is significant.

- Kt. sop"! . K r - Klpnii w tn reference to v. 25^.

3 There is surely some mistake in the document. Either the names given by Necho and Nebuchadrezzar respectively, were not those here given (cp the case of the son of Necho I., A ATW, 166), or else the change of names was not due to these suzerains of Judah but to the religious authorities. See MATTANIAH, SHALLUM.

6. Name of Yahwe.[edit]

We now pass on to those great reiigious phrases 'the name of Yahwe', 'the name of Jesus' (or, of the Christ). The 'name' of a god is properly his manifestation, and since one form of this manifestation is the name (presumably a revealed name) given to him in the cultus, the 'name' of Israel's god is Yahwe, as the name of Moab's god is Chemosh. Whatever the primitive meaning of the Heb. shem and the Ass. shumu may have been, it was not merely 'name' in our sense of the word, but something much fuller which would be applicable to all forms of divine manifestation. 'Name', 'glory', 'face', are parallel terms. The divinity in the so-called Mal'ak or 'Angel' 1 of Yahwe (cp ANGEL, 3) is sometimes called the panim (Icl^s) 'face', sometimes the kabod (nuj) 'glory', sometimes the shem (cc*) or 'name' of Yahwe (Ex. 23:21, 33:14, 33:18, 33:22-23; cp 32:34 and Is. 63:9). The ark, too, is described as a dwelling-place of the 'glory' (1 S. 4:22), and of the 'face' (Nu. 10:35, Tjsp, 'from thy face' ), but not of the 'name', of Yahwe. The reason is that the 'name' of Yahwe came to be specially connected with the cultus - i.e. , with the temple, where the solemn invocation of Yahwe took place. The connection of the 'name' of Yahwe with the Mal'ak or Angel was too primitive to be abandoned ; but the ark of Yahwe, not being as primitive in conception as the Angel, never succeeded in annexing the third of the synonymous terms - viz. 'name'. As time went on, however, this term, which was originally associated with the cultus at all sanctuaries (Ex. 20:24), became more and more closely attached to the temple (see 1 K. 8:16, 8:29, 9:3, Is. 18:7, Jer. 7:12). And how does Yahwe continue to make known his name? By answering the prayers offered in (or, towards) the temple - i.e. , by delivering his people (Is. 52:6, 64:1). Hence, in Ps. 20:1 [20:2], 'The name of the God of Jacob place thee in security' means, 'The God whom thou hast invoked answer thy prayers'. Indeed, in all such passages (e.g., Ps. 20:7 [20:8], 44:5 [44:6]) we may safely say that there is a tacit reference to the invocation of God's name in the sanctuary. Thus the prayers of faithful Israel are a substitute for the presence of the ark in the Israelitish host, and by prayers are meant invocations of Yahwe as the promise-keeping God of Israel. 2

Against one serious temptation the Israelitish thinkers and writers were consistently proof; they never allow us to think that the 'Name of Yahwe' is a separate divine being from Yahwe. Like the Mal'ak Yahwe (in whom, indeed, according to Ex. 23:21, Yahwe's name is), the Name of Yahwe is virtually equivalent to Yahwe (note the parallelism in Ps. 20:1 [20:2]). Such a phrase as 'Ashtoreth, the name of Baal' (7D3 CE mne J7i CIS 1, no. 3, 1. 18) has no analogue in Hebrew writings. Certainly in Is. 30:27 we find the startling expression 'the name of Yahwe cometh' ; but the context shows that Yahwe himself is meant, and in the || passage, 59:19, 'the name' alternates with 'the glory' of Yahwe (cp Ex. 33:18-19).

1 The use of the term HxSp as a term for the temporary manifestation of Yahwe as a director and agent has not yet been explained. Great difficulties in expounding the biblical notices consistently will be overcome if we suppose that the term originally employed was, not ~^Z, 'messenger', but ^D, 'king'. The inferior divine beings, afterwards described as angels, were - if this is correct - originally designated C r^~, 'kings'. The objection to calling them either 'gods' (n riSn) r 'kings' (c DVc) naturally led to the abandonment of the former term (nTlW), and the modification or transformation of the latter (c ^So)-

2 Cp Lagarde's explanation of the name Yahwe as 'promsorum stator'.

7. Name = Yahwe.[edit]

In Lev. 24:11, Dt. 28:58, we find c& n used independently (in Lev. 24:16, however, cr should be c^, see LXX, Vg. ). The son of an Israelitish woman whose father was an Egyptian (so EV ; but nsp might mean a Musrite ; cp MIZRAIM, 26, MOSES) blasphemed the name and cursed ; therefore (v. 23) he was stoned ; so P. Another late writer makes Moses exhort the Israelites 'to fear this glorious and fearful name, Yahwe thy God'. With this, G. Hoffmann (Ueb. ein. Phon. Inschriften, 47 #) compares a passage in the inscription of Eshmun'azar (CIS 3:16-17 ) which he reads DT INB D& (a title appended first to rrnsi j;, Astarte, and then to JDB M. Eshmun), and renders as 'supreme Person' (nomen = numen). He remarks that the object of the phrase was to avoid seeming to bind the entire divinity to the spot where the temple was, and illustrates the form of the expression by Ps. 47:10, 92:6 on the one hand, and Ps. 7:18, 9:3, 92:2 on the other ; in the latter passages, following Hitzig, he thinks (but here perhaps few will follow him) that jv jj; is to be connected adjectivally with w- [shem]

8. NT usage.[edit]

The exegesis of the NT passages in which the term name occurs is not always easy. We have no right to presume that OT presuppositions by themselves are sufficient to account for the expressions. Passages like Acts 19:17 ( 'the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified' ) cause no difficulty; but what is to be said of certain phrases in the same chapter, 'they were baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus' (v. 5), and 'to name over those who had the evil spirits the name of the Lord Jesus' (v. 13) ? Elsewhere the use of the formula, 'to be baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus' (/BaTrri^ecrdai et s rb 8vofj.a [or tv, or (irl (TIP) 6v6fj.a.Ti] Kvplov Irjffov), has been fully treated from the point of view of the history of the rite of baptism (col. 473/1 ) ; but it still remains to consider the possible meaning or meanings of the phrases. The formula 'baptize in the name of Jesus' (/3a,7rr. et s rb 6vo/j.a I. ) has no doubt an analogy in the phrase 'believe in the name of Jesus' (iricrrfveiv els rb 8vo/j.a I.), which means to believe that Jesus is what Christian teachers say that he is - i.e., that he is the Christ, or in the case of the Fourth Gospel (where, however, the phrase is not prominent, see FAITH, 3) that he is the only-begotten Son of God ; and we have reason to think that the expression of faith in the Lordship or Messiahship of Jesus was the condition on which, in the earliest times, the rite of baptism was administered. Baptism, therefore, might be simply the consummation of discipleship - the outward and visible sign of the entering on a new life characterised by self-purification, and the opening of one s heart to the word of God ; and such it doubtless was in the primitive Jerusalem community. Largely owing to Paul, however, baptism became much more than this. Paul s Hellenic converts needed mysteries, and such mysteries he (and perhaps others before him) provided for them by expanding the significance of Baptism and the Supper of the Lord. * Necessarily 'in the name' (e/s rb 6vo/j.a) and the similar phrases now obtained a mystic meaning. The gift of the Spirit was communicated at baptism, no doubt on ethical conditions - at least according to Paul - but not without the invocation of the name of Jesus. It is difficult to feel sure that all Paul's disciples followed him in this. We find in Acts 3:16, 4:7, 4:10 (as well as in Lk. 10:17, cp also the late passage, Mk. 16:17) clear traces of a belief that wonderful works would be performed by pronouncing the name of Jesus ; and we must therefore regard it as one of the possible meanings of the phrase before us, 'to be baptized, pronouncing the wonder-working name of Jesus'. (Cp EXORCISTS.) We assume that Paul can be adequately known from the epistles most commonly as signed to him, and we fully grant that whatever mystic effects the apostle may have ascribed to the name of Christ were, in his mind, conditional on the presence of a certain moral attitude in the baptized. We also maintain, of course, that the Jewish Christian Church, which continued the OT tradition, was entirely free even from a moralised mysticism.

Two NT passages need special, however brief, reference. In Mt. 28:19, we find a formula of baptism (ets TO ov. TOV Ilarpos K.T.A.) which is admittedly late (see BAPTISM, 3). Conybeare. however, has shown (ZNTW, 1902) that an earlier text (repeatedly attested by Eusebius) gave /naftrjTeuaare Trai/ra TO. eOirq tv rip oi/o/iart pov, without the phrase which all critics admit to be late. In Phil. 2:10 all beings of heaven, of earth, and under the earth are bound, it is said, to show the same reverence to Jesus, who has, by the divine gift, 'the name (TO ovo^a. [NAB]) which is above every name', as Lord of all, and seated at God's right hand, that they show to God himself (Is. 45:23) ; cp Eph. 1:20-21

1 The attitude of the writer of the Fourth Gospel is not quite so obviously sacramentarian as has been supposed. He had disengaged himself from the sacramental forms in about the same degree, perhaps, as some of the psalmists have disengaged themselves from the sacrificial forms of early Judaism.

9. Proper names.[edit]

The study of proper names (personal and local) requires, however, much more than a perception of the mystic significance attaching to names. It may be questioned whether in the pre-exilic period nearly as much thought was bestowed on the naming of children as has been supposed. It is far from the present writer's intention to adopt a controversial attitude towards theories, many of which he has himself till lately shared, and on the elaboration of which treasures of scholarship have been lavished. He must express his conviction, however, that the theories referred to presuppose a view of the traditional Hebrew text which is almost too optimistic. So far as he has been able, he has based the explanations of names given by himself in various articles on a critically emended text ; but it is only in a part of them that he has been able to assume a well-grounded and far-reaching theory, which, though it does not, of course, affect all OT names, transforms our view of not a few of them. Without meaning to say that all the new interpretations of names advocated by the present writer come under this head, he may presume to mention as deserving prolonged and special consideration the theory referred to, viz., that certain ethnics, in a variety of corrupt and distorted forms, underlie a great many of the names commonly explained either quite arbitrarily from other Semitic languages, or as expressions of religious feeling. In particular, names of the types 'Jehoiakim', 'Obadiah', 'Nethaneel', have to be received with the greatest caution. It is probable that in post-exilic times a thorough revision and indeed transformation of ancient names was effected. This can be shown most plausibly in the name-lists of the Chronicler ; but there are few books which do not supply striking evidence of this fact. It would be satisfactory to exhibit in orderly arrangement all the names on which a methodical and consistent textual criticism throws a perfectly new light. By this means the old theory and the new would be conveniently compared, and the unavoidable clash of opinion would doubtless serve the interests of truth. All that can be done, however, is to urge the reader to study the etymological introductions to the articles in this volume seriously and in connection, and not to make up his mind hastily. Criticism of a new theory is useless until the point of view which leads to it is gained, and until the facts have been mastered. There are numerous facts connected with proper names which are as much hidden from adherents of the older theories, as the facts connected with the older documents which enter into our present OT books are hidden from adherents of a conservative school of criticism. It may be said in conclusion that geography is in some directions hardly less the gainer than history by the results of the new criticism, though chiefly by the more consistent application of the ordinary principles of textual correction. There is nothing surprising in this, for the later editors knew comparatively little about the older geography ; and with regard to modern geographers, even when they are in sympathy with modern criticism, it does not follow that they superadd to the rare faculty of catching and of making others catch the chief physical aspects of a region, the equally rare faculty of seeing what is possibly or probably the real form of a place-name in an old document. Once more, the reader is requested, in his own interest, to give a careful study to the new details here put before him. The best way to learn a new method is to watch the application on an extended scale. Offhand criticism of details gives little help. T. K. C.