Encyclopaedia Biblica/Phinoe-Phoenicia

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Phinoe-Phoenicia
see Encyclopaedia Biblica for other articles, typographic issues, links to PDF copies, and public domain status

PHINOE[edit]

(cpiNoe). 1 Esd. 5:31 RV, AV PHINEES; see PASEAH, 2.

PHISON[edit]

(4>[e]iccoN [BNA]), Ecclus. 24:25 AV, RV PISHON. See PISON.

PHLEGON[edit]

(cpAeftON) is saluted in Rom. 16:14 . Cp ROMANS (EPISTLE). His name occurs in the apocryphal lists of the 'seventy' given by Pseudo-Dorotheus and Pseudo-Hippolytus. Tradition made him bishop of Marathon, and the Greek church commemorates his martyrdom on April 8th.

PHOEBE[edit]

(cpoiBH). the 'sister', 'deaconess' (RV mg- : Al&KONOc) of the church at Cenchreae, who, according to Rom. 16:1-2, had been a 'helper [or 'patroness' ] of many', including the writer. See further, ROMANS and (for the nature of her diaconate) DEACON.

1 The identification of these names has been also made by Wellh. CY/l :i ) 371 (1899). See also ICHABOD, JOCHEHED.

2 If Eli's genealogy has indeed found its way into 1 S. 1:1 (see 2, n. 1, above), we might venture to find a trace of it in Dm pi which name is no other than Jerahmeel. Eli may have been a Jerahmeelite ; the relation between the Kenites, Jerahmeelites, and other clans of the south appears to have been a close one (see JERAHMEEL, 3).

PHOENICIA[edit]

CONTENTS.

  • Names (1).
  • Origin and nationality (2).
  • Beginning of history (3).
  • List of towns (4).
  • Egyptian dominion (5).
  • Phoenician colonies (6).
  • Trade, art, navigation (7-9).
  • Religion (10-15).
  • Constitution (16).
  • Sources (17).
  • History (18-22).
  • Bibliography (23).

1. Names.[edit]

By the Phoenicians are meant the inhabitants of the commercial coast towns of Canaan. The name is of Greek origin. For a long time its prototype was thought to have been found in the Egyptian Fenh-u (vocalisation unknown), but it has since been shown (notably by W. M. Miiller, As. u. Eur. 208-209) that this Egyptian word is not the name of a nation but a poetical designation of the (Asiatic) barbarians - possibly indeed only a traditional scribal error for Fehu. The name 4>cVi [phoinix] is rather a Gk. derivative from <poivbs [phoinos], 'blood-red', with the common old suffix, -IK [-ik].

The name Phoenix is by no means rare in the ancient Grecian world as a place-name indicating the presence of a reddish colour. Thus there was a brook Phoenix near Thermopylae, a mount Phoenix in Boeotia and in Caria, a town Phoenike in Epirus, and so on (cp Meyer, GA 2, 92) - where it is out of the question to suppose that 'Phoenician' settlements are meant.

This name was given by the Greeks to the Canaanite seafaring men, as well as to the most highly-prized of all their imports, purple, and to the palm, which was likewise introduced by them (first at Delos, Od. 6:103). Probably <poivi [phoinix] denoted first the purple, then the 'purple-men', and finally the tree they imported.

The Greek genealogic poetry provided the Phoenicians with an eponym - Phoenix king of Sidon, - who was identified with a Cretan god and hero Phoinix, whose daughter Europa, originally a Boeotian and Cretan goddess, thus became a Sidonian princess. For what reason Cadmus, the son of Agenor, the eponym and founder of the Cadmeia of Thebes, was made the brother of Phoenix we do not know ; he had, at any rate, nothing to do with Phoenicia. At a still later time Cadmus became the brother of Europa, which resulted in the latter s becoming the daughter of Agenor, and her father Phoenix becoming her brother. A further analysis of this legend does not belong here; cp Meyer, GA 2:93+. The Latin Poenus is probably rather a contraction of 'Phoinix' than an older form without the suffix.

Kaft, which frequently occurs in the Egyptian inscriptions of the New Empire, passed for a long time as another old name for Phoenicia ; <$>oivlKr] [phoinike] is thus rendered in the hieroglyphic text in the bilingual decree of Canopus. There are cogent reasons, however, for rejecting this view, and seeking for Kaft outside the Semitic world, perhaps in Cilicia (cp CAPHTOR, 4). The name may be connected with the enigmatical name JAPHETH [q.v.], and the Gk. Icbrrros [Iapetos] (the name of a Cilician god, in Steph. Byz. , s.v. "Adava [adana] and Ayx^^ [agchiale]).

In the OT the Phoenicians generally are named D JTX. Sidonians ; for instance Itoba'al, king of Tyre, is called 'King of the Sidonians' in 1 K. 16:31 ; cp Judg. 10:6, 10:12, 18:7, 1 K. 5:20, 11:1, 11:5, 11:33, 2 K. 23:13; and in the genealogy of the nations, Gen. :15 (cp Judg. 3:3 = Josh. 13:4-6). In the same way King Hiram II. of Tyre is called in an inscription cjixi^a, 'King of the Sidonians', and on coins of the time of Antiochus IV. Tyre is called ens ctt> 'the metropolis of the Sidonians' - i.e., Phoenicians. In Homer the Phoenicians are often called ZiS>iot [Sidonioi] (ll. 6:290 Od. 15:118, 4:618), their land Zidovlri [Sidonie] (ll. 6:291 Od. 13:285); but 4>oiViKej [phoinikes] is also found (ll. 23:743-744; Od. 13:272, 14:288+, 15:415+). Both names occur together in the celebrated verses concerning Menelaus' wanderings (Od. 4:84-85). The name of the town Sidon is found in Od. 15:425. From the fact that Sidon, not Tyre, is mentioned, we must not draw political conclusions as some have done ; through the influence of the ethnic name 'Sidonian' the name of Sidon was familiar to the Greeks at an earlier time than that of Tyre, although the latter was then much the more important. Roman poets, too, frequently use 'Sidonius' (as a synonym for 'Poenus' ) in the sense of 'Phoenician' (cp Ovid, Fast. 3:108 etc. ).

A precise definition of Phoenicia can hardly be given. The boundaries assigned by Herodotus, Scylax, Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy vary greatly. The last-mentioned (v. 104) reckons Phoenicia from the Eleutherus to the brook Chorseas S. of Dor. Accepting this view, we may describe Phoenicia as the coast-land at the foot of Lebanon and of the hill-country of Galilee down to Carmel. Marathus and Arados, however, lie N. of this territory, and in the S. the border is fluctuating and arbitrary. The impossibility of fixing a definite boundary line between the Phoenicians and the other Canaanites is specially obvious in the more remote times before the settlement of the Israelites and the Philistines. The limits above assigned correspond roughly to the name Zahi by which the Egyptians at the time of their conquests designated the Phoenician coast (cp WMM, As. u. Eur. 176+). The origin of this name is unknown.

1 The story was afterwards further embellished ; support for it was found in the names of the islands Tylos and Arados of Bahrein on the Persian Gulf (Strabo, xvi. 3 4:2-3). On the story of Trogus Pompeius, see SODOM AND GOMORRAH.

2. Origin and nationality.[edit]

Herodotus relates that the Phoenicians, as they themselves declare, were originally settled upon the 'Red' Sea, and came thence to the Syrian coast (1:1, 7:89). The 'Red' sea is of course the Indian Ocean, more especially the Persian Gulf. It would seem therefore that there once was a Phoenician tradition which, like that in the OT, made their ancestors immigrants from Babylonia. l

The long prevailing derivation of the name Phoenicia from the Egyptian Punt (Lepsius), a land that was located by older writers in S. Arabia, is quite impossible. The Egyptian Punt is the incense-bearing Somali-coast in Africa, whose inhabitants (Eg. Punti, Lepsius wrongly Puna) have nothing whatever to do with Poeni, *oifiKs [phoinikos].

The Phoenicians themselves reckoned their land to Canaan (for the evidence, see CANAAN, 1), and with perfect justice. They are, in fact, a branch of the Canaanites, which, at the beginning of the time historically known to us (about 1500 B.C. ), had occupied many places on the coast, while the intermediate region was still in the hands of an Amorite population (cp AMORITES, CANAAN). 1

One evidence of this is supplied by the Phoenician language, which differs only dialectically from the other Canaanite dialects known to us (Hebrew and Moabite) ; see WRITING. Though it exhibits in many instances a younger vocabulary (e.g. , jjv, to give, jStf, God), it has frequently retained older grammatical forms and words which in Hebrew have become obsolete. 2

In fact it was simply the difference between the conditions of life of the coast-land and those of the interior, that gradually separated the Phoenicians from their fellows who had settled farther inland - much in the same way as the Dutch were severed from the other N. Germans. Their different historical development, and above all the occupation of Palestine by the Israelites, enlarged the breach.

1 This is probable on the following ground. As late as the last millennium B.C., new Phoenician towns were planted upon the northern foot of Lebanon - Botrys under Hiram I. of Tyre, Tripolis probably not until the time of the Persians. How to account for the existence of a (much mutilated) Phoenician inscription in N. Syria two hours W. of Zenjirli (Winckler, AOF 1:305), is not clear. The inscription belongs to the time about 750-700 B.C.

2 Cp Stade, Erneute Priifung des zwischen dem Phoen. u. Heb. bestehende Verwandtschaftsgrades, in Morgenlandische Forschungen, 1874.

3. Commencement of the history.[edit]

As to the age of the Phoenician towns we possess no information, for of course no historical value attaches to the statement of Africanus (in Syncellus, 31) that the Phoenicians said they had a historical tradition reaching back for 30,000 years. Far more moderate is the assertion of Herodotus (2:44) that, according to native tradition, Tyre and its temple of Hercules had been founded 2300 years previously - i.e. , about 2730 B.C. Even in this, however, no one will venture to find a real tradition. According to another statement the founding of Tyre was much later. Justin (18:2) relates that for a long time after their immigration (see above, 2) and the founding of Sidon the Phoenicians lived on the coast, but that being then overcome (expugnati) by the king of Ashkelon, they took to their ships, and founded Tyre the year before the fall of Troy. To what year the latter event is assigned here cannot be gathered from the context ; but when we find in Menander of Ephesus, the historian of Tyre, a Tyrian era that begins in the year 1198-1197 B.C. (Jos. Ant. 8:3:1, 62, c. Ap. 1:18, 126; and thence Eus. a. Abr. 745) we may regard it as almost certain that this is the epoch intended. Now it was at this time that there occurred the great movement among the nations which resulted in the occupation of Ashkelon and the neighbouring places by the PHILISTINES (q.v. ) and also affected the Phoenician cities (see 5). It is possible, therefore, that the statement of Justin and Menander s era preserve a recollection of these events. On the other hand, the date may rest simply on some chronological combination no longer known to us. It is, at any rate, historically certain from the Amarna tablets that, in the fifteenth century, the island-city of Tyre was already extant, and one of the most powerful cities of Phoenicia.

Whether the lists of Phoenician kings mentioned by later writers (Tatian, adv. Graec. 37 ; Porphyry ap. Eus. Praep. ev. 10:9:12, from Sanchuniathon) possessed any value for the older period, is uncertain. If there were any historical lists going back to the second millennium or even farther, they must have been written in cuneiform, which it is hardly likely that anyone in later times could read.

Should the Babylonian archives at any time give us any authentic information regarding the expeditions of Sargon and Naram-sin into Syria (according to Nabonidus' inscription about 3750 B.C.), we may expect to find that there was in Phoenicia in the fourth millennium a state of things more or less similar to what we find two thousand years later when the Egyptians came to Asia. That the relations between Babylonia and Syria were exceedingly ancient and were never interrupted, is shown by the Amarna tablets ; presumably every great power which took shape in Babylon sought to extend its dominion over Syria as well ; we know that this is true also of the Elamite conquerors (about 2200 B.C.). Hence the use of the Babylonian language and script was familiar at the court of all the Syrian princes whether Semitic or not. It is specially, however, in the sphere of art and religion that we can see how ancient and deeply-rooted Babylonian influence was, and we shall find this to be the case in Phoenicia as well as elsewhere. But there must always have been close relations also with the empire on the Nile. 1

These long ages are, however, gone beyond recall. Our information regarding the history of Syria, and therefore of Phoenicia, begins with the Egyptian con quest in the sixteenth century. Even then, however, the details supplied by the triumphal inscriptions of the victorious Pharaohs are meagre to the last degree ; it is only the annals of Thutmosis III. that yield somewhat fuller material, to which are to be added notices in Egyptian works, such as pre-eminently the papyrus Anastasi I. (see PALESTINE, 15), where Phoenician (among other) places are named. Our store of facts receives important additions from the Amarna tablets.

For the centuries from the ninth to the seventh we have good information in the Assyrian inscriptions (cp Fr. Del., Wo lag das Paradies + 281+); and, moreover, most of the Phoenician towns are occasionally mentioned in the OT.

1 This is sufficiently proved by the fact that from very early times Byblos was known to the Egyptians (as 'Kupna' ), and that the prescriptions preserved on the papyrus Ebers (written about 1550 B.C.) mention a remedy of 'a Semite from Byblos' in which several Semitic loan-words occur (cp WMM, Aegyptiaca, 77+). See GEBAL 1.

4. List of Phoenician towns.[edit]

From these sources, we obtain the following list of Phoenician towns from Carmel northwards :-

1. Acco (135;, Judg. 1:31; Josh. 19:30 corr. for 01 ^j.), a separate principality in the Amarna tablets. See PTOLEMAIS.

2. Akzib (n TDN, Egyptian 'Aksapu, Ass. Akzibi). See ACHZIB.

3. Mahalliba (so in Assyrian ; ^3nD> in Josh. 19:29 [see AHLAB, n.] ; corrupted to a^nN in Judg. 1:31).

Akzib and Mahalliba do not occur in the Amarna letters ; they were small towns probably belonging to one of the neighbouring principalities.

4. Kana (n:p, Jos. 19:28)= Eg. Kana, a separate principality in the Amarna letters. See KANAH.

5. Tyre (^j, 'the rock' ; old Latin Sarra), on a rocky island in the sea, about half an English mile (4 stadia) from the shore, with an area of about 130 acres, without wells or vegetation, In time of war, when the mainland was in the hands of the enemy, the Tyrians had to depend on water from cisterns ; in ordinary times the water supply was carried over in boats, as is already mentioned in pap. Anastasi. On the coast was a suburb which the Greeks called Palaetyros. They wrongly supposed the settlement on the shore to be older than that on the island. The local name was Usu or Uzu (Ass. Ushu = Eg. Authu), often mentioned in the Amarna tablets. There is much probability in the suggestion of Prashek and Cheyne (see ESAU, HOSAH), that Usoos, the brother of Hypsuranios of Tyre in Philo's story, the man who first ventured to sea on a log, is simply the eponym of Palaetyros.

6. Sarepta (nsis), a place at the foot of Lebanon belonging to Sidon (1 K. 17:9)= Eg. Zarpta, Ass. Sariptu, not mentioned in the Amarna tablets. Cp ZAREPHATH.

7. Sidon (p s), the greatest of the Phoenician or 'Sidonian' towns, and already in the time of the Amarna letters the principal rival of Tyre, with a harbour secured seawards by a range of rocks. See SIDON.

8. Berytus (Biruta in the pap. Anastasi, Birutu and [much more frequently] Biruna in the Amarna letters), the modern Beirut. In ancient times it was not an important place. In the time of the Amarna letters it belonged originally to the principality of Byblos, and afterwards became independent ; it does not occur in the OT or in the Assyrian inscriptions.

9. Byblos (Phoen. Gebal; see GEBAL, 1 ; *?n, Josh. 13:5, 1 K. 5:32, Ezek. 27:9, Ass. Gublu, Egyptian Kupna), the seat of a great goddess, 'the mistress of Byblos' (Baaltis), mentioned in pap. Anastasi and very often in the Amarna letters. Byblos stood in relation with Egypt from very ancient times, and always was one of the principal Phoenician towns ; it was in possession of the greater part of the shore of Mt. Lebanon from Beirut northwards. In the time of the Armarna letters it was lord of Berytos and of two other places on the coast, Sigata and Ambi. Southwards of Byblos runs the stream Nahr Ibrahim, the ancient Adonis, associated with the death of ADONIS (q.v., 2). At its sources lay the sacred Apheka, pEN> Josh. 13:4, 19:30, Judg. 131 (see APHEK, 1). The town Tripolis is of much later origin (see below, 21).

10. Arka at the northern end of the Lebanon range on the plain of the Eleutherus (Nahr el-Kebir), by which the main road led from the coast to the Orontes-valley. This route is called by Thutmosis III. 'the coast-road', by which he attacks the town Arkantu. This town can be no other than Arka. In the Amarna tablets it is called Irkata and has its own king; the Assyrians call it Arka ; only Shalmaneser II. uses the older form Irkanata. In the OT 'the Arkites', pnyn, are mentioned in Gen. 10:17 (see ARKITE).

11. Simyra, at the northern end of the Eleutherus plain ( = Eg. Zamar, Ass. Sumuri and Simirra), is often mentioned in the Amarna tablets ; the Simyrites, icxn in Gen. 10:18 (see ZEMARITE).

12. Arados, on a small rock-island opposite Jebel Nosairlye, in position and importance equal to Tyre, and already in the Egyptian period one of the principal seafaring places of Syria. Its Phoenician name was -mx, Arwad (now Ruad), HIIXH, Gen. 10:18, Ezek. 27:8, 27:11 = Eg. Aratu(f), Ass. Arvada. See ARVAD. Opposite to it lay a place called by the Greeks Antaradus (later Tortosa, now Tartus) ; farther southwards, Marathus (now Amrit) belonged to its territory. Marathus acquired importance and independence only in Hellenistic times (see below, 22).

13. In Gen. 10:17 between the people of Arka and Arados are mentioned yon, 'the Sinites', the inhabitants of Sin (see SINITE). This town, identified by Delitzsch (Par. 282) with Sianu in the Assyrian inscriptions, is not otherwise known.

The names of the dynasts of Tyre, Byblos, Arka, in the Amarna letters show that the inhabitants at that time were Canaanites - i.e. , Phoenicians. For Arados we have no direct proof ; but its position is characteristically Phoenician, and no one will doubt that, as in later times (in the Assyrian inscriptions its kings have Phoenician names), so already in the sixteenth century it was inhabited by Phoenicians.

5. The Egyptian dominion.[edit]

The Pharaohs of Egypt began the conquests of Syria at the end of the sixteenth century, a short time after the final expulsion of the Hyksos (see EGYPT, 53+). Thutmosis I was the first who overran the whole of Syria to the banks of the Euphrates, and received the tribute of its dynasts. His son Thutmosis III. (1503-1449), in his twenty-second year, had to begin the conquest anew. He first defeated the Canaanites in the battle of Megiddo, and then conquered the northern parts of Syria. Thutmosis III. is the founder of the great Egyptian empire. Most of the Phoenician towns appear to have acknowledged his sovereignty without much fighting ; only Simyra and Arados had to be taken by force. Simyra received an Egyptian garrison and became the principal stronghold of the Egyptian dominion on the coast. All the kings and petty princes of the Syrian and Phoenician towns became vassals of Egypt ; they had to pay tribute and supply provisions for the Pharaoh and his army ; their sons were educated at the Egyptian court and received their principalities from the hands of the Pharaoh, even if they succeeded their fathers. Under Amenophis II., who suppressed a great rebellion, and Thutmosis IV. the Egyptian supremacy remained unshaken ; but during the long and peaceful reign of Amenophis III., at the end of the fifteenth century, its strength began to decline ; and under his son Amenophis IV. , whose interests were absorbed by the religious reformation he attempted in Egypt, it broke down altogether. From the north the Hittites invaded Syria and took one place after another ; and they were supported by the nomads of the desert, and by many of the local dynasts who longed for independence (see HITTITES, 8+). Among these, Abdasirta and his son Aziru, the dynasts of the Amorites, in the northern part of the Lebanon, took a leading position. The Phoenician towns were divided ; all their kings tried to gain as much as they could for themselves, but they all pretended to be faithful vassals of Egypt, even if they did as much harm to its interests as was possible to them. The Amarna tablets give a very vivid picture of these troubles. We see that Arados made itself independent ; Simyra was conquered and destroyed by Aziru ; the king of Arka was slain ; the king of Sidon supported the rebels, in spite of his loyal letters, while Rib-hadad of Byblos held out to the last on the Egyptian side. In Tyre the king and his wife and children were slain ; but here the Egyptians gained the supremacy again, and the new king Abimelech proved a faithful vassal like Rib-hadad. Both were pressed hard by the rebels. Usu was occupied by the Sidonians, who were supported by a fleet from Arados, and the Tyrians on their island suffered severely for the want of wood and water. Rib-hadad lost one part of the Byblian territory after another, and the inhabitants of Byblos had to sell their sons and daughters in payment of the provisions they imported from the sea. At last, when Rib-hadad had gone for help to Berytus, where an Egyptian officer was posted, his subjects revolted, shut the gates against his return, and joined the enemy. 1

In the religious troubles under Amenophis IV. and his successors, the Egyptian power in Asia was reduced to nothing. Sethos I. (Setoy, about 1350 B.C.) had to begin the conquest anew. He slew the Bedouins, occupied Palestine and southern Phoenicia, made the Syrian magnates cut trees on the Lebanon for his buildings in Egypt, and fought, as it seems, with varying success against the Hittites. Neither Sethos, however, nor his son Ramses II., in spite of his victories, was able to subjugate the Hittites and the N. of Syria again. At last Ramses II. concluded a treaty with the Hittites, by which both empires recognised each other as equals and became friends. From that time (about 1320) onwards, Palestine and southern Phoenicia were for more than a century in the possession of the Egyptians. The boundary seems to have been formed by the Nahr el-Kelb, N. of Beirut, where three tablets of Ramses II. allude to his victories and fix the frontier ; unfortunately, they are in very bad preservation. A visit which the king of Tyre paid to Egypt is mentioned in pap. Anastasi IV. verso 6, l. 3.

The peaceful state of Syria was again disturbed, first by the decay of the Egyptian power under the weak successors of Ramses II. and by the internal troubles which led to the rise of the twentieth dynasty with Setnekht and Ramses III., and perhaps also by a similar decay of the very loosely organised Hittite empire. Then followed the great invasion of Syria by a migration of peoples from Asia Minor and Europe, who came both by land and by sea ; a migration about which some information has come down to us in the inscriptions of Ramses III. (about 1200 B.C.), who defeated the invaders on the frontier of Egypt. The final result of this migration was the occupation of the coast of Palestine by the Zakari (in Dor) and the Philistines (in Ashkelon and the neighbouring towns).

The empire of the Hittites henceforth disappears ; it is dissolved into a great number of smaller states. Ramses III. still maintained a part of Canaan and fought against the Amorites ; but under his feeble successors the power of the Pharaohs in Asia was again reduced to nought, although they never gave up the claim of supremacy over Palestine and Phoenicia. We possess part of an account of an official of the temple of Amon in Thebes, 2 who was sent by the high priest Hrihor and the prince of Tanis Smendes (afterwards the first king of the twenty-first dynasty, about 1075 B.C.), to Byblos in order to get timber from Lebanon for the sacred bark of the god, and brought a statue of the god with him for his protection. The Phoenicians still regarded the great god of Thebes with some awe ; nevertheless the Egyptian messenger was received with bad grace by Beder, prince of the Zakari of DOR (q.v. ), and worse still by Zekar-ba'al prince of Byblos (see GEBAL 1. ). The latter proved that neither he nor his ancestors had been subjects of the Pharaohs, and when at last he gave the timber on religious grounds, he exacted the promise that he should be paid for it on the envoy's return.

The father-in-law of Solomon, and afterwards, in Rehoboam's time, Shishak, the first Pharoah of the twenty-second dynasty, once more renewed the Egyptian campaign to Palestine, but only with momentary success. Farther northward no Egyptian army again penetrated until the time of Pharaoh Necho in 608. There was no dominant power in Syria either, and the invasion of Syria by Tiglath-pileser I. who came to Arados and hunted in the Lebanon, was only a passing episode. So the Phoenician towns were left to themselves ; the period of their rise and greatness begins, and with it the dominating position of Tyre in Phoenicia.

1 For the chronology of Rib-hadad's letters see Knudtzon in Beitrage sur Assyriologie, 4:288+ (1901).

2 Published by Golenischeff, Receuil de Travaux, 21, 1899 ; cp Erman, 'Eine Reise nach Phoenicien im elften Jahrhundert vor Chr'. in ZA, vol. 38 (1900).

6. Phoenician colonies.[edit]

The prosperity of Phoenicia was the result of sea-trade and colonisation. For a long time, scholars were inclined to put the beginning of Phoenician colonisation into much earlier times, and to suppose that in the second millennium B.C. they were dominant on all the islands and shores on the Aegean sea. We have since learnt, however, that this was a mistake. Certainly the Phoenicians went to sea as early as in the time of Thutmosis III. and his successors, and on the other hand, numerous remains in Greece and Egypt prove that there was a lively intercourse between the E. and the Greeks of the Mycenaean period during the whole time of the Egyptian empire ; but the Oriental people, which at this time was most nearly- connected with Greece, were the inhabitants of Kaft ; and we know now that this was not Phoenicia, but another country farther to the W. (cp 1).

On the other hand, the Greeks of the Mycenaean time (with Crete and Argos as the great centres of their civilisation) were far more enterprising than scholars had supposed ; they came to the E. as mercenaries, pirates, and tradesmen, and brought their wares (Mycenaean pottery, arms, etc.) to Cyprus and Egypt. There can be no doubt that at a very early period (perhaps in connection with the great migration under Ramses III.) they settled on the southern coast of Asia Minor (Pamphylia)and in Cyprus, before the Phoenicians had any colonies there. In the time of the Amarna tablets there were no Phoenician colonies ; probably their colonisation did not begin before the twelfth century, and it never reached the extent which used often to be dreamt of. In Cyprus they founded Citium and some other places ; but to the Aegean sea they always came only as traders (as we see in Homer), and never possessed more than a few factories (probably on some islands, on the Isthmus of Corinth, etc. ), from which they carried on their trade with the Greeks. This is the character of Phoenician colonisation generally ; by far the larger number of the Phoenician colonies were mercantile settlements, factories, planted at sheltered points of the coast, or, still better, on a rocky island off it, like the towns of Phoenicia itself.

For the task of occupying extensive territories, for subjugation of foreign peoples or even assertion of political supremacy over them, the Phoenician cities were not powerful enough ; they did not even possess

[detailed map of phoenicia goes here]

the interior of the country adjacent to themselves. Never, for example, could such an idea have occurred to them as that of bringing a people like the Greeks to a condition of dependence. The history of Phoenician trade and colonisation presents many analogies with those of Portugal and Holland. The territory dis covered by the Phoenicians and opened up to their commerce was much too large to be acquired by them. As a rule they were quite satisfied if they could carry on business in a peaceful way, exchanging the native raw products for the articles of industry and luxury pro duced by the East ; and for this purpose the small settlements they possessed furnished a sufficient basis of operations. This fully explains

  • (1) why the colonies continued to be dependent on the mother country ;
  • (2) how it came about that, when the nation within whose territory they lay gained in political and commercial strength, these colonies could, quite easily and without a struggle, disappear completely and leave no trace (as for example on the Aegean, and for the most part also in Sicily) ;
  • (3) how it was that their influence on the nations with whom they had dealings was always so slight and for the most part limited to trade transactions and the transmission of manual dexterities.

Colonisation of a more thorough order, out of which sprang large and flourishing new commonwealths, occurred only in Cyprus and on the north coast of Africa. Besides this, Gades, and some other colonies in the land of Tarshish - i.e., Southern Spain - ought to be mentioned here. When we consider the smallness of the mother-country, this achievement was indeed of itself no inconsiderable performance, rendered possible only by the fact that a great proportion of the settlers came from the Syro-Palestinian interior, the Phoenician towns in many cases supplying only the leaders and mercantile aristocracy of the new community. Occasionally also, as the legendary story of the founding of Carthage shows, internal disputes may have led to the migration of the defeated party.

All the Phoenician colonies were anciently regarded as having been founded from Tyre, and so far as the towns of Cyprus and North Africa are concerned this is confirmed by all our other information. It cannot be shown that any other of the Phoenician towns planted colonies. 1 We shall see that within the same period Tyre had a leading position also in home politics.

1 Two apparent exceptions - (i.) Leptis between the two Syrtes, the founding of which is attributed by Sallust (Jug. 78) to Sidonians whom internal dissensions had driven from their home, and (ii.) the island Oliaros near Paros which is called by Heraklides Ponticus in Steph. Byz. SiSionW an-oiKia - are to be explained by the extended use, mentioned above, of the name Sidonians. Leptis, which Pliny (676) speaks of as a Tyrian settlement, was really founded by the Carthaginians about 512 B.C. Nor is any weight to be attached to the facts that according to Steph. Byz. the island Melos was originally called Byblis from its mother town, and that Tarsus (which was not Phoenician at all) is in Dio Chrysost. (Or. 33:14) represented as being colonised from Aradus, not, as the other authorities have it, from Argos.

2 The text is unfortunately not free from corruption (see especially vv. 19, 23). See CANNEH, CHILMAD, JAVAN, 1, etc.

7. Trade industries.[edit]

A splendid picture of the commerce of Tyre is given by Ezekiel {2} (27). The prophet represents the nations as the servants of Tyre ; but this is only to heighten the impression of the queenly city's greatness. It is plain that the Phoenicians had commercial relations with countries in which they neither had nor could have any colonies.

Apart from Ezekiel, and from the evidence of Greek writers, we have the four Greek words x<- v [chitoon] (nJHD), xpuo os [chrysos] (i """0, o06i/rj [othone] (pON), and TraAAaicis [pallakis] (B JTB), as records of early Phoenician trade with Greeks. In Egypt we are told of a 'Tyrian quarter' at Memphis (TupiW <npa.T6ire&ov, Herod. 2:112). The friendly relations between Hiram and Solomon (who had command of the harbours of Edom) enabled the Phoenicians to carry out (with Solomon) naval expeditions to the coasts of the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean as far as Ophir (1 K. 9:26+, 10:22). With the loss of Edom this field of activity was closed ; on a later attempt of the men of Judah to reopen it see JEHOSHAPHAT.

The Phoenicians had also an overland trade, though this was less important than the waterborne. First in importance as Phoenician marts were the great trading cities of Syria - Damascus, Hamath, etc. It is certain, however, that Phoenician merchants had also direct relations with regions much more remote - Babylon, Nineveh, and various trade centres of Asia Minor and Armenia, as well as of Arabia. Detailed information, beyond what is known of ancient oriental commerce in general, is wanting here. The sketch given by Ezekiel (27) tells us only that all the peoples there enumerated brought their wares to the Tyrians, and this is quite accurate. It does not often occur that a centre of sea trade is also at the same time a city with extensive inland commerce. There can be no doubt whatever that the land commerce of the Semitic world was mainly in the hands of Syrian (Aramcean) merchants, and, next to these, in the hands of Arabian tribes living in the desert. It was by this agency that the wares of the East were brought to Tyre and the other cities of Phoenicia, where the products of the West, and of the native industries of Phoenicia, were received in exchange for them. In particular it may be regarded as certain that, apart from a short-lived attempt under Hiram, the Phoenicians never themselves brought from the country of its production the frankincense with which its merchants supplied the Mediterranean coasts (Herod. 3:107). Originally the incense-trade was from hand to hand; but afterwards, from the beginning of the last millennium B.C., the S. Arabian tribes - the Sabaeans, and still more the Minaeans - themselves took it up and sent yearly caravans to the Mediterranean centres of civilisation.

Herodotus (1:1) narrates : 'the Phoenicians as soon as they had arrived on the Syrian coast from their original seat on the shore of the Erythaean (Arabian) Sea at once began to make extensive voyages, and exported Egyptian and Assyrian (i.e., according to the terminology of Herodotus, Babylonian) wares'. The picture thus given, though anachronistic, quite accurately expresses the essential features of Phoenician trade. Just as the history of the Syrian countries and the course of their civilisation was determined by their intermediate position between Babylon and Egypt, the two great foci of civilisation, so also it was from these countries that the Syro-Phoenician merchants derived not only many of their wares but also above all the patterns from which they worked, and their first artistic processes and methods.

By the Greeks the Phoenicians were regarded as the masters of invention ; not only glass-making (cp GLASS, i), the preparation of purple and metal-work, but even weights, measures, and the art of writing (see WRITING) were carried back to them. The actual state of the case is certainly quite otherwise ; not one of these discoveries was of Phoenician origin. All these conveniences the Phoenicians in common with the other Syrian peoples borrowed ; but they carried them much farther after the appropriation.

Although the Phoenician cities drew a large proportion of their commercial wares from the interior, an extensive and busy native industry soon arose. Phoenician purple, Phoenician garments in colour, and Phoenician metal-work were specially famous, as the Homeric poems abundantly show (see Il. 6289, Od. 15:415; Il. 23:741, Od. 46:18, 13:288, 15:460, Il. 11:20). In Od. 15:425 Sidon is spoken of as 'rich in copper' (Trd\i>xa,\Kos [polychalkos]). Similarly the bronze and silver paterae with engraved work after an Egyptianising style which have been found in the palace of Kalah (Nimrud), at Praeneste in Latium, and elsewhere, are of Phoenician workmanship. The Egyptian monuments, too, frequently mention, in catalogues of tribute, Phoenician vessels of gold and silver, as also of iron and copper, often with blue and red enamel (WMM, As. u. Eur. 306).

8. Art.[edit]

The character of the Phoenician merchant nation, so receptive, so practical and soberminded, is nowhere more strikingly seen than in the region of art. The question as to the essential nature of Phoenician art has for long been one of the most burning and difficult in the whole field of archaeology. The difficulty lay partly in the fact that until now from Phoenicia itself only a very few monuments, none at all of a date earlier than the Persian period, have come down to us. The chief trouble, however, was created by the investigators themselves, who set out in search of a 'Phoenician style' and could not find one. The solution of the problem is very simple ; we are now able to say very positively that there never was such a thing as a Phoenician style. Phoenician art, like that of Syria in general, simply exhibits in combination the motifs derived by it from a variety of quarters (in the first instance mainly from Babylon and Egypt), without any attempt at fusing them into any higher essential unity.

The stele of king Yehawmelek of Byblos (Persian period) represents the king, in Persian dress and bearing, before a seated goddess who is exactly reproduced after the pattern of Isis and Hathor with cow s horns and the sun-disk upon her head. Over her head hovers, as in all Egyptian steles, the winged sun-disk (Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Phoenicia, 1:69, fig. 23). This is typically Phoenician. A stele of Marathus exhibits a god in Egyptian dress, wearing an Egyptian helmet with the uraeus serpent, and holding in his right hand an Egyptian hooked sword. With his left hand he holds, in Assyrio-Babylonian fashion, a lioness by the legs ; his feet rest upon a lioness who in turn stands upon a hill-like pedestal - motifs which Hittite-Asiatic art developed still further from Babylonian models. Above the god hover two Egyptian emblems ; the moon (crescent, with full moon shown within) and the winged sun-disk (pp. cit. 2n, fig. 7).

A few examples may be given of the way in which borrowed artistic symbols were so modified as to lose their original meaning. The Egyptian emblem of the moon became a half-moon, with the sun or a star above it ; the sphinx became womanlike in form ; the uraeus serpents dependent from the winged sun-disk were changed into a bird s tail ; out of the cross [pictoglyph goes here] grew the symbol [pictoglyph goes here] so familiar on Phoenician seals and Carthaginian steles, having, apparently, arms and legs added to it. In decoration, however, Phoenician art (and Syrian art generally) shows a certain independence in its employment of flower-like ornaments - lotos blossoms and rosettes - or of ornaments taken from the animal world, such as heads of wild goats, oxen, lions, and 30 forth. In this field a decorative 'Western-Asiatic' mixed style was developed, which, as already indicated, began to exert an influence on Greek art from the ninth century onwards.

For the rest, the art of Syria and Phoenicia follows the 'fashion', that is, the ruling power. In the second millennium p. c. Egyptian models prevail ; with the rise of Assyrian ascendancy, Assyrio-Babylonian motifs come more strongly into play ; and these in their turn had to give place to the influence of Persia. Alongside of these Asiatic models, however, from the sixth century onwards, the influence of Greek art made itself increasingly felt, and had already become predominant within the Persian period, in the first instance in the technique (e.g. , in coins), and soon afterwards in motif as well.

9. Navigation.[edit]

In one department the Phoenicians maintained their superiority - that of navigation. Even in Xenophon's time when the Greeks, especially the Athenians, had long been been rivals of the Phoenicians by sea, and had defeated them in naval battles, a great Phoenician merchantman was regarded as a pattern of order and of practical outfitting (Xen. Oec. 8:11); and still later even Strabo speaks of the absolute supremacy of the Phoenicians in the arts of seamanship (16:2:23). When Sennacherib caused Syrian carpenters to build him a fleet upon the Tigris for the subjugation of the Babylonians, he manned it with Tyrian, Sidonian, and Greek (Cyprian) sailors, just as Alexander brought Phoenician ships to Thapsacus on the Euphrates for his projected Arabian campaign (Arr. 7:19:3). When the Egyptians under Psammetichus and Necho brought together a fleet it consisted mainly of Phoenicians ; and it was by Phoenicians that, under Necho, the circumnavigation of Africa was accomplished (Herod. 4:42). In the fleet of Xerxes the Phoenicians (and of these the Sidonians) supplied the best vessels (Herod. 7:96). The war between the Greeks and the Persians was pre-eminently a struggle between the sea-power of Greece and that of Phoenicia.

Religion.[edit]

We proceed now to a brief survey of the Phoenician religion.

1 More particularly in the names 'Aba'elim ( \fKrj\ifiof ['aboelimos], Renan, Miss, en Phen. 709, in meaning identical with Abd'alonim A/36aA<oi>u/io ['abdalioonumos]), servant of the gods; Amat'elim, maidservant of the gods, Mattan'elim (gift of the gods, cp Muthunilim:, CIL 8:10525), Kalb'elim, dog of the gods (CIS 1:49 ; abbreviated to kalba, ib. 52).

2 Cp Philo Bybl. fr. 2, 19, where the baitylia are spoken of as an invention of Uranos ; Damascius (Vit. Isid., ed. Wester- mann [ap. Didot], 94, 203) has it that riav fiaiTV\iiav aAAop aAAu arafteicrtfcu 6f<a, Kpofiii, Alt , HAia>, roif aAAoif. Hence baetulus, a species of magic stone, in Pliny (37:135 etc.).

3 Thus from the coins of Byblos we know of the cones in the court of the great temple, where the goddess of the town had her seat, and similar objects were to be found in the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos, which, though Greek, was strongly influenced by Phoenicia.

10. Underlying conceptions.[edit]

The Phoenicians applied to their gods the term 'elim l less frequently than the longer form, 'alonim (so in the inscriptions of Eshmunazar and Yehawmelek), fem. 'alonot (in Plautus), just as in Heb the plu. oi* d & [elohim], and in Aram, the lengthened form ilah, came to be the forms in common use (cp NAMES, 114-115). The general word for 'goddess' in the Semitic dialects is either ilat (cp below) or 'Ashtar (Bab. ishtar) ; but the Phoenicians employed exclusively the form 'Ashtart, 'Ashtoret (with the feminine terminations added to the feminine word).

Like other Semites, they believed that these divine powers can enter into relations with human communities, and that when they do so they accord them their protection and live a common life with their clients. They bestow blessing, prosperity, and victory, grant increase of the flocks and herds, and of the field, and in return have a share in all that their worshippers acquire or enjoy, above all in the common meal and in the spoil. In this, essentially, do worship and sacrifice consist (cp SACRIFICE). The tutelary deities are the lords and kings of the community which worships them ; the community and each individual member of it are their servants or handmaidens or even their Metoikoi (ger, very common in Phoen. proper names), their proteges, taken up and cared for by them. [Cp STRANGER.]

Connected with this is the idea that the gods are the blood-relations of their worshippers - an idea which the Phoenicians shared with the rest of the Semites, as is shown in the proper names which designate an individual as the brother or sister, father or mother, son or daughter of the divinity (see ABI-, AMMI-, NAMES IN, etc.). These names, however, are not of frequent occurrence among the Phoenicians ; the idea that underlies them had plainly ceased to be intelligible.

The gods manifest themselves to men in objects the most diverse. Not unfrequently in rocks and mountains ; thus the name given by the Greeks to the conspicuous headland between Byblos and Tripolis ( 'Theouprosdon' ), plainly represents the Phoenician 'Penu'el' ; see PENUEL. Near Theouprosopon there is a dedicatory inscription to Zeus (Renan, Miss, en Phen, 146), obviously the El of the headland. Another form of manifestation was in trees and animals, especially in serpents. Still more prevalent, and manifestly also of greater antiquity, is the idea that the god has taken up his abode in movable stones or bits of wood. These are veritable fetishes, which can be carried about everywhere, and in which, accordingly, the divinity in the primitive nomad stage could accompany the tribe on its wanderings. Such 'animated stones' were supposed to have fallen from heaven, and were called by the Phoenicians /ScuruXta [baitulia] - i.e., bait-el, 'God's house' ; cp Jacob's pillar at Bethel 2 (see MASSEBAH). These stones may originally perhaps have remained unhewn ; but in later times it became usual to give them a certain form - either a cone, or an obelisk with a pyramid-shaped head, or even a simple stele.

Such 'set-up' stones were to be found in every cult 3 and at every altar ; they form the most usual dedicatory offering to the divinity. By the Phoenicians, as by the Hebrews and other Canaanites, they were called massebath (cp CIS 144 - a massebah at Kition dedicated to Eshmun ; for votive and burial steles, as in the Piraeus Inscr., see Rev. Arch. 3 ser. 11:5 ; CIS 1:116 etc.) or, otherwise, nasib (CIS 1:139 - a nasib at Kition dedicated to Baalshamem ; cp the Malkiba'al steles [see below] ; Steph. Byz., s.v. NiVt/3is [nisibis] [called Ndo-i/Si? [nasibis] by Philo, 8]; oyiinivti ie, w? <>)ort 4iAuc, Natrc/Sif rot? <rrr;Aas ; o e Oupai/ios v <ri/3ts, <|7<Ti, (Tij^iaiVei. 777 Qowiiuav <f>iavfi Ai doi <7uy<cet ju.ei/oc ov(i<f>opr]Toi, - in other words, cairns or stone-heaps like the Gr. cp/uara [hermata], out of which on a precisely similar manner arose the hewn Hermae or symbols of Hermes). Another name is Hamman, which in Phoenician must have been quite current (see below); it occurs also in OT (Is. 17:8, 27:9, etc.) in conjunction with the Asherim ; so too in Palmyra. The name is probably identical with the Afjifiovveif [hammouneis] of the Phoenician temples, from whose mystic inscriptions, according to Philo (1:5), Sanchuniathon derived his wisdom. The origin of the name is uncertain ; Hammanim in the OT is best translated 'hammun-pillars'. 1 Stone-cones of the kind described are often found delineated in the Carthaginian steles, also upon a stele from Libybaeum (CIS 1:138). Cp MASSEBAH.

In close association with the stone-pillar we find the erected pole, or the tree-stump, precisely as in the Grecian cultus. This is called Asherah (me *) as in Hebrew (see ASHERAH). Copies of it in clay are very often found in the ruins of the temples of Cyprus.

A representation of a goddess, in clay, has been found in Cyprus, sitting within the tree-trunk of Ashera (cp Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, 1:171; 2 Tab. 172), and we hear in the inscription of Ma'sub of the Astarte in the Ashera. The word Asherah might therefore be used as a divine name. The only known instance of this, however, is Abd-ashrat (also Abd-ashirta) in the Amarna letters, where Ashrat is always written with the determinative sign of deity.

A variety of these poles may plainly be seen in Carthage steles ; and closely associated with them, perhaps, are the quickly fading flowers and rootless plants of the Adonis gardens at the Adonis festival (cp ADONIS).

As to the origin of these modes of worship, Philo (28) relates that Usoos the brother of Hypsouranios of Tyre (cp below, 12), after a sea voyage on a tree-trunk, erected two steles to the Fire and the Wind, worshipping them and making an offering of the blood of beasts. After the death of the two brothers, staves were consecrated to them, the steles adored, and their memory commemorated in a yearly feast. These staves and steles are the Asherim and Massebahs or Hammanim - in the first instance doubtless, in Philo's view, some specially holy and ancient objects in Tyre.

When a people becomes settled, not only does it itself undergo a change as it accommodates itself to the land which it tills, the city it inhabits, the mountains and streams of its chosen home ; its gods also no longer continue the same. They too abandon their nomadic life, settle, and become the lords of the soil upon which they are worshipped.

1 Baal-hamman was the chief deity of Punic N. Africa (found also in Libybscum, CIS 1:138). He is the god of the hamman-stele in which he had his abode, and the steles dedicated to him frequently bear the enigmatical name 3<jj 7UnD70 (CIS 1:123, 1:147, 1:194-195, 1:380 ; Hadrumetum, 9). Similarly the god Melki'ashtart in Umm el-'Awamid, S. of Tyre (CIS 1:8) and in the neighbouring Ma'sub are designated El-hamman. His female counterpart is the Astarte in the Asherah of El-hamman. Melki aStart is in fact the El-hamman. The numen occupying his Hamman-pillar (Ba'al-hamman) is naturally his inferior, who in turn has an Asherah in which dwells a female being, an Astarte.

11. Gods without proper names.[edit]

Thus an El or Ilat (or Astarte) becomes the ba'al or ba'alat of a definite locality, the god or goddess of some particular town or hill. Such divinities are many in Phoenicia. Thus the 'god of Sidon' is called 'Baal-sidon' (CIS 1:3:18 [Eshmunazar], Inscr. of Piraeus, Rev. Arch. 3 ser. 11:5; on the gods of Tyre see below). The 'goddess of Byblos' is invoked as 'the mistress, the Ba'alat of Gebal' (CIS 1:1, cp GEBAL, i). Rib-hadad too gives her this title in all his letters (the name is always written ideographically). In Karthadasht (Kition) of Cyprus the people worship the god of the Lebanon on the mainland opposite, as 'Baal-libanon, their lord' (CIS 1:5). 1 Among the hills behind Sidon there occurs a Zevs 6peios [zeus dreios] - i.e. , a mountain-god pure and simple - to whom in an inscription (Renan, Miss. 397) two lions are dedicated.

A god can also take his name from specified attributes ascribed to him at a particular place of worship, or from his association with some particular religious object or custom.

A well-known instance of this kind is the BAAL-BERITH [q.v.] at Shechem : there was also a 'god of dancing' (Lat. Jupiter Balmarcodes, Gk. BaA/aapictus Koipapo; Kuifjuaf), a god worshipped with festal dances at the sanctuary of Der el-Kal'a in the mountains behind Berut (cp CIG 4536, CIL 3:155, Cler.-Ganneau, Rev. d'Arch. Orient. 2:101+; Euting, SBAW, 1887, p. 407, no. 129). Most renowkned of all is Baal-hamman (see above, 10).

All these gods and goddesses are strictly nameless, and are merely powers possessing a specified sphere of influence. So also with Ba'al-shamem (see below, 12). There is no god Ba'al and goddess Ba'alat. It is only very rarely that a genuine proper name occurs at all. The God of Tyre (Ba'al Sor) indeed bears the name Melkart (cp 12); but even this is really no proper name but a compound of Melek Kart, king of the city. For worshippers, the god of their home, or of the temple which they frequent, is 'the Ba'al' or 'the Ba'alat' without qualification, and in ordinary life no other phraseology is used (cp 1 K. 17+).

There is no need to specify what particular god is intended. It is quite usual, therefore, to give children such names as Hanniba'al, 'favour of Ba'al'; Azru-ba'al, 'help of Ba'al'; Ba'al'azar, 'Ba'al helps'; Ba'al-hanan, 'Ba'al is favourable'; 'Abd-Ba'al, 'servant of Ba'al'; Adoni-Ba'al, 'Ba'al is Lord', etc. In these cases the giver as a rule has in his mind some such god as Ba'al-hamman, Ba'al-shamen, Ba'al-sidon, or the like. Often enough too, the god's name falls away altogether, and we get such names as Hanan or Hanno, Abdo, etc.

It is easy to understand how, ultimately, this should have given rise to the feeling that there was an absolute god Ba'al of whom the individual Ba'alim are only forms. This feeling must have developed greatly in Babylonia, and, to a certain extent, also among the Aramaeans, where Bel, Aram. B'el, actually became the proper name of a definite deity. It found its way into Phoenicia as well. In the first instance foreigners naturally formed the belief that there was a single Phoenician deity Ba'al. The Egyptians took over his cult and - in the new kingdom - worshipped him as identical with Sutekh (Set). The Greeks always designate him by his Aramaic name as Belos,* and identify him with Zeus, - and rightly, for everywhere the Baal of a place is the highest god of its proper pantheon. Similarly they explained BaaXn s [baaltis] (so Philo, 225) or B??\0ij [belthis] (Melito in Cureton, Spic. Syr. 44; Hesych.) as the proper name of the goddess of Byblos. At last the Phoenicians themselves followed the example, at least in their system of the gods - the idea is found in Philo. In the native inscriptions indeed, and so, we may infer, in their worship, it never found a place ; only one Greek inscription, from the neighbourhood of Antarados, mentions an altar of B^Xoy [belos] ; here doubtless the Syrian, not the Phoenician, deity is intended (Renan, op. cit. 104).

Ba'alat is never employed in the formation of proper names, and is indeed of somewhat rare occurrence anywhere ; to denote the feminine divinity the name Ashtart is ordinarily used. In the religious conception, indeed, there is no difference between the two, only Astarte needs no complement of the name of a place ; but the Astarte in the Asherah of El-hamman mentioned above might equally well have been called ba'alath ha-asherah.

1 In Philo 2:7 these gods appear as mighty primaeval men, from whom the mountains which they occupy (!av fxpa-nja-af) took their names. Thus the Lebanon, Antilibanus, Kasius, mount BpafhJ [brathu].

2 It may here be remarked once for all that, later, the Aramaic form crept into use in all divine names. Philo has only the form BrjAo? [belos]. A late inscription from Berytus (Lebas, III. 1854 d) presents both forms in the two contiguous names A/3i/3r)Aou and O<JepaAou. In Africa the pronunciation ba'al alone is found : cp Hannibal, Hasdrubal, etc. Serv. ad Aen. 1729; 'Saturnus . . . lingua punica Bal deus dicitur'. The identification of Kronos and Ba'al is rare.

The Greeks were quite correct when for the most part they applied the designation Astarte to the goddess of Byblos (Cic. Nat. Deor. 359, Plut. de Is. 15). In Tyre Hiram I. built a temple to Astarte (Menander ap. Jos. c. Ap. 1:18, cp Philo 2:24). Itoba'al I. was priest of Astarte before he became king. In Sidon Astarte is the principal divinity (so throughout the OT ; similarly, e.g., Lucian, Dea Syr. 4). The Kings Eshmunazar I. and his son Tabnit are priests; the latter's sister, the queen-mother Am'ashtart, is priestess of Astarte (cp inscr. of Tabnit and Eshm. II.); the king Bod'ashtart raised a building to her (CIS 1 4). By the side of the goddess of the city we find also in Sidon an 'Astarte of the Baal of Heaven' (see below). From what we know we may presume that all the Phoenician towns had an Astarte as tutelary deity.

Alongside of Astarte is found the name Ilat, 'goddess' (cp above). Ilat had her priests in Carthage (CSS 1:243-244), and, under the name 'the lady Ilat', a temple in Sulci. On the other hand, El is never found as the designation of any definite deity, and, even in personal names, occurs only in inscriptions from By bios, in striking contrast to the Hebrew and Arabic usage J (cp NAMES, 25). The same remark applies to 'adon, 'lord'. The true name of the god known to the Greeks as ADONIS [q.v. ] is undiscovered. Perhaps he remained nameless in the cultus, and it may well be that the case is similar with El. The ancients, indeed, have much to tell us of El (whom they identify with Kronos). Philo informs us that HXos [elos] was made with four wings, of which two are at rest and the other two outstretched ; also, he had two eyes open and two closed, so as to show that in sleeping he also waked and in resting flew. Upon his head he wore (after the Egyptian manner) two feathers. From this description De Vogiie (Melanges d Arch. Orient. 109) has identified him, perhaps rightly, upon Phoenician seals. His first seat was at Byblos ; later he presented Byblos to Baaltis, Berytus to Poseidon and the Cabiri. In conformity with this, we find in Steph. Byz. the founding of Byblos and Berytus ascribed to Kronos. Thus the El of Byblos is probably one of the gods of the Byblos district. Accordingly El forms an element of the name of the king of Byblos, Elpa'al (^ya^x). known to us from coins ; and also probably, in spite of the elision of K, in ^yy, "Evi Xoj ['enulos] (Arrian, 2:15:5) - i.e. , 'Ain'el, 'Eye of El'. In this case El (as Ba'al elsewhere) must be regarded as the abbreviation of some fuller divine name. But a similar El must also have been worshipped in other towns. It is stated by Philo (ii. 1824; fr. 3:4-5) that human sacrifices were offered to Kronos, and the Greek historians constantly speak of Kronos as the god to whom in Phoenicia, Carthage, and Sardinia, children were sacrificed. 2 This Kronos is certainly El, who, according to Philo, offered up his only son leovd [Ieoud] (cp ISAAC, 3) in time of famine to his father Uranos, and also killed his son Sadidos and a daughter. Whether there was a separate El in every individual town, or whether he, too, had a no longer ascertainable proper name (such perhaps as El-Hamman Melki ashtart) we cannot say.

As man's civilisation and culture advance, the great cosmical forces, on which the course of the world depends, acquire for him increasing interest and importance. At first the community of worship takes no account of them at all. Sun, moon, and stars, it is thought, roll on in their courses unconcerned about men ; the seasons come and go whether man sacrifices, or refrains from sacrificing, to the celestial powers by whom these changes are ordered. It is on the local powers who stand under these greater powers that the prosperity a man desires in his own immediate circle and in the home depends = fruitfulness of field and flock, success in trade, victory in war. To these local deities prayers are made and sacrifices offered, and to them the grateful worshipper returns thanks when the god has 'heard his voice and blessed him', as the standing formula in the Phoenician inscriptions runs. Hence these local gods live with, and in, nature, like the 'Lord' worshipped at Byblos (see ADONIS), who according to the legend, was killed while hunting the boar far up in Lebanon, near the fountain of 'Afka, whereupon the spring became red with his blood (Lucian, l.c. ).

1 On the other hand in Syrian territory a god ^N [el] is found in the inscriptions of Zenjirli and Gerjin, among the gods of Ja'udi, but always mentioned after the god Hadad. Along with El is named the god Rkb-'el (pronunciation unknown), who seems to have been the chief divinity of Sham'al (Bauinschrift ed. Sachau, SRAW, 1896, p. 1051) and bears the title n 3 ^JQ, 'lord of the house' (inscr. of Panamu)[cp WRS, Rel.Sem. 94n.J.

2 Plato, Minos, 315; Diodor. 1386 20 14; cp Justin, 186; Plut. de superst. 13 ; Porphyr. de abstin. 2 56 ; Suidas, iap6ai/tos yAu)j [sardanios geloos] = schol. Od. 20302, etc.

Similar religious observances are met with elsewhere also. In Tyre the awaking (tytpo-is [egersis] ; Menand. , ap. Jos. c. Ap. 1:18, 119) of Melkart-Heracles was celebrated in the Macedonian month Peritios (Feb.-March, according to the Tyrian calendar ; cp Gutschmid, Kl. Schr. 4:474+) ; his death in the West occurs in colonial legends. In other places the gods are associated with other elements. Thus the god of Berytus doubtless a 'Baal Berut', is treated as god of the sea (Poseidon; Philo, 225). A Poseidon, to whom offerings were thrown into the sea, is found also in Carthage (Diod. 13:83, Polyb. 7:9); but the name by which he was there called is not known. Similarly, in Sidon honour was paid to a 0a\dcr<rtos Zei/s [thalassios zeus] (Hesych. , s.v. ). In Berytus, according to Philo (2:11 172527), he has associated with him seven other gods, the sons of Sydyk, 'the righteous' (2:11, 2:20 -i.e., pnx), the discoverers and patrons of navigation, called the Kabiri, 'great gods'. We know that their worship also reached Greece ; but its Phoenician form is quite obscure.

No such deities are found upon the inscriptions ; perhaps we should identify them with the Phoenician Pataikoi mentioned by Herod. (3:37), dwarf-like images placed at the bows of the ships (see CASTOR AND POLLUX) - modifications of the grotesque Besa (Bes) figures (which the Egyptians of the New Kingdom borrowed from the Semites and prized so highly) which appear so frequently upon Phoenician monuments. 1

1 W. M. Miiller's conjecture (As. u. Eur. 310) that they are derived from the Babylonian Izdubar-type seems highly probable.

When, with the advance in civilisation, the good things of life for which man cares and toils increase, when his interests and connections, both political and commercial, are extended, and the community steps forth from its narrow isolation into a larger world, the local gods no longer suffice. There arises the need for higher powers who can exert their influence and extend their protection everywhere throughout the world. At the same time the religious conceptions are raised and intensified ; man begins to realise his dependence upon the great cosmic powers, and feels the necessity of coming into close relations with them. Its influence is shown in two opposite directions ; in the elevation of the local deities to a rank in which their influence is not local, or at least not exclusively so, and in the introduction into the local worships of the great cosmic powers, with the development of a worship specially dedicated to them, which gradually pushes into the background and ultimately supersedes the cults of the old local deities. Among the Israelites the first of these two processes triumphed and obtained undivided supremacy ; the tribal-god Yahwe became the universal God - the ruler of heaven and of earth, besides whom there is no other. Elsewhere we usually find the two processes going on side by side, with no consciousness of their mutual opposition. So it was in Phoenicia.

We have already seen how it came to pass that the local deities rose to a position of larger significance. It was quite natural that the god who had protected Tyre and made it great and prosperous should continue to grant his aid when his worshippers removed to distant lands and founded cities there ; and that the goddess of Byblos and other Astartes should manifest themselves as givers of prosperity and fruitfulness, and as patrons of sexual life, not within the narrow confines of the city alone ; to those who worshipped them they became gods capable of showing their power far and wide over the earth. For this reason it was that foreigners also turned to them and, to gain their protection, dedicated to them altars and temples. The festival of Adonis, for example, was celebrated throughout the Phoenician world ; the god of Lebanon was worshipped in Cyprus, etc. Of still greater importance in this connection is the similarity of the functions of the various gods, the Baals, Astartes (Ashtaroth), etc., leading as it does inevitably to the view that they are all but forms of one and the same mighty universal being. They are deemed to be the gods who rule the world and regulate all the phenomena of the cosmos. Here, especially, the Babylonian conception that the gods manifest themselves in the stars, finds a place (so Astarte, according to Philo, 224). In the cultus all these views are represented ; but the local tie, by which their worshippers stand to them in a quite different relation from that which they occupy towards similar gods of neighbouring places, still subsists. In feeling, however, and in religious idea, the sense of this local tie retreats more and more into the background, and ultimately its place is taken by the larger, more generalised conception of the Baal, the Astarte, etc. , spoken of above.

There are instances, however, of the opposite development also. In isolated cases in the Phoenician cities, on the evidence of proper names, we can trace the worship of the sun-god Shemesh (Adoni-shemesh, CIS 188 [Idalium] ; Abd-shemesh, ib. 116 [Sidon] ; 107 [Citium]), and of the moon-god Yerah 1 ('Abd-yerah, on a seal, TSBA 5:456). Reference in this connection may be made also to the earth-goddess, invoked ia Carthage, along with the sun and the moon (Polyb. 7:9), of whom Philo has much to say.

Above all, however, worship was given to the 'god of heaven' Ba'al-Shamem.

His temples are found in Tyre, 2 in Umm el-'Awamid (CIS 1:7), Carthage (ib. 379), on the Hawk's Island near Sulci in Sardinia (ib. 139). He is the Zeus en-oupai/tos [zeus epouranios] of the altar in Sarba beside the Nahr el-Kelb near Beirut (Renan, op. cit. 332). Carthage borrowed his cult from Cyprus (Just. 18:5). To the religious consciousness of a later age he became the chief deity, equivalent to the Greek Zeus (cp Plautus, Paen. 5:6-7) ; he alone of all the gods is by Philo explained not as a deified man, but as the sun, who has been invoked from the earliest times (2:5). This narrows the conception far too much, although we may assume that he was believed to manifest himself particularly in the sun.

Corresponding to the 'god of heaven' we have the 'goddess of heaven', the 'Astarte of the heaven of Baal' (Vya 0(7 mwy)i to whom we find Eshmunazar setting up a temple by the side of the sanctuary of Ba'al-Sidon a temple which is not to be confounded with that 'of our lady Astarte in the sea-land (coast- land)'. This goddess was worshipped by other Syrian tribes as well.

Herodotus calls her Aphrodite Urania (1:105:131), and (very incorrectly) regards the sanctuary of the goddess of Askelon [Atargatis - i.e. , the 'Attar (Astarte) of the god 'Ate (see ATARGATIS)] as the centre of diffusion from which her worship passed to Cyprus and Cythera. Compare also the 'Atarshamain - i.e., Atar of heaven (an Aramaic form) - worshipped by an Arabian nomad tribe (Ashur-bani-pal, col. viii. 112, 124: cp KAT( 2 ) 148, 414), and the 'queen of heaven', worshipped in Jerusalem (Jer. 7:18, 44:17+). The merchants of Citium brought the cult of their goddess with them to Athens and erected a sanctuary to her there in B.C. 333 (CIA 2:168). In CIA:2 1588 (a tolerably old votive-insciption erected by Aristoclea of Citium) she is called A<po6tYr) oupai/io [aphrodite ourania]. See QUEEN OF HEAVEN.

1 The name Ben-hodesh (Gk. Nou/u.iji ios [noumenios]), so frequently found in Cyprus, has nothing to do with a cult ; it merely denotes a child born at the new-moon. See BAR-SABBAS, NAMES, 72.

2 Menand., ap. Jos. c. Aj>. 1 18, kv TOU TOU Aids ; Dios, ib. 1:17, TOU OAufiTu ou Aids TO icpop.

This Astarte was pre-eminently worshipped in Carthage and all over Punic North Africa. In Latin authors and inscriptions she is called Coelestis, 'the heavenly goddess'. She is a virgin (Aug. Civ. Dei, 2:4:26 ; CIL 89796; 'Deae magnae virgini coelesti', etc.), and so not the wife of Ba'alshamem ; but she stands in the inscriptions by the side of Saturn (i.e., probably, Ba'al-hamman) as the chief goddess of N. Africa. In the treaty with Philip (Polyb. 7:19) the two appear as Zeus and Hera at the head of the Carthaginian pantheon (cp Aug. in Heptateuch. 7:16 : 'lingua punica Juno Astarte vocatur' ). Ancient writers identify her more commonly with Urania. Her image, probably a cone of stone, was brought by the emperor Elagabalus to Rome, and wedded to the stone fetish of Emesa which was an object of veneration with him (Herodian, 56, Dio Cass. 79:12). For her aspect as moon-goddess, see below, 13.

The divinity is 'king' as well as 'lord'. He stands over the community which he protects, in the same way as the earthly ruler does, only that the latter also is his subject. 'King' and 'queen' (Melek and Milkat) are used with extraordinary frequency in Phoenician personal names to denote some divinity (thus we have the name Abi-milki of Tyre as early as the Amarna tablets), just as in Israel down to the exile Yahwe was very often invoked as Melek (wrongly vocalised Molech). But here also we meet the same phenomenon as in the cases of El, Ba'al, and Ba'alat ; there is not a single inscription in which any god named Melek or Milkat is invoked. These, like the others, were obviously mere titles, whilst the names by which the deities were invoked varied. Perhaps we may co-ordinate Melek with the Melki-ashtart mentioned above (but not with Melkart, which, when occurring in proper names, remains unchanged), 1 and Milkat with the 'queen of heaven' (Jer. l.c.) - i.e. , the Carthaginian Coelestis. Here, too, no certainty is possible. See MOLECH.

1 The Melekbaal and Melek osir mentioned above cannot help us here.

12. Gods with proper names.[edit]

None of the divine names hitherto mentioned have been genuine proper names ; but such names are, nevertheless, abundant enough. To this class belongs that of Melkart of Tyre (see 11), with reference to whom it may here be added that according to Philo he is the son of (the otherwise quite unknown) Damarus, son of heaven and earth (222, rip 5e Ari/mapovvTi yiverai MeA/cdfy>oy d /cat Hpa/cXi}s) ; and according to Eudoxus (ap. Athen. 9:392) son of Asteria (Astarte) and of Zeus. Another name of this class is that of Eshmun, one of the chief gods of Sidon, where Eshmun-'azar (l. 17) built him a temple.

In personal names Esmhun is exceedingly frequent (for the pronunciation cp A/36u)oiouj>os [abdouzmounos]]; Lebas, 31866c). He was also worshipped in Citium (CIS 1:42+), and had a temple in Carthage (ib. 252). A trilingual inscription in Phoenician, Greek, and Latin, from a temple in Sardinia, gives him the enigmatical cognomen rnN!D> which is simply retained in the translations (Aescolapio Merre, AcncArjTruo Mrjppr; [Asklepioo Merre]), plainly because even then unintelligible. The inscription shows that Eshmun was identified with Esculapius, whom Philo (2:20, 2:27) names as son of Sydyk by a daughter of Cronos (El) and Astarte, and as brother of the Kabiri. On Eshmun-Astart and Eshmun-Melkart, see below.

Another deity frequently found in compound proper names is -\x (prooably to be pronounced sid [tsid]).

A Tyrian living in the Egyptian On is called Sidyaton ( 'Sid gives' ), son of Ger-sid ( 'metoikos of Sid' ) cp CIS 1:101. Yatonsid and 'Abdsid are very frequently met with in Carthage ; for Han-sid cp CIS 1:292. We do not find any trace of a worship of Sid ; but the gods Sid-melkart, and Sid-tnt are both met with (see below). We may hazard the conjecture that Sid is the Aypeus ['agreus] of Philo (2:9), 'the hunter', or his brother AXieus ['alieus], 'the Fisher', who figure in that work as men of the primaeval time.

The name can scarcely be separated from that of SIDON [q.v.]. Is it not most probable that both town and people have taken their designation from the god (cp the tribal names Asher, Gad, Edom, etc., derived from deities) ? It may also be noted that Cheyne (ZATW 17:189) has rightly discerned the eponym of Ushu=Palaetyrus in the Usoos named by Philo (2:8) as the brother and rival of Samemrumos 1 of Tyre, who settled upon the mainland opposite and became the first seafarer (see above, 10). This being so, the identification with Esau disappears, unless perhaps the region took its name from this deity 2 (see ESAU).

We are still less in a position to speak of the rest of the deities found in the Phoenician inscriptions.

Sankun, in 2ayxouna#<u>/ [sagchouniathoon], written pQ, Sakkun, in the very frequent Carthaginian proper name Ger-sakkun (op also Abd- sakkun, CIS 112 a [Abydos]), and 1]ox (Eskun) in an inscription from the Piraeus (ib. 1:18), where an altar is set up -\-\R pON 1 ?-" - i.e., doubtless 'to the mighty Eskun' (cp "ni<7jn). 3CD is found in many Cypriote names, but also in Carthage (C/.S 1:197, 1:617, 1:670), in the names Pmy-shama and Pmyaton ; it is written P'm in 'Abdp'm in Abydos (ib. 112c). Ykn occurs in Ykn-shillem in Citium (CIS 1:10, 1:13) and Carthage(id. 484), Dmin, D'm-shilleh (cp above), son of Dm-hanni, Gr. Ao^icraAu; Ao^uriu [domsaloos domanoo] from Sidon (Athens, CIS 1:115), and in "jJQJfii D'm-malak in Tyre (ZDMG 39:317). QQp (perhaps susim, horses, cp 1 K. 23:11) appears in 'Abd-ssm in Cyprus (CIS 1 46 49 53 93); see SISMAI. Again, we have i3D3"lHn> a gd or goddess who possessed a temple in Carthage (CIS 1:253-254) ; the first part of the name according to the editors is connected with the Egyptian Hathor, whilst the second part appears in the name Ger-mskr (ib. 1:267, 1:372, 1:886; cp ISSACHAK, 6, end).

Of the female deities, only one, Tnt, claims attention. It has become customary to pronounce the name as Tanith ; but there is no authority for this. 4

In the name of the Sidonian 'Abd-tnt, Gr. AprejAiSiopps [artemidooros] (CIS 1:116: Athens) the goddess is interpreted as Artemis; but whether the seven Tirai iSe? rj Apre/utSes [titanides e artemides] of Philo (2:20), daughters of El and Astarte, have anything to do with her we do not know. She is elsewhere found only in Carthage where, as 'the lady Tnt of the Pne ba'al' 5 (that is, as Halevy has recognised, a place-name 'face of Ba'al' corresponding to PENUEL), she has a temple which was held in high repute, and is invoked, along with 'the lord Ba'al hamman', in countless inscriptions, in which she is always given the first place.

Once (CIS 1:380), in her stead, we find mention of 'the mother, the mistress of Pne ba'al' 6 (^jn^s PHI*? DN 1 ? jon VjnV pN^i). From this it would appear that the 'lady mother' (NSN) who in Carthage (CIS 1:177) is invoked along with the 'goddess of the cella' (rrnnri nSjn), is only another name of Tnt ; but whether the 'mother of the Ashera' in Citium (rnB NH en so read for miNn ; CIS 1:13) is so also, remains undetermined. If further combinations are sought, we may perhaps discern in this motherly divinity the earth-goddess.

Whether we are to assume that the Phoenicians had also a goddess of Fortune or Fate, Gad (=Tt /x ? [tyche]). we cannot say. The frequent feminine name Gadna'mat with its variations (in Plautus Giddeneme 'pleasant fortune' ) is no proof of this. 7

A large class of Phoenician divine names is formed by combining two simple names. Other Semitic tribes also thus combined names of opposite sexes. The often-quoted Phoenician divine name Melki'ashtart is doubtless to be explained in the same way, as meaning the Melech who is the husband of Astarte. So also in Carthage we find a god Eshmun-'Ashtart (CIS 1:245); another Sid-tnt of Ma'arat (Megara, the lower town of Carthage ; ib. 247-249).

There is more difficulty in explaining similar combinations of two masculine names, Eshmun melkart in Citium (CIS 1:150, 23-28), Sid-melkart in Carthage (id. 286), Melkart Reseph (probably for Resheph) on the old seal of Ba'alyaton - man-of-the-gods (i.e., divine servant) of Melkarth-reseph : K K C^K E N jrrSjn 1 ? fJXl mp^>!2^> (De Vogue, Mel. 81 ; Levy, Siegel u. Gemnten, 31, no. 18, from Tyre). Perhaps we should reckon also to this class such names as Ba'al-adir, Melek-ba'al, Melek-'osir, and the like. In the case of these names there is hardly any other course open than to assume an identification of the two gods to be intended - not a very Semitic idea.

1 There was most probably a god bearing this strange name (Philo translates it Yi//ovpovios [hypsouranios]) in Tyre.

2 Esau is as much a divine name as Edom. WMM rightly sees his female counterpart in the Syrian goddess 'Asit (see EDOM, 2 ; ESAU, i, n. 6). Whether the oijnay of the Carthaginian inscription (CIS 1:295 ; text difficult) should really be read 'Abdedom or 'Obed-edom (cp OBED-EDOM), and taken as proving the existence of a Carthaginian god Edom, the present writer does not venture to decide.

3 In Cirta, CIS 1:145, Baliddir, CIL 85279 19121+

4 Hoffmann's acute combinations regarding this and other names ( Ueber einige Phoen. Gutter, 32+) seem to the present writer quite untenable. At all events, they admit neither of proof nor of disproof.

5 Written VyDNSS) Euting, Carthagische Inschriften, 100.

6 This shows at the same time that P'ne-ba'al is really a locality, and that the rendering 'face of Ba'al' in which some have sought to find a mystic doctrine of theology is untenable.

7 Whether the masc. name njTU in Idalium (CIS I 93) ought to be pronounced Gad'ate, and is compounded from the Syrian divine name Ate (cp ATARGATIS), is doubtful ; see Noldeke, ZDMG 42471 [1888], who compares Gid'on (see GIDEON).

13. Foreign gods, etc.[edit]

The Phoenicians showed in religion, as in so many other directions, their readiness to appropriate what was foreign. As in art, so also here, the influences of Babylonia (in the form in which these had reached Syria) and of Egypt are most apparent (though there are also Syrian gods). The influence of the two civilisations upon the character of the deities and of the religious symbols and amulets employed, has been referred to already (8). In this instance it is the Egyptian element that pre dominates. The Ba'alat of Byblos is modelled exactly on the pattern of Hathor or Isis - with cow-horns on her head, between them the sun-disk, in her hand a sceptre with flowers.

Astarte was often similarly represented (see ASHTAROTH- KARNAIM) ; as she was also in the Syrian interior - for example, at Kadesh on the Orontes, where the goddess of the city was so fashioned. Hence the statement of Philo (2:24) that Astarte assumed as royal ornament the head of an ox. The symbol, later, ceased to be understood and was taken for a crescent moon (whence Lucian's designation of Astarte as SeATjvou j [selenaie]), De Dea Syr. 4), which along with the interpretation of Ba'al-shamem as meaning Sun-god (see above) led to the result that the heavenly Astarte (ovpdvia [ourania]) came to be regarded as a moon-goddess ; so Herodian 5:6 : \iftvtf ftivo^vav nivOvpaviafKa^ovtn. 4>oiriKf56e AcrTpodp\r)v [corrupted from Astarte, the reference being to her star, see above] 0fidou<ri, <reAijir)K eiyou OcAopTCf. Modern scholars have long mistakenly sought to find in this identification with a moon-goddess the central conception of Astarte-worship.

Ba'alat of Byblos was connected with Isis and Osiris. Later we find the name of Osiris frequently present in proper names (CIS 1:913 [Umm el-'Awamid]; 122 [Tyre]; 46, 58, 65 [Cyprus]); also Bast 1 (Bubastis), Horus ( 'Abdhor, ib. 53 ; Cyprus ; cp 46), Isis (perhaps in 'Abdis [?] o7]y, from Sidon in Carthage, ib. 308). The god TdafTos [taautos] son of Misor (Egypt), that is, the Egyptian Thoth, who plays so great a part in Philo (1:4, 2:11, 2:25+, 2:59) as inventor of writing and all wisdom, has not as yet been met with in the inscriptions.

It was from Syria that two deities zealously worshipped by the Phoenicians in Cyprus originally came - Reshep (pronounciation uncertain) and (possibly from Babylonia) 'Anat - both of whom the Egyptians of the New Kingdom adopted as war-gods 2 (see RESHEPH, ANATH).

'Anat has a temple in Citium (Euting, SBA W, 1885, no. 130), and another in Idalium characterised by the absence of any of these votive images of the god so common elsewhere in Cyprian temples. 3

To Babylonia is due the influence exerted on the ritual of Adonis of Byblos by the legend of Tammuz. From the same source also came the cultus of Hadad (for such appears to be the right pronounciation of the Babylonian-Assyrian deity usually called Ramman), which we meet with not only in Syria but also in Phoenicia at Byblos in the name of Rib-addi in the Amarna tablets (see HADAD, RIMMON). His name does not occur in Phoenician inscriptions; but Philo (224) knows him as 'king of the gods' who, with 'the greatest Astarte' (77 neylffT-r) AffTdpTr/) and with Zeus son of Demarus, rules the land by the authority of Cronos (El). Philo mentions also DAGON [q. v. ], whom he takes for a corn-god, but who is of Babylonian origin, and whose cultus came to Philistia before the Philistine settlement (Dagantakala, Am. Tab. 215-216).

On Assyrian gods in Sidon, see below, 21. Here and there also we find traces in the later period of the deity, originally from Gaza, known as Marna, 'our Lord' in the proper names 'Abdmarnai ( jin-ny, C/S 1:6^) and Maryehai (ib. 93 [Cyprus]; cp the Tyrian lamp with the dedication 6e$ BeeX/tapi [theoo beelmari] CIS 1 p. 111). With the Macedonian period the Greek deities began to be introduced and, as we have already seen, to be put as much as possible on a level with the native ones.

1 DD3N in nD3K13j;> CIS 1 86 B 6 [Kartha-dast in Cyprus] ib. 102 [Abydus] ; Gk. A/36ov/3aoros [Lebas, 3 1866c ; Sidon].

2 See WMM, As. u. Eur. 311+. Resjep is included, in the Hadad-inscription of Panamu, among the gods of the land of Ya'udi [Zenjirli]. He is identified with Apollo in the bilingual inscriptions, and has several names that are in part borrowed from the Greeks (Mkl= 'AnvftAos {CIS 1:89+, Idalium], n -^K = EAei T as, and Qn < n l 7X = AAa<7tu)Tas -i.e., of Alasia? [Euting, SBAW, 1887, p. 119^; Tamassus]). In Carthage he has a temple under the form rc-in, Arshaph (CIS 1 :251 ; cp 'Abd'arshap ib. 393). Noldeke (ZDMG 42 473 [1888]) rightly adduces also the name of the Palestinian town Arsuf (the Greek Apolloma); possibly the god had a temple there. [So, before Noldeke, Clerm.-Ganneau, Horns et saint Georges, 16-17 (1877).]

3 See Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, 16. In a Lapathos inscription we find c n iy n:i ; cp c % n TN rnnsry and Dt.30:20. That is, approximately, 'Anath in her fulness of vigour' ; she is taken as the equivalent of Adqva o-wreipa W KTJ (ib. 95). She is not elsewhere met with in Phoenician territory.

14. Pantheon worship; state after death.[edit]

Such, apart from a few other figures in Philo quite unintelligible to us, are the deities known to have been worshipped among the Phoenicians. Though the general type, however, was the same everywhere, the details of the pantheon were, as might be expected, different in each individual city. The only one of these pantheons about which we possess precise information is that of Carthage, which we know through the Greek translation of the treaty between Hannibal and Philip of Macedon (Polyb. 79). In that treaty the gods of Carthage are arranged in groups of three, invoked in the following order:-

  • (1) Zeus [Ba'al-shamem], Hera [ Ashtart shme Ba'al = Coelestis], Apollo [unknown : hardly Reshep ; many have thought

of Ba'alhamman, but Eshmun is also possible] ;

  • (2) So.lfj.wv KapxySoviuv [daimoon karchedonioon] [Astarte of Carthage], Herakles

[Melkart], Iolaos [unknown ; in any case he is thought of as a constant attendant of Melkart] ;1

  • (3) 0eoi ol ffVffTpa.Tfvbfj.fvot [theoi oi systrateuomenoi] by which we are to understand fetishes carried along with the army to the field as was the ark of Yahwe , sun, moon, earth ;
  • (4) rivers, harbours, streams ;
  • (5) all the gods who inhabit (/raT^xowi) Carthage.

The name most conspicuous by its absence is that of Tnt - for it cannot be represented by any of the deities mentioned.

The Phoenician worship differs in no essential particular from that of the allied members of the Semitic family. Sacred territories are dedicated to the various gods, and altars and massebahs grow up. Out of these the image of the god is gradually developed, often (as we have seen) borrowing its forms from the nations more advanced in civilisation. The image of the god demands also a house for the god, a temple, which in the Phoenician cities was built throughout in the Egyptian style. Alongside of the newer, however, the older forms of religion continued to hold their ground. The arrangements of a Phoenician temple, as we learn from the coins and excavations in Cyprus (see Ohnefalsch-Richter ; especially instructive is his [partly reconstructed] temenos of Idalium, Plate Ivi. ), included a large open court, in which stood the stone-fetish of the god and the worshippers set up their votive pillars (massebahs) and divine images. Limitation of space forbids a lengthened discussion as to the various sacred animals (doves to Astarte, etc. ), or of the festivals or the ritual.

From Carthage have been recovered several fragments of sacrificial ordinances (CIS 1:165, 1:167-170 amongst them the great sacrificial tariff of Marseilles) which fix with exactitude the various dues of the priests, just as in P, or in the Greek ordinances relating to the same subject. Moreover, we have from Citium fragments of a list of expenses for temple servants and sacrifices (ib. 86), and from Carthage a fragment of a sacrificial calendar (ib. 166), as also of a list of large expenditures by the citizens on the temple (ib. 171). Amongst the personnel of the temple, the 'hair-cutters (barbers) of the gods' (c^N 3 1 ?}, CIS l:86a(12), 1:257-259, 1:588) have a prominent place (cp BEARD); as also have the temple-servants (86:247+, etc.); other official designations (e.g., 260-261, 377 ; and some in the passages already cited) still remain obscure (cp DOG, 3).

1 The existence of a God *> ['el] (as conjectured by Berger in a dissertation cited by Noldeke in ZDMG 42:471 [1888]) can hardly be said to have been sufficiently proved.

Of all that the individual or the state receives by the favour of the god, a certain portion, and that the first and best - an dirapxr/ or n trio (CIS 1:5, as in OT) - is rendered to the giver. So also the deity receives a share of the spoils of war. The practice, the existence of which we know from the OT, of sacrificing to the god after any great victory or deliverance, if not all the prisoners, at least the best and choicest of them, 'upon the altar before the holy tent' was still followed in Carthage in 307 B. C. , after the victory over Agathocles (Diod. 20:65). When angry, however, the godhead demands for propitiation also the blood of the worshipper's own kin. The maxim 'every firstborn is mine' plainly held good in Phoenicia also, and applied, as amongst the Israelites, to the firstborn of men as well as of earth (see EIRSTBORN). In ordinary times no doubt the debt was redeemed, as in Israel ; but in times of extremity a man would offer to his god his own grown-up son. See MOLECH.

If it were his only son, the sacrifice would be all the more efficacious, as we learn from the story of El (like that of Abraham ; see ISAAC) in the legend narrating the institution of this kind of offering (see above, n, col. 3743). As civilisation advanced, the Carthaginians sought to escape thedire obligation by setting apart for sacrifice children of slaves whom they brought up as their own. In 310, however, when Agathocles had reduced the state to the utmost straits and the enemy lay encamped before the city, they once more laid 200 boys of their noblest families upon the arms of the brazen image of Cronos where they were allowed to fall into the fiery furnace flaming beneath (Diod. 20:14). This seems to have been the last occasion on which matters were brought to such extremity ; in the agonies of the Punic wars we do not read of any similar measure being resorted to.

In other cases, when a catastrophe threatens or has already befallen, the head of the state offers himself as a sacrifice to the offended deities and ascends the sacrificial pyre. So, according to the legend, did Dido-Elissa, the foundress of the city ; so did Hamilcar after the battle on the Himera ; and a similar step was meditated by King Juba of Numidia after the battle of Thapsus, and would actually have been taken by him if Cirta his capital had not shut her gates upon him.

The deity demands yet other sacrifices besides. Among these was circumcision - a practice borrowed by the Phoenicians, as by the Israelites, from Egypt (Herod. 2:108), and according to Philo (2:24) performed by El upon himself in the first instance and so imposed upon his subjects. We find no allusion, however, to the practice of castration in honour of the gods so frequently found in Syria and Asia Minor. On the other hand ecstatic 'prophets' who in honour of 'the Ba'al' perform wild dances and wound themselves with swords and spears in orgiastic frenzy, as was done by the followers of the goddess of Comana, and is even now done by the Persians at the mourning festival of Hasan and Husein, were known to the Phoenicians also (cp 1 K. 18:26+). In the Golenischeff Papyrus (see 5) a page of the King of Byblos, seized by the god during a sacrifice, gives an oracle in his ecstasy. Another sacrifice to the deity is the requirement that virgins should prostitute themselves in the service of the great goddesses and make over the profits to the temple treasury a practice that was widely diffused among the Semites and the peoples of Asia Minor. Perhaps Robertson Smith is right in finding here a religious survival of primitive conditions, under which fixed marriages were still unknown and the sexual coitus was considered as a manifestation of the divinity in human life. We have direct evidence of the existence of the custom at Byblos (Luc. De Deo. Syr. 6) and in Cyprus (Herod. 1:199, Justin 18:5). For another analogous practice in the service of the deity which seems to have been current in Phoenicia cp Eus. Vit. Const. 3:55.

With regard to what happens to men after death the views of the Phoenicians, as of the other Semitic peoples, remained quite undeveloped. From the sepulchral inscriptions of Eshmunazar and Tabnit we see that undisturbed rest in the grave was desired, and to ensure it imprecations were employed ; to open a grave or coffin is an 'abomination unto Astarte' (Tabnit 6). It is, however, but a comfortless, shadowy existence that is lived in the dark kingdom of death 'among the ghosts or Rephaim (Mot, niD, the god of death, son of El, mentioned in Philo, 2:24). The Phoenician, like the Israelite, had no more heartfelt longing than for a descendant to continue his family and with it his earthly existence ; 'to have no son or seed' is the heaviest curse the gods can inflict (Eshmun. 8:11, 8:22, Tabnit 7).

15. Theology and cosmogony.[edit]

In connection with the cultus, among the Phoenicians as elsewhere, there gradually developed a body of theological doctrines. The few allusions to these in the inscriptions, however, are practically unintelligible, as is shown by the texts of the Malakba'al-steles, 1 and still more by the inscription of Ma'sub (see above, 10). This last would almost seem to suggest that the Israelite conception of an 'apostle' or messenger (IN^S) of the deity was not unfamiliar even in Phoenicia (cp the name Ba'al-mal'ak, CIS 1:182, 1:455, etc. ). In Cyprus arose the singular conception of a divinity in which man and woman are united, and which accordingly was represented as a bearded goddess.

The theologians of the Hellenistic period dragged this to light, calling the deity in question Aphroditus (Philochorus and Aristophanes ap. Macrob, 3:8:2-3, Hesych. s.v.. A<>pd6tTos ['aphroditos], etc.), and the church fathers are very ready to refer to the subject ; but this deity never possessed much importance. It is portrayed on no monument, and the attempt to associate it with any of the divinities named above, still more to find it (as has sometimes been done) in the compound names of gods, is very precarious. It is not even certain whether it is really Phoenician at all, since, according to Hesych. (l.c.), it seems to have belonged originally to Amathus, which was not a Phoenician town.

Phoenician theology had its speculations about the origin and growth of the world, of mankind, of civilisation, and of its own home. Presumably these were embodied in a religious literature of the subject, which dealt with it somewhat after the manner of the narratives of Genesis. All our actual information on the subject, however, has to be taken from late recensions of it, written in Greek, and showing marked traces of foreign influences. In these writings, as in the many Jewish writings of the Hellenistic age, we have native scholars with patriotic arrogance seeking to exhibit to the then dominant race the antiquity and depth of the native traditions, and to prove that the Greeks really stole their wisdom and theology from the East, at the same time distorting it in the process. That these writings, however, rest not only on native traditions, but also, as was the case with the Jews likewise, on native written documents, is not to be questioned. On the other hand, the names of wise men of remote antiquity, who are alleged as authors of these works, are of very problematic authenticity.

1 Berger in his discussion of these has doubtless established the literal meaning correctly enough ; but that does not solve the whole problem (J. As. , ser. 7, tome 8 [1896)).

2 It is no proof of Byblos being the religious metropolis of Phoenicia that we usually find on its coins, from the Hellenistic period onwards, the surname 'the holy' (riEHp *73JS iepis Bv/3- Aou); for similar expressions occur on the coins of Sidon and Tyre (2i6u>i os rrjs iepas icai atrvAou [also with personification of the city-deity iu<5J>i O? fleas iepas KO.L a<rv\ov <cai fauapxi Sos] and Tupou iepas <cai acrvAou).

3 According to Posidonius (Strabo, xvi. 2 24) he lived irpb rcof Tp<iHKiii> [pro ton trooikoon]. He passed into the later handbooks as one of the oriental founders of Philosophy ; Diog. Laert. praem, 1 (miswritten *fix ? [oochos]. followed by Suidas, s.v.), Iamblich. Vit. Pyth. 14 (6 ^v<7i6\oyoi [o physiologos], ancestor of the Sidonian prophets, and the rest of the Phoenician hierophants), Jos. Ant. 1:39 (with an unknown Hestioeus, and the Egyptian Hieronymus, and other writers of various nationalities, as alleged authorities for the story of the flood) ; Athen. 3:126a (with Sanchuniathon).

4 Tatian, adv. Graecos, 37 [copied by Clem. Alex. Strom. 1:21:117] ; cp Ruhl zu Menander von Ephesus u. Letos, Rhein. Mus. 50:141+:

Two cosmogonies have come down to us, the one from Sidon, the other from Byblos. 2 The former was narrated in Greek by Eudemus a pupil of Aristotle, and from him it was borrowed by Damascius (De pr. grin. 125) who subjoined a Neo-platonic interpretation. In a. somewhat modified form the same Sidonian tradition is cited at a later date as the work of the ancient Sidonian Mochos (Mu>xs) 3 which had been translated into Greek, ostensibly by a certain Laetos, along with other unknown Phoenician authors 4 (Theodotos, Hypsicrates) in the time of Posidonius of Rhodes (first half of the last century B.C.). Damascius (De pr. prin. 125) has preserved for us an extract from this cosmogony also. Posidonius detected in it the atomic theory (Strabo, 16:2:24), just as Damascius found in it the Neo-platonic conception of the world. It does not at all follow from this, however, either that the writing of Mochus contained a single word about atoms - how Posidonius arrived at his view can be perceived clearly enough from the fragment which has come down to us - or that the writing was a 'literary fraud' as Riihl supposed.

Considerably later is our authority upon the Byblian traditions - Philo of Byblos, the well known writer of the period of Hadrian. He relied for his information upon an ancient sage, Sanchuniathon, who had drawn the primaeval wisdom of Taaut from the writings of the Afj.fj.ovveis [Ammouneis] in the temples (see above, 10). 1 Whether there ever really was a Phoenician writing under the name of Sanchuniathon we do not know ; in any case the tradition has been very greatly manipulated by Philo with two objects ; first, to explain all mythology in the Euhemeristic sense, by making out all the gods to have been men kings - and others of primitive times who had been raised to divine honours after their death - and secondly to make out that the Greek mythology was only a depraved copy of the Phoenician.

The lateness of his traditions is shown also by the fact that he uses Aramaic forms of names (BetAo-a^y [beelsamen], 7.co<^a<j->)/iiiV [zoophasemin], BrjAos [belos]; only SajurjupoC/xos [samemroumos] is the Phoenician pronunciation of Shamemram), and that he says the companions of El or Kronos bore the name EAoei/u. [eloeim], i.e., Kpdi-iot [kronioi]. This is of course the Heb. D n.Stf, Elohim, which is not met with in Phoenician, and thus Philo here betrays a Jewish influence not discernible elsewhere. From Philo we still possess large extracts in Eus. Praep. Ev. , which in their turn seem to have been taken from Porphyry.

In details the Sidonian cosmogony and that of Byblos differ from one another at many points. Fundamentally they are in closest agreement not only with each other but also with the old Hebrew myths which can still be clearly enough detected behind the narratives of Gen. 1-2 (see CREATION, 7).

16. Constitution.[edit]

Of the Phoenician constitution and government we know almost nothing, even in the case of Carthage, not to speak of the other cities. That their polity had a thorougnly aristocratic character might be presumed from the whole character of Semitic civil life, and is confirmed by the weight everywhere laid upon descent ; this comes into special prominence in the long genealogies of the inscriptions. The 'eldest ones' (cp the irptafivraToi [presbytatoi] in Marathos and Aradus ; Diod. 33:5:2-3) who form the council of the king are the representatives of families ; in Sidon the council seems to form a college of 100 members (Diod. 16:45). The most distinguished family is of course the royal ; in Tyre the priest of Melkarth ranks next the king (Justin. 184). In these little city-states, however, with their many wealthy merchant families the power of the king was limited in many directions by the council and the nobility. In Tyre at the time of the Chaldean suzerainty the monarchy was for a time abolished and a 'judge' (shophet) took his place as supreme authority (Jos. c. Ap. 1:21 ). Presumably the office was responsible, and limited in time, although in Tyre the tenure cannot have been for a fixed period, since we find individual judges ruling for 2 to 3 months, and then, apparently, two together ruling for 6 years (see below, 20). Something similar may have occurred in other cities also, just as in Carthage from the time that we know anything of its history two suffetes (usually called 'kings' by the Greeks) figure as yearly officials at the head of the state ; so also in other colonies, such as Gades. To the Hebrews also, as the Book of Judges shows, the conception of judges as rulers of a state, with royal but not hereditary powers, was not unfamiliar.

1 Compare the strange statement of Porphyry (Eus. Praep. Ev. 1:9:21 and 10:9:12) that Sanchuniathon, here called a native of Berytus, derived his account of the Jews from a writing of Jerombal ( = Jeruba'al) the priest of God, of Jeuo (iepeus SeoO TOV Ievi) that is, Yahwe, who had dedicated his work to King Abelbal or Abibal of Berytus. Whether this absurd story was Porphyry's own, or due to the inventiveness of others before him, we cannot tell ; in any case it has nothing to do with Philo's Sanchuniathon. Its lateness is shown also by the part assigned in it to Berytus.

History.[edit]

17. Sources.[edit]

Of the native histories written by the Phoenicians themselves nothing has come down to us, even in Greek translations, except a few extracts (preserved by Josephus), from the Chronicles of Tyre, which Menander of Ephesus had translated into Greek ; they relate to the period extending from 969 to 774 B.C. (c. Ap. 1:18 ; Ant. 8:5:3 [also 8:3:1 on the era of Tyre], Ant. 8:13:2) and to the siege under Elulaeus (Ant. 9:14:2). Josephus also (c. Ap. 1:21) gives the list of kings during the period from Nebuchadrezzar down to Cyrus (585-532 B.C.), but here, too, is doubtless dependent on Menander, although a little before (c. Ap. 120 = Ant. 10:11:1) he refers for the siege of Tyre by Nebuchadrezzar to the otherwise unknown Jewish and Phoenician history of one Philostratus.

In addition to these Josephus cites (Ant. 8:5:3 = c. Ap. 1:17), for the period of Hiram I., the Phoenician history of Dios, who is closely dependent on Menander. He also is not otherwise known. It is probable that Josephus took all these fragments directly from a compilation by Alexander Polyhistor (v. Gutschmid ; cp Wachsmuth, Einl. in dit alte Gesch, 403-404). These short fragments contain little that relates to the history of Phoenician colonisation.

18. Period of independence.[edit]

We return now to the history of the mother country from the end of the Egyptian period onwards. The little we know for the immediately succeeding centuries relates only to Tyre. Tyre was successful not only in founding a colonial empire, but also in gaining the supremacy in the mother country. Our accounts begin - since they concern themselves with merely biblical interests with the first HIRAM (q.v. ). l

Of him we learn that he extended the city territory by mounds in the quarter Eurychoros (Jos. c. Ap. 1:13), substituted new temples for old, to Melkarth and Astarte, dedicated a golden stele (Kiiav [kioon]) to Ba'alshamem in his temple and instituted the festival of the awakening of Melkarth. He brought back to its allegiance the city of Utica which had refused to pay the usual tribute. Mention has already been made of his relations with Israel, and of his Ophir voyages (see also CABUL, HIRAM).

Josephus, in speaking of the successors of Hiram, gives only the duration of the life and of the reign of each down to the founding of Carthage. We may be sure, however, that Menander gave some further particulars. It is, at any rate, clear from the list of kings that usurpations and struggles for the succession were not unknown. Hiram s grandson was put to death by the four sons of his foster mother ; of these the eldest held the throne for twelve years. Then followed further confusions, with regard to which tradition is very uncertain, until the priest of Astarte, Itoba al, by violent means (see ETHBAAL) founded a new dynasty. Owing to his relation to Ahab, one or two facts respecting him have been preserved by Josephus. The length of his reign is unfortunately not known ; Riihl, following the tradition of Theophilus, assigns him twelve years (876-866 B.C. ), but according to most MSS he reigned thirty- two years (though the length of life assigned by tradition to him and to his son makes this doubtful) from 885-854 B.C. The three years famine of the period of Ahab and Elijah (1 K. 17-18) is mentioned by Menander as having lasted one year.

Hiram I. is in the OT invariably called king of Tyre (2 S 5:21, 1 K. 5:15, 9:10); Ethbaal, on the other hand, is king of the Sidonians (1 K. 16:31). This last is also the title borne on the oldest extant Phoenician inscription (CIS 15) by Hiram II. 2 who is also named by the Assyrians in 738 ; it is the inscription of a bronze sacrificial vessel which the 'governor (!30) of Karthadasht (Citium), servant of Hiram king of the Sidonians, dedicated to his lord the god of Lebanon (Ba'al-lebanon) as a "first fruits" (dirapx n [aparche]) of copper' (ne>m nc Nia) in the temple upon the hill Muti Shinoas near Amathus (Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, 119). The Tyrian dominion in Cyprus must accordingly have extended thus far. These designations show that, in the interval between Hiram I. and Ethbaal, the 'kings of Tyre' had become kings of the Phoenicians, and thus had considerably extended their authority, in particular by acquiring the sovereignty of Sidon. This is confirmed by the Assyrian data, that the whole coast from 'Akko (near the Israelite frontier) to near Berytus was in the possession of Tyre. ! Of Ethbaal we are told that he pressed even farther north ; having founded the city of Botrys, to the N. of Byblos, in the neighbourhood of the Theouprosopon. Plainly the intention, which was not, however, effected, was to reduce Byblos also to dependence on Tyre. Of Ethbaal we learn further that he founded Auza in Libya. Under the third of his successors, Pygmalion (820-774), Timaeus (and, following him, Menander) placed the founding of Carthage in 814-813 its mythical foundress is called the sister of the king. With Pygmalion Josephus's extract from Menander (Jos. c. Ap. 1:18) ends.

1 The individual items in Menander's list of kings vary in the tradition. We here follow the reconstruction of Ruhl (Rhein. Mus. 48 565+ although by no means certain at all points). In their original form the data seem to be quite authentic.

2 That Hiram II., not Hiram I., is intended in the inscription has been shown by von Landau, Beitr. zur Alterthumskunde des Orients, 1 (1893).

19. The Assyrian suzerainty.[edit]

For the next century we get some information from the Assyrian data. The great westward campaigns of the Assyrians began in the beginning of the ninth century.2 In 876 Asjur-nasir-pal invaded Syria and the dynasts of the interior as well as the kings of the sea-coast, of Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, Mahallata (sic), Maisa (unknown), Kaisa (unknown), Amuri, 'Arvad in the sea', brought tribute - brazen vessels and parti-coloured and white linen garments as well as silver, gold, lead, copper, and cedar wood. Shalmaneser II. (860-824) undertook the subjugation of Syria in a more thoroughgoing way. Only the more northerly, however, of the Phoenician dynasts were represented in the army of the allied Syrian princes which fought at Karkar in 854 (see AHAB, SHALMANESER). The remaining cities preferred to submit quietly and in 842 and 839 paid tribute to Shalmaneser as they also did later to his grandson Hadad-nirari III. (811-782) when he marched upon Syria.

As yet these expeditions led to no enduring suzerainty (see ASSYRIA, 32). In the first half of the eighth century the movements of the Assyrians were restricted by the powerful opposition of the kings of Urartu. With Tiglath-pileser III. began those systematic invasions which ended in the virtual subjugation of the whole Syrian territory.

It is within this period that more precise information regarding Phoenicia first becomes accessible. Whilst the older Assyrian kings, as we have seen, mention (correctly or incorrectly) the names of a large number of Phoenician cities and dynasts, under Tiglath-pileser III. and Sargon there are only three Phoenician states - Aradus, Byblos, and Tyre. The coastland of the Eleutherus region, along with Simyra, Arka, and Siyana, now belongs to the kingdom of Hamath (Annals of Tiglath-pileser: 3 R. 9, 3 ll. 26, 46), but is made by Tiglath-pileser into an Assyrian province. The Phoenician cities appear to have submitted without striking a blow. In 738 we find, amongst many other dynasts, Matanba'al of Arados, Shibittiba'al of Byblos, and Hiram II. of Tyre paying tribute to Tiglath-pileser. Soon afterwards Tyre showed signs of a longing for independence ; a heavy tribute was exacted from Metinna (Mytton - i.e. , Mattan) of Tyre in consequence (about 730 B.C.). The main portion of the Phoenician coast-land still owned the sovereignty of Tyre ; Elulaios (Ass. Lule), who reigned, as Menander says (Jos. Ant. 9:14:2), thirty-six years (say 725-690), is therefore called by Sennacherib 'King of Sidon' (cp SIDON). On the other hand, Tyre lost its hold on Cyprus ; seven Cyprian princes did homage to Sargon, 1 who set up a statue of himself in Citium. That Citium was lost to Tyre for a time is attested also by Menander.

1 As cities taken by him from Tyre, Sennacherib (Prism Inscr. 2:38+) enumerates :- Great and Little Sidon, Betzitti, Sarepta, Mahalliba, Ushu (pr. Usu), - i.e., Palaetyrus, - Akzib, Akko. In Menander (Jos. Ant. 9:14:2, 285) we must, therefore, read ajreorr; re Tvpiiav Si.8iav xai Axr; Kal 17 FlaAaiTvpos Kal TroAAal aAAat rroAeis (so LV), and not with the other MSS

  • Ap/cT) ['arke] = 'Arka.

2 Various kings of Assyria set up steles by the Dog river near Beirut ; but these are in such bad preservation that not even the names can now be deciphered.

Under Shalmaneser IV. (727-722) and Sargon (722-705) the Phoenicians appear to have remained quiet. 2 Under Sennacherib (705-681), however, when an anti-Assyrian league was planned in South Syria, Elulaios of Tyre gave in his adhesion to the project. The result is told elsewhere (see SENNACHERIB). It may suffice to quote the words of Sennacherib, 'From Lule king of Sidon I took his kingdom' (COT 1:279). Menander informs us that Elulaios again reduced Citium to subjection, and so reopened hostilities. In the great campaign of 701, however, Sennacherib in all essential respects recovered the supremacy, though Tyre, like Jerusalem, escaped being captured. The Tyrians lost the whole of their territory, and in Sidon a new king was installed, Tuba'lu (Ituba'al), who had to pay a fixed annual tribute. Elulaios himself fled to Cyprus, evidently to the recently re-acquired Citium. Here again Menander comes to our aid. He tells us that the Assyrian king Selampsas, after conquering all Phoenicia, made peace and returned home. Selampsas can only be Shalmaneser IV., as Josephus also assumes. 3 Therefore, doubtless, what is referred to is his campaign against Hosea of Samaria, who formed an alliance with Egypt against the Assyrians in 725. Perhaps the Phoenicians also at first participated in this action - it is to be observed that we learn nothing about Shalmaneser from Assyrian sources - but made their peace in good time. 4

Next, however, Menander goes on to relate - taking no account of the intervening period, and without any knowledge of the wider political relations - that Sidon, Akko, Palaetyrus, and many other cities of the Tyrians, revolted and yielded themselves to the Assyrian king. Accordingly, when the Tyrians themselves rebelled, and the king took the field against them, he was supported by 60 ships and 800 rowing boats, manned by Phoenicians. With only 12 ships, however, the fleet was scattered, and 500 were taken prisoners. The Assyrian king, withdrawing, stationed a garrison at Palaetyrus (en-i rov Trorafiou Ka\ TU>I v&payuiyfitav) to cut off the water supply. The Tyrians, however, with their reservoirs held out for five years (701-606), and presumably obtained satisfactory conditions. Thus one sees that the war followed the same course as under Abimelech at the time of the Amarna letters. The sea-fortress was impregnable a fact admitted by Sennacherib himself, who passes over Tyre in eloquent silence. The possessions of Tyre on the mainland, however, were lost to it ; in Usu Sennacherib received the tribute of the kings of the West, among others of Abdili ti of Aradus and of Urumilki - the correct name also (nSaWx) of the grandfather of Yehaw-melek of Byblos (CIS 1:1) - of Byblos. 5 Her Cyprian possessions also Tyre had to forfeit ; among the other names in the list of Cyprian vassal princes under Esarhaddon and Ashur-bani-pal appear these of Damishu, king of Karthadast (Citium), Kistura of Idalium, and Rumishu of Tamassos. 6 From this date the Tyrians never again exercised sovereign rights in Cyprus.

1 [Does this explain, 'even there (in Cyprus) thou shall have no rest', Is. 23:12? See Che. Intr. Is. 140 ; but cp Duhm, ad loc.]

2 The general expression 'who pacified Kue (see CILICIA) and Tyre' [cp Che. Intr. Is. 144] supplies no sure evidence to the contrary.

3 [So Tiele, RAG 237 314 ; Che. Intr. Is. 144.]

4 In GA 1 (1884), p. 467, a different view is assumed ; but the above now appears to the present writer the most probable solution. It is an untenable assumption of von Landau, in his study on the siege of Tyre by Shalmaneser in Menander (Beitrage, 1), to suppose that in the closing portion of his account Menander passes from Sennacherib s campaign to the war of Esarhaddon and Ashur-bani-pal against Ba'al of Tyre, so that Menander has compressed into one the various Assyrian campaigns against Tyre. That the same occurrences should repeat themselves in sieges of Tyre lies in the nature of the case ; the Amarna letters and the history of Nebuchadrezzar bear out this view. Alexander was the first to contrive the means for the thorough subjugation of the sea fortress.

5 Under Esarhaddon and Ashur-bani-pal these places are taken by Matanba'al and Yakinlu of Arvad (see below) and Milkiasaph of Byblos.

6 Cp Schrader, SBAW , 1890, pp. 3S7^C It is not inconceivable that these three principalities may only then for the first time have been added to the list of the seven which had done homage to Sargon.

Under Esarhaddon (680-668) arose new conflicts. Firstly, Sidon rebelled under king 'Abdimilkut (i.e. , Abdimilkat with the usual obscuration of the a), but after a long siege the city was conquered, and the king, who had taken refuge beyond seas with a Cilician dynast, was taken prisoner together with his host, and put to death (675). The rebellious city, which had so ill requited the Assyrians for its deliverance through them from the Tyrian ascendency, was destroyed, and its population deported. An 'Esarhaddon's town' was newly built on another site, and peopled with foreign settlers. Henceforward an Assyrian governor ruled here as well as in Simyra. The possessions of Tyre on the mainland were now (if not before) placed under a similar officer, who received the high-sounding title 'governor of Tyre' although the city proper was never under his rule. 1 Tyre still remained unconquered, even though (presumably) compelled to pay tribute. The king, Ba'al (an abbreviation of some composite name), was attacked by Esarhaddon, probably on his second expedition to Egypt (670). The triumph stele of Zenjirli represents the king as leading captive the Ethiopian king Taharka and the king of Tyre 2 by a cord passed through rings on their lips ; but in reality neither the one nor the other ever was his prisoner. Esarhaddon, however, caused the shore to be fortified, and cut off the Tyrians from water and supplies as his father had done. Neither he nor Ashur-bani-pal (668-626), however, met with more success than Sennacherib. On the subjugation of Egypt, however, Baal gave up the struggle, submitted to a 'heavy tribute', sent his daughter and nieces to the harem of the great king, and despatched his son Yahimilki (Yehaumelek) to court, where Ashur-bani-pal received him to favour and dismissed him. At a later date we find Ashur-bani-pal, like Esarhaddon before him, placing Baal of Tyre at the head of the list of his Syrian and Cyprian vassals. Yakinlu of Arados, who seems to have made common cause with Baal, was less fortunate. He had to send his daughter and all his sons with rich gifts to the great king, and abdicate in favour of his son Aziba'al. Opposite Arados, at Antarados, Ashur-bani-pal raised a memorial stone (PSBA 7:141). These events belong to the earlier years of his reign. At a later date, after his expedition against Uaiti of Kedar, Ashur-bani-pal called to account Usu and Akko which had been insubordinate, put to death the offenders, and deported some of the remaining inhabitants to Assyria.

1 Wi. GI, 201, n., corrected by Wi. AOFI 441, n.

2 The intention of the representation was first perceived by Pietschmann (Gesch. Phtrn. 303). See Ausgrabungen in Zendschirli in the Mittheil. aus d. Oriental-Saml. d. Bed. Mus. Hft. 11:17 (von Luschan).

3 Winckler's attempt to set aside this evidence (Alt. Unt. 144+) seems to the present writer inconclusive.


20. The Chaldaean period.[edit]

The next decades are a blank. We have no precise information as to what occurred in the Phoenician cities during the period of the decline and fall of the Assyrian empire ; this it would seem was materially hastened by the great Scythian invasion - which in 626 extended to Syria (see SCYTHIANS). At any rate the Phoenician cities, like Judah and its neighbours - the four Philistine cities, Edom, Moab, Ammon recovered their independence for a while ; in the list of all the existing states of which he prophesies the downfall, Jeremiah (in 604 B.C. ) includes the kings of Tyre, of Sidon, and of the isles beyond the sea - i.e. , Cyprus (Jer. 25:22 ; cp 27:3 Ezek. 25-29). The inference is plain ; Sidon also must have regained independence and received kings of its own - presumably of Phoenician origin (see below, 21 ). 3 The time, however, for the independent life of petty states was past. When Assyria collapsed, Egypt sought once more to acquire the suzerainty of Syria (see EGYPT, 68 ; JOSIAH). Its success was brief, though in 588 Apries (Pharaoh-Hophra) still hoped to preserve Palestine from becoming a prey to the Babylonians. He pene trated into Phoenicia, the cities of which were on the opposite side, and fought successfully against Sidon and Tyre (see Herod. 2:161). 1 When Nebuchadrezzar s army approached, however, Apries retired, leaving Syria to its fate. No sooner had Jerusalem fallen (586) than Nebuchadrezzar marched upon Phoenicia. The other cities would seem to have again submitted ; but King Itobaal II. of Tyre once more defied the apparently inevitable. For fifteen years (585-573) Nebuchadrezzar laid siege to Tyre.

E/ekiel, who in 586 had prophesied the approaching assault (26-29), expected the annihilation of the haughty city. He was mistaken, however ; once more the sea-fortress asserted her strength ; the prophet was constrained in 570 to confess that Nebuchadrezzar and his army had had 'no recompense' for the manifold fatigues of the siege (Ezek. 29:18). Yet it is evident that in the end Tyre became more dependent on the Babylonian King than it had previously been.

The list of kings which here again has been preserved to us (Jos. c. Ap. 1:21) shows that with the close of the siege Itobaal's reign came to an end - doubtless he was deposed. His successor was Baal II. (572-563) after whom judges (see 16) took the place of kings, - at first, single judges for a few months, and afterwards, if the reading be correct, 2 two priests (or brothers) for six years ; between them (according to Gutschmid, 'after them' ) Balatoros was king for a year. Then a ruler Merbaal was fetched from Babylon (555-2), who in turn was succeeded by Hiram III. (551-532), under whom the Chaldaean fell into the hands of the Persians.

In the struggles of the Assyrian and Chaldaean period, the political power of the Phoenician towns, and the position of ascendancy which Tyre had occupied in the Phoenician world, came to an end. Nor could the sway of Phoenicia over its colonies be any longer maintained. The spread of Greek trade and the development of the Greek naval power, broke up their solidarity, and when, even during the continuance of Chaldaean suzerainty, the Phoenicians of the west combined to withstand the Greeks, it was no longer Tyre but Carthage that stood at their head. Carthage never indeed broke with Tyre, 3 and for a long time continued to send tithes to the Melkarth of the mother city ; but politically the relations came to be inverted ; Carthage was a great power, Tyre a city-community subject to foreign lords. Even when, in consequence, the transmission of the tithes had been reduced to that of a trifling present, Carthage still continued to show filial piety by regularly sending festal embassies to Tyre (Arr. 2:24:5, Polyb. 31:20:12) until, after the defeat by Agathocles, the Tyrian Melkarth again once more received propitiatory offerings (Diod. 20:14).

The prosperity and commercial importance of Tyre suffered much less by the vicissitudes of war than is often supposed. Even if the connection of the city with the shore was cut off repeatedly for periods of years, the Assyrians and Chaldasans could do little to her sea power and her trade ; the attempt to overwhelm her by the aid of the fleets of the other Phoenician owns was an entire failure. As soon as peace was restored the old relations with the interior were resumed ; in fact, the import and export traffic forthwith became all the brisker from the temporary check. As for Sidon, which otherwise might have been a formidable rival, it needed a long breathing time in order to recover from its catastrophe under Esarhaddon. We must not forget, moreover, that during the period between Tiglath-pileser III. and Cyrus for 20 years of war there were 180 years of peace, in which trade and the general well-being must have prospered, the more because the connection with the great continental empire made business relations easier and more extensive ; the sovereigns, too, were energetic in protect ing the safety of the routes of traffic. Finally, her loss of colonial supremacy affected Tyre s commerce but little because it came about without any violent shock, and the community of speech and sentiment as well as the sharp antithesis to the Greeks kept the two portions of the Phoenician nationality together. If in Carthage the wares and art-products of Greece were imported in ever increasing quantity, neither could that city dispense with the products of the East ; and it need not be said that the Carthaginian merchants sought for these at the fountain-head of Phoenician life rather than from Greek middle-men.

1 In Aradus has been discovered a fragment referring to his deputy Psamtik-nofer (Renan, Miss. en. Phen. 26+) De Rouge connected it with Psamtik I., but hardly with justice. W. M. Muller (Mitth. d. vorderas. Ges. Hft. 4, 1896) tries to detect a king of Byblos on a very mutilated Egyptian monument of this time from Phoenicia (published TSBA 1(3 91); but this is highly problematical.

2 See Riihl, Rhein. Mus. 48577. It is perhaps significant that the reign of Baal II. came to an end with that of Nebuchadrezzar, whilst Merbaal's begins with that of Nabuna'id.

3 In its second treaty with Rome (348) Tyre is named along with Carthage, though it is not mentioned in the first, about 503 (?) (Pol. 3:24 ).

21. Persian period.[edit]

How prosperous Tyre was, and how dominating was her position in Phoenicia in 586 B.C., is visibly shown by Ezekiel (27). It was not by a single blow that this queen of the seas lost her imperial state ; the transference of power was gradual. When the Persians in 539 entered upon the inheritance of the Chaldasans without meeting with any resistance from the peoples of Syria and Phoenicia, Sidon became the first and richest city of Phoenicia (cp Diod. 16:41). The best ships in the fleet of Xerxes were contributed by the Sidonians, whose king took the place of honour next the great king. Next in order came the king of Tyre, and after him* the other vassal princes ( Herod. 7 44 96 98 867; cp also 3:136, 7:100, 7:128; Diod. 14:79). This superiority of Sidon is doubtless chiefly to be accounted for by the fact that the advantage of situation which remained with Tyre during the period of the wars became a positive disadvantage when peace prevailed, and all the Phoenician cities equally belonged to a great empire.

It then became a positive disadvantage that Sidon was able to expand freely while Tyre was confined within a narrow space (in Strabo's time it was very closely built, the houses having more stories than in Rome) ; the many purple manufactories were indeed a great source of income, but did not add to the amenity of the city as a residence (16:2, 16:23). Above all, the merchants and caravans must have found it much more con venient to expose their goods in Sidon than to ship them over to Tyre. Sidon accordingly became a successful competitor with Tyre. That the Persian kings deliberately set themselves to advance Sidon at the expense of Tyre is hardly likely ; the situation existed before they came, and was not of their making. But they promoted its development ; in Sidon the Persian kings had a park (rrapafienros [paradeisos]), and it was here that the satraps of Syria resided when they came to Phoenicia.

Perhaps there was another factor in the change. As a result of its destruction and re-foundation by Esarhaddon Sidon received a very mixed population ; and even although, after the fall of the Assyrian monarchy, the Phoenicians recovered the ascendancy, the foreign elements (as in Samaria) continued strongly to assert themselves ; indeed, we can still trace them even in the scanty materials that have come down to us. 2 We can thus understand how in Sidon the national narrowness may have been counteracted, and the rejuvenated commonwealth have acquired an international character which had a favourable influence also upon its trade. Hence we find in Sidon, during the whole Persian period, in spite of the opposing political interests and repeated hostility between the Greek and Phoenician fleets, the traces of a singularly strong and ever growing Philhellenism. 1 We find this in its highest degree under King Straton (probably a corruption for 'Abd'ashtart) in the first half of the fourth century. He maintained a most luxurious court, and brought together from all parts of Greece singing and dancing women, who competed at his feasts for prizes in their art (Theopomp. fr. 126 in Athenaeus 12:531 ; Aelian, Var. hist. 7:2).* He had close relations with Athens, and gave his support to the embassy which went to the Persian court in 367. In return the Athenians granted him and his successors the right of proxenia and the Sidonian merchants staying at Athens were exempted from all taxes (CIA 2:86.) The same king's name probably occurs in the bilingual inscription from Delos in CIS 1:114, where only the beginning of his name . . . y7]y is preserved ; perhaps also in CIS 1:4.

1 The 'oracle on Tyre' (Is. 23) is too uncertain to be referred to here (see Isaiah in SBOT, and cp Che. Intr. Is. 138-145, and the commentaries).

2 The fact has been recognised by Winckler (A T Unt. 1892, p. 117). The tomb of AtreTTTe 2u/i<TeAij^iou ^,iSiavia (i.e., Asephat, daughter of Eshmunshillem, of Sidon) in Piraeus (CIS 1:119, CIA 2:119) was erected by Yatonbel, son of Eshmunshilleh, chief priest of Nergal ("ij-ij p^j< 03:12 31). We see that the Assyrian god Nergal is worshipped even in the Sidonian colony at Athens. Moreover the name Yatonbel is compounded from that of the Assyrian Bel, not from that of the Phoenician Baal. Similarly a Sidonian in Carthage (CIS 1:287) bears the name of 'Abdbel.

In other respects the conditions of Phoenicia seem to have altered but little under the Persians. Now as before it consists of four states - Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, Arados. All four are in separate existence in the time of Alexander the Great (Arr. 2:13:7, 2:15:6-7, 2:20:1 =Curtius 41:6+), whilst Herodotus (7:98) in his catalogue of Xerxes fleet mentions only the kings of Sidon, Tyre, and Aradus. He does not name Byblos at all ; plainly in his time this city occupied politically and commercially a very subordinate position, and partook of the character rather of a country town.

Also the cities which took part in the settlement of a level strip of coast near the northern end of Lebanon beyond the Theouprosopon, called by the Greeks Tripolis (its Phoenician name is unknown) were the same three - Arados, Tyre and Sidon. Each of these had a special quarter to itself, surrounded by a wall and separated from the others by an interval. Here, as Diodorus (following Ephorus) informs us, the Phoenicians were wont to hold a federal meeting and joint political council ; the king of Sidon attends it with 100 councillors. (Scylax, 104; Diod. 16:41, 16:45 ; Strabo 16:2, 16:15.) It is hardly probable that the town, or this attempt to bring the whole nationality under a combined organisation, was older than the Persian period.

From the end of the fifth century the Phoenician states also began to introduce the employment of coinage - that is, the issue of pieces of precious metal of a standard money weight, bearing the emblem and often also the name of the state or of the lord of the issuing mint. The Persian kings since Darius had already, as we know, been in the habit of coining, and reserving the right of gold coinage as a royal privilege, whilst the issue of silver money was left to the discretion of the vassal princes and communities and of the satraps. Arados coined by the Persian standard, the three other cities by the Phoenician. We are able to determine with absolute certainty, however, only the coins of Byblos, which invariably bear the name of the king (Elpa'al, Adarmelek, 'Azba'al, and Ainel) and of the city ; the names of two other - earlier - kings of Byblos we know through the stele of Yehawmelek. Of Tyre, Sidon, and Arados, also many coins are still extant ; but the name of city and ruler is either absent or inscribed in characters that cannot be clearly made out. Their assignment to the three cities seems to have been satisfactorily determined by the researches of Six and Babelon ; 3 on the other hand the attempt to determine the name of the individual king, and hence establish fresh historical data, as for example the reign of a certain Euagoras in Sidon, is highly precarious.

1 This is visibly brought before us in the sarcophagi of the Sidonian royal sepulchres discovered by Hamdy Bey. See Hamdy-bey and Th. Reinach, Necropole royale a Sidon. On the interpretation and on the place of the sarcophagi in the history of art, see especially Studniczka, 'Ueber die Grundlagen der geschichtlichen Erklarung der sidonischen Sarkophage' in Jahr. d. archaeol. Inst. 10 (1894). But the present writer cannot concur in Studniczka's dating of the tombs of Tabnit and Eshmuna'zar (see below).

2 Probably the sarcophagus of the Mourning Women dates from his reign.

3 Six, Nuinism. Chron. 1877 ; Rev. nuinisin. 1883 ; Babelon, Bull, de corresp. hellen. 15, 1891, and in Cat. des monnaies grecques de le Bibl. Nat. 2 ( 'Les Perses Achdmenides', 1893).

It is clear that Berytus throughout belonged to the kingdom of Byblos. Then comes the territory of Sidon to which also Ornithopolis N. of Tyre belonged, whilst Sarepta nearer Sidon was a possession of the Tyrians. The coast down to Akko and Carmel is Tyrian. The Palestinian maritime plain during the Persian period was also shared by the two states. Dor, probably also Joppa, was Sidonian ; Ashkelon and presumably Ashdod (Azotus) to the N. of it were Tyrian. 1 Only Gaza formed an independent commonwealth of very cosmopolitan character which steadily rose in importance, above all as the goal of the S. Arabian caravans. During the Persian period it issued coins of Attic type and Attic standard.

Of Sidon we have already spoken. Regarding Tyre we possess only the quite legendary narrative preserved in Justin (183).

According to Justin's story, the city was long and variously attacked by the Persians, and came off from the struggle, victorious indeed, but so exhausted that it fell into the hands of the slaves who rose in insurrection and massacred their masters. Only one, a certain Straton, was saved by his slaves, and afterwards, after he had shown the superiority of his gifts, made king by the insurgents. In consequence, Alexander at his conquest of Tyre, by way of exemplary punishment, caused all the survivors to be crucified with the exception of the descendants of Straton, whom he reinstalled as rulers. If this narrative contains any historical element at all, the struggles with the Persians of which it speaks can in reality only be the Assyrian and Chaldaean sieges, and it might perhaps be assumed that after these a revolution may have broken out, in which the dependent population made themselves masters of the city. Possibly the introduction of Suffetes in the Chaldaean period may have been connected with this. The whole story, however, is of so dubious a character that it is hardly possible for us to give it any place in history. 2

Arados rose in importance during the Persian period ; the whole of the opposite coast was subject to it : on the N. Paltos and Balanaia ; then, opposite Arados, Karnos or Kama (so Plin. 5:78), which in the second century B.C. for some time issued coins inscribed pp (Ant-Arados, mod. Tartus, is of later origin and is mentioned only in Ptolemy) ; then Marathus (on Hellenistic coins rno), which though never mentioned in the older period had in Alexander's time become a great and prosperous town ; finally, Simyra and the regions of the Eleutheros (Arr. 2:13:7-8 = Curt. 4:1:6 ; Strab. 16:2:12, 16:2:16).

Under the Persian rule Phoenicia, in common with all Western Asia, enjoyed for a period of a century and a half an epoch of peaceful prosperity, within which, apart from the intervention of the Phoenician fleets in the struggle with Greece (480-449) and afterwards in that against Sparta (396-387), there is nothing of importance to relate. It was not until the decline of the Empire had become growingly evident under Artaxerxes II. (404-359) that Phoenicia also became involved in the confusions and contests which again broke out.

Euagoras of Salamis, who in the unceasing conflict between Greeks and Phoenicians for supremacy in the island had once again for a short time secured the ascendancy for the Grecian element in 387, supported by Akoris of Egypt, conquered Tyre also and ruled it for a time (Isocr. Euag. 62 ; Pane. 161 ; Diod. 15:2). Straton of Sidon (see above) held close relations with his son Nicocles ; both became involved in the great Satrap revolt of 362 and, on the victory of the Persians, were compelled to seek their own death - Straton by the hand of his wife (Jer. adv. Jovin. 1:45).

Most disastrous was the revolt of all Phoenicia which in 350 Tennes of Sidon in alliance with Nectanebos of Egypt stirred up, embittered by the harsh oppression exercised by the Persian kings over Egypt and by the deeds of violence perpetrated by the satraps and generals in Sidon. The outbreak in Sidon was one of great violence ; the populace wasted the royal park, burnt the stores at the royal stables, and put to death as many of the Persians as fell into their hands. At first the movement seemed likely to succeed. When, however, Artaxerxes III. advanced at the head of a great army, Tennes and his captain of mercenaries, the Rhodian Mentor - who afterwards played so great a part, as also did his brother Memnon, in the Persian service - surrendered the city to the king, who gave free course to his vengeance. Sidon was given up to massacre and flame. More than 40,000 inhabitants are said to have perished - chiefly by their own hands or in the flames of the conflagration they themselves had kindled. The traitor Tennes himself, after he had served his turn, the Persian king caused to be put to death. Hereupon the other Phoenician cities sur rendered (Diod. 16:41+). In Sidon we again at a later date find a king Straton installed by the Persians.

1 See the (unfortunately very fragmentary) notice in Scylax, 104.

2 One is strongly tempted to suspect that it is in some way connected with the story of Abdalonymos (referred by Diodorus to Tyre) and derived from that. This appears to be the supposition of Judeich also (Jahrb. d. archtfol. Inst. 10 167, n. 2).

22. Macedonian and Roman period.[edit]

When Alexander, after the battle of Issus (Nov. 333), marched on Phoenicia, the city-kings with their contingents were with the Persian fleet in the Aegean. The cities, however, opened their gates to him and the Persian fleet dispersed. In Sidon Alexander was received with enthusiasm ; he deposed king Straton and elevated to the throne a descendant of the old royal house, Abdalonymos, who is alleged to have been living as a gardener in very humble circumstances. 1 Tyre alone was recalcitrant, and declined to admit Alexander to the island city, where he wished to make an offering to Heracles ; plainly its hope was to regain its independence, and as in former days to be able to defy the lords of the mainland. Alexander, however, was too strong for it. The fleets of the other Phoenician cities, those of the kings of Cyprus, as well as ships from Rhodes and Asia Minor, were at his disposal. By a causeway which he constructed in the sea - it has ever since connected the island with the mainland - he brought his siege engines to bear. After a seven month s siege the city was carried by storm (July 332). The entire population, so far as it had survived the horrors of the siege, was sold into slavery, to the number of 30,000 ; mercy was shown only to those who had sought asylum in the sanctuary of Herakles, among them king Azemilkos, the higher officials, and the members of a festal embassy from Carthage. The city itself had a new population sent to it, and in the period immediately following Tyre figures as one of the chief garrison-cities of the Macedonians.

The subsequent history of Phoenicia can be told very shortly. After Alexander s death the satrapy of Syria fell to Laomedon ; but in 320 he was displaced by Ptolemy of Egypt. In 315 Antigonus made himself master of Syria, and maintained himself there despite repeated attempts of Ptolemy to dislodge him. He died on the battlefield of Ipsus (301), and his kingdom fell to pieces. Demetrius secured, amongst other fragments, Sidon, Tyre, and portions of Palestine ; it was not until he went to Greece in 296 that Seleucus came into possession. Among the many cities which he founded, we must probably reckon Laodicea, to the S. of Tyre, the ruins of which are now known as Umm el-'Awamid. After the death of Seleucus (281 ) Ptolemy II. became master of Palestine, Coelesyria, and Phoenicia, and not only he but also his successors continued to hold them despite all efforts of the Seleucidoe to dis possess them, till 197. Aradus alone and its territory (also Orthosia ; see Euseb. Chron. 1:251, ed. Schoene) were retained by the Seleucidas, who greatly favoured that city.

The era of Aradus dates from the year 259, which may be taken as marking the termination of the native kingdom ; it is probable that in that year the city along with the republican constitution granted by Antiochus II. took at the same time the position of a free city - i.e., became exempt from the jurisdiction of the satraps, like the cities of Ionia. Seleucus II. (247-225), having been supported by Aradus in his struggle with his brother Antiochus Hierax, added the further privilege that it was not compelled to surrender a subject of the Seleucidae who had taken refuge there, but was permitted to intern him - a concession that greatly raised the prestige of the city (Strabo, 16:2:14). In 218 the city is completely free, and enters into a treaty of alliance with Antiochus the Great in the war against Ptolemy IV. (Polyb. 568).

1 The story is related in thoroughly romantic style by Curtius (4:1:15+) and Justin (11:10). In Diodorus (17:47) it is referred to Tyre, and in Plutarch (De fort. At. 28) even to Paphos, and the house of the Cinyradae. Abdalonymos of Sidon is mentioned also in Pollux (G 105).

Marathus, on the other hand, seems to have made use of the political situation to emancipate itself from Aradus ; from 278 onwards it coins money after the Seleucid era, but with the heads of Lagid kings and queens. l The other Phoenician possessions of Aradus also seek to gain independence ; in 218 Antiochus the Great mediates between them and Aradus. At a later date Karne also for some time issued autonomous coins. But the Aradians were in the end successful in reasserting their supremacy. About 148 they attempted, after having bribed Ammonius the minister, to destroy Marathus with the help of the royal troops by an assault which, at the last moment, after the Aradians had already put to death the ambassadors of the hated city contrary to the law of nations, was frustrated by the warning of an Aradaean sailor, who by night swam over to Marathus (Diod. 885). Finally, in the time of Tigranes, with whom (or soon afterwards) the coins of Marathus come to an end, they achieved their object, Marathus was destroyed and its territory like that of Simyra divided into agricultural lots (Strabo, 16:2:12). Under the Roman rule, the whole coast from Paltos to the Eleutherus belonged to them.

Of the cities of the Ptolemaean domain Sidon is again the only one of which we know anything. Here the kingship continued to subsist for a long time. When Ptolemy I. in 312 became for the time lord of Phoenicia he appears to have made his general Philokles, son of Apollonides, king of Sidon, for this title is borne by Philokles in inscriptions of Athens and Delos (CZA 2:1371 ; Bull. Corr. hell. 4:327, 14:409, cp 407, etc.). His rule can have been only quite transitory, however, although he continued to take the title, for in 311 Phoenicia and all Syria had already been reclaimed and readministered by Demetrius the son of Antigonus. Philocles, although as already said he continued to wear the title, appears in the immediately following years as Ptolemy's commander-in-chief on the Aegean. 2 In the third century we again meet with a native royal family which also exercised the priesthood of Astarte (see above) ; to it belong kings Eshmunazar I., Tabnit (pronunciation quite uncertain ; perhaps identical with lYvi T/s [Tennes]) and Eshmunazar II., all of whom we know of through the sarcophagi of the two last named.

The sarcophagi are Egyptian, in mummy form : that of Tabnit bears the epitaph of an Egyptian general Penptah, and seems to have been stolen from an Egyptian tomb, perhaps in the conquests of Artaxerxes III, and then to have passed into the hands of the king of Sidon. Both coffins bear a Phoenician inscription with imprecatory formulas against the violator of tombs ; 3 that of Eshmunazar also enumerates his buildings and other benefactions to Sidon. The date of these inscriptions has been much disputed, but should most probably be assigned to the Ptolemaean period and to the middle of the third century B.C. 4 The preference shown for poor Egyptian coffins, and these stolen, over the splendid Greek works of art which the kings of the Persian period had caused to be made, certainly shows an amazing degeneracy of taste, a native reaction against the Greek polish of Straton and Abdalonymus. In priests of Astarte, however, and under the rule of the Ptolemies such a phenomenon presents nothing surprising. The Ptolemies were never favourable, as the Seleucida: were, to Hellenism and the fusion of nationalities and civilisations, but dealt with the native populations as subject races sharply separated from the ruling Macedonian Greek race.

1 For this and subsequent data derived from coins see Babelon, op. cit.

2 That the case was so has been shown by Homolle in Bull. Corr. hell. 15:137. Formerly a later date was given to him.

3 [For the inscription of Tabnit, cp Driver, TBS, Introd. pp. 26-29]

4 Eshmunazar designates his overlord as 'Lord of kings' (n^D JIN)> which is the standing title of the Ptolemies in Phoenician inscriptions (CIS 1:93, 1:95, inscriptions of Ma'sub. and of Larnax Lapithu ; transferred to the Seleucida;, CIS 1:7). So far as we know, the Persian king always took the title 'king of kings', ca^o [So- At present we must allow decisive weight to this argument of Clermont-Ganneau.

Eshmunazar II. reigned for 14 years in conjunction with his mother Am astart the sister and wife of Tabnit. 'In compensation for the great tribute paid by me, the lord of kings presented us with Dor and Joppa, the magnificent grain lands 1 in the plain of Sharon, and we added them to the territory so that they became for ever the possession of the Sidonians'. 1 The old Sidonian possessions on the Palestinian coast thus came back to them once more. Eshmunazar died while still young, leaving apparently no children. On his death perhaps, or at all events not long afterwards, a republican constitution was introduced in Sidon.

To this, not to the later era of 111 B.C., must be referred the era by which a bilingual honorary decree of the Sidonian colony in the Piraeus is dated: 'in the 15th year of the people of Sidon'. 2 The inscription (Kenan, Rev. Arch. 3 ser. t. 11 [1888], p. 4-6. ; Hoffmann, Ueber einige Phoen. Inschr., in Abh. Gott. Ges. 1889, p. 36) belongs, as Kuhler observed (CIA ii. suppl. 1335 b), to the third century or only a little after it.

In Tyre the same thing occurred in 274 ; it is by the era of 'the people of Tyre' (274-273) that one of the inscriptions of Umm el-Awamid (CAS 17) and of Ma'sub is dated. This district accordingly must have remained Tyrian. On the other hand, Akko became independent. Coins are extant, with Phoenician legends (nay), dated most probably according to the Seleucidan era, down to the year 47 ( = 267 B.C.), 3 when Akko was changed by Ptolemy II. into a Greek city bearing the name Ptolemais (first mentioned Polyb. 437). With regard to Byblos we have no information. Tripolis had doubtless been an independent commonwealth from the beginning of the period of the Diadochi ( Diod. 195885); Babelon attempts to make out for it an independent era from the year 156, the place of which was afterwards taken by the Seleucidan era. Berytus also issued autonomous coins for some time during the second century.

From 197 onwards all Phoenicia belonged to the Seleucidce ; but not for long. Soon after, with the death of Antiochus Epiphanes (164 B.C.), began the collapse of the kingdom - the revolt of the Jews, the appearance of rival claimants to the throne, the loss of the eastern provinces. At last came the complete break up at the end of the second century. For some time the kingdom was in the hands of Tigranes of Armenia (82-69).

Phoenicia was affected in various ways by these con fusions. Berytus was destroyed by Diodoros Tryphon (141-138 ; Strabo, 16:2:19). On the other hand Tyre, probably in 126 B.C., 'for a small sum' (Strabo, 16:2:23), and Sidon in 111, received complete autonomy; with these years new eras begin for each of the respective cities. Aradus in the time of Tigranes destroyed Marathus (see above), and regained all its old territory. On the other hand Arabian robber tribes established themselves in Lebanon, wasting the territories of Byblos and Berytus, and seizing Botrys and other places on the coast (Strabo, 16:2:18). In Byblos and Tripolis usurpers or 'tyrants' (Strabo, l.c. ; Jos. Ant. 14:3:2) arose, as in so many other places in Syria.

To this intolerable state of affairs an end was put by Pompey in 64. He made Syria a Roman province and established order everywhere. The robber tribes were subjugated, the tyrants of Byblos and Tripolis put to death. The privileges and the territories of Aradus, Sidon, and Tyre were confirmed and enlarged (Strabo, 16:2:14, 16:2:23; Jos. Ant. 15:4:1). In an inscription Tripolis also is called iepa /cat d<ri>Xos /ecu aiV^vo/uoj ai vavapxis [iera kai asulos kai autonomos kai nauarchis]. In the main these arrangements proved permanent, though of course not without certain modifications. Thus Augustus on account of internal disturbances deprived Tyre and Sidon of their freedom ; that is, he placed them under the direct oversight of the imperial legate (Dio Cass. 547; in 20 B.C.). Their civic self-government, however, with aristocratic institutions, he preserved and maintained in the Phoenician communities as elsewhere throughout Syria.

In the centuries that followed Alexander's time, the Greek influence in Syria became continually stronger. The Phoenician language occasionally appears in conjunction with the Greek legends on coins down to the second century A.D. , and in the mouth of the common people was superseded, as in the case of the Jews, not by Greek but by Aramaic, as Philo of Byblos shows (see above, 15). Greek everywhere makes its appearance alongside of it, however, and in the inscriptions Greek rules alone from the l>eginning of the Roman period. Relations with the Greek world become continually more and more active ; here Sidon takes the pre-eminence by far. Among the Phoenicians who are named in Greek inscriptions the Sidonians form a majority.

As early as the end of the fourth century we find a Sidonian - Apollonides son of Demetrius (he may have been the father of king Philocles mentioned above) - receiving, on account of the services he had rendered to Attic merchants and sailors, the honour of a Proxenos and Benefactor, and the right to acquire landed property in Attica (CIA 2:171). Of a still earlier date is the decree in favour of two Tyrians (ib. 170).

From the second century the sons of Sidonians, Berytians, and Aradians enter the corps of the Attic ephebi (CIA 2:482, 2:467, 2:469, 2:471, 2:482), and among the victors in gymnastic games there figure in Athens (ib. 2:448, 2:498, 2:966, 2:968, 2:970) and elsewhere (Bull. corr. hell. 5;207 [Cos], 6:146 [Delos]) Sidonians, Tyrians, Berytians, Byblians. Soon we meet with artists (e.g. , CIA 2:1318) and philosophers who come from Sidon and Tyre (Strabo, 16:2:24) ; and, however much they may try to preserve their native traditions, they become imbued with Greek elements, as Philo's exposition of the Phoenician religion visibly shows.

The Roman rule introduced also a Latin element. Augustus in 14 B.C. caused Berytus to be rebuilt as a Roman colony, and settled in it two veteran legions (Strabo, 16:2:20, etc.). From that time Latin became the official and prevailing language of the city, which was endowed with an extensive territory reaching as far as to the source of the Orontes. Under Claudius, Ptolemais, under Septimius Severus, Tyre, and under Elagabalus, Sidon became Roman colonies.

The trade and prosperity of the Phoenician towns received a great impetus under the peaceful, orderly rule of the Roman emperors and their governors. On the other hand the Phoenician speech and nationality - like so many others - became extinct within the same period. In N. Africa alone did they continue to drag on a further existence for some centuries longer - how degenerately, is conclusively attested by the language and writing of the inscriptions.

1 Or lands of Dagon ; see DAGON, DOR, 3.

2 As long as the kingship lasted, dates were given by the regnal years ; when it ceased the dating was given according to the years of 'the people' - i.e., of the republic (where not along with, or exclusively by, the Seleucidan era).

3 Cp Babelon, op. cit. 177

23. Literature.[edit]

Among works dealing with Phoenician history or portions of it, after Bochart's Phaleg et Canaan (1646), special mention is due to Movers' Die Phonizier (1842-1856), which long enjoyed a great reputation. In reality it is quite uncritical and unscientific, and at every opportunity falls into the most fantastic combinations ; it is impossible to warn the reader too earnestly of the need for caution in its use. Good and very useful, on the other hand, are the short surveys by von Gutschmid (art. Phoenicia in EfiW\\%9o\ff.\ in German in the 2nd vol. of his Kleine Schriften) and by Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phoenizier, Berlin, 1889 (in Oncken s Allgem. Gesch. in Einzel-darstellungen). See further the Phoenician sections of the larger works on ancient history ; in particular, Duncker s Gesch. d. Alterthiitus. Maspero s Hist. anc. des pcufles de f Orient, and E. Meyer s Gesch. d. Alterthums. Also H. Winckler s Zur phonm-ch- Karthagischen Geschichte, a number of often very bold hypotheses (Altar. Forschungen, 1 [1897] 421-462). For Carthage Meltzer s Gesch. d. Karthager (2 vols. as yet ; 1879, 1895) is thorough. On Phoenician religion see further Baudissin. Stud. zur sentit. Rel.-gesch. 1 [1876], 2 [1878], Baethgen, Beitr. zur son. Rel.-gesch. [1888], Noldeke in ZDMG 42 470 ff., several articles of E. Meyer in Roscher s Lex. d. Griech. u. Kot. Mythologie^ in particular the article Baal, \y&T ff. (the older articles ? Astarte and El are antiquated) and W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem.W, 1894. E. M.