Encyclopaedia Biblica/Reuben-River of Egypt

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Reuben-River of Egypt
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  • Mention (1).
  • A lost tribe (2).
  • First-born (3).
  • Bilhah, Bohan (4).
  • Altar story (5).
  • Other stories (6).
  • Name (7-9).
  • Meaning of stories (10).
  • Genealogies (11-13).
  • Lists of cities (14).

1. Mention.[edit]

Reuben {1} is repeatedly mentioned in the Hexateuch as a branch of Israel. It is often associated with Gad, and is known to each of the documents underlying the Hexateuch. The reader naturally infers that the writers of those documents had knowledge of such a community. He may indeed think it prudent to test the legitimacy of that inference, when he misses references elsewhere in the Hebrew writings. Still, the argumentum e silentio must be used with great care. 2 The facts seem to be these. Outside of the fixed tribal lists (in Chron. , Ezek. , and, in the NT, in Rev.) and the Chronicler's genealogies, 3 Reuben is known, apart from an at best anachronistic gloss in 2 K. 10:33 (descriptive of the district harassed by Hazael), through the mention in the enumeration in Judg. 5 (v. 15-16). That chapter contains very old material and few will question its authority even when it stands alone. Only, however, if we are sure that the passage says what the poet meant it to say. That, however, does not appear to have been questioned, so far as the mention of Reuben is concerned.* Discussion has been confined to the question, where the mention appearing after 15a and again, in a slightly variant form, after 16a really belongs. Still, is not the simplest explanation of the double occurrence, that the clause is really a gloss ? Other difficulties would thus be removed. It always seemed strange that so remote a community as the traditional Reuben should be mentioned by name. 8 To speak of Gilead in general, on the other hand, without naming tribes, would be natural. Later, Gilead 8 would be taken to mean Gad, whilst Machir was perhaps referred to 'half-Manasseh', and so a reference of some kind or other would be made on the margin to Reuben. If it be thought that probability is in favour of the reference in Judg. 5 being contemporary evidence, 7 the problem before us is to determine where Reuben lived and to explain the fact that in historical times Reuben had no significance. If the other view is taken, the problem is to account for the references in the Hexateuch.

2. A lost tribe.[edit]

A survey of the references (in the Hexateuch) to Reuben suggests that the solid element in them all is the belief that there once was an important community called Reuben and that for some reason it had lost its place ; it was a sort of Ad or Thainud. It is usually supposed that tradition preserved the memory of a more or less definite geo graphical district occupied by Reubenites. It may have done so. The evidences of such a tradition, however, are far from copious. Most of what we are told about a territory of Reuben is in D (Dt. 3:12, 3:16, 4:43, Josh. 13:5-12) and P (much of Nu. 32, Josh. 13:15-23, 20:8, 21:36-37) and cannot safely be used for the present purpose (see 14). There seems to be only one passage (Nu. 32:37-38) which can perhaps be attributed to J (see, however, Oxf. Hex. ). All it has to say is that certain six (Moabite) towns were, in the Mosaic age(?) 'built' by the sons of Reuben (see below, 14). The absence of any reference to a people called Reuben in the Mesha inscription although it mentions three of the six towns and refers to 'the men of Gad' as having 'dwelt in the land of 'Ataroth from of old (nVyo)' seems to require us to suppose that the statement of J, if not unhistorical, rests on a memory of days long gone. That there was a firm belief in an ancient Reuben is, indeed, clear. The point is that it need not imply a knowledge of where it had been settled. In Gen. 35:21-22, J seems to connect Reuben with West Palestine (see 4), and even in P there seems to be a trace of a belief of the same kind (Josh. 15:6, 18:1-2, [section] 4), which may be represented in the strange story of the 'altar' (5), and in the idea that Reuben crossed into West Palestine to help the other tribes to effect a settlement (cp GAD).

1 On the name see below : on the form, 8 ; on OT explanations, 7 ; on real meaning, 9.

2 Special caution is needed in regard to questions bearing on the tribes.

3 On the statements in 1 Ch. 5 see 13. On 1 Ch. 11:42 see 13 (end).

4 Winckler has suggested that 'Asher' is not a tribe name but a pronoun ("t^N), and that 'Dan' was not mentioned originally (GI 2:134, no. 26-27).

5 Of course Reuben may have been settled in West Palestine at the time referred to (see next note) ; but the pastoral character assigned to the tribe in the clause probably shows that its author thought of the East (cp GAD, 11).

6 Steuernagel suggests (Einwanderung, 20) that the mention of Gilead, not Reuben, in v. 1ja may be because Reuben was still seated in W. Palestine (see below, 10).

7 It would not decide the question where Reuben lived (see preceding two notes).

3. First-born.[edit]

Whatever was thought of the place where Reuben had lived, a great deal of interest was felt in his fate (cp 10). Reuben is everywhere the first-born (see end of section). In E indeed there was perhaps an interval of considerable length between him and Leah's other sons : Naphtali seems to be for E Jacob's third son (cp NAPHTALI, 2). Whether this was so in the original J we cannot say : it would account for Reuben s being the finder of the duda'im (ib. ), 1 which E does not mention. In J as we have it, however, Reuben has three own brothers when he finds the duda'im which lead to the birth of Joseph 2 (cp ZEBULUN). The only tale E has to tell about Reuben is of how he tried to deliver Joseph 3 (Gen. 37:22, 37:29), and reminded his brothers of the fact (42:22 ; see below, 10, end), and how he offered his own two sons (cp 11) as a pledge of the safe return of Benjamin. The most significant point in all this is that Reuben was the first-born. On that point there seems to be complete agreement. The problem is discussed in 1 Ch. 5:1-2. The view of the writer of that passage is that Reuben forfeited his right (as first-born) to the special blessing, which fell to Joseph, who thus became two tribes, although his rival Judah 4 ultimately outdid him. 5

1 According to Stucken ( 'Ruben im Jakobssegen' in MVG for 1902, 4:46-72, which appeared after this article was in type) the finding of the duda'im was ascribed to Reuben as a patriarchal eponym on a level with Jacob. Later syncretism made him Jacob's son.

2 Steuernagel suggests (Einwanderung, 17) that in the original story what Reuben did was not to make over the duda'im to Leah but to use them to win the favour of Rachel, or rather Bilhah, whence Bohan (cp NAPHTALI, 1-2). This is very ingenious, but does not explain the obvious relation of the duda'im to Issachar and Joseph. According to Stucken (see preceding note) Reuben's incest was with Leah herself, who may at one time have been called Bilhah.

3 It is probable that in Gen. 37:21 (J) 'Reuben' is redactional for Judah. See next note.

4 In the Joseph story the leader is Judah in J, Reuben in E (cp preceding footnote) ; cp Steuernagel, Eimvandcrung; 34.

5 According to Guthe, GVI 42, Reuben's hegemony belonged to the time preceding the settlement of the Rachel tribes (cp RACHEL, 1b)- Those tribes which acknowledged his leadership were called Leah ; the later (Rachel) tribes acknowledged the hegemony of Joseph.

6 Against the suggestion of Dillmann and Stade (GVI 1:151) that the story implies more primitive morals in the half-nomad Reubenites, see Holzinger, ad loc.

7 Later writers refused to believe the story (cp the case of SIMEON [9i, end; see also 4]). In Targum (Ps.-Jon. ad loc.) Midrash (Gen. rabba 98-99), Talmud (Shabb. 55b), and Bk. of Jashar, Reuben only disturbed a couch (cp Charles, Jubilees, 33, n. 2 and 33:1, 33:6).

8 Through angels, according to Test. Reub.

4. Bilhah, Bohan.[edit]

The rest of the points may belong to the decking out of the story (see, however, below, 10, end). Not so in the case of what J has to tell us in Gen. 35:22. No doubt the story was once told with more detail 6 (Test. Reub. 3, and Jubilees, 8:33, show how it could be done). 7 This story seems to be J's explanation of how Reuben lost his rank. What Jacob did when he heard 8 of Reuben's deed has been suppressed by R. 1 It can be inferred, however, from the 'Blessing of Jacob' : 2

Reuben ! thou wast my first-born
My might and the first-fruits of my manhood ;
Exceeding in impetuosity, 3 exceeding in passion 1
Foaming like water . . . 4
For thou didst ascend thy father's couch.
Then did I curse the bed 5 he ascended. 8

Even without Gunkel's emendation of the last line it is plain that the sequel to Gen. 35:22 was a father's curse, 7 which brought doom on the tribe (cp BLESSINGS AND CURSINGS). The effect becomes still more clear in the 'Blessing of Moses' :

Let Reuben live (on), let him not die (out) !
Still, let him 8 become a (mere) handful of men !9

The story of Bohan the son of Reuben may have been connected with the same legend (cp NAPHTALI). We ought perhaps, however, to translate the word 'bohan'. The landmark would then be the thumb-stone 10 of the son (or sons LXX{BL} in Josh. 18:17]) of Reuben. The suggestion made elsewhere, however, is perhaps better : the suggestion, namely, that there is a slight corruption of the text, and that we ought to read : stone of the sons of Reuben ( 33 pN pitn : reading 33 for p pa, as jna might be a trans posed nj3 = ja)-

5. Josh. 22, altar.[edit]

The reading of LXX{BL} in Josh. 18:17 would support this view. In its favour is the ease with which it could be brought into connection with a story which is otherwise perplexing. The stone (or was it really a group of stones?) in question was near 'Geliloth' (Josh. 18:17 : see GILGAL, 6b). Now it was at the 'Geliloth' of the Jordan that, we are told, there was erected a sacred object to which was given a name that has been lost (see ED, GALEED, 2). The present text of Josh. 22 leaves it uncertain on which side of Jordan the sacred erection stood, and it ascribes the building to Reuben and Gad (and half Manasseh !). Perhaps Gad is an addition 11 connected with the view that the stone was east of the Jordan. No doubt the object was not an 'altar', but a massebah or a circle of stones (see GILGAL, i), and the story 12 may be connected in some way with an attempt to account for the loss of Reuben's status. 13

The suggestion just made gains, perhaps, in plausibility from the fact that in E, and probably J, there is another story that may have served the same purpose (next ).

1 According to Stucken (above, n. 1) various analogies suggest that Israel castrated Reuben for his crime ( 'eye for eye, etc.' ), 53.

2 On this passage see n. 5.

3 Read perhaps HNp with Gunkel.

4 MT "IJVn S\ , obscure; see Stucken, MVG, 1902, p. 171.

5 Read perhaps JHS^ fp TD with Gunkel. For some interesting suggestions as to the original purport of the passage see Stucken (as above, n. 1), 46-52.

6 According to Jubilees. 33:7, 33:9, and Test. Reub., Bilhah became taboo to Jacob henceforth.

7 Gunkel compares Iliad, 9:447+ (Amyntor's curse [455-456] on his son Phoinix for a deed similar to Reuben's).

8 On the reference of this to Simeon in LXX{AL} see SIMEON, 3.

9 Cp Ball, PSBA 15:122 (1896) : -is DD TO .

ln In Assyrian there is no conscious metaphor in the use of abanu in this way.

11 Cp OS 246:61-62 reAeiAoSS. TOJTOS napa. TOV lopSdvrii , evOa, Bvaiaarrfpiov eoTrjcrai oi vioi Pou/SiV.

12 On the geographical import of this and the preceding story see 10.

13 Does the story in Josh. 22 contain a reference to the name Reuben : see v. 28 HliT rl2TO rrparrriN ?N1 (reu . . . [ta]bn[ith]) and v. 10 rmiD 1 ? ^TTJ H31D 1J3 1 ([wayyi]bnu . . . [lema]r'e)?

6. Other stories.[edit]

In the older parts of Nu. 16 the leaders of Reuben (see below, 10) dare to challenge the authority of Moses and thus bring divine judgment on themselves. It is even possible that there was still another story of the same kind (see below, 10 [i]). These stories, as they attribute to Reuben an importance which there is nothing in history to suggest, may be due to a tradition of conflict between some representative Israelitish clan and a Reubenite community. On the other hand, they may be simply popular or other stories designed to explain the sup posed collapse of a Reuben people.

The real cause of Reuben's disappearance may have been the inroad of Moab, which was perhaps not so early as to prevent a vague memory of what had preceded from surviving (see GAD, 11, mid. and cp MOAB, 14, foot). On the other hand, there is the possibility that Reuben's abode was not really in the east. We have found several hints of a belief that Reuben had been west of the Jordan (see further, below, 10), to which we shall return (10) in the light of the considerations suggested by a study of Reuben's name.

7. OT explanations of name.[edit]

The meaning of the name Reuben is not apparent. There seem to be traces of more than one explanation.

i. J ( Gen 29:32a) takes it to mean 'Yahwe looks at my affliction' and finds in it a reference to what Leah had had to bear as the hated wife (nKir ; v. 33 : see Gunkel ad loc. ).

ii. E (Gen. 29:32b), on the other hand, sees a reference to some point in the conduct of Jacob : 'my husband will . . . me'.

MT reads 'will love me' ; but it is difficult to believe that this is sound. The versions, indeed, agree (ayamjcret [agapesei], amabit ; nerham [Pesh.]) with MT ; but so slight a change would make the word chime with Reuben ( jnnN : |31Nl) that it is natural to suppose that it must have done so.1 Gunkel suggests as the original a word cognate with the Aramaic aim, 'to praise'. The Reubenites are in the traditions so hard to distinguish from the Gadites that E may well have connected with the name Reuben a wish like that expressed in Dt. 33:20 (ij 3rno) with regard to Gad : 'he will make me spread forth' ; or, since the subject is 'husband' not 'Yahwe', might we give the word its Arabic meaning and render 'welcome me ?' 2

iii. Josephus explains Roubel, Poi /rfajAoj [roubelos] (Ant. 1:19:7), his form of the name (see 8), by saying that Leah felt she had experienced the mercy of God (5i6rt KO.T Z\(ov avrfj TOV 6fov ytvoiro).3

8. Form of name.[edit]

It is not certain what the last consonant of the name is.

The traditional forms are JSIXV, pou/3i)v [rouben] [BADEFL], -peiv [-bein] [Gen. 42:22, 42:37 E], -/Sin [-bim] [L in 2 K. 10:33, Ch. ; E in Gen. 30:14], povfrv [roubin] 1 Ch. 5:1, 5:3 [L], Joseph. -/3i)Aoj [-belos], 4 7 3, 166 var. povftt.fi [roubim] ; Syr. rubil ; Vg. Ruben ; gentilic Reutoenite 33 tn, in LXX not usually distinguished from the personal form, but 1 Ch. 11:42 poi>/3)i/i [roubeni] [L], 26:32 pov/37]i<[e]i. [rouben[e]i] [BA], Josh. 22:1 pov/Si/i irai [roubenitai] [A] ; Josephus, oi povflr)viTa.i [roubenitai], 17 pou/37)Ais ^>uArj.

The explanations adduced already (7) imply that the final consonant was early pronounced as n ; but Hos. 4:15, 5:8, 10:5 make it probable that in the case of Bethel the n which has established itself in the modern local pronunciation (Beitin) took the place of l early. 4

1 On the other hand, we must remember that the old etymologists were easily content (cp Gunkel).

2 The most obvious derivation 'Behold ! a son' is passed over : names with imperatives (Olshaus. Lehrb. 613), common in Assyrian, were probably not in use among the Hebrews (cp Gray, HPN 65-66). Gesen. thought of ?a in the sense of 'provided'. The Glossie Colbcrtinte gives PovjSrji-, opo^ ulo? (Lag. OS&).

3 Did he think of ^>3 INI (3 of agent : cp Targ. Jon. Ji3^y "~Cnj3. ^?), or possibly ^K Dirn?

4 Cp Barth, Etym. Stud., 19.

5 Cp D3N-I. ZDMG 26425 TSBA 6:199.

6 A name occurring several times in the Turin papyrus as borne by kings of the thirteenth Egyptian dynasty, a resemblance to which has been noticed (e.g., by C. Niebuhr, Ebr. Zeitgesch. 250 [1894], and, without approval, by Ball, SBOT [1896]). cannot plausibly be connected with Reuben : it is of course a personal name, and is doubtless to be read Wbn-re ( 'rising of Re'), not Ra-uben.

9. Meaning.[edit]

The real origin of the name is unknown,

i. On the view that the final letter was n, Baethgen (Beitr. 59, 1888) connects with the Arabic Ru'ba = Rubat-is (CIL 8:2415), comparing the ending en in Yarden (EV 'Jordan' ), and so, before him, Land (De Gids, Oct. 1871, p. 21) who is reminded of Arab, ra'ab. The inscription, Glaser 302, from Hadakan, speaks of a tribe pNT 5 33 (CIS 4 no. 37, l. 5), 'sons of R'bn', 6 vowels unknown. The comparison of the en in Yarden is not necessary. Reuben might be a name on the analogy of SIMEON (8i), GIDEON, etc. Reuben would then be a case of the kind referred to by Barth, NB, p. xxix, n. i, in which the termination instead of preserving its old vowel a (as in Shulhan ; not shulhon, to avoid concurrence of 'rounded' vowels) changed it to e {1} (cp x 1 ?^ instead of ri^, for earlier *^).

ii. Some also of the explanations assuming the last consonant to be l take the name to be simple. Ball derives it from the root r'b 2 which in Arabic means 'to repair', 3 comparing the noun ra'ub which is applied metaphorically (Zamahshari, Asas acc. to Lane, but not in Cairo ed. ) to describe one as a rectifier of affairs. *

Lagarde suggested (OS (2) 367-368) that Reuben, or rather Re'oben, is to be identified with Ra'abil shortened from Ra'abil, plural of Ri'bal, a lion (or wolf). 5 According to the Taj el'-Arus the rayabil of the Arabs were those 'who used to go on hostile expeditions upon their feet [and alone]'.

According to Ibn Sida the Andalusian (Mohkam 6) 'some say that ri'bal means also one who is the only offspring of his mother' 7 [i.e. opp. of twin : el-Bustani]. 8 Another suggested origin is 'Jerahmeel' (JUDAH, 3) ; cp REU [see Crit. Bib.}.

iii. Others hold the name to be compound,

  • (a) The first element is taken by older writers to be re'u in the sense of 'face' (Kohler, Der Segen Jacobs, 27 [1867]; Kue. Th. T 5:291 [1871]), or re'u in the sense of 'flock' (Redslob, Die A Tlichen Namen, etc., 86 [1846]) ; by later writers to be re'u 9 in the sense of 'friend' ( Kerber, Die Rel.-gesch. Bedeutung der Heb.-Eigennamen des AT, 70) or rather as a divine name 10 (see below, 10).
  • (b) The second half was identified by Nestle (Israel. Eigennamen, 1876) with Bin ( = Bir, Bur), by others (Redslob, 1846; Kohler, 1867; Kue., 1871; Houtsma, 1876 ; Wi. , GI 1 120 n. 2) with Bel.

1 After this article was finished the writer noticed that Barth himself makes this very suggestion {NB 320, end of long note) with the same examples.

2 Cp the personal name *?X3NT in the inscription from Sud, Hal. 353, l. 1.

3 The advent of Reuben was to reconcile Jacob to Leah.

4 It is to ra'b, not, as Ball seems to imply, to ra'ub, that the metaphorical meaning of big, bulky, portly, or corpulent chief is assigned in the Kamus and the Taj el-'Arus.

5 He compares Aroer, plural of Ar'ar (cp above, col. 317, n. i).

6 Quoted by Lane, adz oc.

7 man taliduhu ummuhr wahdahu.

8 Reuben was the first-born of Leah. Rebecca had twins.

9 On the softening of gutturals when r or l occurs in the same word see Wi. AOf 1:287, GI 1:210 n. 4, :120, n. 2.

10 Cp Duval, Rev. As. 8th Ser. 18:126 [1891] ; A. Mez, Gesch. d. Stadt Harran 23 [1892]. Cp the male proper name Ra-'-u in one of the tablets containing deeds of sale, barter, and lease with Phoenician dockets in 3 R. 46 14 d (no. 8, /. n). Ru-'-a is the name of an Aramaic tribe mentioned in the clay tablet inscription of Tiglath-pileser III. 2 R. 67 7, Ru-'-u-a a tribe mentioned twice in Sennacherib's clay prism 1 R. 37 44 4136.

11 Reu-bel and Reu-el were cited as similar tribe-names by Houtsma, 'Israel en Qain', Tk. T 10:92-93 (1876). Cp Skipwith, JQR 11:247, 11:251 [1899].

12 Cp Jehi-el in 1 Ch. 27:32 = 2 S. 23:8 Ish [read yesh?: Marquart, JQR 14:344 n. i] -baal.

13 The root in (Jethro) occurs thrice in the 'blessing' of Reuben in Gen. 49:3-4.

10. Meaning of stories.[edit]

The theory that Reubel contains the names Reu and Bel seems to merit consideration. A parallel formation 11 is the name Reu-el. 12 When one remembers the peculiar mystification that has occurred in connection with the names Hobal || Jethro [| Reuel one is led to ask, May not there be some connection between Reu-el and Reu-bel? 13 There is, in fact, notwithstanding the difference in the tone of the narratives, a strange parallelism between the critical attitude adopted towards Moses by Reu-bel in the earlier story in Nu. 16 and that adopted by Moses' hothen (jnn ; see JETHRO, second paragraph) in Ex. 18 :

'What is this thing that thou doest to the people ? Why sittest thou thyself alone, and all the people stand about thee from morning unto evening ? . . . The thing that thou doest is not good' (Ex. 18:14, 18:17).

Whatever be thought of the particular parallelism just referred to and its bearing on the question of the name Reuben, it is surely suggestive in regard to the general Reuben-problem that we should have a community of no historical importance, but held to be the first-born of Israel, into connection with which it is possible to bring a whole series of stories differing altogether in details, but coinciding in the fundamental point of setting Reuben in some form in opposition to the recognised representatives of Israel :-

  • 1. the criticism of Reuel (Ex. 18)
  • 2. the discontent of the sons of Reubel (Nu. 16)
  • 3. the stone[s] erected by Reubel (Josh. 22) : cp stone of Bohan
  • 4. the ambition 2 of Reubel (Gen. 35:22)
  • 5. the sacrilegious greed of Achar (Achan), if he was really a Reubenite (see below, 12)
  • 6. the disagreement between Reuben and the other sons of Israel (at Dothan?), 3 Gen. 42:22 [E] [ 'ye would not listen' ). 4

We may even find a seventh story when we proceed to consider the Reubenite genealogy (11 ).

These stories seem to imply a widespread conviction of the occurrence at some time of a grave event or series of events. 5 Such convictions are often due to actual reminiscence of fact. It is possible even to go further and reconstruct a history thus :-

The Nu. 16 story (on the details see DATHAN) implies, for example, that Reuben disagreed with its associates at Kadesh and led its party northwards into Palestine. The attribution of Hezron and Carmi clans both to Reuben and to Judah(see 12) means that Reuben settled W. of Jericho in contact with Judah. The Bilhah story (5) means that the Jacob-Rachel tribe spread southwards and had friendly relations with Reuben, but as Benjamin branched off, absorbing such elements as Bilhah had left (see NAPHTALI, i) when it migrated northwards, the relations of Reuben towards Bilhah became less friendly, which brought on Reuben a curse. The altar story (Josh. 22) means that the Josephites of Shechem took umbrage at the southern Josephites (half Manasseh) for having a common sanctuary with the Reubenites, and this anger was afterwards supposed to have been against Reuben. The Dathan and Abiram story means that the Reubenites on their part rebelled against certain pretensions of the south-Josephite priests. Finally, Reuben crossed Jordan and penetrated as a wedge into Gadite territory.{6} 1 Ch. 2:21-23 means that the Reubenite clan Hezron subsequently united with Gileadite clans to produce Segub the father of Jair (cp MANASSEH, 1, section 9).

The arguments for this reconstruction are set forth with skill by Steuernagel (Ein-wanderung). The result is a priori plausible. Is there adequate warrant, however, for so high an estimate of the historical character of the legends (cp B. Luther, ZATW 19:1+ [1901] ; Wi. OLZ2n 7 #, KAT^ 213, etc.)? The questions involved are far-reaching and intricate, and are better treated comprehensively than in relation to one particular tribe (see TRIBES, and cp NAPHTALI, i, begin.). Here we may be content with the general conclusion that a Reuben of some importance was believed to have flourished some time, and the judgment that the belief was probably justified. 1

It must be remembered that if Reuben really lived east of the Jordan there may have been many traditions which failed to find a place in the literature of Western Palestine (cp GAD, 11). On the other hand, it will not be surprising if additional reasons should be found for connecting Reuben with the southern tribes (cp SIMEON, 8 iii. ).

1 The fate of 'Ad and Thamud seems to have appealed to the imagination of Mohammed. They are referred to in the Koran, together or apart, some twenty-one times. Cp the NT references to Sodom.

2 Cp the cases of Abner, Absalom, and Adonijah.

3 Steuernagel supposes that some actual conflict between Joseph and the Leah tribes occurred in the neighbourhood of Dothan (Einwanderung, 97). If so, possibly Reuben sided with Joseph.

4 It seems to be only a further illustration of the extraordinary confusion in the stories about Reuben that in the earlier reference, which appears also to be in E, the brothers did listen (Gen. 37:22-23).

5 Stucken (above) finds a mythological reference in the Reuben saying in Gen. 49:3. Reuben (|| Adam || Behemoth) was a being who once had world power but lost it. He compares the description of Behemoth in Job 40:16 (p. 51), and connects him with the sign Aquarius (p. 69). Otherwise Wi. (7/259.

6 On the question when this might have occurred see the suggestion of Steuernagel (Einwanderung, 20) that it may be connected with 1 Ch. 5:10 (the Hagrites, temp. Saul).

11. Genealogies.[edit]

Reuben was believed to have had two sons. In the Joseph story indeed he had only two ( 'my two sons' Gen. 42:37 [E]) ; and even there it is the death of the two sons that is thought of. In Nu. 16 two sons of Reuben are buried alive (16:31, 33a, J ; 32a, 33b, E). They are called Dathan 2 and Abiram 3 (cp Ps. 106:17, Dt. 1:16). Dathan is a strange name 4 (reminding one of Dothan, the scene of Reuben's argument : see above, 10, 6) ; but Abiram we know as a first-born son who was said to have been buried (alive?) in the foundation of a city. He is said to have been a son of HIEL [q. v. ] yun 3, whereas in Nu. 16 Abiram is a son of Eliab a^jt ; but these (^Nn a and aN ^N 2) are not impossible variants. Abiram's brother is called Segub in MT of 1 K. 16:34 ; but in 1 Ch. 2:21-2 the clan called Segub ben Hezron in MT is in LXX{B} called Serug, which is in Gen. 11:20 a son of Reu (see below, 12, end).

1 On the possibility of a connection between the Leah tribes and the Habiri see NAPHTALI, 3 (sec. par.), SIMEON, 5 ii. ZEBULUN.

2 Josephus (Ant. 4:7:3, 166) reads da0au[ou] [datham[ou]]

3 Josephus (Ant. 4:7:3, 166) adds Pallu [0aAaous]

4 Da-at-nu is a synonum of karradu, 'strong' (Del. Ass. HWB 596a, no. 36), and di-ta-nu is 'ein[starkes] Thier'. Shalmaneser's Black obelisk (l. 161) mentions receiving tribute from a certain Da-ta-na, of Hubushkia (towards Urmia).

5 The passage in Judg. 5 referred to above ( 1) accentuates a strange parallelism between the Reubenites of the genealogies and the Semites of Gen. 11:10 :-

Gen. 11 Reuben Judg. 5
Eber (-QJ;) 7]y (v. 17)
Peleg O^s) 0aAEK [phalek] Ma7O (v. 15b, 16b)
Reu (ijn) Reu-bel Reu-bel
Serug Serug b. Hezron (above, 11) Mp7w (v. 16a)
Abram Abiram (above, 11)

6 NEMUEL (q.v.), who appears in Nu. 26:9 t as a third son (the eldest) of Eliab, may come by mistake from v. 12, where he is the eldest son of Simeon.

12. In P.[edit]

The mention of Hezron brings us to the stock genealogy of Reuben : Gen. 46:9 = Nu. 266 = Ex. 6:14= 1 Ch. 5:3. In it there is, at least at first sight, no trace of the famous two sons. In their stead we find four names : Hanoch, Pallu, Hezron, and Carmi. The first appears as a Midianite clan in Gen. 25:4 (cp GAD, 11), the second ((/>aXXoi S [phallous] generally ; Jos. </>aX[a]oi>s [phal[a]ous]) appears in Nu. 16:1 as Peleth (</>ctXe0 [phaleth] [BAF]), which suggests the Negeb (see PELETH) ; but LXX{L} gives 0aXe [phalek] - i.e. , Peleg. 5 The third and fourth (Hezron and Carmi) appear also, as has been mentioned ( 10), in a genealogy of Judah. In the case of Hezron that seems certain ; although whether the inferences that have been drawn from it are warranted is at least doubtful (cp MANASSEH, 9). The case of Carmi is less secure. In 1 Ch. 4:1 Carmi maybe a mistake for Caleb (We. Benz. ad loc.), and 2:6-7, or at least 2:7, is surely an interpolation. 2:7 might just as well stand after 5:3. On the other hand, in Josh. 7, although v. 1 may not be original, it is difficult to account for Carmi in v. 18 unless there was known to be a Carmi in Judah, or the story was originally told of Reuben, not Judah, as Steuernagel suggests (Einwanderung, p. 19 [e]).

As we have seen, Dt. 11:5 mentions a 'son' of Reuben of the name of Eliab, who in Nu. 26:8 {6} is introduced into the genealogy as a son of Pallu.

Dt. 11:5|colspan="4"|Nu. 26:5-9
Reuben Reuben
¦ ¦
¦ Pallu + 3
¦ ¦
Eliab Eliab
¦ ¦
r + ¬ r T + ¬
¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦
Dathan Abiram Nemuel Dathan Abiram

This (with omission of Nemuel 1 ) seems to be the scheme followed in Nu. 16:1, as we have it. 2 It appears indeed to be complicated by Eliab and Peleth (for Pallu) being treated as unconnected, and Peleth being given a son ON [q.v.] ; and this has been supposed to represent the version of J (e.g., Oxf. Hex.}.

Nu. 16:1 [as in MT]
r + - ¬
¦ ¦
Peleth Eliab
¦ ¦
On r + ¬
¦ ¦
Dathan Abiram

Josephus, however, says nothing of On, which may in Nu. 16:1 be due to a marginal variant 3 : the variant represented by LXX which reads as usual Abiron for Abiram (see, however, ON).

13. In 1. Chronicles.[edit]

The Chronicler has attached to the Reubenite genealogy two appendices, one tracing the pedigree of a certain BEERAH to an otherwise unknown Joel 4 (1 Ch. 5:4-6) , the other perhaps a variant form of the same list (v. 7-8) : thus

v. 4 Joel v. 8 Joel
Shemaiah Shema
Gog (]!]) Ahaz (!!y)
v. 5 Micah
Baal (7y]) Bela (y7])
v.6 Beerah v. 7 [Ze]chariah

There is nothing to show what led the Chronicler to connect these lists with Reuben (cp Gray, HPN 257-258), unless it be the reference to Tiglath-pileser (cp 2 K. 15:29) and the geographical references in v. 9-10.

With Shemaiah, Shimei, Shema, and Zechariah may be compared Shammua ben Zaccur, the name given to the Reubenite 'spy' (Nu. 13:4), and Eliezer ben Zichri, David's ruler (magid) over the Reubenites (1 Ch. 27:16). On the natural omission of a representative of Reuben from the list of dividers of western Palestine, cp GAD, 1, 13 (last sentence). On the list containing Adina 5 ben Shiza 6 (1 Ch. 11:42) see Gray, HPN 229-230, and cp DAVID, 11 (a) ii.

14. Geographical details.[edit]

Whether or not there was also a theory of a tribe Reuben which entered Palestine by way of the Negeb, the prevailing theory of the present Hexateuch and related passages was that Reuben arrived in E. Palestine from abroad, in close connection with Gad (q.v. 11). The questions bearing on the real character, 7 origin, and history of the population of E. Palestine are best con sidered elsewhere (GAD, 1-4). All that is necessary here is to supplement what is said there (GAD, 12) with regard to the geographical details given, in indifference to each other, by the various Hexateuch writers.

Of the nine towns asked for by Gad and Reuben in Nu. 32:3 we are told in 32:37-38 that the men of Reuben [re]built the last five : HESHBON, ELEALEH, SIBMAH (called Sebam in v. 3), NEBO, and BEON, with the addition of KIRIATHAIM. l As noticed above ( 2), all these six towns are Moabite in Is. 15, Jer. 48.

This list is, however, ignored by P in his enumeration (Josh. 20:8; cp Dt. 4:43, given by Moses) of the 'cities of refuge' and (Josh. 21:36-37 = 1 Ch. 6:78-79 [6:63-64]) the 'levitical' [Merari] cities 'of the tribe of Reuben' ( -\ nDCD) : BEZER (city of refuge ; Bozrah in Jer. 48:24), JAHAZ (Jahzah in Jer. 48:21), KEDEMOTH 2 (perhaps for Kiriathaim frPBTp f r Cmpl mentioned in Jer. 48:23), and MEPHAATH (Jer. 48:21); but he confines himself to cities assigned to Moab in Jer. 48.

In Josh. 13:15-23 P endeavours to define the territory of Reuben.

He gives him, besides the levitical cities just mentioned (Jahaz, Mephaath, Kedemoth = Kiriathaim?), two cities said in Nu. 32:34-36 to have been built by Gad (Aroer, Dibon), one assigned to Gad in Josh. 21:39, 1 Ch. 6:81 [6:66] (Heshbon), four assigned elsewhere to Moab (MEDEBA, BAMOTH-BAAL, BETH- BAAL-MEON, BETH-JESHIMOTH), and the following three: ZERETH-SHAHAR (only here), ASHDOTH-PISGAH (also Dt.), and BETH-PEOR (the burial-place of Moses, and scene of the Dt. discourses), but only one of the cities said in Nu. 32:37-38 to have been built by Reuben (Sibmah).

The contradictions make it impossible to construct a map. In general terms, however, what is claimed for Reuben lies within what is claimed for GAD (q.v. 3). See the map in Stade, GVl 1, facing p. 149. Cp Steuernagel, Einwanderung, 19-20.

H. W. H.

1 See n. 6 on previous column.

2 Cp Graf, Die Geschichtlicken Buchfr,89 n.

3 'and -on' that is to say, 'otherwise Abiron'. Read: Dathan and Abiram, the sons of Eliab [and -on], the son of Paleth - Pallu, the son[s] of Reuben.

4 Kittel (SBOT [Heb.], 1895) follows Syr. and Arab, in reading Carmi ; but that may be an emendation (so Benzinger, KHC, ad loc.)

5 Perhaps late, cp ADIN ; but cp also Jehoaddan.

6 Probably corrupt (LXX{A} o-e^a [secha]). See SHIZA.

7 Compare section 1, n. 6.


p^royHA [BADEL]).

1. The personification of a clan in Edomite and Arabian territory, which, according to Winckler (GI 1:210), derived its name from a divine name Re'u ( = <KT in <NT SK, Gen. 16:13 and INT in VaiJO. Reubel 3 [true form of piKi, Reuben?]). This explanation, however, is incomplete; both <NT Vx and VDINI are, judging from numerous analogies in badly transmitted names, corruptions of 7worn (Jerahme'el), and the same origin naturally suggests itself for "jNijn (Re'u'el). See, however, NAMES, 47, and cp REUBEN, 9. In the genealogical system Reuel is both a son of Esau by Basemath (Gen. 36:4, 36:10, 36:13, 36:17, 1 Ch. 1:35, 1:37) and the father of Moses father-in-law Hobab, Nu. 10:29 [J], where 'Midianite' should perhaps be 'Kenite' 4 (Judg. 1:16, 4:11). In Ex. 2:18 (LXX{AL} LoGop [iophor]), 'Reuel' their father is puzzling. On the principles of literary analysis of documents we assume that Reuel is a harmonistic insertion, Reuel being here represented by the redactor (R) as father of Zipporah, in order that HOBAB [q.v.] and JETHRO [q.v.] may both be brothers-in-law. For consistency s sake the insertion ought also to have been made in v. 16, where originally Hobab (J's name for the father-in-law of Moses) must have stood. 8

2. Father of ELIASAPH, a Gadite chief (Nu. 2:14 [P]). In Nu. 1:14 also, LXX has />a-yoi>i)A [ragouel] where MX has ^WJTj (DEUEL) ; so too in 7:42, 7:47, 10:20.

3. A Benjamite (1 Ch. 9:8).

T. K. C.

1 Perhaps the lists did not originally agree. Kiriathaim having in v. 37 the place occupied in v. 3 by Sebam, Sibma is in v. 38 simply added at the end of the list.

2 Elsewhere only in Dt. 2:26, where it may be a corruption of Kadesh : see KEDEMOTH.

3 Houtsma (Theol. Tijdschr. 10:92) also compares Reubel. Hommel, however, reports a S. Arabian personal name S x 1 in-

4 So Bu., comm. on Judg. 1:16-17 who assumes the harmonising of an editor.

5 In Gen. 25:3, LXX{AE} one of the sons of Dedan is called Reuel, LXX{d} has pacrou[i)A] [rasou[e]l].


(nplN-l; peH pA [A], -MA [Z>L]). the concubine of NAHOR (q.v. } ; Gen. 22:24.




(S]>*n ; in Ki. pA( heiC [BL], p^ec [B ab ],-ee [A], in Is. p A r4)ee [BQ" r-]. -eic [A], -ec [NQ*]), mentioned by Assyrian envoys (temp. Hezekiah) among other places destroyed by Sennacherib's predecessors, (2 K. 19:12, Is. 37:12). It is usually identified with the (mat) Rasappa repeatedly mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions (cp Del. Par. 297, Schr. KAT (2) 327), and the name has been found in the Amarna Tablets (B 10), in a letter from Tarhundaraush Arsapi to Amenhotep III. of Egypt. With this place we may identify the pi)ffa.<t>a [resapha] of Ptol. (615), and the mod. Rusafa, 3.5 mi. SW. of Sura on the Euphrates, on the road leading to Palmyra. We have no independent notice of the destruction of Reseph, and this, together with certain other suspicious phenomena, has led the present writer to the supposition that, as most probably in many other passages, the editor has been busy in reconstructing the geographical and historical background; i.e. , that 'Gozan' has been put for 'Cushan' (the N. Arabian Cush), 'Reseph' for 'Sarephath', 'Telassar' for Tel-asshur' or 'Tel-ashhur' (cp ASHHUR), 'Arpad' for 'Ephrath'. Of the other names, 'Haran' (cp 1 Ch. 4:6), 'Eden', 'Hamath' (probably a popular distortion of 'Maacath' ) need not be corrupt; they are good N. Arabian border-names, familiar by tradition to Judahite writers. SEPHARVAIM [q.v.] is made up of Sephar ( = Zarephath) and a fragment of 'and Jerahmeel' ; 'Hena' and 'Ivvah' also probably represent the place-name 'Jerahmeel', unless Ivvah has been miswritten for rvN] ; cp LXX{L}, 2 K. 18:34, KO.I. TTOV (.TNI) daiv 01 Oeol TTJS %ibpas 2a/xa/>et as ; /JLT] e^fiXavro rr\v Zayu. fK xet/3os /jLov ; see SEPHARVAIM, and cp Crit. Bib.

The ironical remarks of Winckler (A T Unt. 49) and Benzinger (Kon. 182) on the archaeological learning of the late author of 2 K. 19:12-13, which was, however, thrown away on the hearers of the supposed speech of the Assyrian envoys to Hezekiah, are natural enough, if the accuracy of MT may be assumed. It is probable, however, that even at a late date the people of Judah would be able to appreciate historical references bearing on places much nearer to them than Gozan, and Rezeph, and a Mesopotamian Tel-asshur.

T. K. C.


RV Rizia (&Oyi, 28 ; 'Yahwe is gracious' for !"PX"1, or from some ethnic ; pA,c[e]l& [BAL]), in a genealogy of ASHER (q. v. , 4, ii. ), 1 Ch. 7:39.


(J V"?; P&ACC60N, paceiN [B in Is. 7], P&CCCON [B in Is. 8], PACIN [Aq., Sym. , Th. in Qmg in Is. 8] ; Ass. Ra-sun-nu}. If we take the MT as it stands, it is evident that Rezin, king of Aram-damascus, in alliance with Pekah of Israel, endeavoured to overthrow Ahaz, king of Judah, and to enthrone ben-Tab'el, a creature of their own, in his stead. To escape from this danger, they applied for help to the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser (2 K. 16:5, 16:7+, Is. 7:1).

To the present writer, however, it appears that there has been another of those confusions which have made it so difficult to retrace the true course of the history of Israel (see TABEAL). The Aram of which Rezin was king was possibly not the northern but a southern country of that name (see Crit. Bib.). Critics have duly noticed that Is. 7:1 is really no part of the biography of Isaiah, but borrowed from 2 K. 16:5, and have conjectured that the original opening of chap. 7 had become illegible (see Intr. Is. 31). It is possible, however, that it was omitted because it contained some definite historical statements respecting the invaders which the redactor, from his imperfect historical knowledge, could not understand. It is not even certain that the king who is mentioned in the second place was really Pekah, king of Israel. The present writer sees some reason to think that both kings were N. Arabians, and that the second king was confounded with Pekah, partly from a partial resemblance of the names and partly because the traditional father of each of them was called 'Remaliah', which is a corrupt form of 'Jerahmeel' (Che.). It was, however, certainly to Tiglath-pileser (not to be confounded with PUL [q.v.]) that Rezin applied for help. In Is. 8:4 we should probably read, 'The riches of Cusham and the spoil of Shimron shall be carried away before the king of Assyria'. In 2 K. 18:6 there is no sufficient cause for emending 'Aram' into Edom. It was a matter of great importance to the southern 'Arammites' to obtain command of a harbour. Hiram, king of Misrim (see SOLOMON, 3v), was content to leave Ezion-geber nominally in the hands of Solomon ; but Rezin was not inclined to put any trust in the Judahites.

See DAMASCUS, 10, ISRAEL, 32, and cp REZON.

T. K. C.


(PV1 : P&CCON [BA], -A.A.CC- [L]), the name of a post-exilic family of N ethinim, and therefore (see NETHINIM), according to Cheyne's theory, N. Arabian (cp such names as Shamlai [Ishmael], Giddel [the southern Gilead], Reaiah [Jerahmeel]) ; Ezra 2:48 = Neh. 7:50 (p*.eC6GN [X], PAA.C6GN [L]) = 1 Esd. 5:31 (A&IC&N [B], AecAN [A], PACOON [L], DAISAN, EV).


(PH7, 'prince'? cp Sab. fin, JTi71 and jfl, 'ruler' [PRINCE, 13]; We. Heid.W 59, n. i, would connect the name with the Ar. deity Ruda in such Palmyrene compound names as IVIDTI [servant of R.] ; but may it not be miswritten for ^W ?), the founder of a dynasty at Damascus, and a contemporary of Solomon (1 K. 11:23, ecpCOM [B], om. A, cp HEX.ION ; razon [Vg-]). Who Rezon was, is by no means clear from our text (cp DAMASCUS, 7). Most regard him as a northern Aramaean.

Rezon is called, however, son of Eliada, which is a Hebrew name, and Winckler s way of accounting for this (see ELIADA, 3) is improbable. Treating the subject in connection with ZOBAH, [q.v.\] we may venture to conjecture that he was probably a N. Arabian, and that his father's name, like 'Jedi'a'el' is a modification of 'Jerahme'el'. It was from the king not of Zobah but of Missur (Musri) that Rezon fled, and the capital of the realm which he founded was not Damascus, but Cusham (cp PROPHET, 37). We may presume that he was an ally of Hadad, who was also an 'adversary' to Solomon, and appears to have been king, not of Edom, but of Aram - i.e., Jerahmeel. The geographical boundaries of these neighbouring kingdoms we cannot determine ; but they were close to the Negeb, which Solomon (see SOLOMON, 7) appears to have succeeded in retaining. Probably they were both vassals of the natural overlord of that region - the king of Missur, whose daughter became Solomon s wife. Cp, however, Winckler, GI 2:272, KAT ( 3 ) 240.

T. K. C.


(pHflON, Acts28i3). A town on the Italian coast, at the southern entrance of the straits of Messina (mod. Reggio}.

The name (= 'breach' ) was generally supposed to bear reference to the idea that earthquakes or the long-continued action of the sea had broken asunder or breached the land-bridge between Italy and Sicily (Strabo, 258; Diod. Sic. 485). The Latin form of the name, Regium, gave rise to an absurd alternative derivation (Strabo, l.c.).

The town was an offshoot of the Chalcidians settled on the other side of the strait, in Messana (for a sketch of its early history, see Strabo, 257-258). Its position on the strait made it very important, for the direct distance to Messana is only about six geographical miles, and under Anaxilas (about 494 B.C.) the two cities were united under one sceptre. Although the Syracusan tyrant Dionysius I. totally destroyed the town, so important a site could not long lie desolate, and it was repeopled by his son and successor. During the Hannibalic war Rhegium remained loyal to Rome and materially contributed to Hannibal's ultimate defeat by cutting off his communications with Africa. After the Social war it became a Roman municipium like the other Greek cities of southern Italy. During the war between Octavian and Sextus Pompeius (38-36 B.C.), Rhegium was often the headquarters of Octavian's forces (Dio Cass. 48:14) ; and, by way of reward, its population was increased by the addition of a body of time-expired marines (Strabo, 259), and it assumed the name Rhegium Julium (Orell. Inscr. 3838). About Paul s time it was a populous and prosperous place, still preserving many traces of its Hellenic origin (Strabo, 253). It continued to exist as a considerable city throughout the period of the empire (Plin. 36). It was the terminus of the road which ran from Capua to the straits (the Via Popilia, made in 134 B.C. ).

The ship in which Paul sailed had some difficulty in reaching Rhegium from Syracuse (Acts 28:13, 7re/j:e\66vTfs [perielthontes], 1 'by tacking' ; AV 'we fetched a compass', RV, 'made a circuit' ), as the wind did not lie favourably. At Rhegium she remained one day waiting for a wind for the narrow passage through which for want of sea-room a large ship could not easily work by tacking. 2 The run with the S. wind northwards to Puteoli (about 180 mi. distant) would take about twenty-six hours (cp v. 13, Sevrepaioi fjX&o/j.ev).

With the stages of Paul s journey as given here we may compare that of Titus, afterwards Emperor, in 70 A. D. (Suet. Tit. 5, 'Quare festinans in Italiam, cum Regium, dein Puteolos oneraria nave appulisset, Roman inde contendit' ).

W. J. W.

1 So to be read in preference to irtpif\6i Tes WH [perielontes], 'casting loose'.

2 For the difficulties of the straits, see Thuc. 4:24, poiu&rjs oucra eiKOTUis \a\ejrrf evonicrOr) ; Paus. 5:25:2, ecrri yap 6r) 17 Kara TOi TOf CaAacrtra TOV iropOfj.bi OaAatrcrr)? Xn(UplMTf/rn Jrart), where also he gives the explanation of this characteristic.


(pHCA. Ti.WH), a name in the genealogy of Jesus ; Lk. 3:27. See GENEALOGIES ii. , 3.


(Is. 34:7 , AVmg). See UNICORN.


(poAH. Ti.WH), the name 1 of the maid (TTAI^ICKH) who answered the door when Peter knocked, Acts 12:13 t. In one of the lists of 'the seventy' it is stated that Mark had a sister called Rhoda (see Lipsius, Apokr. Ap.-Gesch., Erganzungsheft, 22).


(poAoc). a large and important island, lying in the south-eastern Aegean (the part called the Carpathian Sea), about 12 mi. distant from the coast of Asia Minor ; mentioned only incidently in the NT (Acts 21:1). After leaving Cos, the ship in which Paul voyaged to Palestine from Macedonia touched at Rhodes, which was apparently her last port of call before Patara, where Paul transhipped. The same name was | applied both to the island and its capital ; but probably the latter is meant in this place. It stood at the northern extremity of the island, where a long point runs out towards Caria. The city possessed two chief j harbours, both on the eastern side of the promontory. The foundation of the city of Rhodes (408 B.C.) was due to the joint action of the ancient Rhodian towns of Lindos, lalysos, and Camiros (Diod. Sic. 1875). 'The forces which, outwardly at least, had hitherto been divided, were now concentrated, and the good effects of this concentration for the island, as well as for Greece in general, were soon to appear' (Holm, Gk. Hist., ET, 4:484 ).

The great political importance of the new city gradually asserted itself during the fourth century, and by Alexander's time it had become the first naval power in the Aegean, and a decisive factor (Diod. Sic. 20:81, TrepijuaxrjTOS rots 6ui>d<TTcus icai. /3acriAe{)<7ip >}i>, eKao-rou <77reu6oi TOs eis Trji avrov <HAi ai> 7rpo<rAa/x- /SayecrSai). So great was the reputation of the city that Alexander chose it as the place of deposit of his will. The commercial importance of the place is indicated by the fact of the introduction of a new (Rhodian) standard of coinage ; Rhodian coins are remarkable for their beauty (see on this Holm, op. cit. 349, and Head, Hist. Numm., s.v.).

The commercial relations of Rhodes were principally with Egypt, but in fact the central position of the island in the mid-stream of maritime traffic between the E. and the W. assured her prosperity, and this, combined with good government at home and a wise foreign policy, lifted her to a position analogous to that of Venice in later times. The Rhodian harbours seemed to have been designed by Nature to attract the ships of Ionia, Caria, Egypt, Cyprus, and Phoenicia (Aristeid. Rhod. 341); and the consistent policy of neutrality, broken only by vigorous and decisive action when the peace and freedom of the seas were endangered, attracted foreign merchants, among whom, we may be sure, those of Jewish nationality were conspicuous ( 1 Macc. 15:23); young men were regularly sent to Rhodes to learn business (Plaut. Merc., prol. 11). Rhodes did in the E. what Rome did in the W. in keeping the seas clear of pirates (Strabo, 652, TO. Xflcmjpto. Ka6ei\e ; cp Pol. 4:19). Her maritime law was largely adopted by the Romans (cp Pand. 14:2:9) ; and the principle of 'general average', for example, is Rhodian in origin, with probably much else in modern naval law that cannot now be traced.

Rhodes is connected with two passages in the life of Herod the Great. When on his way to Italy he contributed liberally towards the restorations rendered necessary to repair the ravages of Cassius in 42 B.C. (App. BC 472; Plut. Brut. 30). It was at Rhodes also that after the battle of Actium (31 B.C.) he had the meeting with Augustus upon which so much depended for him (Jos. Ant. 15:66). It was in Rhodes that Antiochus VII Sidetes (king of Syria, 138-128 B.C.), son of Demetrius I., heard of the imprisonment of his brother (Demetrius II.), and sent letters from the isles of the sea unto Simon the priest and governor of the Jews, as told in 1 Macc. 15:1-2. (cp App. Syr. 68).

The Rhodians gained a privileged position as allies of Rome in the Macedonian and Mithridatic wars, but were deprived of their political freedom by Claudius (44 A.D.) for the crucifixion of Roman citizens (Dio Cass. 60:244). In 56 A.D. this was restored to them (Tac. Ann. 12:58: 'reddita Rhodiis libertas, adempta saepe aut firmata, prout bellis externis meruerant aut domi seditione deliquerant' ). The island was finally reduced to a province (i.e., made part of the province of Asia) by Vespasian (Suet. Vesp. 8). Its great importance in the early Empire was gained through its schools of rhetoric, as that of Athens through her schools of philosophy.

Literature. - C. Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, vol. i ; C. Torr, Rhodes in Ancient Times (Camb. 1885); Holm, Gk. Hist., ET, 4483^ (the best short account in English) ; Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, chap. 15 ; Ross, Reisen u. Studien aufden gr. Inseln, Sjof. On Rhodian art, see Gardner, Handbook oj Greek Sculpture, Itf&f. Ancient authority, Strabo, p. 652-653.

W. J. W.

1 Another form of the name in classical literature is Rhodos (pdSos, fem.). It was borne by a daughter of Poseidon, and by one of the Danaids (see Smith, Diet. Gr. and Rom. Biogr., s.v.).


(poAOKOC [AV]), a Jew who betrayed the plans of Judas the Maccabee to Antiochus Eupator (2 Macc. 18:21). On the discovery of his treachery he was imprisoned.


(1 Macc. 15:23), RV RHODES.


( 3n), the father of ITTAI (q.v.) (2 S. 23:29, [B], eplBA [L] om. A; 1 Ch. 11:31, peBie [B], ]- pHB&i [A], piB&T [L]). Comparing LXX{L} in 2 S. we may with Marquart (Fund. 20) restore 3'Y ; see JERIBAI.


(S nS), used in Nu. 15:38 AV of the 'cord' (so RV) of blue worn upon the FRINGES [q.v.]

For other usages of the Heb. pathil see BRACELETS, 2, CORD, RING.


(1TXTI; oftenest AeBA&0& [BN AFQrL], and always 'Diblath' in Pesh. ; on Nu. 34:11 see below). A city in the territory of Hamath (2 K. 23:33, a/3Xaa [B], 5e/3Xaa [A]; 1 256 ifpSe^\aOav [B], as 5e/3Xa0a [AL]; v. 21 />e/3Xa0a [B] ; Jer. 39:5, p. [Theod. ; LXX om. ] and v. 6 6. [Theod. ; LXX om. ] ; 52:9 5f/3a0a [N*] ; 52:10 5e/3 . . 6a [F]). It is hardly possible in our brief space to give the reader a just idea of the new problems connected with the name of Riblah.

Whether the foreign king who dethroned Jehoahaz was really Necho, king of Egypt, has become rather uncertain (see ZEDEKIAH). For D lSD, Mizraim (i.e., Egypt), we should perhaps in 2 K. 23:34, as in so many other passages, read C"11B3, Mizrim ; cp MIZRAIM, 2b. It was possibly, or even probably, a N. Arabian king called Pir'u, not an Egyptian Pharaoh, who brought the kingdom of Judah into vassalage. If so 'Riblah' may be a popular corruption of 'Jerahmeel'. It is not less possible or probable that in the other passages where rjTjTI occurs 'Riblah' should be emended into Jerahmeel. The accounts of geographical boundaries of Canaan in the OT have been, it would seem, systematically corrected, in good faith, but in complete misapprehension of the documents.

If we assume, however, provisionally, the data of the traditional text, how shall we explain them ? In this case, 'Riblah' will be represented by the poor village of Ribleh, on the E. bank of the Nahr el-'Asi (Orontes), 35 mi. NE. of Baalbec. It was here that Necho put Jehoahaz in chains (2 K. 28:33) and NEBUCHADREZZAR (q.v.) some twenty years later made his headquarters when he came to quell the Palestinian revolt. 2 Here Zedekiah saw his sons slain (2 K. 25:6 = Jer. 39:5-6 = 52:9-10), and certain officers and people from Jerusalem were put to death (2 K. 25:20-21 = Jer. 52:26-27). The occurrences of Riblah recognised by EV need some revision ; the name should certainly be inserted in Ezek. 6:14, where 'Riblah' (misread in MT as DIBLAH : AV 'Diblath' ), as a boundary, takes the place of the more usual 'Hamath', and it should as certainly be omitted in Nu. 34:11. Here, as most scholars suppose, the ideal eastern frontier of Canaan is described. The border, we are told, is to go down 'from Shepham HRBLH on the E. of Ain'. If we put aside the prejudice produced by the pointing (nS^-in), it seems probable that 'to Harbel' (rr^airi) is the meaning intended, and not to Riblah. The right vocalisation was still known to the LXX translator (dTro ffeir^afj. apj3rj\a ; see SHEPHAM), and also to Jerome and Eusebius, who speak (OS, 866 214:172, 232:54) of Arbela or a(3r)\a [abela] as a point on the eastern confines of Canaan. The Speaker's Comm. finds Harbel (more strictly ^>ann) in the Har-baal-hermon of Judg. 8:3, and supposes the border to pass by the southern end of Mt. Hermon near the two best -known sources of the Jordan. If the current theory of the reference may provisionally be accepted, let us rather say that Harbel was synonymous with Har-baal-gad, since Baal-gad at the foot of Mt. Hermon occurs in the parallel passage Josh. 13:5 instead of the Har-baal-hermon of Judg. 3:3. This view is at any rate more plausible than van Kasteren's identification of Hariblah with Halibnah, between the Yarmuk and the Wady Samak (Rev. bibl. , 1895, p. 33). One of the spurs of the Jebel esh-Shekh (Mt. Hermon) is in fact called Jebel Arbel. 1 But it is much to be feared that the identification is illusory.

T. K. C.

1 $eft\ada [deblatha] is identified by a scholiast on 2 K. 25:20 in cod. 243 with Daphne the suburb of Antioch in Syria ; cp Jerome on Nu. 34:11.

2 An inscription of Nebuchadrezzar found in the Wady Brissa (on the E. of Lebanon) refers to the devastation wrought among the cedars of Lebanon by a foreign foe, and the flight of the inhabitants. Nebuchadrezzar s (second) visit to Riblah in 586, if historical, was to repair the damage done and to encourage the population of Lebanon which probably resisted the foreign foe and suffered accordingly. The foreign foe must have been Necho (Wi. AOF 504+). This, however, must be accepted with some critical reserve.


occurs nine times in EV (Judg. 14:12-19, TJpoBAHMA ; Ezek. 17:2, AlHr"HV\&) and twice in EV mg (Prov. 1:6, (MNIfMA,; Hab. 2:6, npoBAHMA) as the rendering of Heb. rTVn, hidah.

The word nTTI) usually explained as 'something twisted or knotty', but more probably (see Lag. Grieck. Uebersetz. der Prov. 73) 'something shut up' (cp Aram. inN, and Bibl.-Aram. rrvrtN)) occurs seventeen times in MT and and once in Heb. Ecclus. 47:17 ; in 1 K. 10:1, 2 Ch. 9:1 it is rendered 'hard question' (ai>/tyjua [ainigma]); in Ps. 41:5 [41:4], 78:3 [78:2] 'dark saying' (TrpojSArjjixa [problema]) ; in Prov. 1:6 'dark saying' (aii/iy^a [ainigma]) ; in Hab. 2:6 'proverb' (n-po-(3Arj/j.a [problema]) ; in Nu. 12:8 'dark speech' (ali>iy/j.a [ainigma]) ; in Dan. 8:23 'dark sentence' (aiviy^a [ainigma], 7rpdA7]|u.a [problema] [Th. ]) and in Ecclus. 47:17 'parable' (TrapajSoArj [parabole]) ; ainyju.a [ainigma] also occurs in Wisd. 8:8 ( 'dark saying' ), Ecclus. 39:3 (AV 'dark parables', RV 'dark sayings of parables' ), 47:15 ( EV 'dark parables', RVmg. 'parables of riddles' , Heb. differs).

Thanks to its frequent parallelism with the word masal (see PROVERB), hidah has acquired a considerable range of meaning. Thus it denotes

  • (1) a riddle as we understand the word - e.g. that propounded by Samson to the Philistines, Judg. 14:12+, or those with which the Queen of Sheba is said to have proved Solomon, 1 K. 10:1, 2 Ch. 9:1 ;
  • (2) a sententious maxim (Prov. 30:15-16, etc.) still affecting to preserve the form of a riddle but wanting its essentials - viz. , the adequate characterisation of the object, and the pause before reply. Even the riddle form may be dispensed with, hidah, as in Prov. 16, denoting simply any sententious maxim, or as in Ps. 49:5 (where, however, there are textual difficulties) the statement of a moral problem.
  • (3) A parable - as in Ezek. 17:3-10, though the passage is not pure parable, but partakes of the characteristics of riddle and allegory as well. On account of the allusive and figurative character of many of the satirical lays of popular history (e.g. , Nu. 21:27+, 1 S. 18:7, cp POETICAL LITERATURE, 4 iii. ), the term hidah is not inappropriately used to designate them in Hab. 2:6, but its use in Ps. 782 is probably only due to the poet's needing a parallel to S^a.
  • (4) Lastly, hidah is used quite generally to denote any unusual or difficult and perhaps esoteric mode of expression, Nu. 12:8 Dan. 8:23.

Bochart has discoursed learnedly of the use of the riddle by the Hebrews at feasts, 1 and we could easily believe that if our sources of information were not so narrow, we should find that the Israelites had some resemblance in this department to the Arabs, with whom there was almost a separate branch of enigmatic litera ture, with many subdivisions. Still, we have only one example of the riddle in the OT - the famous one of Samson (Judg. 14:14 - 'a very bad riddle', G. F. Moore) ; of those referred to in 1 K. 10:13 the narrator has favoured us with no specimen ; nor did Josephus (Ant. 8:5:3) find in the Phoenician history of Dius any details of the riddles said to have been sent by Solomon to Hiram of Tyre, and by Hiram to Solomon (Jos. Ant. 8:5:3 [ 149]). The information in post-biblical writings like the Midrash Mishle or the 2nd Targum to Esther is certainly more curious than valuable.

In the NT 'riddle' occurs once, 1 Cor. 13:12, where, to some scholars, the combination of Si eabirrpov and ev aiviy/j.a.Ti appears difficult.

"Ev aiv. (to which Origen, c. Cels. 7:50 and elsewhere, and the MSS LP prefix xai [in Orig. KO.L alviy/j.a.To^]) may no doubt be illustrated by Nu. 128 (LXX), ev el Sei Kai ou SC aiviyfioiTuiv, which may perhaps have been explained 'in a well-defined form and not in indistinct blurred outlines' (for this use of alviyiJ.a [ainigma] see Origen on Jn. 1:9).

We do not want the additional phrase ev ably[tart [en ainigmati], which appears somewhat to mar the antithesis ; what we look for is rather 'for now we see with the help of a mirror, but then face to face'. Preuschen would therefore omit 4v alviy^ari [en ainigmati] as due to a later hand (ZATW, 1900, p. 180-181, cp MIRROR).

1 So Furrer in Riehm's HIVB; cp Ritter, Erdkunde, 15:1, pp. 159, 183. In ZDPV 5:29 a different, and less plausible, identification was proposed (with 'Arbin, 5 kil. NE. of Damascus).


occurs twice in AV (Ex. 9:32 Is. 28:25) as the rendering of J"IJpE)3, for which RV has rightly 'spelt'. See FITCHES. N. M.


1. Heb. terms.[edit]

The Hebrew words for righteousness are tsedek, tsedakah (p"|.V, HfTiy). connected with which we have the adjective tsaddi ^ (p--^) 'righteous', and the verb tsadak (pl.V) to be in the right - in Hiphil and Pi'el, to declare a person in the right. Probably the most original form of the root appears in the noun tsedek, from which the verb, appearing first in the Hiph. form, is a denominative. It is not easy to fix precisely the primary meaning of the root. Gesenius takes it to be 'straight' ; Ryssel, with less reason, 'hard'. In any case the earliest sense which can be traced in actual use appears to be conformity to a recognised norm or standard.

Thus Beidawi on Sur. 2:21 (quoted by Kautzsch) rightly explains the corresponding form in Arabic, viz. sadk as mutabik - i.e., 'congruent', so that things as unlike as a javelin and a date may each be described as sadik, if they are as they should be. Nothing fresh can be learned from the Syriac usage, which simply repeats with less fulness that of the Hebrew and New Hebrew. LXX has used great freedom in translating tsedek and its derivatives. Si icaiot [dikaios], fiixaioo-vi r) [dikaiosune], Si/caioOi/ [dikaioun] are their commonest renderings; but we also find, e.g. , tsedakah represented by SiKaiia/j.0., eAer)fio<rv n) (9 times), e Aeos (3 times), and even by ev<J>po<rHi>ij(Is. 61 10), tsaddik, by aAi)#>js, eu<re/3ijs, TTKTTOS. On the other hand Stxaio? [dikaios], SIKCUOOTHT) [dikaiosune], Sucaiovv [dikaioun] stand in LXX for many Hebrew words unconnected etymologically with the root pix [TsDQ] - e.g., for 7ex, 7on, 7i7ne, -isr, N pa, 3 i3, DW, ns, etc.

It will be well before examining the history of the words in the OT, to mention two facts which should be borne in mind throughout, in tracing the idea of righteousness as the Hebrews understood it. In the first place, tsedek and its derivatives seldom occur in the older documents. They are pretty common in the literary prophets ; they are exceedingly frequent in the wisdom literature and in the Psalms. Next, the meaning of these words becomes gradually wider, and assumes a more strictly ethical and religious signification. We may compare the use of diKaiocrvvTi [dikaiosune] which is unknown to Homer and Hesiod, and also the expansion of meaning in Siicr) [dike], SIKCUOS [dikaios] from 'custom', 'observant of recognised usage', 1 till they stood for absolute justice and the man of ideal virtue. Similar analogies obviously appear in the Latin justus, and in our own terms 'right', 'righteous', etc.

1 Hieroz. 383-384, ed. Rosenmuller. Cp Wunsche, Die Rathselweisheit bei den Hebraern, JPT, 1883, and cp for examples Krafft, Judische Sagen und Dichtungen.

2. Development of meaning.[edit]

It is doubtful whether real instances of the primitive use - viz. , agreement with a physical norm - still survive in Hebrew. Lev. 19:36, Ezek. 45:10, 'exact balances', 'exact weights', etc., are commonly quoted as cases in point. The passages, however, are late, and as the contrasted notion of iniquity occurs in the immediate context, it is by no means clear that we should not translate 'righteous balances', etc. Similarly 'paths of tsedek' in Ps. 23:3 may mean 'paths of righteousness', not simply 'straight paths'. Still less can Joel 2:23 be alleged as an example of tsedakah in its original - i.e.. physical - signification, for the translation given by Kautzsch 'early rain in full measure' is more than doubtful. We may perhaps acquiesce in the translation 'early rain for your justification' - i.e., in proof that Yahwe has once more graciously accepted his people (so Wellh., Nowack, and Smend, AT Rel.-gesch. 419+).

Passing from the idea of conformity to a physical standard, we have to note the use of the plu. tsedakoth (nipTj) in the earliest fragment of Hebrew literature - viz. , the so-called 'Song of Deborah'. There the poet describes the valiant deeds of the Hebrews as due to the help which Yahwfe gave, and might as the tribal God be fairly expected to give, his people. This seems to be his conception of tsedakoth. It involves little or no ethical element. Yahwe acted in accordance with the natural bond between his worshippers and himself, and the plural form indicates the various occasions on which he did so.

To the same class we may perhaps refer Dt. 33;21, where God is said to have wrought the tsedakah of Yahwe, because he was the instrument of the divine purpose hy repelling the foes of Israel. In the same poem (the 'Blessing of Moses', Dt. 33:19) Zebulun calls the tribes to some sacred mountain that they may offer 'sacrifices of tsedek', and this may mean no more than sacrifices offered duly - i.e., according to the recognised form, and as a natural return for benefits conferred. Here, if this interpretation be sound, the ethical element is not wholly absent ; but it is still faint and rudimentary. 2

3. Legal or forensic sense.[edit]

We have to deal next with the many cases in which the legal signification predominates. In the 'Book of the Covenant' (Ex. 23:7) we read, 'Thou sllalt not put to death him who is innocent and tsaddik', where clearly the legislator is not thinking of virtuous character, but of innocence from the charge brought before the court. This restricted use always continued long after the deeper and more universal meaning had become familiar.

Isaiah, for example (5:23) speaks of p TO ripis - i.e., the plea of a man who has a good case - and in Prov. 18:17 we are told that the first comer is right (P^S) - i.e. , seems to be right in his contention till his opponent appears and puts him to the proof. See also Dt. 25:1, Prov. 17:15, 18:5, 24:24. Here it is necessary to note the significant fact that no feminine form of pTi is found anywhere in the OT : indeed the vise of the verb rrpns in Gen. 38:26 (the only occurrence of Kal in the Hexateuch) may fairly be accepted as proof that the adjective had no feminine form. This may be naturally accounted for on the ground that p 1_S meant originally 'right in law', and that a woman was not a 'person' with legal rights.

In early literature the use of the verb is almost wholly confined to the Hiphil, and the meaning of the verb corresponds to that of the adjective. In other words, the Hiphil verb means to decide in favour of a litigant, by declaring him to be in the right. So, for example, in Ex. 23:7 (LXX) after a warning against oppression of the poor by corrupt administration of justice, the general principle is enunciated, 'for thou shall not decide in favour of a malefactor'. A slightly different shade of meaning is given to the verb in Absalom's exclamation (2 S. 15:4), 'O that they would make me a judge in the land : then if any man came to me with a plea and a case, I would help him to his right' (rnp^sni). 1

1 It is always assumed that the standard is external and recognised as correct. Thus, e.g., Homer speaks of Autolycus as 'good' (i<rO\6r [esthlon], Od. 10394), adding that he excelled all men 'in knavery and the oath'. He would not have called him SixaLov [dikakon]. So now we might perhaps speak of 'a good thief', but not of a just one.

2 The use of COIKC [eioke], eoixun [eoikoos] in Homer is similar.

By an easy transition the idea of legal right is extended to that of being in the, right on some particular occasion without any implication as to general moral character. No more is implied in Judah's admission (Gen. 36:26), 'She' (Tamar) 'is more in the right than I' ( ']213 npls), or perhaps 'She has acted within her rights and can maintain her case against me'. (For this use of |D, cp Job 32:2.) Further, tsadak is used of one who is justified in his statement. This meaning is evident in Job 33:12 where, after quoting Job's words, Elihu says, 'Lo ! in this [statement] thou art not justified : I will answer thee'. 1 In the same way the adjective is employed, Is. 41:26, 'Who announced this from the beginning that we might know it ... and say "Right " '- i.e., 'he is right' ? not, 'It is true', for the Hebrew adjective is never used of things. Examples of this meaning in noun, adjective, and verb are numerous. See for use of the noun (tsedek) Is. 59:4, Ps. 52:5 [52:3], Prov. 88 16 13, of the verb in Hiph. Job 27:3 and in Hithpa. (perhaps), Gen. 44:16. In Arab. the use of the root for 'truth-speaking', 'sincere', is much more advanced and definite.

4. Ethical sense in prophets.[edit]

We may now turn to the idea of righteousness properly so called, of righteousness in its ethical signification; and here the investigation has its starting-point in the early literary prophets. In the reign of Jeroboam II a capitalist class had arisen : the old tribal justice, depending on the bond of clan and still well-maintained among the Arabs of the desert, was well-nigh gone in Israel (see GOVERNMENT, 12 ff. ; LAW AND JUSTICE, 2). Hence the passionate cry of Amos for national righteousness, for justice in the gates - i.e., for right institutions rightly administered. He reiterates his protest that external ritual is of no avail without justice, 'Take away from me' (Yahwe speaks) 'the tumult of thy songs, the music of thy lutes I will not hear. But let justice roll in like a river and righteous ness like a perennial stream' (5:23).

True, Amos also uses the adjective tsaddik in the old legal sense (2:6, 5:12), and he has the administration of justice constantly in view. In his view, however, legal justice springs from the essential nature of God, who demands righteousness, not ritual worship from his people. The demand is made to the nation as a whole. Unless it is satisfied, Israel must perish utterly and there is no room left for difference in the fate of the righteous and the un righteous individual. Hosea also insists on national righteousness ; but his conception of it is at once wider and deeper than that of his predecessor. It is wider, for righteousness, as Hosea understood it, is more than bare justice. It includes hesed - i.e., merciful consideration for others. 2 It is deeper, for Hosea saw that outward amendment could not be permanent without a radical change of mind. Sow to yourselves in righteous ness : reap according to lovingkindness : break up for yourselves fallw) ground : for it is time to seek Yahwe, that the fruit of righteousness may come to you (10:12, cp LXX). It is not enough to sow good seed : the ground must first be cleared and broken up : in short, the Israelites must become new men, and Yahwe s will must rule their lives. Yahwe will accept no superficial conversion (6:1-4): the only remedy is a new birth by which Israel becomes a new creature (13:13).

1 So KIKO.IOVV [dikaioun] in classical Greek means to give a man his due, but always in a bad sense, viz., to condemn. It is only in LXX and NT that it means 'to declare righteous'.

2 Cp TO jriiice s, which corrects the defects of law, and is, therefore, Sixaiov icat rifos fte\riov Sixatov, Arist. Eth. Nicom. 5:8.

5. Isaiah.[edit]

Isaiah develops the principles of Amos and Hosea. His moral code is much the same. 'Seek out justice : set right the violent man : do justice to the orphan : plead for the widow' (1:16-17, 5:7, 10:2). He, no less than Hosea, makes religion a matter of the heart (29:13). Righteousness is the inexorable rule by which Yahwe governs the world (28:17), and wickedness by its own nature blasts the evildoer (9:17 [9:18]). Because of Israel's sin the nation as a whole is doomed hopelessly (6:13a). Still, those who believe in Yahwe as the eternal principle of righteous ness can stand fast in the crash of ruin all around them (7:9). Meanwhile the prophet was educating a band of disciples (8:16) who were to be the germ of a 'remnant that was to be converted', and in one of his latest prophecies (1:21-26) he passes from an ideal picture of Jerusalem in Davidic days (the idealisation of the past separates him in a very marked manner from Hosea) and expresses the great hope of better times to come. Judgment will have done its cleansing work : once more judges will give impartial decisions and Jerusalem shall be known as 'the fortress of righteousness, the faithful city'.

6. Jeremiah.[edit]

A century later Jeremiah maintained the same conception of righteousness. In 22:3 he gives what almost amounts to a definition of righteousness: it consists negatively in abstinence from murder and oppression of the widows and orphans, positively in securing justice for those who were powerless to help themselves. The same thought appears in other passages - e.g. , in chap. 7, though the word 'righteousness' is not actually used. We must not, however, forget that Jeremiah held fast to his belief in righteous ness at the cost of a personal struggle more searching and severe than that which any of his precursors had to face. It was his hard fate to learn that even a law like that of Deuteronomy, embodying as it did the best results of prophetic teaching, could not of itself change the hearts of the very men who in form, and as they believed, sincerely, complied with its requirements. Moreover, Jeremiah had to contend with the organised priesthood of Jerusalem, after the priests of the high places had been removed and when those of the central shrine claimed, on grounds which Jeremiah could not altogether gainsay, a divine sanction for their authority. Moreover his sensitive nature was exposed to continual suffering from the enmity of his contemporaries and from the national ruin which he saw first in spiritual vision and then with the bodily eye. Because of all this, Jeremiah s faith in the divine righteousness had to draw its strength from the very doubt which threatened to destroy it. 'Thou art in the right (tsaddik) O Yahwe, when I contend with thee : yet would I reason the cause with thee : why does the way of the wicked prosper ?' ( 12:1 ). He knows well that the best law may be perverted by the lying pen of the scribes (8:8) and that Yahwe is 'a righteous judge (sophet tsedek) proving reins and heart' (11:20). More explicitly than any earlier prophet he fuses morality and religion into one by reducing all duty to the one supreme duty of knowing Yahwe s will as revealed in his government of the world.

'Thus saith Yahwe, Let not a wise man glory in his wisdom, neither let a hero glory in his valour, let not a rich man glory in his wealth. But in this let him that glories glory, that he hns understanding and knows me, [knows] that I am Yahwe, who do lovingkindness, judgment, and righteousness on the earth : for in these things do I take pleasure ; it is the oracle of Yahwe' (9:22-23 [9:23-24]). Whereas Isaiah had seen that the people's heart was not in their worship, Jeremiah recognised the radical evil that the heart of man is weak and cannot he trusted (17:9), and he saw the hope of spiritual religion, not in amendment on man s part, but in the grace of Yahwe who would write his law in their hearts (31:33).

Finally, the expectation of a Messianic king, or line of Messianic kings, appears probably for the first time in Jeremiah. Yahwe will raise from the family of David 'a righteous branch'. He is to execute true justice and is to be called 'Yahwe is our righteousness' (23:5-6). The context interprets this name of the Messiah. By restoring Israel to its own land Yahwe the judge of all is to vindicate the just cause of his people against the heathen. 'In his (i.e. , the Messiah's) days Judah will be saved' (from heathen bondage) 'and Israel will dwell in security'. The history of the world is the judgment of the world. Here, however, the idea of righteousness is modified by fresh associations, and with the consequent change in the application of the word we shall have to deal presently.

7. Tsedek synonym of morality.[edit]

We have already given from the earlier documents of the Hexateuch instances which illustrate the more primitive use of the root pis [TsDQ]. We also meet there, as might have been expected, with the prophetic use in which it is co-extensive with moral excellence. Yahwe, e.g. , declares that he has seen how righteous Noah is (Gen. 7:1, J) : he knows that Abraham will teach his descendants 'to do judgment and righteousness' (Gen. 18:19, a late stratum of JE). Only one passage in the Hexateuch calls for special notice here, both from its intrinsic interest and from the famous argument drawn from it by Paul. The words in Gen. 15:6 (J ?) are 'Abraham trusted in Yahwe and he reckoned it to him as righteousness'. Paul identifies the faith of Abraham with justifying faith as he himself under stood it. It would be an anachronism to suppose that the writer of the words in Genesis had risen to an idea of this kind, nor is any such exegesis supported by the context. Abraham believed, not in God s pardoning grace, but in Yahwe s fidelity to his promise. In fact Abraham s faith or trust is precisely what faith as Paul conceives it is not, an 'opus per se dignum'. See FAITH, i.

8. Theocratic sense.[edit]

From the ethical we may now pass to the theocratic sense of tsedakah and the cognate words. We have already had a glimpse of this meaning in the Messianic passage quoted from Jeremiah. It became prevalent from the time of Habakkuk. It must be remembered that Habakkuk, like Jeremiah, lived after Josiah's reform, but does not, like Jeremiah, attribute the partial failure of that reform to the depravity of the Judaean people. On the contrary, he believed that the obstacle to strict legal observance lay in the oppression of Judah by the Babylonians (14); for it was very hard to believe in Yahwe or his law while the Babylonian oppressor had it all his own way. The people of Judah were at least better than their oppressors ; hence to Habakkuk 'the righteous' is the constant description of the Judaeans, whilst 'the wicked' stands for the heathen conqueror. This terminology was adopted by subsequent writers, as may be seen from Is. 26:10, Ps. 9:6, 9:17, 10:2+. In the end, as Habakkuk holds, Yahwe will vindicate the cause of his people, and 'the righteous man' - i.e., the man of Judah, is to live by fidelity to his God and confidence in the ultimate victory of the good cause. Here we have the outline of the picture which the Second Isaiah (i.e., Is. 40-55) fills in with completer detail and added shades of meaning. 1 Whereas the earlier prophets threatened, the unknown prophet of the Exile makes it his chief endeavour to comfort Israel. No doubt the nation has sinned ; but it has also been punished enough, and more than enough, and now the day of its deliver ance is at hand. 'For the sake of his own faithfulness (tsedek) Yahwe has been pleased to give great and glorious revelation' of his character (42:21 ). {2} He is a 'truth-speaking' God (tsaddik, 45:21). He has stirred up Cyrus 'in righteousness' (45;13), i.e. , as Yahwe ought to do, and therefore must do ; he has supported him with 'his trusty right hand' ( 'right hand of tsedek', 41:10). By a glorious restoration Yahwe 'justifies' Israel - i.e. , decides in its favour (50:8). Hence in a multitude of cases tsedek and tsedakah mean triumph (so the verb 45:25 : cp VIKO.V [nikan] in Rom. 12:21) 'victory' (41:2, 46:12), 'redress' (51:8), 'salvation' (46:13). It is significant that when tsedakah retains its older and ethical force, it is used of a righteousness which comes as a divine grace being 'rained down from above (45:8). In the Second Isaiah, however, this purely ethical sense is rare, occurring only two or three times out of some twenty-five in which the Hebrew root is used.

1 We may perhaps compare KaAol Kaya&ot [kaloi kagathoi], optimates, prudhommes, gute Manner, used of the aristocracy without any ethical meaning. Of course the ethical words never lost their ethical sense so utterly.

2 There is, however, some doubt both as to the reference in this passage, and as to its authenticity. See Marti, ad loc.

9. Individual righteousness.[edit]

The Second Isaiah, as we have seen, assumed that the sufferings inflicted by Babylon had sufficed to purify Israel, and hailed with jov the restoration of a righteous people. However, in the preceding generation Ezekiel had given expression to a very different view. In the latter period of his work he was a pastor of souls, a preacher addressing individuals rather than a prophet with a message to the nation. Naturally, then, he insists on individual righteousness. Each man is to be tried on his own merits ; however righteous he may lie, he can secure the due reward for himself and only for himself. Nay, even with the individual Yahwe deals according to his present actions, admitting no appeal to the righteousness of the past, and on the other hand forgiving iniquity in case of repentance and amendment (Ezek. 13:1, 14:14-15, 33:12-13). His ideal of righteousness in the individual conforms on the whole to the prophetic standard of individual righteousness, though it includes a larger amount of ritual observance (see esp. 18:6-8). Now, after the restoration, the view of the Second Isaiah proved untenable. The restoration itself lacked the external glory of which he had fondly dreamt, and the exile had failed to produce that righteousness of the whole nation which was still the cherished aim of religious reformers in the Jewish Church, How was it to be accomplished? Finally and completely by the judgment of the last days, which is to fall on unfaithful Jews as well as the heathen. This is the favourite theme of Apocalyptic writers (see esp. Is. 10:22 which is a late insertion : Mal. 3:3, Zech. 9:9, 12:6, 13:9, - Joel and Daniel passim). Meanwhile the wisdom literature taught with Ezekiel that God here and now, though not immediately, recompenses the righteous and the wicked according to their deserts, a dogma constantly reiterated in Proverbs and Psalms. Here and there a distinction is made between the 'weightier matters of the law' and such as are merely ritual, since Yahwe loves 'righteousness and judgment' more than 'sacrifice' (Prov. 21:3, cp, e.g. , Ps. 50). But more and more the 'righteous man' is one who studies and practises the whole law (Ps. 1:5). The righteous are really one with the hasidim : these are to be found as a rule among the poor and afflicted Israelites (Zech. 9:9, Ps. 56-59), and possibly the author of Ps. 94, when he speaks (v. 15) of legal administration returning to 'righteousness', may be looking forward to the triumph of the Pharisaic over the Sadducean party. Naturally those who made so much of the law laid great stress on deeds of mercy. But tsedakah nowhere admits, as in Mishnic Hebrew, of the rendering 'alms', though such passages as Ps. 112:9, Dan. 4:24 [4:27] are not far removed from this later use. 1

1 In Mt. 6:1, Jicaio<rv nji [dikaiosonen] is certainly the true reading, and that of TR eA.r>)|u.o<rvn)t [eleemosunen] is a gloss. Whether the gloss is correct is another question. Weiss, ad loc., answers this question in the affirmative; Holtzmann, NTl. Theol. 2:135, in the negative.

10. 'Righteousness' of sinners.[edit]

We have already, in discussing the various senses of tsedakah, etc., answered by implication the question, How is a man justified or accepted as righteous before God ? Something, however has to be added here on the justification of sinners, the change from divine condemnation to divine favour. As we have seen, the ancient Hebrew believed that God's wrath could be appeased by sacrifice (1 S. 26:19, 3:14), whereas the earliest of the literary prophets insisted that national amendment was the only way of escape from national chastisement. The idea that sin was a debt incurred and that payment was still due, however sincere the conversion might be, is altogether strange to Amos and his successors. 'Cease to do evil, learn to do well', is the remedy which Isaiah proposes ; nor does he doubt its efficacy : 'If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall eat the good of the land' (Is. 1:16-19). Ezekiel, in a passage quoted above, proposes the same rule to the individual, and combats the delusion that the merits of persons exceptionally righteous could atone for the sins of their neighbours l (see also Jer. 15:1, 31:29, and for an opposite view Gen. 18:17-18). On the whole this principle ruled in later Israel. To keep the law is righteousness (Dt. 6:25), and the man or church that does so receives tsedakah - i. e. , a favourable sentence 'from the God who comes to his help' (Ps. 24:5). It is true that neither the individual Jew nor the Jewish church could always appeal with con fidence to that perfect observance of the law which justified in the sight of God. On the contrary, the Psalms abound in acknowledgments of guilt (e.g. , Pss. 38:4-6, 40:13, 69:6 [69:5]), and the chief motive of religion was to secure divine pardon : 'There is forgiveness with thee that thou mayest be feared' (Ps. 130:4). We must not, however, identify such misgivings with the reproach of conscience, with the sense of sin as Christians understand it. The Jews believed that God was offended with them because he withheld the rewards of righteousness and dealt with them as he deals with the wicked, they believed restoration to prosperity was the sure sign of pardon and of grace, a state of mind which finds its classical expression in Ps. 32. But was there no way of restoration except perfect righteousness, or, failing that, supplication to the divine mercy (as in Dan. 9:20)? On this point the later teaching of the OT is not consistent.

11. Atonement and propitiation.[edit]

The Priestly Code limits the efficacy of the sin-offering which was introduced after the exile to venial or involuntary transgression (Nu. 15:27-31), and the mention of sacrifice in the Book of Proverbs (15:8, 16:6, 21:3, 21:27) is at least in harmony with this principle. Still, even the Priestly Code had to mitigate the strictness of its theory. On the day of Atonement the high priest laid the sins of Israel on the head of the goat which was sent into the desert (Lev. 16:20-22) ; the asham atoned for perjury and embezzlement (Lev. 5:21-22 [6:2-3], Nu. 5:5-6) when preceded by restitution to the person wronged, and incense could appease Yahwe when provoked by the rebellion of his people (Nu. 17:11-12 [16:46-47]) At a still later period it was thought that the merits of the Patriarchs atoned for the sins of Israel (see Weber, Altsyn. Theol. 280-281; and the essay on the 'Merits of the Fathers' in Sanday and Headlam's Commentary on Romans), and we may perhaps find the germ of this dogma in the atoning efficacy which the OT attributes to the prayers of holy men (Ex. 32:7-8, 32:31-32, Nu. 14:11-12, 16:22, 17:10, Jos. 7:6-7, Jer. 7:16, 11:14, 15:1, Job 5:1, 33:23) and of angels (Zech. 1:12, Job 5:1, 33:23). Very naturally the doctrine that the merits of the Fathers availed for the justification of Israel culminated in the belief that the guilt of Israel was purged by the vicarious sufferings of righteous men. This no doubt was the teaching of the Rabbis. According to them, Isaac made propitiation for Israel by the willing oblation of his own life. God smote Ezekiel that Israel might go free, and martyrdom made propitiation for sin as efficaciously as the day of Atonement. 2 The OT, however, lends no real support to such a theory of justification by vicarious sacrifice. The famous passage (Is. 52:13-53:12) which describes the sufferings of Yahwe's servant is treated elsewhere (SERVANT OF THE LORD). In spite of the corruption of the text, the general sense seems to be clear. 8 Israel, the servant of Yahwe, does indeed suffer for the 'peace' and 'healing' of the nations. This, however, takes place because of the effect produced on the minds of the heathen, not because of the effect produced on the mind of God. At first the heathen regard Israel as afflicted by an angry God : they shrink from him as men shrink from a leper. But God reverses the tragic doom of his people and raises up the nation to new life. Then the heathen understand the divine purpose. They recall the meekness with which Israel endured its punishment. They acknowledge their own sinfulness and come to the knowledge of the true God who has scattered Israel abroad for a season that he may make it the light of nations and show his irresistible power in its glorious restoration.

1 Almsdeeds also were regarded as a powerful means of atonement for past sins.

2 Reff. in Holtzmann, NTl. Theol. 1:65-66.

3 Verses 10-11, as they stand, quite out of place, since the context requires a reference to the resurrection, not the death of the servant. See Che. Intr. to Is. 305, n. i, and Duhm and Marti, ad loc. [also SERVANT OF THE LORD, 4(4) 5(4)].

12. Jesus' conception.[edit]

The words SJKCUOS [dikaios], SiKaiocrvv-rj [dikaiosune], which scarcely occur in the Fourth Gospel, are exceedingly common in Mt. and Lk. , and serve to express the most striking and characteristic features of Jesus' teaching. Jesus required from his disciples a righteousness better than that of the Scribes and Pharisees, and told them that otherwise they could not enter the Kingdom of Heaven (Mt. 5:20). Generally, it may be said that Jesus restored the pro phetic ideal of righteousness, at the same time deepen ing and extending it. The popular doctrine understood, by righteousness, not so much an honest and upright life as scrupulous attention to moral and ceremonial rules, conduct legally correct. These rules were contained in the written and oral law ; Jesus declared that the traditions of the elders nullified the central purpose of the law (Mk. 7:1-13), or at best were matters of indifference (ib. ). Moreover, he not only distinguished between the more important and less important precepts of the Mosaic law (Mt. 23:23) ; he also criticised the law itself and set its most solemn commands aside.

No less than this is implied in words such as these - \Moses because of the hardness of your hearts suffered you to divorce your wives' (Mt. 19:8 = Mk. 10:5); 'The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath' (Mk. 2:27) ; 'Nothing that goeth into a man from without can defile a man' (Mk. 7:15 = Mt. 15:17-18; contrast Lev. 11 Deut. 14). Again, the righteousness which Jesus taught far transcended on its positive side that of the Mosaic law : among his disciples the lex talionis was to give place to a very different rule - viz., 'Do not resist evil' (Mt. 5:39) - and that is followed by a kindred command, 'Love your enemies' (Mt. 5:44).

More clearly and more consistently than any previous teacher, Jesus demanded a righteousness of the heart, and forbade malicious and impure thoughts as sternly as the deeds of murder and lust to which they naturally tend (Mt. 5:21-28). He went deeper still, and instead of reckoning the sum of good deeds, or even good thoughts, against the opposing sum of evil deeds and thoughts, he insisted upon righteousness of character, a righteous ness which is not accidental but essential, a righteousness which is one and indivisible, various as its manifesta tions may be : 'A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit, neither can a corrupt bring forth good fruit' (Mt. 7:18). No sacrifice was to be counted too severe when personal righteousness was in peril (Mt. 5:29) or the cause of righteousness to be advanced (Mt. 19:21, Mk. 10:21, Lk. 18:22). On the one hand, all was to be done with a single eye fixed upon God and his approval (Mt. 6:1 etc.); on the other hand, the service of God consisted in the service of man for God's sake. It is on duty to man that the 'Sermon on the Mount' dwells throughout, that practical love for man of which God himself is the supreme example, and hence an infinite vista opens up before the disciple, who can never feel that he has done enough since he is to be perfect as his Father in Heaven is perfect (Mt. 5:48). So, too, the Jewish notion of a contract with God who repays service done disappears in that relation of son to father which Jesus removed from the circumference and set in the centre of religion. True, God rewards those who do not reward themselves by ostentation and self-complacency. But the quality of reward is the same for all faithful service, long or short ; it consists in admission to the kingdom in which the ideal of righteousness is realised (Mt. 20:1-16). As God bestows the powers to be used in his service, and has an absolute right to that service, no room is left for merit which does but claim its due : 'When ye shall have done all these things which are commanded you, say, We are unprofitable servants' (Lk. 17:10).

Jesus opened the Kingdom of Heaven to those who hungered and thirsted for righteousness such as this (Mt. 5:6). Whereas, however, prophets and apocalyptic writers had looked forward to a final separation of the righteous and the wicked, Jesus began his work by the great announcement that he came to call not the righteous, but sinners, to repentance (Mt. 9:13 = Mk. 2:17 = Lk. 5:32). He declared and pronounced the forgive ness of sins ; he spoke of the joy in heaven over one sinner who repents ; he taught men to believe in God by first teaching them to believe in himself. He invited men to believe in the good news (Mk. 1:15) - i.e. , to have faith or trust in God as their Father, and to make this trust the guiding principle of their lives.

13. Use of dlKaios [dikaios].[edit]

It would be impossible within the limits of this article to discuss the righteousness of faith of which Paul speaks or the connection of Christ's death with justification. It may be well, however, to indicate in conclusion the various uses of 5i /ccuos [dikaios] and the cognate words in the NT apart from righteousness in the Pauline sense and that higher righteousness demanded by Jesus from his disciples of which we have said something already. The adjective dfccuos [dikaios], 'righteous', is applied to God especially as judge of all (Rev. 16:5), or to Christ (2 Tim. 4:8, Jn. 17:25) ; to men as observant of the Jewish law (Mt. 1:19). 1 It also is equivalent to virtuous in the widest sense (Mt. 5:45, 9:13 = Mk. 6:20= Lk. 5:32, etc.). Once Paul distinguishes the righteous man who fulfils all his obligations from the dyaOos [agathos] whose character is more genial and attractive (Rom. 5:7). 'Righteous' is also a title given to men eminently righteous (Mt. 13:17, Mk. 2:17), and by pre-eminence to Jesus (Acts 3:14, 7:52, 22:14). It is predicated, as the corresponding Hebrew adjective never is, of things (Mt. 20:4, Lk. 12:57, Acts 4:19, Rom. 7:12, Col. 4:1, Phil. 4:8 etc.).

The noun Si/caiocrvn) [dikaiosune] means 'fair dealing' between man and man (passing into the wider sense of virtuous conduct ; Acts 10:35, 24:25, Rom. 6:13, 14:17, 1 Tim. 6:11, 2 Tim. 2:22). Lk. uses it once only, viz., in 1:75 where it is parallel to 'holiness', i.e., piety. Acceptance of John s baptism is spoken of (Mt. 3:15) as included in the 'fulfilment of all righteousness' - i.e., as conformable to the divine will which the Baptist announced. So, too, the Baptist is said to have come 'in the way of righteousness' (Mt. 21:32), because he preached that course of conduct which righteousness required. The verb SIKO.IU> [dikaioo], 'justify', in the NT always means to pronounce just, never, either in the NT or in profane writers, to make just (the apparent exception, Rev. 22:11, in the received text arises from a false reading). It is used of men who seek to prove themselves in the right (Lk. 10:29), or to win credit for righteousness with their fellow-men (Lk. 16:15). Men are justified before God when they obtain his approval (Lk. 18:14, Mt. 12:37 = Lk. 7:35). In this sense Jesus, after his resurrection, was 'justified in the Spirit' (1 Tim. 3:16) inasmuch as he received clear tokens of divine approval. As God justifies men, so men may justify God, by confessing his righteousness (Lk. 7:29, Ps. 51:6, 51:14) as quoted in Rom. 3:4 ; cp Mt. 11:19), an application of the verb which is found in the Psalms of Solomon (2:16, 3:5).

14. Literature.[edit]

See Diestel, JDT 5:173-174; Ortloph, Begriff von p-,y [TsDQ], ZLT 1860, p. 401-402; Ryssel, Synonyme des Wahren w. Guten in den sem. Sprachen (1872); Kautzsch, Derivate des Stammes p-,y [TsDQ], Tub. 1881; Smend, AT Rel.; W. R. Smith, Proph. (2), 389, Schwally, Heil. Krieg im Alt. Israel; Wildeboer, ZATW 22 (1902). This last accentuates the juristic element and even in so early a passage as Judg. 5:11 translates tsidkoth, 'victories' [of Yahwe]. Wildeboer's comparison of the Syr. zekha to be pure, to conquer, hab 'to be guilty', 'to be defeated' is interesting and suggestive. W. E. A.

1 The passage is difficult ; but it seems to mean that Joseph was too strict an observer to marry a woman who had proved unfaithful, and too kind to make a public example of her.


(pEH ; PCMMAN [BL] -Q [A]). According to the traditional text, the name of a god worshipped at Damascus (2 K. 5:18); apparently it enters into the name TAB-RIMMON [q.v.], though, as we shall see, another view of the phrase in 1 K. 15:18 is at least equally possible.

1. Rimmon = Ass. Ramman.[edit]

A more correct pronunciation of the name of this god would be Ramman. Both name and cultus of this deity were, it is generally held, borrowed from Assyria, and certainly Ramman was the most prevalent name of the god of thunder and lightning (ideogram IM) who plays such an important part in the Babylonian Deluge-story, and is often represented as armed with the thunderbolt. The etymological meaning is 'the roarer' (ramamu = 'to roar' ) - a name well suited to a thunder god. The W. Semites appear to have had another name for this god, viz., Addu or Daddu, and Oppert (ZA 9:310+ [1894]) supposes that Adad was the oldest name of the deity. There is thought to be a reminiscence of the identity of Addu (or Adad) and Ramman in the compound form Hadad-rimmon (MT's reading) in Zech. 12:11 ; the editor of Zechariah, however, will in this case be responsible for the strange form (but see Crit. Bib. ). We often find Ramman associated with Shamash (the sun-god), like whom he is (in an inscription of the Kassite period) called 'lord of justice'. The Massoretes may have confounded Ramman with rimmon (see POMEGRANATE) ; though H. Derenbourg disputes the accuracy of this representation, Rimmon, according to him, being the divinised pomegranate (Kohut Memorial Studies, 120-125 [1897])

See especially Jastrow, Rel. of Bab. and Ass., 156-161 ; and Amur. Journ. of Sem. Languages, 12:159-162; also Schrader, 'Ramman-Rimmon', St. Kr., 1874, pp. 334-335. Sayce, 'the god Ramman', ZA 2:331-332 [ ; Zimmern, KAT (') 3:1 442-451].

According to Ohnefalsch-Richter {Kypros, Text, 115) the confusion between the Hebrew word for 'pomegranate' (P31, rimmon) and the name of the originally Assyrian god Ramman is older than MT, and goes back possibly to the time of Ezekiel (and earlier). In this connection he notes that pomegranates were attached to the vestments of the high-priest and to the columns of the temple at Jerusalem. On Carthaginian stela;, moreover, we find the seated figure of 1 the boy Adonis in the very place occupied elsewhere by the column surmounted by a pomegranate. Ohnefalsch-Richter thinks that it was 'an easy step' to identify this tree-god Tammuz, to whom the 'rimmon' was sacred, with the storm-god Ramman, and to call him Rimmon.

According to Jensen, there is a cylinder in the Hermitage at St. Petersburg inscribed with two divine names, the one Rammanum, the other Ashratum. Taking this in connection with Assyrian texts which speak of the god Amurru (i.e., the god of the land Amurru, the Amorite god) as the consort of Ashratu, he infers that the Amorite god referred to is Rammanu, i.e., the storm-god, also called by the Assyrians 'the Lord of the Mountain', = p} 1 ? Sj. 3> 'the Baal of Lebanon'. The 'land of Amurru' was in fact originally the land of the Lebanon or Antilibanus (cp Wi. GI 1:52).

2. Rimmon = Jerahmeel.[edit]

The present writer, however (see Crit. Bib.}, suspects much misunderstanding in the traditional text of the narratives of the kings of Aram, which is specially visible in names - 'Ben-hadad', for instance, seems to be equivalent to Bir-dadda, and Hazael to Haza'ilu, which are attested as N. Arabian royal names in Assyrian inscriptions (KAT (2), 148) ; 'Damascus' is constantly miswritten for 'Cusham' ; and Rimmon, or rather Ramman, may be regarded as a popular corruption of that famous name 'Jerahmeel', which was not only an ethnic name, but also in all probability the name of a god (see Crit. Bib. on 2 K. 17:30-31). When, therefore, we read in 2 K. 5:18 of Naaman's accompanying his royal master to the house of Rimmon, this is meant (not of the storm-god, but) of the national god of Jerahmeel, who may possibly have been called Jarham or Yarham (i.e., rrr. 'moon', with the Arabic 'mimation' ). It was not unnecessary to warn the Israelites that Naaman was only by a special indulgence allowed to do outward honour to Jarham or Jerahmeel, because there are several indications that the worship of Jerahmeel had made its way into Judah some time before the fall of the state. See, e.g. , Zeph. 1:5b, where we should very probably read, '(I will cut off) those that prostrate themselves before the moon, that swear by Jerahmeel'. 1 It now becomes doubtful whether 'son of Tab-rimmon' in 1 K. 15:18 is correct. The king to whom Asa sent may have been, not 'Ben-hadad, son of Tab-rimmon, son of Hezion, king of Syria, that dwelt at Damascus', but 'Ben-hadad [ = Bir-dadda], native of Beth-Jerahmeel 2 (or Rabbath-Jerahmeel?), king of Aram ( = Jerahmeel), who dwelt at (or, in) Cusham'. It should also be noticed here that Klisha, who had such close relations with a king of Aram and his general, was, the present writer suspects, a prophet of the Negeb - i.e. , of a region which was originally Jerahmeelite.

T. K. C.


(pOT - i.e. , pomegranate? - see NAMES, 69 ; or from Jerahmeel ? - see RIMMON, i. , 2).

1. Josh. 15:32, 19:7 [AV REMMON], 1 Ch. 4:32, Zech. 14:10. See EN-RIMMON, and cp AIN, i.

2. The name of a rock where 600 fugitive Benjamites found shelter for four months (Judg. 20:47, [is-in, ptfi.fj.iav i [BAL]). There was a village of this name 15 R. mi. N. of Jerusalem (OS 146:5, 287:98), identified by Robinson (2113) with the mod. Rammon, rather more than 3 mi. E. of Bethel, 'on and around the summit of a conical chalky hill and visible in all directions'. This would be in the wilderness of Beth-aven (Josh. 18:12). Birch (PEFQ, 1879, p. 128) objects that there are only a few small caves at Rammon, and refers to Consul Finn, who heard of a vast cavern in the Wady es-Suweinit capable of holding many hundred men. Canon Rawnsley in consequence visited the caverns in this Wady, which he describes in PEFQ, 1879, pp. 118-126. Birch, following Ges. Thes. 1296, identifies the Rimmon of Judg. 20:47 with the Rimmon 'under' which Saul, with his 600 men, tarried (1 S. 14:2). The latter Rimmon was 'at the limit of Geba' (so read for Gibeah). See MIGRON.

3. 'Rimmon' (rather Rimmonah, njie")), also appears in RV of Josh. 19:13 (E. boundary of Zebulun), where AV again [see 1] gives Remmon, with the addition of -methoar, (RV 'which stretcheth' ) as if a compound name. The RV at any rate recognises that the name is not compound ; it also does justice to the article in iNhsn (pffJ.fJ.uv a afj.adap aofa [B] ; pefj.fj.diva.fj., fj,a0api/uL, avvova [A] ; ewi a.fj,a(>a.pi vova [L]). We may render, with Dillmann and Kau. HS, 'and (their border) extends to Rimmonah (rnisn), and turns round (iNni) to Neah (?)'. No doubt it is the Rimmono (iyis-i, AV Rimmon), or rather Rimmonah, of 1 Ch. 6:62 [6:77], probably also the DIMNAH (n:p^) of Josh. 21:35, corresponding to the modern Rummaneh on the SE. edge of the plain of Battauf, 4 mi. N. from Gath-hepher, and 7.5 mi. N. from Chisloth-tabor.

4. Possibly MADMENAH [q.v.] in Is. 10:31 should rather be Rimmonah.

T. K. C.

1 G. A. Smith renders MT, so far as he thinks it possible, thus, 'and those who . . . swear by their Melech', and in a note points out the disorder of the text. Wellh. reads, 'those who bow themselves to Yahwe and swear by Milcom'. But C2^C, like -jSci i s very probably one of the current distortions of SucnT- See Crit. Bib.

2 The much-disputed word p<in is probably a corruption of pnT. a variant to ;iai, and nearer to the original form ^x~ .


(|V3~1 ; peMMCON [BAL], 'pomegranate' [so NAMES, 69 ; Del. Prol. 205], or the Ass. divine name Ramman [Lohr, cp KiSH?], or [Che.] a distortion of the ethnic Jerahmeel), a Beerothite, the father of RECHAB and BAANAH [q.v.] (2 S. 4:2, 4:59). Note that 'Rechab' maybe also from 'Jerahmeel', 1 and that, as the story of SAUL (q.v. ) shows, there was a strong Jerahmeelite element in Benjamin (Che.).


fmrri; THN pe/v\MO>N [BAL]; 1 Ch. 6:62 [77]). Rather Rimmonah. See RIMMON ii. 3.


RV Rimmon-perez (pS fi1), a stage in the wandering in the wilderness, perhaps = Zarephath-jerahmeel [Che.]; Nu. 33:19-20 (peMMOON [pAMMU)N,orp AM MCOe]4>Apec). See WANDERINGS, 12.


1. Signet.[edit]

The signet ring was called in Hebrew hotham (Qmri) from its use ( x /[root] to seal), and tabba'ath, (H1J3D) from its form ( ^/ [root] to sink, As. tebu); also in Bibl. Aram. 'izka' (NpW) Dan. 6:18 [6:17], and in Targum for both hotham and tabba'ath ( N / [root] to cut, engrave). 1 See ENGRAVE. The seal was worn, as it is still by some Arabians, on a cord, pathil (see RIBBAND), round the neck, Gen. 38:18 ; later, on the right hand, Jer. 22:24. In Cant. 8:6 both customs seem combined, 'on thine arm, on thy heart'. The oldest form of signet worn by all Babylonians (Herod. 1:195) was the cylinder, a large hole being bored through the core to admit a soft woollen cord for suspension round wrist or neck. 2 The Egyptian scarabaeus 3 had a smaller hole to admit a fine wire. When used, the seal was rolled over a piece of pipeclay which was laid on an object or attached by a ribbon to a document (King, Antique Gems, 1:40). It was from the Egyptian wire that the more convenient finger-ring was evolved. Such rings were among the ornaments worn by Hebrew women after the exile, Is. 3:21 (vv. 18-23 being an interpolation). The word galil 'ring' in Cant. 5:14 EV, for which RVmg preferably suggests 'cylinder', seems to be used as a simile of the fingers of the hand (BDB, Bu. ad loc. ).

The transference of Judah's signet to Tamar had no special significance - he simply gave her as a pledge an object which could obviously be identified with him. 4 On the signet was probably a precious stone, mostly the shoham (see ONYX), on which was engraved a figure or inscription, Ex. 28:11. Hence in an Oriental court the conveyance of the signet attested a royal message (1 K. 21:8), and in many lands was a mode of investing officers with power (Gen. 41:42, Esth. 3:10, 1 Macc. 6:15, Jos. Ant. 20:2:2). There is no indication that the wedding-ring was used in OT times ; but in Egypt some such custom anciently prevailed. It should be added that a da.KTv\t.ov [daktylion] was placed on the hand of the prodigal son on his restoration to his father's house (Lk. 15:22).

1 Hothemeth, Gen. 38:25 t is fem. coll. = 'sealing apparatus'. Ball suggests reading DCnnrt or rCRm ; Holzinger partly approves this suggestion.

2 Illustrations in Perrot-Chipiez, Art in Ass. 2, figs. 131+

3 The earliest dated Egyptian cylinder is as old as 3800 B.C. (Flinders Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, 1:55).

4 Wellhausen (Ar. Held. (2), 154-155) thinks that the cord from which the signet hung was also an amulet. This would account for the insistence on the transference of the cord in the narrative in Genesis.

5 On these grounds Moore holds that ear-rings are probably meant. For the wearing of nose-rings by Indian boys in order to pass as girls and avert the evil-eye, see Frazer, Pausanias, 2:266.

2. Ear-ring, nose-ring.[edit]

Nezem (en) conveys the meanings of both an ear-ring and a nose-ring, though usually the fuller form nezem ha-aph (r^n nu) is used for the nose-ring. In Judg. 8:24, however, where the singular is used, it is probable that nezem alone means nose-ring. The whole of this passage is, however, regarded as a late gloss by Wellhausen, Moore, Budde, andothers. Neither nose-rings nor ear-rings were worn by males, though Pliny (NH 11:37 [11:50]) says that Oriental men wore them, and, if Judg. 8:24 be genuine Midianite soldiers did so. 5 The nose-ring was put through the nostril and hung over the mouth. Robertson Smith explains that all such ornaments were designed as amulets and protectors to the orifices, as well as for ornament (cp RS (2) 453, and n. 2). The ring put through the nose of beasts (hah, 'hook' ) is sometimes associated with nezem (Ex. 35:22, AV 'bracelets', RV 'brooches' ); cp HOOK, 2.

Several forms of ear-ring are noticed in the OT. The lehashim of Is. 3:20 were perhaps ear-rings (see AMULETS), to which some symbolic figure was attached. Other terms for ear-ring were derived from the shape. The 'agil C? jy) was round (Ezek, 16:12, cp Bertholet on Ezek. 17, Nu. 31:50). Another kind, netiphoth (riiB BJ). lit. drops (RV pendants, AV collar), were probably pearls (Abulwalid compares Arab, natufat, a small, clear pearl), or single beads or gems attached to the lobe of the ear (r^j, to drop), Judg. 8:26 (arpayya\is [straggalis] [B], 6pfj.i<?Koi etxfruQ [ormiskoi enphooth] [AL]), Is. 3:19 (LXX /cdfle/aa [kathema]?) worn by Midianite men and Israelite women.

The ancient versions gave other explanations ; Tg. K 7 72i diadems, chaplets. Some Jewish interpreters connected netiphoth with nataph (Ez. 30:34, see STACTE) and render capsules of sweet-smelling gum. See, further, ORNAMENTS, and the articles there referred to.

I. A.


ppl ) Gen. 30:35+ ; see COLOURS, 12.


(nn, shouting?? 74 ; AN A [B], PANNOON [A], peNNA [I-]). son of the Judahite SHIMON (q.v. ); 1 Ch. 4:20.


<nBn, Gen. l0:3 [P], picbAG [AEL] ep . [>]; Ch. 16, Pan, DIPHATH [AVmg and RV], epei4>A6 [B], picbAe [A], pid)A6 [L]; i" both places RIPHATH [Vg.j, ^ft . * 1 . one of the 'sons' of Gomer, Gen. 10:3, 1 Ch. 1:6 t. According to the theory which finds N. Arabian influence and interests pervading the earlier chapters of Genesis (see PARADISE, 6), 'Gomer' represents 'Jerahmeel', 'Ashkenaz' conies from 'Kenaz' (or Asshur-Kenaz), 'Riphath' from 'Zarephath'. The transformation has been systematic. On the time-honoured theory, however, which bases itself on MT, we must look far away from N. Arabia. Josephus thought of Paphlagonia ; Bochart and Lagarde of the Bithynian river prjfias [rebos] and the distant prifHavria [rebantia] on the Thracian Bosporus. But if TOGARMAH [q.v. ] is really Tilgarimmu, on the border of Tabal, Riphath may be identified with Bit Burutash (or Buritish), a district - mentioned several times with Tabali (see Schr. KGF 176) - whose king was an ally of Urartu and Musku. The syllable -ash or -ish may be regarded as a suffix (so first Hal. REJ, 17164). The transposition of b (or p) and r is no difficulty. The suggestion is plausible, if MT may safely be followed.

T. K. C.


(nD-); AeccA [B], P . [AF], Ap. [L]). a stage in the wandering in the wilderness ; Nu. 33:21-22. See WANDERINGS, WILDERNESS OF.


(niprn named from the DJ~n or juniper tree, 103 ; if we should not rather read Ramath, PANAMA [BAF], PAMA0A [I-]), a stage in the wandering in the wilderness (Nu. 33:18-19). See WANDERINGS.


[The facts and theories about Hebrew ritual are dealt with in many articles, among the most important of which are the following : SACRIFICE, TEMPLE (34+), NATURE WORSHIP, ALTAR, MASSEBAH, TABERNACLE, ARK, DISPERSION, SYNAGOGUE. On the ritual of the nations contemporary with Israel the reader may consult ARAM, ASSYRIA, BABYLON, EGYPT, MOAB, AMMON, CANAAN, PHOENICIA, HITTITES, SCYTHIANS, ZOROASTRIANISM, etc.

Of those nations, however, so great an influence on the civilisation of the whole of hither Asia was exercised by one, the Babylonian, that the facts about its ritual acquire special importance. On the other hand the amount of first-hand information on the subject is unique and, besides, not generally accessible. It is proposed, accordingly, to give here some account of the nature, and ceremonial institutions, of the Babylonian sacrificial ritual. In doing this the points in which it resembles, or differs from, the ritual of the OT will be indicated, and a brief comparison of the two systems given.]


  • Names for sacrifice (1).
  • Objects offered, age, etc. (2-3).
  • Time and place (4).
  • Antiquity of sacrifice (5).
  • Performance (6).
  • Idea, purpose (7-8).
  • Human sacrifice (9).
  • Lustration (10).
  • Summary (11).


A short account of Babylonian sacrifices has been already given in the Supplement to Die Cultus-tafel von Sippar (Joh. Jeremias, Leipsic, 25-32 [1889]). The question of how far this system is original and how far it is related to what we find elsewhere has received little or no attention. The treatment of such questions in the difficult sphere of religious institutions being always involved in uncertainty, it appears to be more than ever appropriate in regard to sacrifice, as an institution common to all peoples, to explain the same or similar ideas not as borrowed the one from the other, but as both drawn from the same source. In justification of the common designation Assyrio-Babylonian it is to be noted that, apart from a few modifications in their Pantheon, the religion of the Assyrians agrees through out with that of the Babylonians. Of this agreement, which was maintained in spite of all political strifes, we have a historical attestation in the fact that Ashur-bani-pal had the MSS of the Babylonian priestly schools collected, supplied with an Assyrian interlinear translation, and preserved in his state archives (see 4 R). 1

1. Names for sacrifice.[edit]

Sacrifices were called kirbannu or kurbannu (more rarely kurbanu, kitrubu ; in ordinary usage, 'backsheesh, alms'. A much commoner word is niku, 'to be bent, show reverence, offer homage' (cp for this meaning Del. Assyr. HWB), used of drink offerings (Deluge, 147 ; cp n jSJJp patera) and also of bloody sacrifices.

The root of niku is naku 'to be empty', 'to pour out'. It was probably the pouring out of the blood that led to the transference of niku from its original application 'drink offering' to the meaning 'blood offering'. A rarer word than niku is zibu (Khors. 172), Heb. rni, zebah. For 'drink offering' we find also the words muhhuru, mahhuru (in contracts), ramku. To minhah (rtnp), 'food offering', corresponds shurkinu (Del. HWB surkinu), a word formerly incorrectly rendered 'altar'. The regular stated offering (tamid, TSFl) was called sattukku (sat- takam, 'constant' ) or ginu, properly 'right'. Both words indicate the yearly, monthly, rarely (Nabun. 1443) daily, contribution to the temple for the support of the sacrifice and the priests. A synonymous word is gukku or gukkanu. The free will offering, Heb. nedabah (~3~I3), is called nindabu (nidbu).

For 'to sacrifice' the commonest word is naku.

For the sake of comparison the following may be mentioned from the many other expressions in use : epeshu, Heb. 7 rtb J? ; sabatu, Heb. Hjp? ; tabahu, Heb. rDB ; riksa rakasu, 'to prepare an offering'. Of special importance, moreover, are the expressions in purification texts: karabu (3 lpn ; often used of pouring water, occurring with p [notwithstanding Del. HWB], in Rassam 2:168) and kaparu (K 3245, pass.) 'to wipe', then 'to clear, purify', a meaning that is important in its bearing on Heb. kipper (1S3). Cp IVR 13:51, 17:33 ; Zimmern, Beitrage 122:26. The offerer of the sacrifice is called karibu or bel nike: (cp Marseilles Sacrificial Table, pni SjQ)-

1 Abbreviations used in this article. K followed by a number = some one of the tablets of the Koyunjik collection in the Brit. Mus. ; Neb. Nabun. Cyr. Babylonische Texte, Inschriften des Nebukadnezar, Nabuna'id, Cyrus, published by T. N. Strassmaier (Leipsic, 1887); Menant, PG = Les pierres gravees de la Haute Asie (Paris, 1883).

2. Objects offered.[edit]

It should be specially noted that everything that the land produced was offered to the gods without distinction. Whilst in Israel it was only the produce of a people devoted to cattle-rearing and agriculture that was offered (cp Di. Lev. (2), 379) - and this was still further narrowed by the exclusion of fruit, honey, and all sweet or fermented preparations on the one hand, and of beasts of chase and fish on the other - in the fruitful lands between the two rivers every kind of produce was freely offered to the gods. Of vegetable products we find frequent mention of wine (karanu), must (kurunnu), date wine (shikaru, prepared from corn and dates or honey and dates, cp Neb. 10:35, Nabun 612, 871 ; -mn, cp Nu. 28:7), honey (dishpu, E>yn), cream (himetu, nxon), a mixture prepared from various ingredients and containing oil and fat (invariably written GAR Ni-De-A ; probably mirsu is to be read ; cp Nab. 912, Cyr. 3276, Arab, maris, 'date-stone' ), the choice produce of the meadow (simat appari), garlic (? shummu, cy), first-fruits (resheti ; n tPNT ; Sanh. 1:61, Kuj. 1:9). 1 Food specially prepared for the gods was called akal taknu (4 R. 61, 52a.), with which should be compared the analogous expression crh rc-iyan. Upon the table of the gods were laid 12, or 3 x 12, loaves of ASh-AN, that is to say wheaten flour, as shewbread (cp Zimmern, Beitrage 98:33, 104:138; ZVR 55:20b, 56:23a; Craig, Relig. Texts 1:66; King, Magic and Sorcery 408) ; also akal mutki, that is to say, unleavened bread, is several times mentioned (cp Lev. 24:5). Special abundance and splendour characterised the vegetable offerings of the Neo-Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian kings (cp Pognon, Inscriptions de Wadi Brissa ; Neb. Grof. 1:16+; Neb. Grof. 2:26-27; Neb. Grof. 3:7+; Schr. KB 2:78}. They were in the form of the daily sattukku, the state sacrifice, a sort of representation of the whole agriculture of the land. Nebuchadrezzar lays on the table of Marduk and Sarpanit the choicest produce of the meadow, fruit, herbs, honey, cream, milk, oil, must, date-wine, wine from different vineyards. Still more abundant is the offering of Sargon (KB 2:78), a king who offers finally not to the gods but to himself. His splendid offering is a brilliant display of his royal wealth, at which even the gods must be amazed.

The commonest bloody sacrifice mentioned is that of the lamb (written Lu niku or niku}.

The expression Lu Nita, often occurring in contracts, is to be read kalumu or shu (nt 1 ) and to be rendered 'lamb, kid'. For 'goat' we find the words buhadu, lapparu (in contracts), urizu az(s) lu 'an old mature lamb'. Of other quadrupeds we hear of sacrificial oxen (gumahhu or alap mahhu), bullocks (parru, ~\B), gazelles (tsabitu), wild kine (littu, ,1N^). The following birds were used for sacrifice ; doves, geese (us-tut), cocks (kurku, 4 R 26471?; Talm. N^IIU), peacocks (paspasu), pheasants (? pasnu; Nabun. 672:1 ; Talm. P'7DS). Fish (nune) are always mentioned along with birds of heaven (itstsur shame).

For a bird sacrifice see Botta, Nineveh, pl. 110 ; for fish offerings see Menant 2:53.

1 The incense (kutru, kutrinnu, rrtap : formerly wrongly read tarrinnu, was made from precious herbs (sha'iltu r)7nr) and odoriferous woods.

3a. Age and other details.[edit]

No special prescriptions as to age are known. Lu niku probably always indicates, like ya\adi]vd [galathena] (Herod. 1:183), the young sucking lamb. We know from the contracts that victims a year old were preferred, as in P in Leviticus (apal or marat satti, like n:c> |3 or a na ; of Nabon. 196:1, 265:1, 272:2, 699:15, 768:1). Mention is also made of victims of two, three (Neb. 399:1), and four years of age (Cyr. 1174).

With regard to the condition of the animals the requirements were stricter : faultless growth (tashrihtu), large size (rabu}, fatness (dushshu, mart), physical purity (ebbu, ellu ; 'pure, shining' ), and spotlessness (shuklulu ; Herod. TO, rtXea T&V TrpojiaTwv [ta telea toon probatoon]). Cp Zimmern, Beitrage 100:72. In divination, however, the use of unsound victims was permitted ; in the prayers to the sun-god (ed. Knudtzon, 73) we often read : izib sha kalumu ilutika sha ana biri baru matu hatu : 'Grant that the lamb of thy divinity, which is used for inspection, may be imperfect and unsound'.

It is well known that in the Israelitish cultus, thank-offerings need not be faultless (Lev. 22:23).

The victim was as a rule a male, yet females also were used (Sanh. Bav. 33, Cyr. 117:4, Cyr. 247:1). It was probably always female victims that were used in purification ceremonies : sharat buhatti la pitete, 'the skin of a she-lamb still intact' (4 R 25 35c; cp 4 R 28 no. 3 11 5 R 51 51 ; Nimr. Ep. 44, 60). Compare with this the prescription of a she-goat one year old for the sin offering of the individual (Nu. 15:27).

The victim was probably seldom placed entire (kalil, ^Sa) on the altar. To begin with, the remarkably small size of the altars that have been found shows that only certain parts of the victims were offered. The altar of Sargon s palace is 32 inches high ; that from Nimrud, actually only 22 inches. 1 That the flesh was boiled, as in Israel in early times, is shown by 5 R 61, 15, where the priest receives, along with other shares, a large pot of meat-broth (dikar me sheri).

With regard to the details of sacrificial ritual and practice our sources tell us little ; the sculptures represent as a rule only the preparatory steps (cp Menant 2:54 ; Layard, Monum. of Nineveh 2:24). The usual form of offering was burning by fire (ana makluti aklu). We know nothing of special ceremonies performed with the blood in the Babylonian ritual, such as were usual in Israel and ancient Arabia (Wellh. Ar. Heid. 113). In a text published by Zimmern (Beitrage, 126), which describes the purification of the king s palace, the lintels of the palace are smeared with the blood of a lamb (ina dami urizi shuatum] ; compare for this interesting passage Ex. 12:7. It may be remarked in passing that we learn from 4 R 32 30 that there were three ways of preparing the victim : sher sha penti bashlu sha tumri, 'baked, boiled, smoked flesh'. The offering consisting of vegetable food was probably consumed by the sacrificers. A drastic exposure of this pia fraus is given us in the apocryphal Bel and the Dragon.

3b. Parts of victims used.[edit]

The following parts are expressly mentioned in 2 R 44, 14-18gh 1-5ef: head (kakkadu), neck (kishadu), flank (patu), breast (irtu], rib (tsitu), loin (sunu), tail (zibbatu), spine (etson tseru), heart (libbu), belly (karshu), intestines (hashe), kidney (kalitu), knuckles (kursinnate). In the contracts (cp especially the important texts, Strassm. Neb. 247 and 416 ; also Peiser, Babylonische Vertrage, 107) many parts are mentioned that are still etymologically obscure (with two of them, sher gabbu and sher ganni tsili, cp Talm. KZXZ tail ; and anu flank). Sacrificial flesh was probably not taboo as amongst the Israelites and the Phoenicians (Movers, Phon. 2:118) ; according to a late statement of the Epistle of Jeremiah (v. 28 [Baruch 6:28]) the Babylonian priests sold the sacrificial flesh, and their wives also cured it.

1 Perrot-Chipiez, Art in Chaldaea and Assyria, 1:256-257

4. Time and place.[edit]

No definite prescriptions as to the times of sacrifice have reached us. The Zakmuku or New Year's feast, the Akitu feast held in honour of Marduk (Neb. Bors. 48) were signalised by processions and sacrifices. Daily sacrifices are often mentioned (Neb. Grof. 1:16, 2:26) ; an animal sacrifice, in Tigl.-pil. 7:10 (cp 1 S. 20:6). In the ritual tablet for the month Ululu (cp Lotz, Historia Sabbati, 1:50+), published in 4 R 32 33, it is prescribed that the daily sacrifice, consisting of an 'olah and a minhah, should be offered once at each rising of the moon and appearance of the dawn, fourteen times by night and fourteen times by day (cp Ex. 29:38, Nu. 28:3). A morning offering is mentioned in the text published by Zimmern, Beitrage 10069. Sacrifice as a free expression of prayer and dependence (thank-offerings, todah, can hardly have been known to the Babylonians), as the highest product of the religious life, is not severely confined to definite times. On the contrary, every important event of life is celebrated by a spontaneous offering of sacrifices just as in ancient Israel. If the king of the Assyrians returns victorious from a military expedition, if in repairing a temple he finds an ancient foundation stone, if he dedicates his palace, if he consecrates his weapons for the fight (kakkeia ullil), if in hunting he secures his prey, if he formally commemorates his ancestors - in each and all of these cases he offers sacrifice to the gods. It is a relief amid the annals of cruelty and pride of Assyrian rulers when we read in their boastful accounts : ana ilani lu nike akki, 'I presented to the gods an offering'. For innumerable instances of this kind we may refer generally to KB.

The ordinary place of sacrifice was the temple. Mountain and spring also were, in accordance with the universal Semitic ideas (cp Baudissin, Studien, 2:143), regarded as sacred spots, specially suited for sacrifices. After the flood Xisuthros offered his sacrifice 'on the top of the mountain' (ina zikkurat shadi) ; and so Ashur-bani-pal (38:9) on the mountain Halman, and Shalmanassar (Co. 103) at the source of the Euphrates.

5. Antiquity of sacrifices.[edit]

The origin of sacrifice lies, according to Babylonian ideas, beyond the limits of human history ; it existed from the time when the world was made (ultu um tsat mdti). Gods and genii are often represented as sacrificing (cp Menant, PG 2:37, 2:51, 2:53). Sin is called the founder of free-will offerings (mukin nindabe ; 4 R 933) ; Adar, the god of offerings and drink offerings (ilu mihri iu ramkuti ; 2 R 7 35, 2 R 67 67). As the formation of the earth was immediately followed by the institution of places of worship, so the newly created man was charged with religious duties towards the deity (Del. Das bab. Weltschopfungsepos, 111). Palahu damaku ullad niku balatu utar u tatslitu arni . . . 'the fear of God brings grace, sacrifice enlarges life and prayer (frees from) sin'. After the deluge (147+) Xisuthros sacrifices to the gods ; 'then did I turn to the four winds, poured out a drink offering, offered a cereal offering on the top of the mountain ; seven incense pans I set forth, and spread under them calamus, cedar wood, and rig gir (onycha?)'. In the old Babylonian Nimrod-epos (4460) we read in the account of the Amores Veneris : taramima amel re'a sha kanamma ishpukakki umishamma utabbahakki uniketi ; 'thou hast loved the shepherd who continually brought drink offerings to thee, daily sacrificed kids to thee'.

The inscriptions of the old Babylonian king Gudea already contain notices about sacrifices. On the New Year festival (see Schr. KB 3:26, 3:61) he offers to the goddess Ba'u amongst other things a cow, a sheep, six lambs, seven baskets of dates, a pot of cream, palm pith (?), fifteen chickens, fishes, cucumbers, as sattukku or regular sacrifice. A rich source of information upon the sacrificial arrangements in the later Babylonian period is to be found in the thousands of Babylonian contracts in which bills and receipts connected with temple revenues and dues, as well as lists relating to the regular sacrifices, bulk very largely. 1

1 A good index to the relative texts is provided by H. L. Tallquist, Die Sprache tier Contracts Nabona'ids (Helsingfors, 1890).

2 Diodorus Siculus (2:29) has given us a vivid and adequate account of their functions.

6. Performance.[edit]

Sacrifice was in the hands of the priestly caste, who were held in the highest esteem and enjoyed special privileges. 2 So great indeed was the esteem in which they were held in Babylonia in earlier times that even the king needed their mediation for sacrifice and prayer (cp Menant, PG 1:128-129). In Assyria, however, the king reserves for himself the supreme priesthood, calling himself the exalted high-priest and sacrificing to the god with his own hand (Per. -Chip. Assyria, 41 -[Assyrie, 455]; Menant, PG 2164). Just as Ezekiel in his ordering of the priesthood assigns to the king in the public worship an independent and important position, so we repeatedly read in the liturgical tablets preserved in 4 R 32 33 ; re'u nishe rabati nindabashu ukan ; 'the shepherd of the great peoples shall bring his offering'. In the contracts there is frequent mention of the king's offering and of that of the crown prince (sha apal sharri); Nabon. 265:8, 332:2, 594:20. As in Israel, the priests had assigned to them definite portions of the offerings. According to the ritual of the Sun-temple at Sippar the priests received the loins, the skin, the ribs, the sinews, the belly, the chitterling, the knuckles of all cattle and lambs that were offered, as well as a pot of sacrificial broth (5 R 61 col. 5). In the contracts minute details are met with as to priestly dues (Neb. 247, 416; Peiser, Bab. Vertr. 107). It is interesting to observe that in Babylonia as in Israel (see Lev. 21:16+) rules were laid down respecting the freedom from bodily blemish that was required in priests. In a priestly catechism of Sippar (K. 2486 + 4364, published by Craig, Religious Texts, Leipsic, 1895) we read as follows :

Ummanu mudu natsir pirishti ilani rabute apishtu shu irammu ina tuppi u kan tuppi ina mahar ilu Shamas u ilu Ramman utammashuma ushahhasu onuma apil amel bara

and farther on:

amel ishshakku sha zarushu ellu u shu ina kitti u minutishu shukulu ana makar ilu Shamash u ilu Ramman ashar bira u puruse tehi abil amet bare sha zarashu la ellu u shu ina kitti u mututi shu la shuklulu zakim ena hipu sinne nagpi ubanu ina shepi ... male issuba higgallu shupakilu pilpilanu ... la natsir partse sha ilu Shamas u ilu Ramman.
'A wise man who guards the secrets of the great gods shall cause his son whom he loves, with tablet and pen to take oath before Shamash and Ramman, and the son of a magician shall teach him when to do so. A priest who is noble in descent, and whose clothing (?) and measurement (?) are perfect, shall present himself before Shamash and Ramman in the place of augury and oracle. The son of a priest whose descent is not noble and who is not perfect in clothing (?) and in measure, who has squint (?) eyes, broken teeth, bruised thumbs, boils or swellings on his feet . . . shall not keep the temple of Shamash and Ramman'.

7. Fundamental idea.[edit]

Sacrifice rests ultimately on the idea that it gives pleasure to the deity (cp Di. Lev. 376). For Israel, the conception of sacrifice as a meal for Yahwe is reflected in such expressions as Gen. 8:21, Dt 33:10 (^ ^). In the Babylonian records, the gods feast in heaven (4 R 19 59: ilani rabuti itstsinu kutrinnu akal shame ellu kurunnu damga sha la ilpat kati ikkalu ; 'the glorious gods smell the incense, noble food of heaven ; pure wine, which no hand has touched, do they enjoy' ); they eat the offering (4 R 17 56: akalshu akul nigashu muhur; 'eat his food, accept his sacrifice' ) ; they inhale with physical delight the savour of the offering (Deluge, 151 : ilani etsinu eresha ilani etsinu eresha taba kima zumbe eli bel nike iptahru ; 'the gods scent the savour, the gods scent the sweet savour ; like flies do they gather themselves together about the offerer' ; cp the analogous expression nrn nn, Gen. 8:21); the gods love the offering that man brings (Asurn. 1:25 : nadan zebishu ilani rabute sha sgame u irtsitim iramu ; 'the glorious gods of heaven and earth love the gift of his sacrifice' ). What is active in the offering is the voluntary surrender of a private possession (Tigl. 7:7 : ana biblat libbisa akki ; 'I sacrificed as my heart enjoined' ). As a subject into the presence of his king, so does man come into the presence of his god with gift and tribute. In a text, printed in 4 R 20, which describes the solemn return of the god Marcluk from Elam to Babylon and the sacrificial feast then celebrated in his honour, the imperial sacrifice is described in the following terms (rev. 22-23) : shamu hegallashunu irtsitum hisibsha tamtum mihirtashu shadu iribshu kitrubashshu shut ta mahra mala, shunna lishanu kabitti bilatsunu nashu ana bilbilum. Azlu tubbuhu dushshu alap mahhe zibu shurruhu tseni kutrinnu armannu ushtetstsi ereshe tabu ; 'the heaven pours out its abundance, the earth its fulness, the sea its gifts, the mountains their produce ; their incomparable offerings, everything that can tie named, their heavy tribute do they bring to the lord of all ; lambs are slaughtered, great oxen sacrificed in herds, the sacrifice is made rich, incense is prepared, a sweet smelling savour mounts up, delicious odour'. Probably the step from the conception of the offering as a gift and a meal of the deity to that of a finer and, so to speak, spiritual, apper ception of that which was brought in sacrifice was made at a comparatively early period. So much is indicated by the fact that even from ancient times prayer was associated with sacrifice. In the pictorial repre sentations of sacrificial scenes we constantly find him who prays in close association with him who offers. The gesture of prayer was threefold : nish kati, lapadtu kati, labanu appi - lifting up of the hands, folding of the hands, casting down of the countenance.

8. Purpose.[edit]

The purpose of sacrifice is, invariably, to influence the deity in favour of the sacrifices. Man brings gifts to the gods in order that they may be moved thereby to reciprocity -to showing a favourable disposition in return. 1 When the kings Esarhaddon and Ashur-bani-pal were seriously menaced by the inroads of the Gimirri they multiplied their offerings and prayer (see Knudtzon, l.c.). In the liturgies of that period a standing expression is as follows :- ina libbi kalumi anni izzizamma anna kena shuknamma ; 'because of this lamb offered in sacrifice arise thou and establish faithfulness and mercy'.

So, in like manner, the gods are represented as rejoicing over the sacrificial gifts brought them by their human worshippers (K. 1547, rev. 11 : igdamra mashshakkeia azleia ina tub libbi ilani igdamru ; 'accomplished are my cleansing sacrifices, to the gladdening of the hearts of the gods are my sacrifices of lambs accomplished' ). The feature of joy and gladness which so markedly characterised the sacrificial meals of pre-exilic Israel ( JBS ncsr, Dt. 12:7 ; SACRIFICE, 18) is by no means absent from the Babylonian functions. Thus in 3 R 36 62 we read (akul akalu shiti kurunnu ningutu shukun nu'id iluti) 'eat food, drink must, make music, honour my god'.

Predominant, however, over this joyous note which finds such marked expression among the peoples of classical antiquity there is found in the Babylonian ritual a feature which is common to all Semitic religions - the element of propitiation. Here, of course, we must divest ourselves of all theological preconceptions, and put aside all such notions as that of an atoning efficacy attaching to the blood as the seat of life, or of a divine wrath that expends itself upon the sacrificial animal, or even of a ratio vicaria, when we speak of the idea of propitiation as underlying Babylonian sacrifices. The similarity of the words and forms does not necessarily involve similarity in the religious conception. The Babylonians possessed the same words for sin (hittu), grace (annu), propitiation (pidu) as the Hebrews had ; but it is certain that they did not associate with the words the same thoughts. At the same time it is significant and by no means accidental - it has its roots firmly planted in the very nature of the religious ideas involved - that every offering offered with the object of averting evil of any kind whatsoever was associated with the notion of a propitiatory, cleansing, purifying efficacy. In a hymn to Shamash we read (4 R 1746 : amelu apil ilishu enun arnam emid meshritushu martsish ibsha martsish ina murtsi ni'il ilu Shamash ana nish katiia kftlamma akalshu akul nigashu muhurma Ham. Ilkat ana idishu shukun ina kibitika enissu lippatir aranshu linnasih), 'man, the son of his god - sin, transgression lies upon him. His physical strength is impaired, he languishes in disease. O Shamash, behold the uplifting of my hands, eat his food, accept his sacrifice, O God. Take off his fetters. At thy command may his sins be taken away, his transgressions blotted out'. Other passages subjoined explain themselves.

4 R 5447 : muhur kadrashu liki pideshu ina kakkar shulme mahraka littallak ; 'accept the gift he brings, receive his ransom money (j vis) , let him walk before them on the ground of peace'. 4 R. 55, obv. 211 ; nis katishu ilishu ana mahari u nindabeshu ana rami ilanishu zenut iitishu ana shulmi ; 'whereby his god accepts the lifting up of his hands and takes pleasure in his free-will offerings, whereby the angry gods turn themselves propitiously towards him'. 4 R. 57 7 (akale ii napshaltum sha ina panika kunnu lipsusu limnua) : 'the food and the fatness which is spread out before thy face, may it take away mine evil'. The following remarkable passage, from a hymn to Marduk, stands unfortunately alone (K. 246 ; cp 2 R. 18 53 : amelu muttaliku ina nik reme shulme kima ke mashshi limmashshish), 'May the man plagued with fever be purified like shining metal through a gracious peace offering'. In contracts the expression alap taptiri, 'redemption ox' (Neb. 132:12, 218:3) often occurs; cp with this Lev. 4:3 (manS ns). The idea of atonement in the OT has found its classical expression in the kapporeth of P (see MERCY-SEAT, 2).

In this connection it is important to observe that the root 133 [KPR] is attested in Babylonia also, kaparu in the rituals meaning 'to cleanse', 'to purify'. 4 R. 10 40: amelu muttaliku mar ilishu kuppirma ; 'Cleanse (with the water of the oath) the man plagued with fever, the son of his god'. 4 R. 2754 : akala li'i sha amelishuatu kuppirma; 'cleanse the unclean foods (of the same)'. In K. 3245 the precept frequently recurs sharru tukappar - 'do thou, O king, purify', as also the phrase takpirtu of the ceremony of purification {kima takpirati tuktettu - 'when thou hast accomplished the rites of purification' ). Whilst the phrase already alluded to - nik shulme (corresponding to the Heb. shelem, which, as we see from 1 S. 13:9, 2 S. 24:25, Ezek. 45:17, denotes a purificatory offering : cp SACRIFICE, 11) - is of only occasional occurrence, we frequently in contracts meet with the word shalamu, shalammu, which in accordance with the primary meaning of the root shalamu may be rendered 'turning towards' (on the part of the deity), and taken in the sense of a propitiatory sacrifice. Cp Nabun. 214:9, 302:3, 641:4, 767:2, Cyr. 229:3 with the sattukku named in Nabun. 799:15, 799:17.

1 Cp King, Babylon. Magic, 17:28 (1896): ashrukka kutrinnu irishu tabu kinis naplisannima simi kaba-ai, 'I present yi>u with incense, agreeable vapour ; look at me truly, hear my words'.

9. Human sacrifice.[edit]

A few words must be said on the subjects of human sacrifice, offerings to the dead, and sacrifices of chastity. 2 It is a remarkable circumstance that hitherto no authentic evidence for the burning of human sacrifices has been met with in any of the cuneiform inscriptions. It would be unwise, however, to base much upon the argumentum e silentio here, for reticence with reference to such a sad and repulsive practice is only what we should expect. The passage, so often quoted in 4 R. 266, where the priest is bidden to offer for the life of the sick man a kid (urizu) - head, neck, breast of the one for head, neck, breast of the other - does not come into account here. The text is a description of a magical operation such as may be compared with that given in 2 K. 4:34. The Babylonian sculptures, on the other hand, supply traces of human sacrifices that are almost unmistakable (see Menant, PG 1:94-95, 1:97), though it is not impossible that the representations in question are intended to figure, not human sacrifices, but ceremonies connected with circumcision. In the wider sense of the term the Babylonian ban (see BAN) has to be regarded as of the nature of human sacrifice. That the same conception is not altogether absent from the Heb. herem (against Di. Lev. 377) is proved by Is. 346, where the destruction of Israel's enemies at Bozrah is treated as a "V rnr. Sennacherib (5:50) put to death the troops of Shuzub at the command of Ashur his lord. Shalmaneser (Mo. Obv. 17) burnt the young men and maidens in his band of captives. The ban pronounced by Ashur-bani-pal (6101) over his enemies extends also to the lower animals (cp Judg. 20:48). A sacrificial offering of prisoners (cp 1 S. 15:33) is thus recorded by Asur-bani-pal (470): 'the remainder of the people I put to death beside the great steer, where my grandfather Sennacherib had been murdered, making lamentation for him'. In 4 R. 6340 Ishtar figures as the bloodthirsty goddess who devours human flesh : ishtanatti dami nishbuti sha ameluti sher sha la akali nerpaddu sha la karatsi : 'she (the daughter of Anu) has drunk the satisfying blood of men, flesh that cannot be eaten, bones that cannot be gnawed'. The probability is that the Babylonians practised human sacrifice secretly without formally taking it up into the recognised worship. In the older period (of which we have a reminiscence in Gen. 22), as well as in times of religious declension (2 K. 17:31), the Israelites doubtless borrowed the practice of human sacrifice from the peoples in their immediate neighbourhood.

As for offerings to the dead, which indeed are forbidden in the OT as relics of heathenism (Dt. 26:14), but the practice of which was not unknown even at a late date (Jer. 16:7), evidence of their use among the Babylonians and Assyrians is of frequent occurrence (see A. Jeremias, Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode, 53). The Descent of Ishtar closes with the charge of the priest to the necromancer : 'if she vouchsafe not liberation to thee, then turn thy face towards her and pour out pure water with precious balsam before Tammuz the husband of her youth'. Ashur-bani-pal (Lehmann, Shamashshumukin, 2:23) says: adi kispi nak me ana ekimme sharrani aliktit mahri sha shubtulu arkus : 'for the lament of the pourer out of water on behalf of the spirits of my ancestors, the kings, I gave orders because it had been abolished'. In the burying-places of Sirghula and Elhibba were discovered traces of offerings to the dead : calcined date stones, bones of oxen, sheep, birds. Representations of sacrifices to the dead are given in Perrot, l.c. 361, and Menant, PC 254. The dirge as a Babylonian institution is attested also by Ezek. 8:14. The sacrifice of chastity, mentioned by Herodotus (1:199), is bluntly described in the Epistle of Jeremiah (v. 43 [ = Baruch 6:43]). Even in the Nimrod-epos, Ishtar the goddess of love already appears (49:1) surrounded by a whole troop of attendants : uptahhir iltu Ishtar kizireti shamhati u harimati: 'there assembled the goddess Istar, the servants, harlots, and concubines'. In the period of religious decay the worship by such hieroduli became naturalised in Jerusalem (2 K. 23:7).

1 Cp King, l.c. 5-6, 76.

2 On human sacrifice cp Lenormant, Etudes accadiennes, 3:112 ; Sayce, TSBA 425 ; Menant, PG 1:150.

10. Lustrations.[edit]

The subject of lustrations stands in close connection with that of sacrifice in the Hebrew Torah, and has a large place in the Babylonian ritual. The texts relating to it are very difficult, especially because they are often written in pure ideograms. At the foundation of these purifications lies the conception that an unclean substance can be removed by a clean, and a clean be taken up by an unclean. That which is unclean has a contagious character, that which is clean has a sympathetic power. So 4 R. 162 : me shunuti ana karpati terma ana ribiti tubukma marushtu sha emuki innashsharu ribitu litbal ru'tum naditum shi kima me littabik kishpi sha ina ru'ti naditi bullulu ana arkati lituru : 'this water pour thou into a pot, then pour out in the street ; let the Street carry off the sickness which deprives of strength, and let the poison poured into it be washed away like the water, let the spell which has united itself with the poison poured in be averted'. The spell (from which the sickness proceeds) is transferred to the poison, the poison is absorbed by the water, the water is carried off by the street ; thus the sufferer has a threefold guarantee that he will be healed of his sickness.

As ingredients were employed such things as from their external appearance or internal qualities were fitted to be symbols of purity. Water is mentioned with special frequency. In lustrations libations of water are offered to Shamash. Marduk and Ea the gcds of pure exorcism are honoured with libations and sacrifices in the house of sprinkling (bit rimki ; 5 R. 50:51). In the temple was a laver (agubbu). In an oath formula (Maqlu. 34, 47) occurs this expression : ana ilani sha shame me anamdin kima anaku ana kashunu ulallukun ushi attunu iashi ullilainni : 'I offer water to the gods of heaven. As I perform your purification for you, so do ye cleanse me'. The waters of the Euphrates and the Tigris were regarded as having special efficacy (Nimr. Ep. 49:19; Zimmern, Shurpu, 4466, ib. 77); we have this interesting passage : 'By Marduk's command be the bowl with thy guilt, thy ban, taken away like the unclean water from thy body and thy hands and swallowed up by the earth'.

Besides water, frequent mention is made of honey (dishpu), wine (karanu), milk (shirbu), cream (himetu), further, bright minerals such as salt (tabtu), alum (shikkatu), alkali (t uhulu) ; and, from the vegetable kingdom, corn (upuntu), the wood of various trees, such as cedar (erinu), cypress (burashu), palm (gishshimarru), calamus (kanu tabu; cp 3^0? njj?), rig-gir(onycha?), all sorts of incense (kutrinnu, rTOfJ).

As a clean place - ashru ellu, exactly corresponding to the 7ino D7pa of Nu. 19:9 the wilderness is frequently named. 1 4 R.843: mamit ana tseri ashri elli lishetsi, 'let the ban depart to the wilderness, the clean place' (cp 4 R. 14:2), 4 R. 56:51 : ana pan namashshi fa tseri paniki shukni, 'to the beasts of the wilderness turn thy face'. It is on a similar conception of the wilderness as the clean place that the Israelite custom of sending the goat for Azazel into the wilderness on the day of Atonement appears to rest (but see AZAZEL). Of the other goat also which had to be burnt, Josephus remarks (Ant. 3:10:3) that before the burning it had to be brought to a very clean place - (eh Ka.da.pura.Tov \uplov).

Purity - physical cleanliness - is postulated in every sacrificial act, as in every exercise of religion (4 R. 23:16: kata elleti ikka mahharka : 'with pure hands he sacrifices before thee'. 4 R. 19 no. 2 : katika misi katika ubbib, 'wash thy hand, purify thy hand'. Maqlu 108:69 : itturu sheru misa kata sherumma sheru misa kata, 'the morning dawn is past, I have washed my hands ; the morning glow has shone, I have washed my hands' ). All who were sick or who associated with those who were unclean became themselves unclean. (4 R. 6264 : la ella la ellita ul itamar, 'the unclean man, the unclean woman, shall he not look upon' ).

That contact with the dead defiled may be assumed as matter of course; of sexual defilement this is expressly stated by Herodotus (1:198); cp 4 R. 26 no. 5 : sinnishtu sha katasha la damka ultamkir ardatu sha katasha la misa ittapias: 'to a woman whose hand is not pure, he has joined himself; at a maid-servant whose hand is not washed, he has looked'.

Foods also were distinguished as clean and unclean. In the prayer addressed to the sun-god we often meet with such expressions as these : minima lu'it ikulu ishtu ipshushu ulappitu ukabbisu, 'if he perchance has eaten, drunken, anointed with, touched, or trodden on, aught that was unclean'. In the calendar given in 5 R. 4849 occur food prohibitions. For the 9th of Iyyar fish is forbidden, for the 30th of Ab swine flesh (sher shahw), for the 27th of Tisri swine flesh, beef (sher alpi), for the 10th of Marhesvan dates, for the 25th of Iyyar, 29th of Kisleu, and 6th of Tebet contact with women.

The Babylonian ritual of purification urgently needs systematic exhibition, especially on account of its close connection with OT views. Nowack (HA 275) remarks with truth that the biblical ideas of clean and unclean had their rise elsewhere than on the soil of Yahwism (cp Smend, Rel.-gesch. 334). In such a law of purification as that which we find in Lev. 14 unquestionably many pre-Israelitic representations are present. The cedar-wood mentioned in Lev. 14:4 is one of the cleansing media of the Babylonian ritual also (4 R. 16 32, 5 R. 51 15); the bird which in Lev. 14:7 is charged with carrying off the leprosy into space is often met with in Babylonian litanies (4 R. 4:26, 4 R. 592, rev. 14 : 'I will rend asunder my wickedness, let the bird carry it away up to the sky' ). The sevenfold sprinkling of the person to be cleansed (Lev. 14:7) recalls such passages as 4 R. 26 32 : adi sibishu sumur ameli shuatu pushushma, 'seven times anoint the body of that man'. The besmearing with blood on the tip of the right ear, on the right thumb, on the great toe of the right foot, prescribed in Lev. 14:14 has its analogies in many magical texts (cp ASKT 91:52 : abna ella ina kukani sha enishu ina ubanishu tsihirti ina shumelishu shukun, 'lay the shining stone on the lashes[?] of his eyes, on his little finger, on his left side' ). An interesting parallel to the offering of purification prescribed for the poor, which follows the magical operation prescribed in Lev. 14:21, occurs in K. 8380. There the person to be purified is bidden take hold of the hands of the sacrificer who pours water upon the hand of the sufferer, lays incense upon the dish, and solemnly prepares the sacrificial meal. Then, further, we read : shumma rubu shu tu kil itstsuru ana maklute ikalu shumma mushkinu shu libbi shu'i ikalu, 'if he is a rich man he shall hand over a dove (?) to be burned, but if he is a pauper he shall cause the heart of a sheep to be burned'.

1 The desert is perhaps regarded as pure because it receives unpurified and dead bodies without harm.

11. Summary.[edit]

i. Points of resemblance.

  • (a) A large number of expressions relating to sacrifice are common to both rituals e.g. , kurbannu (;2np), zibu (n]1), shulmu (O7w), karabu (]'7pn), tabahu (nan), kaparu (~\Bi).
  • (b) In bloody sacrifices, the same species of animals are employed (ox, sheep, goat). Animals of a year old are preferred, sacrifices of a more advanced age are rare. Female animals are in the one case used for purifications, in the other (Nu. 15:27) for sin offerings. The offering of defective animals was in the one case allowed for purposes of augury, in the other for free-will offerings (Lev. 22:23). Generally speaking, both rituals required that the victim should be without blemish. As in the Babylonian ritual the sattukku - i.e. , the regular and obligatory sacrifices - lies at the foundation of the worship, so also in P, and still more in Ezekiel, is the tamid, the regular daily offering, made statutory and the centre of the whole divine service.
  • (c) As for unbloody sacrifices, among the Babylonians systematic use was made of various materials of which the employment in Israel was only exceptional, such as wine, water, oil. The incense offering ( kutrinnu) was unknown to early Israel. All the more striking is the frequent and important place it takes in the ritual law of P which provides a special altar for the ketoreth. Jeremiah (6:20) has a polemic against it as a modern and outlandish innovation. The unknown author of Is. 65:3 names Babylon as the land in which sacrifices are offered in gardens, and incense offered upon bricks (cp Chors. 172 ; Sarg. Ann. 434 ; 4 R. 4953). The incense offering of post-exilic Israel may perhaps have been borrowed from the Babylonian ritual.

ii. Points of difference.

  • (a) In the vegetable offerings of the Hebrew Torah only those products figure which represent a right of private ownership acquired by labour and trouble. Honey, cream, milk, fruit occur frequently as Babylonian offerings, but never amongst those of the OT. The wine libation is no longer an independent offering in P (SACRIFICE, 35), Ezekiel prohibited it altogether - doubtless, however, only on account of abuses connected with it (1 S. 1:14).
  • (b) As regards bloody sacrifices, offerings of fish and game were excluded from the Hebrew ritual. Both are inherently the property of Yahwe and thus not appropriate as sacrificial gifts. The fish offering, on the other hand, is frequently mentioned in Assyrian and late Babylonian inscriptions, and game offerings were in great favour. In Tigl.-pil. 7:4+ we read: 'herds of hinds, stags, chamois (?), wild goats, which I had taken in hunting in large numbers, I brought together like sheep, and the progeny that was born of them I offered as my heart bade me, along with pure sacrificial lambs, to the god Ashur'.
  • (c) As for the fundamental idea underlying sacrifice, the Hebrew sacrifice in its older form gave a special development to the conception of a sacral communion between God and the worshipper as represented in the act of offering (cp Wellh. Heid. 114); the Babylonian cultus, on the other hand, affords no trace of this. All the more strongly is the idea of the purificatory and propitiatory character of sacrifice which comes into the foreground in P and Ezekiel conspicuous in the Babylonian cultus. Singular to say, however, that shows not the faintest trace of asham (SACRIFICE, 27), hattath (SACRIFICE, 28) ; we may assume that the sin and the trespass offering of the Hebrew Torah, although all that we know of their technique is wholly of post-exilic date, were entirely of Israelite growth. J. J.


(!"ny), 1 S. 16 RV, AV ADVERSARY.


For the rivers and streams mentioned in the EV, see, generally, GEOGRAPHY, 5 ; PALESTINE, 9, 13 ; EGYPT, 6 ; ASSYRIA, 4 ; MOAB, 4-5; also EUPHRATES, JORDAN, NILE, etc.

The regular word for river is i. nahar (in3, N. Sem., Ar. nahr is probably a loan-word). See GEOGRAPHY, 5, and cp ARAM-NAHARAIM. Other words occasionally so rendered are :

2. ye'ar (-|N< , cp CANAL, GEOGRAPHY, 5 [ii.]) used regularly of the NILE [q.v.] or of its arms, once of a mining-shaft (Job 28:10), and in Dan. 12:5-7 of the Tigris. The last mentioned unrestricted use of the word appears again in later Hebrew.

3. nahal (Spu, N. Sem.) corresponds to the Ar. wady or torrent-valley; see GEOGRAPHY, 5[iv], and cp BROOK.

Two terms appear to designate primarily canals or conduits:

4. yubal (^.V, A/ [root] flow, run), Jer. 17:8 t (Ix/xa* [ikmas] [BNAQ]) of which 'ubal (^[I]N in Dan. 8:2-3, 8:6 t (see ULAI) seems to be a mere phonetic variation. Cp the form yabal* in plu. Is. 30:25 (EV 'streams' ), 44:4 (EV 'watercourses' ).

5. peleg (&S), Ps. 46:4 [46:5], 65:9 [65:10]. Cp pelaggoth. Job 20:17 EV 'river', in Judg. 5:15-16, RV 'watercourses' (so Moore ; cp, however, Bu., Now.).

For the sake of completeness mention may here be made of:-

6. 'aphik (p>sx), see BROOK.

7. 'eshed (-\px), Nu. 21:15, AV stream ; on the meaning see ASHDOTH-PISGAH.

8. nozelim (nS U! lit. 'flowing' ), Ps. 78:16, Cant. 4:15, 'streams'.


(O']13). See EGYPT, BROOK OF.