Encyclopaedia Biblica/Shelomith-Shisha

From Wikisource
Jump to: navigation, search
Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Shelomith-Shisha
see Encyclopaedia Biblica for other articles, typographic issues, links to PDF copies, and public domain status

Contents

SHELOMITH[edit]

(H^Vj , interchangeable with niO7w [see below 5] ; cp the fluctuations between Meshillemith and Meshillemoth. The vocalisation is doubtful [cp SOLOMON, i], and the name being evidently southern, a connection with either Ishmael or Salman may be assumed [Che.]).

1. bath DIBRI [q.v.], who had married an Egyptian (or, perhaps, rather Misrite, i.e., N. Arabian woman), and whose son was stoned for blasphemy (Lev. 24:11 : craAu>neiS [BAF], <raAanei# [Bab], o-aA/xiS [L]).

2. Daughter of Zerubbabel (1 Ch. 3:19; o-aAwjuetfei [B], -0i [A], -laitf [L]).

3. A son of Rehoboam (2 Ch. 11:20 ; efxju.100 [B], a-a^nud [A], o-aA<u,iu0 [L]).

4. b. Josiphiah one of the b'ne BANI {q.v., 2) : read in Ezra 8:10 'And of the sons of Bani; Shelomith, son of Josiphiah' (IMWK (TaAfi^oue [B], wi. fiaavi <TAeinnov9 [A], TUV vl. <ra\ip.ta6 [L]), cp 1 Esd. 8:36, which gives ASSALIMOTH, RV SALIMOTH (ao- <Ta.\iiLu>B [A, the as belongs to the preceding ftavi], [vliav] aaAi- (icofl [L], Oarcasl traAet^ S [B]).

Among the Levites we find

  • (5) a Shelomith b. Shimei, a Gershonite Levite (1 Ch. 23:9, Kt. nioW, RV Shelomoth, aAo>ee lfi [B], .raAu^ece [A], ./unO [L]) ;
  • (6) a chief of the b'ne Izhar, a Kohathite Levite (1 Ch. 23:18, <ra\tanu>8 [BL -if [L], craAovM>0 [A]), whose son was JAHATH (q-r.) (1 Ch. 24:22, nto W, EV SHELOMOTH, aaAoj/xwe [BA], -tfl [L]); and
  • (7) a Levite descended from Eliezer b. Moses (1 Ch. 26:25+, RV SHELOMOTH, craAu^ioe [BA], -16 and o-aAajiifl [L] v. 25. ^ l mc ?E I and MT in v. 26).

SHELUMIEL[edit]

fx&ftf ; c&AAMmA [BAFL]), b. ZURISHADDAI, a 'prince' of SIMEON ( 9 ii. n. ; Nu. 1:6, 2:12, 7:36 ( ff ana\n,\ [F]), 7:41, 10:19-20 [all P]. In Judith 8:1 his name appears as SAMAEL, RV SALAMIEL (ffa\a/j.i7)\ [BA], cra/xa/xt^X [N]).

Apparently the name means 'El is my health' (37, 50) ; really, however, it may come from NaVi? , la 1 ?!? Shalamu is the name of a N. Arabian tribe allied to the Nabataeans (see SALMAH, SHALMAI).

T. K. C.

SHEM[edit]

(Dt* ; CHM; -w), the eldest of the three sons of Noah, and therefore always mentioned first (Gen. 5:32, 6:10, 7:13, 9:18, 10:1, 1 Ch. 1:4) ; the rendering of Gen. 10:21 in AV and RVmg is certainly wrong (cp JAPHETH).

1. Name.[edit]

If an appellative, Shem will mean 'name' - i.e., renown. In this case, if in Gen. 9 it is really equivalent to Israel, it may conceivably denote the ruling or noble class (cp Gen. 6:4, Nu. 16:2, 1 Ch. 5:24) in antithesis to the aborigines, who are called in Job 30:8, 'sons of the impious, yea, sons of the nameless, beaten out of the land' (so We. CH (3 13, Bit. Urgesch. 328-329). There is a strong presumption, however, that the name of this important patriarch has a longer history and a more recondite meaning. In short, the legends in the early part of Genesis being, according to the most plausible view, Jerahmeelite (see PARADISE, 6, 9), and 'Ishmael' being used as a synonym for Jerahmeel, it is very probable that 'Shem' is a modified fragment of the ethnic name Ishmael.

To derive (with Goldziher) from ^yy 'to be high', and explain 'the high one' or even the 'Heaven-god', has no indication in its favour. More probably, Shem is a shortened form of a name like SHEMUEL (e.v.), or rather, if we suppose that en (Ham) is a fragment of SNDrtT (Jerahmeel), Q^ (Shem) has arisen out of a fragment of ^xy^c" (Ishmaer).

That the redactor, who here as elsewhere emended jjp(Kenaz) into jyjj (Canaan) supposed cty to mean 'Israel' is possible enough. But critically, such a view is highly improbable. See Gunkel (Gen. (2) 74-75 [1902]), whose attempt, however, to bring what is said on Canaan in Noah's oracles into connection with the historical situation in the second millennium B.C. seems on the whole premature, in the absence of a thorough textual criticism.

2. Traditions.[edit]

The special blessing by which Shem was rewarded is now often read thus:

'Bless, O Yahwe, the tents of Shem ( < Tj-p Ct? "?) ; let Canaan be his servant' (Gen. 9:26 J1).

It is more plausible, however, to think that v. 26a should run, ^nycy Tjna. The Jerahmeelites were, in fact, (see MOSES, 14) the early tutors of the Israelites in religion. Here and in v. 27 the underlying original text apparently spoke of Noah's eldest son as 'Ishmael'. The subjugation of Kenaz (not 'Canaan', as the traditional text) refers to matters beyond our ken (cp KENAZ). Another writer thinks to explain 'Shem' to his readers by identifying 'Shem' with 'Eber' (Gen. 10:21i). Here it is necessary to transpose b and r, and read Arab : in fact, Ishmael (Shem) and Arab are nearly synonymous. On all these subjects, as well as on the use of 'Shem' in P (Gen. 10:22, 11:10, cp 1 Ch. 1:17, 1:24 ) see Crit. Bib. The reference in Ecclus. 49:19 is no doubt to Shem's important genealogical position. A late Jewish tradition (adopted by Selden and Lightfoot) identified Shem with MELCHIZEDEK (q.v.). Cp SETHITES. T. K. c.

SHEM, NAMES WITH[edit]

Two Hebrew names have been brought under this head - Shemu'el (Samuel) and Shemida (Shemida). The former of these is compared by Winckler (GI 1:130 , n. 3) with Shumu-abi and Shumu-la-ilu, the names of two Babylonian kings of the third millennium B. C. , whom this scholar considers to belong to a dynasty of western Semitic or rather Canaanitish conquerors. According to Hommel, Suhmu-abi means 'Shumu is my father', and Shumu is a contraction of shumhu (shumuhu) - i.e. , 'his name', a periphrasis for 'God' (AffT8$f. 88/.). He considers that Shemu'el and Shemida may safely be explained as containing this element shumhu. It seems very improbable, however, that the periphrasis 'name' for 'God' should have been of such remote antiquity among the Israelites, when we recall that (see NAME, 7) it is specially characteristic of the latest biblical Hebrew writing, and we may venture to follow Jastrow (JBL 19:105), who is of opinion that shuumu in the names quoted by Winckler and Hommel is an entirely different word from the Hebrew shem.

Perhaps a sober criticism of these ancient names, the Babylonian as well as the Hebrew, may lead to the conclusion that etymologies which have the most superficial plausibility are generally fallacious. See, further, SHEMUEL, SHEMIDA.

T. K. C.

1 So Schorr, Gratz, and recently Ball, Holzinger, Gunkel.

SHEMA[edit]

(VOX? ; CAM[A]& [BAL]), one of the cities in the extreme S. of Judah towards Edom (Josh. 15:26: C&AM&& [B]). Cp the clan-name SHEMA, i. It is not included in the list of Simeonite towns either in Josh. 19:1-6 or in MT of 1 Ch. 4:28-31 (but see v. 28 LXX), but in the former of these passages (Josh. 19:2) we find SHEBA, plainly a mere variant (cra/xaa [B] [samaa] ; but <ra/3[e]e [sab[b]e] [AL]), and in LXX 1 Ch. 4:28 we find <ra/xa [BL], -aa [A]. The connection of Shema with Simeon seems obvious. The Sheba in Josh. 19:2 was probably introduced as a supplement from 15:26 after the calculation 'thirteen cities' (v. 6) had been made ; RV's 'or Sheba' is too bold. See further JESHUA, SIMEON, 10.

SHEMA[edit]

(ltt?K ; , 50).

i. A Calebite clan which, like Korah, Tappuah, and Rekem, traced itself to Hebron, and is represented as the 'father' of Raham, the 'father' of Jorkeam, 1 Ch. 2:43-44 (cre^ao [BA, the latter omits in v. 43], ffa.fj.cL [L]). Note the accumulation of 'Jerahmeelite' names, and the place-name SHEMA.

2. A clan of REUBEN (13) ; 1 Ch. 5:8 (o-a/aa [BA], cre/ueei [L]).

3. b. Hushim in a genealogy of BENJAMIN [q.v., 9 ii. B] ; 1 Ch. 8:13 (a-a.fj.0. [BA], aa|u.a.a [L]), obviously the same as Shimei in v. 21. See JQR 11:103:1. See SHIMEI (8).

4. In list of Ezra's supporters (see EZRA ii., 13 {-14}) ; Neh. 8:4 (o-a/oicuas [BNAL]).

SHEMAAH[edit]

(nrp / n, whence AVmg HASMAAH), a Gibeathite, father of AHIEZER (1 Ch. 12:3 ; AMA [BN], CAMAA [A], A.CMA [L]), see DAVID, nc. The Pesh. presupposes here the name of a separate hero, VlJDan n^yoty 'Shemaiah the Gibeathite'.

SHEMAIAH[edit]

(nynti, also -in^DL". see below, either a religious name = 'Yahwe hears', or a late (?) expansion of the old clan-name "l^DL", SHIMEI [Che.] ; note the frequency of the name among priests, Levites, and prophets, whose historical connection with the southern border-land is certain ; c&AAAl&[c])- It is impossible always to differentiate accurately or (as the case may be) to identify the various bearers of this name.

1. A prophet temp. Rehoboam, who deprecated war with Israel (1 K. 12:22 = 2 Ch. 11:2 [ib. n7yar]), and prophesied at the invasion of Judah by Shishak (2 Ch. 12:5, 12:7, <ra/j.fj.aias [B]). He is mentioned as the writer of the history of Rehoboam (ib. v. 15), cp also in LXX{B} 1 K. 12 (240, ed. Sw.).

2. A false prophet who for endeavouring to hinder his work was sternly rebuked by Jeremiah (Jer. 29:24-32 [LXX 36:24-32] [cra^eas N vv. 24, 31-32]; cp JEREMIAH [BOOK], 17 ; in v. 24 irryctr).

He is styled the Nehelamite (pSn:n, cuAOjUeirT/c [ailameiton] [B], e\afj.LTijv [elamiten] [NAQ]), which reminds us of rov ev\ap.ti [ton enlamei] applied to SHEMAIAH (1) in LXX's [B, in L e\a./MT-r)i> [elamiton]] addition to 1 K. 12 (v. 24a). Probably both aiXa/xeiriji [ailameiton] and v\afj.et [elamei] point to c rn = ^KCriT 'Jerahmeelite' [Che.] (cp cS n=SncnT, 2 S. 10:16 [Che.]; see also SIBRAIM). The prophet Ahijah the Shilonite in 1 K. 11:29, it has elsewhere (see SHILOH, 2) been suggested by Cheyne, is most probably a man from the Negeb. So, to, in the intention of the writer, is this Shemaiah.

3. Father of Urijah of Kirjath-jearim, a prophet (Jer. 20:20 [LXX 33:20], in lSB i f-aa-fnv fx]).

4. Father of Delaiah, a prince temp. Jehoiakim (Jer. 36:12 [LXX 43:12], o-eAe/uiov [BAQ], o-eSexiou []).

5. b. Shechaniah, a descendant of Zerubbabel (1 Ch. :22 <ra/uaa[B*once], cre/uea[L]). This is also the name of one of those who repaired the temple (Neh. 3:29, ere/atia []).

6 b. Joel, of REUBEN (13) (1 Ch. 5:4 , vtptti [KL], <r*ntiv [A]).

7 b. Hasshub, a Merarite Levite (1 Ch. 9:14, cp Neh. 11:15, <rc;iias [L]). See 13.

8. Father of Obadiah, a Levite belonging to Jeduthun (1 Ch. 9:16, o-oficia [H] o-afiiou [A|, cp Neh. 11:17b). See 13.

9. Chief of the b'ne Elizaphan, temp. David (1 Ch. 158 <rafj.fa<; |x], o-e/naia [A], " . 1 1 <rajuai [n], atfi.ti.av [A]).

10. b. Nathaneel, a Levite scribe (1 Ch. 246, <7a^/u.aiaf [A]).

11. b. Obed-edom (1 Ch. 264, cra/unas [A], ;w. 6./C, crafxat [B v. 7J, o-aneia, (re/^fia (Al). See 13.

12. A Levite, temp. Jchoshaphat (2 Ch. 17:8, cra^oua? [B], (rajioj/tas [AJ).

13. A son of Jeduthun (2 Ch. 29:14, o-a/neias [A]). Cp 7,8,11, and see GENEALOGIES i., 7 (ii. </).

14. A Levite house temp. Hezekiah(2 Ch. 31:15, <rt>ii [HAL]), probably the same as the name in Neh. 10:8, 12:6 (BN*A om., o-e/oifias, K c - a " SU P-L), 12:18 (BN*A om., o-e/ueia, j c -a nig. inf.L) where Jehonathan is the head, 12:35 (where one Jonathan b. Shemaiah is named).

15. A Levite of the time of Josiah (2 Ch. 35:9, cp perhaps SMIMEI, 31:12 ; in both cases Cononiah precedes as the name of a brother). In 1 Esd. 1:9 SAMAIAS (<ra/u<uat).

16. One of the b'ne Adonikam, a post-exilic family who came up to Jerusalem with Ezra, Ezra 8:13 (era/xaeta [A]), in 1 Esd. 8:39 SAMAIAS.

17. A teacher, Ezra 8:16 (o-/meia [A], <re|u.eeiS [L]), in 1 Esd. 8:43 MASMAN, RV MAASMAS (ju.aacr/u.ai [BA|, cre/xeia [L]), repeated in v. 44 MAMAIAS, RV SAMAIAS (om. L).

18. One of the b'ne Harim, the priestly family of Ezra 10:21, in 1 Esd. 9:21 SAMEIUS, RV SAMEUS (ftuuuos [B], o-a^aios [A]).

19. One of the sons of HARIM 'of Israel' (Ezra 10:31 <r/ica [it], crafxeia; [L]), in 1 Esd. 9:32 SABBEUS (o-a/3j3ata [HA], irujias [L]).

20. b. Delaiah b. Mehetabeel, a prophet temp. Neh., bribed by Sanballat to hinder the Jews from building the wall (Neh. 6:10 a-f^eei [BN], <re|iiei [A]).

21. 22, two men present at Ezra's dedication of the wall (Neh. 12:34, o-apcua [BN], <raa,i<uas [A] 12:36).

23. RV but AV SAMAIAS, 'the great', kinsman of Tobit (Tob. 5:12-13, o-e/neou [B], irffxeAiou [}<], <re|xeiou [A], the Heb. Vs. ed. Neubauer has jvClSc 1 )-

SHEMARIAH[edit]

(iT-)pP and [1 Ch. 12:5] - usually [30] explained 'whom Yahwe guards', but probably rather a modification of the ethnic SHIMRI [q.v.]; CAMARI Ate])- 2 Ch. 11:19 AV [by printer's error?] gives SHAMARIAH). All the occurrences suggest N. Arabian origin.

T. K. C.

1. One of David s heroes, 1 Ch. 12:5 (cra/u.apaia [B]). See DAVID, 11, (a) (iii.)

2. A son of Rehoboam, by Mahalath ( = Jerahmeelith [Che.]), 2 Ch. 11:19.

3. 4. Contemporaries of Ezra, who had taken foreign wives, Ezra 10:32 (-eia [B], -id [NA]); v. 41 (-eia [BN], -etas [A]).

SHEMEBER[edit]

pIUX:: ), Gen. 14:2 . See SHINAB.

SHEMED[edit]

(~IP), 1 Ch. 8:12 RV, AV SHAMED.

SHEMER[edit]

1. OP.t? ; ; ceMHR, CA/V\HR[B], ce- [A], CGMAAHp [L/D- According to 1 K. 16:24 Shemer was the owner of the hill which Omri bought, whence the place received the name of Samaria ([ nsc ). See SAMARIA.

2 and 3. AV SHAMER (icr), properly a clan-name (see Stade, ZATW 5:166), but applied to real or supposed persons: a Levite, 1 Ch. 6:46 [6:31] (cre/m./uLrip) ; and ben Heber in a genealogy of ASHER [q.v., 4 ii.], 1 Ch. 7:34 (fffWlP [B], ffwfj.-rip [AL]) ; in v. 32 he is called SHOMER [q.v.]

SHEMIDA[edit]

(J?TP" ), a Gileadite clan belonging to MANASSEH ( 9) (Nu. 26:32, CYMACR ; Josh. 17:2, CYM&peiM[B], ce/v\ipAe[A], cAMiAAe[L]; 1 Ch. 7:19 AV Shemidah : ce/v\eipA [BA], CAMGI^A [I-]), after whom the Shemidaites were called (Nu. l.c. *>irrpL ! n ; CY/v\A6p[e]l [BAFL]).

May we venture to hold that CK [ShM] here is a divine appellation? See NAMES, 43, SHEM [NAMES WITH]. The alternative is to suppose a corruption SNi CC"-

SHEMINITH, UPON[edit]

RV 'set to the Sheminith' (JVanDfrr^l?; LXX{BXARU} in Pss. Y nep THC orAonc BNA in 1 Ch. , AMACeN6l9 ; Jer. super octavo [Ps. 6:1], pro octam [Ps. 12:1]; eni THC orAoHC [Aq. , Ps.6:1], nepi THC OfAOHC [LXX{L} in i Ch., Sym.]; Tg. 'on the lyre with eight strings' ), a technical phrase relative (according to the ordinary view) to the musical performance of certain psalms (Pss. 6, 12 ; cp 1 Ch. 10:21). Ewald, Olshausen, Winckler, explain 'in the eighth mode, or key' ; Gesenius and Delitzsch, 'for the bass' ; Gratz agrees with the Targum. It is admitted, however, that these explanations are pure guesses, and the most plausible view of other psalm titles favours the assumption that the text is corrupt. Most probably n J OB rr^y is a corruption of c j; v KS 'of the Ethanites', or better of O^tyOP^ 'of the Ishmaelites'. l We thus obtain an adequate explanation of Sheminith in the titles of Pss. 6 and 12, and probably too of Gittith, Neginath, and Shoshannim (see PSALMS, BOOK OF, 26, but cp Music, 9). We also find rrrcca-ty in 1 Ch. 15:21 where it seems to correspond to nio^y^y at the end of v. 20. Here, however, it is in all probability a corruption of the name SHEMIRAMOTH (q.v.), just as 'Azaziah', which Benzinger (KHC ad loc.) rightly pronounces suspicious, is virtually a misplaced repetition of the name 'Aziel'. These two proper names occur close by, in v. 20.

It may also be noticed, since the commentaries give no very defensible explanations, that nV3 l 7 (LXX TOV [tv ]i<T\iicrai. ; RV 'to lead' ), which follows JVJ DB rr^V in 1 Ch. 15:21 should be pointed ns:?; it is a synonym of TCfl, 'continually', which occurs in a similar context ; see PSALMS, BOOK OF, 26, n. 4. The other mysterious phrase nicSjT ^j; (RV 'set to Alamoth' ) in 15:20 comes from Q ON 1 ?. a mutilated and corrupt form of C ^21 'psalteries'. Cp Ps. 26:4b, where C O JNJ is a corruption of D 733, 'impious'.

T. K. C.

SHEMIRAMOTH[edit]

(T^OTD^), a Levite name, 1 Ch. 15:18, 15:20, 16:5, 2 Ch. 17:8 (here Kt. n lP Hpt! ; variously ce/v\eipAM6o9, CA/v\Ap[e]iM., CAMCIPAM., ce/vup., CIMlp.)- According to Schrader (KAT (2) 366) equivalent to the Ass. name Sammuramat, which occurs as a woman's name on the monuments, especially on the statues of Nebo from Nimrud. G. Hoffm. , however (Syrische Acten, 137), thinks that Shemiramoth was originally a place-name meaning 'images of Shemiram' ( = Name of Ram or 'the Exalted One' ), just as Anathoth may mean 'images of Anath'.

'Shem-ba'al' (name of Baal) was a name or form of Astarte (see Inscr. of Eshmun'azar, l. 48) and the story of the conquests of Semiramis in Upper Asia is 'a translation into the language of political history of the diffusion and victories of her worship in that region'. The main centre of this diffusion was Bambyce or Hierapolis (WRS, 'Ctesias and the Semiramis legend', Eng. Hist. Rev., April 1887, p. 317).

But what probability is there in either of the above explanations? None at all, if the analogy of other Levitical names in Ch. is to be trusted. In 2 Ch. 17:8 it is specially plain that the names among which this strange form occurs are ethnics (cp GENEALOGIES i., 7s). It so happens too that the form which appears in that passage suggests the true explanation. It is not niDVDB 1 (Shemiramoth?), but nirrnsB , where nisCre) is presumably a corruption of a dittographed ic, and may safely be disregarded. SHIMRI (q.v.) is a good Levitical name, according to the Chronicler ; in 2 Ch. 29'13 it occurs just before Je'uel or Je'iel, which name (i.e., Je'iel) is apparently a mutilated form of Ja'aziel (see 1 Ch. 15:18, 16:5). niOTCC , too is, in 2 Ch. 31:13, worn down into 'Jerimoth' ( = Jerahmeel ). On 'Shemiramoth' in 1 Ch. 15:20-21 see further SHEMINITH.

T. K. C.

1 m1y is several times (e.g. Ps. 92:11) miswritten for 7KpQ|r%

SHEMUEL[edit]

(TtpDfF, CAMOYHA).

i. 1 Ch. 6:33 [6:18] RV SAMUEL, the prophet (see SAMUEL).

2. b. Ammihud, a chief of SIMEON ( 8 iii., last note), Nu. 34:20; (ffa\a/jur)\ [salamiel]).

3. b. Tola, of ISSACHAR (7) (1 Ch. 7:2 ; icrafj.ovr}\ [isamouel] [B. a dittographed i]).

The name is difficult. For discussions see NAMES, 39, where 'bearing the name of God' is suggested ; Driver, TBS 13+ (on 1 S. 1:20, where Gesenius's explanation, 'name of God' is pronounced as obvious as it is natural ); Hommel, AHT, 100 ( 'his name is God' ); Jastrow, JBL 10 [1900] 82+ ( 'name [ = son] of God' ). But is the final -el really= *?K, 'God' ? See SAUL, i, SHEBUEL, where the possibility of a connection between Sha'ul and Shemu'el, and between Shemuel and Shebu'el is referred to, and two other names are indicated, belonging per haps to the same group, Ishmael and SHODAL (q.v.). LXX's form, however, in v.2 (also =MT's SHELUMIEL [q.v.]) suggests a comparison with SALMAH [q.v.]. Note that Ammihud (see 2), or rather Aminihur, very possibly, like the shorter form Hur, comes from Jerahmeel. Father and son both seem to have ethnic names.

T. K. C.

SHEN[edit]

(|t? n), a locality, between which and Mizpeh Samuel set up the stone Eben-ezer (1 S. 7:12). But jB : n means merely 'the rock' and one expects to find some known and specific place mentioned. LXX{BAL} ( r ^ s TraXcuas [tes palaias]) and Pesh. point to the reading nae* (cp 2 Ch. 18:19), which is accepted by Wellhausen, Driver, H. P. Smith, and others. See JESHANAH.

SHENAZZAR[edit]

[RV], or [AV] SHENAZAR p-V^ ), a son of Jeconiah (Jehoiachin), and uncle of Zerubbabel (1 Ch. 3:18; aaveaap [BA], ffavaaap [L], sennaser, senneser [Vg. ]). His name is variously explained as a mutilation of ii K l ?3E iC (so Marq. , see SHESHBAZZAR) and as = Sin-usur, 'Sin (the moon-god), protect!' cp on an Ass. seal ix-ims?, Sin-shar-utsur, 'Sin, protect the king!' l CIS 288, where the same incorrect Assyrian pronunciation [c- for D, see SANBALLAT] is presupposed. He was plausibly identified by Howorth (Acad., 1893, p. 175) and then by Kosters (Herstel, 47), Ed. Meyer (Ent. des Jud. 77), Marquart (Fund. 55), with Sheshbazzar. Neither of the Assyriological combinations, however, is quite satisfactory, and the other names of sons of Jeconiah are explained elsewhere as representing gentilics of the Negeb. This suggests that ISN:C < may be a corruption of -w7ty (see SHINAR), which is itself possibly a corruption of TU^ - i.e. , the S. Geshur. See SHESHBAZZAR.

T. K. C.


SHENIR[edit]

(TOb*), Dt. 3:9 AV, RV SENIR.

SHEOL[edit]

(?tetjJ). The origin of the Hebrew term for the world of the dead is not a mere question of archaeology ; we cannot but expect it to throw light on the early religion, or superstition, of the Hebrews. Possibly, if not probably, it has an Assyrian origin. According to Frd. Delitzsch formerly (Par. 121 ; Prol. 47:145 ; Heb. Lang. 20) the Assyrian word corresponding to Sheol is Shu'alu ; he was followed by A. Jeremias (Bab.-ass. Vorstell. 62) and Gunkel (Schopf. 154). Jensen, however (Kosmol. 222+), denies the existence of such a word as shu'alu, and Zimmern (in Gunk. Schopf. 154, n. 5) says that certainty has not yet been attained. Delitzsch himself omits shu'alu in his Ass. HWB, and Schwally (Das Leben nach dem Tode, 89, n. 2) assents to the decision of Jensen. A critical re-examination of the four relevant passages in Assyrian vocabularies was urgently called for. This has been given by Jastrow (AJSL 14:165+), who comes to the conclusion that Jensen's position is untenable, and interprets the Ass. shu'alu as 'the place of inquiry' - i.e., the place whence oracles can be obtained. 2 Provisionally we may be content with this at any rate possible explanation, remembering that one of the Babylonian terms for 'priest' is sha'ilu (lit. inquirer), and that the Hebrew sha'al is frequently used of consulting an oracle (e.g. , Judg. 1:1, Hos. 4:12, Ezek. 21:21 [21:26], etc. ). We may venture therefore to hold that when the primitive Hebrews used the name Sheol they may have thought of the power of the dead in the underworld to aid the living by answering their inquiries. In course of time the priestly representatives of the established religion would naturally succeed in checking this practice. Of primitive Hebrew religion, however, we have in fact very little direct evidence ; survivals of it may be found in later superstitious usages, and this is nearly all that we know. Nor must we suppose that all the dead had power to furnish oracles to the living. This power was an element of divinity, and it was probably only heroes like Ea-bani, who appears to Gilgamesh (Jensen, Mythen und Epen, 263 ; Jastrow, RBA 511 ; Maspero, Dawn of Civ. 589), and like Samuel (1 S. 28:7+), who were consulted for oracles.

To the later Hebrews Sheol appeared like a monster which 'enlarged its greed, and opened its mouth without measure' (Is. 5:14 ; cp Hab. 2:5, Prov. 27:20, 30:15-16). Its leading characteristic is darkness (Job 10:21-22); it is the land of dust - \sy ( 'dust' ), can indeed be used as a synonym for S IN^ (Sheol), see Job 17:16, 20:11, 21:26, Ps. 30:10 [30:9]. Like the Babylonian Aralu it was far below in the earth (Job 11:8, 26:5, etc.). Hence "?iKC>, Sheol and iia (pit) sometimes receive the epithets rvrirw or ni nnn, 'nether' (Dt. 32:22, Ps. 86:13, 88:7 [88:6]) ; and heaven and Sheol are the farthest opposites (Is. 7:11, Am. 9:2, Ps. 13:98). Silence as a rule reigns supreme (see, however, Is. 14:10). It is a land whence there is no return (Job 7:10) ; so too the Babylonians called it irtsit la tari, 'the land without return' (for other names see Jensen, Kosmol. 215-225). Still it was a land of order ; it was figured as a city with gates (Is. 38:10, Ps. 9:13 [9:14], 107:18, Job 38:17), and both in the gospels (Mt. 16:18, cp HADES) and in the Talmud the same conception is found. On the state of the dwellers in Sheol, see DEAD, ESCHATOLOGY (references), and on the whole question see Jastrow, Religion of Bab. and Ass., 560, 606+; Charles, Eschatology ; Schwally, Das Leben nach dem Tode, 59-66 ; A. Jeremias, Bab.-ass. Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode, 106-126. The following is the description of the Babylonian Hades at the opening of the Descent of Ishtar {KB 6:1, p. 81) :

To the land without return, the earth . . .
[ Set ] Ishtar, the daughter of Sin, her ear.
The daughter of Sin 'set' her ear
To the dark house, the dwelling of Irkalla,
To the house, from which he who enters never emerges,
To the way, going on which has no turning back,
To the house, into which he who enters is without light,
When dust is their nourishment, clay their food,
They see not light, they sit in darkness,
Dust (rusts) on door and bolt.

1 [The provenience of this seal is unknown. Cp also the parallel formation is ID 1DN ( = Ashur-shar-utsur, ib. 250), Assur, protect the king ! S. A. C.]

2 For Jastrow's views on the stem sa'al (whence both shu'alu and she'ol) see his article in JBL 19 [1900], pp. 82.+

SHEPHAM[edit]

(DSt ; , 'a bare height' ? 75, 99), as the text of Nu. 34:10-11 stands, is the name of a point on the ideal eastern border of Canaan, mentioned with HAZAR-ENAN [q.v.] and RIBLAH [q.v. ]; like Riblah, it is unmentioned in the || passage, Ezek. 47:15-18. Van Kasteren s identification of it with Ofani, on the upper course of the Nahr er-Rakkad, SE. of the lake called Birket Ram (Baed. (2) 266), is not one of his best (Rev. Bibl., 1895, pp. 23-36), and his argument to prove that the 'Aphamiya of Sam. and Targ. Jerus. is derived from Shepham is more ingenious than convincing. This and similar names are, according to the present writer s theory, distinctively 'Jerahmeelite' or S. Canaanitish names (Shephupham [1 Ch. 85 Shephuphan] and Shuphamite, Nu. 26:39; Siphmoth, 1 S. 30:28 ; Shuppim, one of the sons of Aher = Ahiram = Jerahmeel, 1 Ch. 7:12; Shiphmite, 1 Ch. 27:27). This confirms the view that the geography of Nu. 34:1-15 and of Ezek. 47;13-21 has been edited, with the view of expanding the limits of the region referred to. This editing, for which many parallels can be given (e.g. , Gen. 10, Nu. 13:21-25, Dt. 34:1-3, Josh. 11, 2 S. 24:1-9), would not have been possible if some of the names in the original document were not found in more than one part of the country. A Riblah and a Hamath for instance doubtless existed in the far N., but it is not at all likely that a Shepham was to be found there. The real Shepham was apparently on the E. border of the land of Kenaz (the original document must have spoken of 'the land of Kenaz' [?jp], not 'the land of Canaan' [JJ;H]), between Hazar-enan (Hazar-elam = H.-jerahmeel?) and Riblah or perhaps rather Harbel (=the city of Jerahmeel). See RIBLAH, SHIPHMITE.

(LXX{BAL} in Nu. 34:10-11 gives <reir<l>a/j.af> [sepphamar] [LXX{F}; in v. 10, -fia [-ma]]. In v. 11 ap [ar] belongs to the following word /3>)Aa [bela] [read op/3r)Ao [arbela]] ; v. 10 I has been adjusted to v. 11.)

T. K. C.

SHEPHATIAH[edit]

(n;pa, and liTEi^ in nos. 4, 5, 6, apparently 'Yahwe judges' [ 36], cp DQw i T ; C&- <J><vr[e]lA [BXAL]). [It may be safer to hold the name to be corrupt. In 1 the names of David's wives and children being in several cases, as it seems, corruptions of tribal names (e.g., Abigail, Absalom, Haggith, Abital, Ithream, Eglah), and a name compounded with -iah being quite isolated in this list, we are bound to explain Shephatiah if possible as a tribal name. According to analogy it may well be an expansion of <BEI? = nss, - i.e., belonging to ZEPHATH (see SHAPHAT). This theory explains all the occurrences of the name. In 2 the companions of Shephatiah are of 'Jerahmeelite' origin (see PASHHUR) ; for 4, cp the Calebite HAREPH, and see HARIPH ; and in the case of 3, 5, 6 and 9 the names Reuel, Michael, Maachah and Mahalaleel are all corruptions of Jerahmeel. With regard to 7, it must be clear that, like the b'ne Arah and the b'ne Elam, the b'ne Shephatiah were of Jerahmeelite origin ; cp Neh. 114, and see PEREZ. Read b'ne Sefathi. T. K. C.]

i. b. David and Abital (2 S. 3:4, 1 Ch. 3:3, o-a/Sai-eia [B], <Ta>t>aOia [A in Sam.], cratftana^ [A in Ch. and L]). See DAVID, 11, n.

2. b. Mattan, who with others sought to put Jeremiah in prison (Jer. 38:1 [45:1], o-a^avias [BKA], tra^ar [Q*], -las [Qmg]).

3. AV SHEPHATHIAH, b. Reuel, father of Meshullam, of BENJAMIN ( 9 [iii.]) ; 1 Ch. 9:8.

4. A HARUPHITE [q.v.], one of David's warriors (1 Ch. 12:5, irraSC , o a /" 1 Tias [L]). See DAVID, 11, n. c.

5. b. JEHOSHAPHAT, king of Judah (2 Ch. 21:2, in7SEC , <r<x$a-reias [B], -ias [l!t>AL]). The name follows Michael (see above).

6. b. Maachah, a Simeonite ruler (1 Ch. 27:16, l.TCESI , cra< # >a-Tias).

7. The b ne Shephatiah were a post-exilic family numbered at 372 (Ezra 2:4, acra<j> [B], Neh. 7:9); the record, however, in Ezra 8:8, wherein the b'ne Shephatiah with Zebadiah at their head amount to 80 in number, is far more plausible (see EZRA-NEHEMIAH). The name appears as SAPHAT in 1 Esd. 5:9 (om. B, ao-a.<j> [IV-lnrf.], a-a<j>ar [A]), and as SAFHATIAS in 1 Esd. 8:34 (<TO<j>OT<r>v [B], A om., <ra(f>a.Tiov [I.]). See introduction, above.

8. A groun of Solomon's servants (see NETHINIM) in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii.,9); Ezra 2:57 = Neh. 7:59 = 1 Esd. 5:33, SAPHETH, RV SAPHUTHI (craipva [B], -v8i [A]).

9. One of the b'ne Perez, a son of Mahalaleel, and ancestor of Athaiah (Neh. 11:4, a-a^anov [L]).

SHEPHELAH, THE[edit]

or LOWLAND [OF JUDAH] (n^D^ H; see PLAIN, 7; has ce4>HA<\ in 2 Ch. 26:10 [AV 'low country', RV 'lowland' ], Ob. 19 [cA(}>HAA Qmg, AV 'plain', RV 'lowland' ], Jer. 32:44 [AV 'valley', RV 'lowland'], 33:13 [om. A, AV 'vale', RV 'lowland' ], also in 1 Macc. 12:38 [X*V cecb. TTeAl NH. AV Shephela, RV 'plain country' ]), a part of the territory of Judah, between the hill country (see JUDAH, HILL-COUNTRY OF), and the Mediterranean. On the geographical use of the term see G. A. Smith (HG 202-203), who concludes that 'though the name may originally have been used to include the Maritime Plain, and this wider use may have been occasionally revived, the Shephelah proper was the region of low hills between that plain and the high Central Range'.

The cities of the Shephelah are enumerated in Josh. 15:33-44 ; vv. 45-47, which mention Philistine towns as in the Shephelah, are probably a later insertion (cp Oxf. Hex. 2346). Eusebius, however (OS 296:10), describes this district as the plain (wediov [pedion]) lying round Eleutheropolis, to the N. and the W. , and Clermont-Ganneau and Conder (Tentwork, 277) state that they have discovered the name in its Arabic form Sifla about Beit-Jibrin (Eleutheropolis). LXX also gives treSiov [pedion] (see Dt. 1:7, Josh. 11:2, 12:8) and i] irfdiv/i [e pedine] (see Josh. 9:1, 10:40, Judg. 1:9, etc.) for n^sr, and a larger use is favoured by Dt. 1:7, Josh. 9:1, 1 K. 10:27, 2 Ch. 26:10, so that, even if the low hills behind the maritime plain were the most important part of the Shephelah on account of the towns situated there, we can hardly deny that theoretically the maritime plain was included in the reference of this geographical term (see Buhl, Pal. 104, n. 164). The RV has taken great pains to carry out a systematic rendering of shephela by 'lowland'. Compare the following passages: Dt. 1:7, Josh. 9:1, 10:40, 11:2, 11:16 (bis, LXX{B}, TO. raittiva. [to tapeina], LXX{AL} TO. nf&ivd [ta pedina] the second time), 12:8, 15:33, Judg. 1:9, 1 K. 10:27, 1 Ch. 27:28, 2 Ch. 1:15, 9:27, 26:10, 28:18, Jer. 17:25 (LXX{B} >TJ? jreiu^? [ges pedines]) 32:44, 33:13, Ob. 19, Zech. 7:7. Perhaps if RV had given the plural form 'lowlands', it might have been more illuminative to the reader, for, as G. A. Smith (203) remarks, the Scottish lowlands, like the Shephelah, are not entirely plain, but have their groups and ranges of hills.

SHEPHER[edit]

P2y ; ), Nu. 33:23-24, AV SHAPHER.

SHEPHERD OF HERMAS[edit]

1. Name; transmission of text.[edit]

Under the name of lloifj.rii> [poimen] (Pastor, Shepherd), with which from an early date the name of Hermas came to be connected, a book of some size, originally written in Greek, has come down to us from Christian antiquity. At one time greatly read, and even for a while regarded as canonical, it afterwards fell very much into the background with out, however, being wholly lost sight of.

The Greek text, though still without the concluding portion Sim. 9:303:10, was first brought to light comparatively recently (1856). A Latin version, the Vulgate, was published as early as 1513 by Faber Stapulensis ; an Ethiopic by Anton d'Abbadie in 1860. Ever since Cotelier's time (1672) the work has been wont to be included in editions of the so-called Apostolic Fathers. We now know the Greek text of Vis. 1 - Mand. 4:8, 5:2 from the Codex Sinaiticus edited by Tischendorf in 162 ; the contents of the rest of the work (apart from the concluding portion already spoken of, and certain lacunae) from the so-called Athos MS of which three leaves are now in the University Library at Leipsic (since 1856) and six still remain in the Monastery of Gregory on Mt. Athos ; that of Sim 2:7-10, 4:2-5 from an old papyrus now in Berlin, formerly at Fayyum, described by U. Wilcken in 1891 ; that of other fragments, we have known for a longer period from the citations of ancient writers.

Valuable help can also be obtained throughout from two Old Latin versions, the Vulgate and (since Dressel, 1857) the Palatine, as also from the Ethiopic. For the establishment of the original text, since the edition of Anger and Dindorf, 1856, who at first were led astray by Simonides (afterwards proved to be a forger) but were ultimately put upon the right track by Tischendorf, as he in his turn was corrected by Lipsius, specially meritorious services have been rendered by A. Hilgenfeld, 1866 (2), 1881 (3), 1887; O. de Gebhardt, 1877; J. Armitage Robinson, A Collation of tje Athos Codex of the Shepherd of Hermas, 1888 ; F. X. Funk, Patros Apost.,(2) 1901.

2. Division.[edit]

The Shepherd, in view of its contents, is usually divided into three parts, entitled respectively

  • (1) Visions,
  • (2) Commandments,
  • (3) Similitudes.

The printed editions, in fact, all follow each other in giving five Visions, twelve Commandments, and ten Similitudes. This division, however, is hardly accurate, and it would be better to say that the book in the form in which it has come down to us consists of Visions ( Opdcras ['oraces]) or Revelations ( AiroKaXv-^fis ['apokalypseis]) of which the first (Vis. 1:1) can be regarded as an introduction to those immediately following (Vis. 1:2-4) and the last (Vis. 5) as an introduction to the immediately following series of Commandments and Similitudes (ai ffTO\al Kal TrapafioXai : Mand. 1-12, Sim. 1-8) to which is added an appendix called 'The rest' (TO ?re/>a [ta etera]; Sim. 9) and a conclusion (Sim. 10).

3. Form and contents.[edit]

So far as the form of the book is concerned, Hermas, a former slave of a certain Rhoda in Rome to whom his father had sold him, and who had afterwards come into the service of the Christian church, now comes forward as a writer, relating certain things that have happened to him and what he has seen and heard - or, in a word, what has been revealed to him.

  • As he was walking outside the city 'to the villages', - s Koi^ias [eis koomas], as the Greek text has it, for which the printed editions, after a conjecture of Dindorf, wrongly read ei? Kou/uat [eis koumas], 'to Cumae' - he falls asleep and there appears to him the woman whose slave he formerly had been and whom he had not been able to seek in marriage (Vis. 1:1).
  • Afterwards the church appears to him at longer or shorter intervals (a year, or less) ;
    • first in the form of an old woman (Vis. 1:2-4 ; cp 3:10-11),
    • next with a more youthful aspect (Vis. 2 , cp 3:12);
    • again, as quite young (Vis. 3:1-10; cp 3:13);
    • finally, as a maiden in wedding attire (Vis. 4).
She reveals to him the future and expounds with regard to it the will of God. She gives instructions and shows visions which have reference to the necessity for repentance while yet the building of the tower, symbolising the church, is still unfinished, or rather suspended for a while - in other words while yet God affords the opportunity to repent, an opportunity which ere long will cease with the coming of the last great persecution.
  • After these revelations (Vis. 1-4) Hermas relates how the angel of repentance appears to him in the form of a shepherd, as previously (Vis. 2:4, 3:10) in that of a young man, and bids him write down 'commandments and similitudes' (Vis. 5).
  • The twelve commandments which follow relate to (Mand. 1-12)
    • faith in God;
    • a life void of offence, full of compassion, love of truth;
    • chastity;
    • long suffering;
    • our attendant angels, good and bad;
    • the fear of the Lord;
    • abstinence from all that is evil;
    • prayer without ceasing and with unwavering confidence,
    • two kinds of sadness;
    • two kinds of spirit;
    • two kinds of desire.
  • The eight similitudes which follow teach us
  • (Sim. 1-4);
    • how here we have no continuing city;
    • how the rich can be helped by the prayer of the poor;
    • how the righteous and the wicked cannot at first be discriminated, but will ultimately be separated
  • (Sim. 5-8)
    • how useful fasting is;
    • how good it is to keep far aloof from luxury and temptation;
    • how indispensable is chastening;
    • how many are the varieties of saint and sinner.
  • Next, by way of appendix, is set forth in new images that which the Holy Spirit that spoke with Hermas in the form of the church had showed him. They are revelations vouchsafed to him by the Shepherd, the angel of repentance, with reference to those who are saved (Sim. 9).
  • To round off the whole, yet a further earnest admonition is given by the angel who had sent the shepherd; a last exhortation to repentance in accordance with the precepts of the now completed work (Sim. 10).

4. The form artificial.[edit]

The form in which the whole is clothed, far from being simple or natural, is artificial in the highest degree. It sets out, apparently, with the intention of relating what has passed between two known persons, Rhoda and Hermas. The names are reminiscent of a Christian woman Rhoda, mentioned in Acts 12:13, and of a Christian slave at Rome, Hermas, mentioned in Rom. 16:14. Here they become representatives, the one (Rhoda) of the church in various successive forms, the other as one devoted to her service, and one of her followers and members. 'Hermas' soon goes on to speak with poetic freedom like a Paul, a James, a John, a Barnabas, a Clement, an Ignatius, a Polycarp, in the epistles handed down to us under their names, as if he were the recognised elder and faithful witness addressing himself with words of warning and admonition to his 'house', his 'children'.

5. Unity and composition.[edit]

The original unity of the work in its present form, although frequently called in question since Hase (1834), cannot be denied. Even less, however, can the existence of inconsistencies and contradictions and other marks of interpolation, adaptation, and redaction be disputed. These point to it having been a composite work made up from earlier documents. Not in the sense (so Hilgenfeld, 1881 ; Hausleiter, 1884 ; Baumgartner, 1889 ; Harnack, 1897) of its being a combination, effected in one way or another, of two separate works, entitled respectively 'Visions' and 'Commandments and Similitudes' by one author, or by more than one ; nor yet (so Johnson, 1887 ; Spitta, 1896 ; von Soden, 1897 ; Volter, 1900 ; van Bakel, 1900) in the sense of its being the outcome of repeated redactions of an originally Jewish writing. Rather in the sense of being a second edition of the original Shepherd, a bundle of Commandments and Similitudes from the pen of but one writer who laboured on the whole independently, yet at the same time frequently borrowed from the books which he had before him. It is not possible to distinguish throughout between what he borrowed from others and what we ought to regard as his own.

6. Author.[edit]

The writer, who comes forward as if he were an older Hermas, the contemporary of Clement (Vis. 2:4, 3), must not be identified with him of Rom. 16:14, nor yet with a younger one, brother of Pius I., bishop of Rome 140-155, who is referred to in the Muratorian fragment. The real name of the author remained unknown. From his work it can be inferred that he was an important member, perhaps even a ruler, of the Christian church, probably in Rome. A practical man. No Paulinist, nor yet a Judaiser in the Tubingen sense, but rather a professsor, little interested in the dogma of the Christianity that was already in process of becoming Catholic, in the days svhen it was grappling with the ideas and movements that had originated with Montanus. One who attached much value to revelations and yet was very particularly in earnest about the need for quickening, for the spiritual renewing of the Church, for which reason he laid peculiar stress upon the possibility of a second conversion. This possibility would ere long come to an end at the close of the present period ; even now many were denying it as regarded those who once had received baptism, though others hoped to be able continually afresh to obtain the forgiveness of their sins. There is nothing that indicates the merchant supposed by Harnack-Hilgenfeld.

7. Date.[edit]

In date the author is earlier than Eusebius, Athanasius, Origen, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Irenaeus, but later than the apostles and their first followers, the martyrs and leaders of the church, such individuals as 'Hermas' and 'Clement' (Vis. 2:4, 3). Later than the first great and flourishing time of the church (the history of which can already be divided into different periods, and the spiritual renovation of which, in conjunction with the revived expectation of Christ s second coining is regarded as imperatively needful) ; in the days when the spiritual life of Christians was being stirred by Montanistic movements. Therefore, certainly earlier than 180 A. D. ; yet not much earlier, nor yet much later, than about the middle of the second century. Perhaps some chrono logical truth may underlie the tradition that 'Hermas' was a 'brother' of Pius I. (140-155 A.D. ).

8. Purpose and value.[edit]

The work was from the first intended for reading aloud at the assemblies of the church whether in larger or in smaller circles (Vis, 2:4, 3). Its value, at first placed very high from the point of view of the interests of edification, but afterwards almost wholly lost sight of in Christian circles, has in recent years in spite of the diffuseness of its contents come anew to be recognised. Not to be despised as a praiseworthy production in the field of edifying literature it is still more to be prized as a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the Christianity that was widely spread and held as orthodox about the middle of the second century.

9. Literature.[edit]

A. Editions. - F. X. Funk, Patres Apostolici,^} with prolegomena and notes,! 1 ) 1901 ; also (in shorter form) Apost. Pater, 1901 ; O. de Gebhardt and A. Harnack, Hermae Pastor (= Pair, Apost. Opera, iii.), 1877, with introduction and notes ; also in smaller edition,* 4 ) 1901. Cp above ; also CANON, 65, 72 ; PROPHETIC LITERATURE, 31 ; HERMAS.

B. Translations. - English: Roberts, Donaldson, and Crombie, in Apostolic Fathers in Ante-Nicene Library, 1867 ; Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 1891. German : J. C. Mayer, 1869. Dutch : Duker and van Manen, Oud-Christcl. Lett.: geschriftcn tier ap. I aders, with introduction and notes, i. 1871.

C. Discussions. - In addition to those already referred to, see G. Kriiger, Gesch. d. altchr. Lit. 1891;, 12, and Nachtrage, 1897, p. 12 ; Th. Zahn, Der Ilirt Hernias, i86S ; also Einl. i. d. NT 1,1-) 1900, pp. 298, 430-8, 2 104, 154 ; J. M. S. Baljon, Gesch. v. d. Kb. de Nl s. 1901, p. 451 ; G. Uhlhorn, s.v. Hermas in />A . ( 3 ) 7 (1899) 714-718 ; C. Taylor, The Witness of Hennas to the l- our Gospels, 1892 (cp van Manen, Th.T, 1893, pp. 180-194); A. Hilgenfeld, Hermse Pastor Novmn Testamentum extr. Can. rec.,Wl 1881, (3) 1887 ; P. Baumgartner, Die Einlu-it des Hennas-Bucks, 1889 (cp van Manen, Th.T, 1889, pp. 552-550); E. Spitta, Zur Gesch. u. Lift. d. Urchristentuitis, 2, 1896, pp. 241-437; A. Harnack, Chronol. 1897, 1257-267, 437-8 (cp H. von Soden, TLZ, 1897, pp. 584-7) ; D. J. E. Volter, Die I isionen des Hermas, die Sibylle u. Clemens von Rom, 1900 ; H. A. van Bakel, De Compositie van den Pastor Heiue, 190.0.

W. C. v. M.

SHEPHO[edit]

( "IS" ), b. Shobal, b. SEIR : Gen. 36:23 (ccocj) [A], cwcbAN \D\.\ coop [li]) = 1 Ch. 1:40 Shephi C DCT; co>B [ ]. coocbAp [A], c&mbei t 1 LXX{DL}'s reading in Gen. suggests comparison with SHEPHUPHAM (-AN). Cp also SHUPPIM, SHAPHAN.

SHEPHUPHAM[edit]

AV Shupham (DD-1DL" : see SHEPHUPHAN), a son of BENJAMIN ( 9 [i.]) in Nu. 26:39 with patronymic SHUPHAMITE (q.v. ) ( P~P-1" AHMOC o cu>(J><\Nei . . COO(J)ANI [AF], CO(}>AN .... CO(J>A.NI [L]|-

SHEPHUPHAN[edit]

y , 75 ; Gray, HPN 95, but the suggestion 'serpent' may be as fallacious as that of 'rock-badger' for SHAPHAN ; another form is SHEPHUPHAM), b. Bela, b. BENJAMIN ( 12), 1 Ch. 8:5 (CWeAPeAK [B], COO(J><\N K<M &XIR& A]- C6TTeM [L]) Cp AHIKAM, SHEPHO, SHUPHAM, SHUPPIM, SHAPHAN.

SHERAH[edit]

or rather, as RV, SHEERAH (iTJJJjP, CAARA [A], CAP&A [I-] LXX{B} [N 6K6INOIC TOIC K&TAAoiTTOic] and Pesh. connect with "IKS^, Niphal 'to be left' ), a 'daughter' of EPHRAIM ( 12) (1 Ch. 7:24a) who 'built' the two Beth-horons and UZZENSHERAH (1 Ch. 7:24b. i"nNL"~j-TX, RV UZZEN-SHEERAH).

In v. 24b LXX{L} gives rfpa a.a.Spa [ersaadra] (for T)p<raapa [ersaara] ?). LXX{BA} makes Shera (<rr>jpa) and Rephah (v. 24) sons of oyir [ozan] (Uzzen).

Conder suggests, as the site, Bet Sira, a village 2 mi. SW. of the Lower Beth-horon (Mem. 316). But can we implicitly trust the name ? [The name Ephraim fixed itself not only in central but also in southern Palestine, where it is perhaps more original, and some of the names in the genealogy have an unmistakable N. Arabian affinity. Sheerah may, therefore, be a corruption of ITON 'Ashhur', which turns out to be a N. Arabian tribe-name (cp Geshur). Heres in 'Ir-heres' (see HERES, MOUNT) seems to have the same origin (Crit. Bib.). - T. K. c. ] For pn (Uzzen) we should probably (cp LXX{L} ) substitute vy 'city', and refer to Judg. 1:35. Cp EPHRAIM, 12. Beth-shemesh or Ir-shemesh is a curiously parallel name, if 'shemesh' comes from 'cushim' (see SHAALBIM). See, however, NAMES, 99, where 'ear (=earlike projection) of Sheerah' is suggested as the possible meaning of Uzzen-sheerah ; cp AZNOTH-TABOR.

SHEREBIAH[edit]

( rP3")"- , 39, but form seems doubtful, <rapaj3ia[s]), a post-exilic priest and family (Ezra 8:18 ap\>jj> [archon] [BA], iv ap X rj o-upoiua [en arche sarooia] [L], v. 24 crapaia. [saraia] [BA], Neh. 8:7, 9:4 apa/3ia [arabia] [B, where <rapa/3ia [sarabia] represents SHEBANIAH, erapajSaia [A], 9:5 om. LXX{BNA}, 10:12 [10:3] Kapa|3ia [zarabia] [B], ^aflapta [n*vid.], li.8). In 1 Esd. 8:47 the name appears as ASEBEBIA, RV ASEBEBIAS (acrejSr^iai [BA], tv ap\f) cnxpotna. [L]), cp HASHABIAH, 7 ; in v. 54, ESEBRIAS RV ESEREBIAS (fo-tpejSiai/ [eserebian] [BA]), and 1 Esd. 9:48, SARABIAS, o-apapias [A*viil.]. Many of the companion-names on the lists are obviously ethnics (Che.). See SHEBER.

SHERESH[edit]

CTC ; coypoc [B], copoc [A], cbopoc [L]|, a Machirite name in a genealogy of MANASSEH ( 9 [ii.]) ; 1 Ch. 7:16-17. See PERESH.

SHEREZER[edit]

p> NTJ ), Zech. 7:2 AV, RV SHAREZER,2.

SHERIFFS[edit]

(X .riSR <5 TOI S eV ^oiviuv Kara xupav, oi 4ir fot <r. [also Theod. ]), EV's rendering of a Bibl.-Aram. official title (such at least is the prevailing opinion) in Dan. 3:2-3. It has been generally connected with the Ar. afta 'to advise' (whence the participial 'mufti'), and accordingly translated 'counsellor' (cp RVmg, 'lawyers' ). A still more far-fetched suggestion is to read NTI2^ = viraroi [hypatoi] 'consuls' ; for the i7 instead of B Gratz (.\fG WJ 19 347) compares p-iD3DS = if/a\Tripiov [psalterion]. Another scholar says, possibly a mutilated form of a Pers. title in'pat 'chief' (Bevan, Dan. 80), and Andreas (Marti, Gram. Dibl.-Aram., Glossary) suggests N ns:i denpetaye, 'chiefs of religion'. Nor does this exhaust the list of theories.

Can no step in advance be taken? Only by those who recognise that many narratives in the OT have been remodelled, so far as the geographical and historical background is concerned. It will become probable to any who adopt the present writer's theory that the supposed official tittles in Dan. 3:2 are really N. Arabian ethnics. One of these ethnics ("nnjj N, Ashhurite, miswritten '77wi7X) passed, under the editor's hands, into hrbgnpriM (see SATRAPS). Another ( mm Rehobothite) appears three or four times in corrupt variants. The last of these variants x ncn has probably come from K*mm through the intermediate form, which occurs earlier in MT's list, Nr\ln2 : 'All the rulers of the province' is, of course, an editorial insertion, the incorrectness of which is shown by v. 4, where the herald addresses peoples, nations, and languages.

Cp SATRAPS.

T. K. C.

SHESHACH[edit]

Cni *?? , as if 'humiliation', cp "pC* 'to crouch' ) is generally explained as a cypher-form of 'Babel' (Babylon), which indeed is given instead of 'Sheshach' by Tg. (Jer. 25:26, 51:41). In Jer. 25:26 the whole clause, and in 51:41 'Sheshach', is omitted in LXX (Qmg adds in 25:26, nal /3a<n\ei>5 Z^crax irifTcu &TXCITOS avrdov [kai basileus sesach pietai eschatos autoon], and in 51:41 inserts o etcra/c [o eisak]) ; Cornill follows LXX, and so too Giesebrecht in 51:41, whereas in 25:26 this scholar retains 'Sheshach', but regards vv. 25-26 as an interpolation. But would a late glossator acquainted with the Athbash cypher (in which x = n, a = w, etc. ) have used it in interpolating a prophecy ascribed to Jeremiah ? and what reason was there for using a cryptogram ? 'Explication desesperee assurement' (Renan, Rapport annuel de la soc. asiatique, 1871, p 26). As to 51:41, there can be no doubt that 'Sheshach' should be omitted ; it mars the beauty of the elegiac metre (see LAMENTATION). To prove this let us put 50:23 and 51:41, both elegiac passages, side by side:-

(a) How is cut asunder and broken | the whole earth's hammer !
How is become a desolation | Babylon among the nations !
(b) How is [Sheshach] taken and surprised | the whole earth s praise !
How is become a desolation | Babylon among the nations !

As to Jer. 25:26, we must view the passage in connection with the whole list of peoples in vv. 18-26, and carefully criticise the text. The list begins with Judah. Next comes Misrim (so read ; cp MIZRAIM), Arabia, Zarephathim, . . . Edom, Moab, Ammon, Missur (a repetition, hid under 'Tyre and Zidon'), Dedan, Tema, Buz, Zarephathim, Arabia (thrice), Cushanim, Zimri (=Zimran), Jerahmeel (Elam and Madai), Zaphon, Jerahmeelim, Cush-jerahmeel (repetitions) ; then at the close something which by editorial manipulation became 'and the king of Sheshach (?) shall drink after them'.

The view of Lauth that 'Sheshach' is a Hebraisation of Shishka, a Babylonian district which gave its name (?) to an ancient Babylonian dynasty, according to Pinches's reading (but see Pinches himself, TSBA, 1881, p. 48), is untenable. Winckler (GRA 67-68, 328; AOF 1:275+) and Sayce (RP(2) 1:13) read Uru-azagga. The Athbash theory is equally wrong. On this and on similar cyphers see Hal. Mel. 245 (his theory is peculiar); and cp LEB-KAMAI.

T. K. C.

SHESHAI[edit]

(^ l", 58, cp SHASHAI ; cec[c]ei [BFL]), one of the b'ne Anak, perhaps an old Hebronite clan-name (Nu. 13:22 C6M6I [A], Josh. 15:14 coycei [BL], -A.I [A], Judg. 1:10 + reQQl [A]); see ANAKIM. Sayce (Crit. Mon. (1) 204) combines the name with Shasu ^TIDC [root ShSH] (the Egyptian name for the Syrian Bedouins). But LXX{BL} in Josh. 15:14, and the fact that DID is frequently miswritten &13, may suggest 'Cushi' ( ris) ; 'Anak' itself may come from 'Amalek' = 'Jerahmeel' (Che. ). See, however, SHESHAN, JERAHMEEL, 2B.

SHESHAN[edit]

(\&V, 58 ; some MSS. fl" P [Kenn.] ; COGCAM, CCOCAN [B], COOC&N [A], CICAN [L]), whose daughter married his servant JARHA (q.v. ) and became the head of an interesting genealogical list (1 Ch. 2:34-41). See JERAHMEEL, 2-3. The names may contain authentic tradition (Gray, HPN 234-235) ; at all events, it is quite independent of the (possibly tribal) genealogy in vv. 25-33 (cp v. 33b), where Sheshan appears as the son of Ishi and father of Ahlai (v. 31). The natural presumption that AHLAI was his daughter has no evidence to support it. Indeed, since it is probable that Jarha was not so much an 'Egyptian' as a Musrite, and since the name Sheshan is reminiscent of the old Hebronite SHESHAI [q.v]. it may be conjectured that we have here an allusion to the introduction of Hebronite and Musrite blood into the Jerahmeelites (see HEBRON). 1 Whether, indeed, 'Jarha' was supposed to be etymologically akin to Jerahmeel (as a hypocoristicon) is a matter for conjecture.

S. A. C.

1 That is to say, the fact that the Jerahmeelites married into the older inhabitants of Hebron, is expressed in genealogical fashion by saying that Jarha married a 'daughter of Sheshan' (cp DAUGHTER, GENEALOGIES i., i). It is possible that Sheshan (in spite of the philological difficulty) mav have been connected with shasu (x/nDcOi tne Egyptian designation for Bedouins (cp EDOM, 2).

SHESHBAZZAR[edit]

(>V3W, 83 ; C ACABACCA P OC [A, in Ezra 5:16 -up ], cra/Sao-apjjs [L] ; but B in Ezra 1:8 o-a/3ai" aerap, 5:14 {iayacrap [bagasar] id. 16 crap/3ayap [sarbagar]. In 1 Esd. 2:12, 2:15 SANABASSAR, <rcu a|u.a<ro apa> [sanamassaroo], (ja/xavaffffapou [samanassaroo] [B], <rapa/3a<7 - <rapos, &a.[ia. [A], <ra(7aaAacn7apos [L], / i. 6:18, 6:20 ; SANABASSARUS, trafiavacr- <7<xpos [B in v. 18], /Sacrcrapw [bassaroo], era/ota/Sacro apoi [samabassaron], B v. 20, A, L, o-ao-a^aAacro-apos [sasabalassaros], ->), the first governor of Judah under the Persians, Ezra 1:8, 1:11, 5:14, 5:16-17.

1. Name.[edit]

Van Hoonacker (Acad., Jan. 30, 1892, Nouvelles Etudes, 94-95) acutely explained the name as Bab. Shamash-bil(or -bal?)-utsur - i.e. , 'O Sun-god protect the son' ; cp Zao(r5oKX "os [saosdouchinos] (see ADRAMMELECH). So Che. Acad., Feb. 6, 1892, Wellhausen (1894), and doubtfully Guthe (1899). But the Greek forms point to the name of the Moon-god Sin as the first element in the name. The only difficulty in this view is the yj [sh] for Ass. s ; but this is hardly insuperable. Accepting LXX's form Sanabassar for Sheshbazzar we are enabled to accept the very plausible identification of San(a)bassar with Shenazzar (1 Ch. 3 :8), first proposed by Imbert (1888-89), and accepted by Sir H. Howorth, Renan, and Ed. Meyer (Ent. des Jud. 77+). Upon this hypothesis San(a)bassar was not identical with Zerubbabel (so van Hoonacker, Wellhausen), but his uncle and predecessor. That SANBALLAT (q. v. } and the first governor of the Jews should have had names compounded with Sin would be a striking coincidence. But though this may have been the learned redactor's meaning, it is doubtful whether the original narrator intended it. The chief captivity may have been in N. Arabia. In this case the first part of the name Sheshbazzar would represent en3 (Cush in N. Arabia) ; the second part might possibly come from naii (Zarephath). Cp SHENAZZAR, ZERUBBABEL.

2. Notices.[edit]

In Ezra 1:8 Sheshbazzar is called loosely 'prince of Judah' (rrfliTj* weo) ; in 5:14 he is called 'governor' ( n P?) the same title which is given to Zerubbabel in Haggai (1:1, 1:14, 2:2, 2:21). He is said to have received from Cyrus s official the sacred vessels which Nebuchadrezzar had taken away with a charge to deposit them in the temple at Jerusalem when it had been rebuilt. In 5:16 TATTENAI (q.v. ) mentions that the foundations of the temple had been laid by Sheshbazzar. Kosters (Herstel, 33) admits that he is probably a historical personage, and that he bears a Babylonian name, but thinks that he was a Persian, and that the Chronicler introduces a Shenazzar into the genealogy of Zerubbabel from interested motives. That Sheshbazzar brought back the sacred vessels, and laid the foundations of the temple, Kosters denies. On the two latter points see Intr. Is, pp. 35, 281-282, but bearing in mind the possibility that different views of the land of the captivity and of the circumstances attending the gradual lightening of the burdens of the Jews may have been taken by the narrator and the redactor respectively. But cp Meyer, Ent. des Jud., pp. 75+; Guthe, GVI 245; Winckler, KAT (3) 285, with references (Sheshbazzar a son of Jehoiachin) ; and see EZRA AND NEHEMIAH [BOOKS], 7.

The identification of Sheshbazzar and Shenazzar (Shen'assar) is questioned by Lohr (Theol. Rundschau, 1:181+), but justified by Ed. Meyer (ZATW 18:343-344), who refers to the different pronunciation of the sibilants in Assyrian and Babylonian, and explains the differences in the reproduction of these names by differences of pronunciation.

T. K. C.

SHETH[edit]

m J ; , CH0).

i. Nu. 24:17-18, regarded by AV, RVmg, LXX, Vg. , Pesh. , as a proper name, on the assumption that Seth the son of Adam is intended ; this is in fact the old Jewish tradition - the 'sons of Sheth' are the 'sons of men' (Onk. ), the 'armies of Gog' (ps.-Jon. ). The assumption is untenable; but at any rate Sheth must be a proper name. The sceptre of Israel, we are told, 'shall smite the temples of Moab, and the crown of the head of all the sons of Sheth'. The name might come from the Suti, the Syrian Bedouins mentioned in the Amarna Tablets. But in the parallel passage, Jer. 48:45, we find JINC* for nt?, and this suggests }8te), Cushan (cp Crit. Bib. on Am. 2:2). For ijc-,c, 'Moab', read probably -njtc, 'Missur' (cp MOAB, 14). The Misrites or Cushites were among Israel's chief foes. Most, however, with Dillmann, interpret nsr (rim??) in the sense of tumult (so RV).

2. 1 Ch. 1:1, RV SETH (q.v.).

T K C

SHETHAR[edit]

("IJTJ ), in Esth. 1:14, MT, one of the 'seven princes' at the court of Ahasuerus. LXX's CApCAGAlOC [BSLr], CApecGeoc [A] seems to represent both SHETHAR and TARSHISH. According to Marquart (Fund. 69), Shethar comes from vamv, with which, however, compare the O. Pers. shiyatis 'joy'. This presupposes the accepted view that the scene of the Esther-story was always laid in Persia, and that consequently the names may be expected to have a Persian appearance. For another explanation see PURIM, 3, and cp TARSHISH.

SHETHAR-BOZNAI[edit]

RV SHETHAR-BOZENAI (in^ ^tl3. C6.6ApBOYZA.NA, -AN [B], -NAI- -NG [A], 0Ap- BoyzANAIOC [L]). The name of a Persian (?) official, mentioned with Tattenai, Ezra 5:36, 6:6, 6:13, 1 Esd. 6;3 (ffaffpapovfamis [BA], -/3wf. [L]) 7 (-povpf. [B], -/3oi [A], -jSwf [L]) 627 7 1 (-jSouf. [BA], -|8wf. [L]), AV SATHRABUZANES. Four explanations may be mentioned ; the fourth assumes that underlying the present narrative there is an earlier story of the relations between the Jews and the N. Arabian governors.

  • (1) Shethar-boznai may be a corruption of 3imrc = Mi^po/Jouj d^s. Old Pers. 'Mithrobauzana' - i.e. , 'having

redemption through the Mithra'. {1}:

  • (2) Marquart takes a different view (Fund. 53-54). He equates ->nE> with Old Pers. Cithra [c has cedilla] ( 'seed, brilliance' ) and quotes names compounded with this word. 2
  • (3) Winckler (Kohut Semitic Studies, 34-35), however, considers that jnn int? may be the title of an official (e.g. , chief clerk of the chancery), and compares the inscription on a weight from Abydos, where NBDD K~\ro is attested as such a title. In this case, for nne> we must read inb. But the second part of the title seems incorrectly transmitted. Winckler s reason is that 3 jy is not followed, as we should have expected, by a description of the office of the person so called.
  • (4) Upon the theory mentioned above, it is at any rate possible that -\rx> comes from trssnn (TARSHISH [q. v. ]), the original of which may be n*g ; j<, and jtu from *yy\$. 'Asshurite' and 'Cushanite' are two N. Arabian ethnics, used perhaps as personal names. See Crit. Bib. T. K. C.

1 So Andreas, in Marti, Bibl.-aram. Gram. 87; E. Meyer, Ent. d. Jud. 32. Mi0poj3ov<Ta>T)s [mithrobouzanes] occurs in Arrian, 1:16:3, Diod. 31:22.

2 In the address of the letter of 'Tattenai the governor beyond the river and Shethar-boznai' (Ezra 5:6), the verb in MT is in the sing., and the suffix in arH33 is also sing. Marquart suggests that Shethar-boznai may have come in from the subscription.

SHEVA[edit]

(Kl ; ).

1. b. Caleb b. Hezron, the 'father' of MACHBENA (1 Ch. 2:49 ; araov [B], -A [A], <roue [L]).

2. 2 S. 20:25 (Ktb. tty?) ; see SERAIAH (i).

SHEWBREAD[edit]

(D Of H Dr6), lehem hap-panim, lit. 'bread of the face' or 'presence-bread' (RV mg). See SACRIFICE, 14, 340 ; RITUAL, 2 ; TEMPLE, 16, and ALTAR, 10 (8).

LXX aproi roO TTpocrwTrou (1 S. 21:7 [21:6]), a. [Trjs] 7rpo#e crea>j (Ex. 40:23 [where cnS occurs alone], 2 Ch. 4:19), a. T. 7rpo<T</>opas (1 K. 7:48), a. <?>/<07n ovs (Ex. 25:30); Vg. panes propositionis. With the exception of i K. (|| 2 Ch. 4:19), and 1 S. only in P.

Other expressions are

  • (a) lehem hat-tamid, -ppnn Cn 1 ?, EV 'the continual bread' (Nu. 4:7 [P], oi aproi oi Sia Trarros);
  • (b) lehem ham-ma'araketh, 1 Ch. 9:32 (AVmg 'bread of ordering' ), ma'areketh lehem, 2 Ch. 13:11 (a. T. 7rpo0e <rews, Vg. as above);
  • (c) lehem kodesh, 1 S. 21:5 ( 'hallowed [RV " holy "] bread' ; a. a-yioi).

Zimmern (Beitreige zur Kenntniss Jer Bab. Rel., Rituals-tafein, 94) includes among the constituent parts of a Bablyonian sacrifice 'the laying of loaves' (akalu) before the deity. It was usual to present either 12 or (3x12) 36. The loaves were of some fine meal, perhaps wheat. They were called akal mutki, 'sweet loaves' - i.e. unleavened.

SHIBAH[edit]

(HrTJ }, Gen. 26:33 RV, AV SHEBAH (q.v.).

SHIBBOLETH[edit]

(nfitty), the word which the fugitive Israelites mispronounced, so falling into the trap set for them by the Gileadites (Judg. 12:6).

LXX{B} renders fin ov &r) <TTOI\VS [eipon de stachus]. Being unable to reproduce the sh in shibboleth, the translator chose o-rayus [stachus], where or [st] was found rather difficult to pronounce. ( 'And he said, Sibboleth', remains untranslated.)

So the French betrayed themselves by their pronunciation of ceci and ciceri in the Sicilian vespers, 13th March, 1282 (Hertheau). An analogous story is related by Doughty (Ar. Des. 1:155). When the Druses came on to slay Ibrahim Pasha's troops, a grace was accorded to the Syrians in the force. 'O man, say Gamel'. Every Syrian answered Jemel (J as in French, whilst in parts of Egypt J is pronounced as G). So the Damascene soldiers were saved.

On the phonetic point involved in the narrative see Marquart ZATW 8 (1888) 151+, and cp G. A. Cooke in Hastings DB, s.v.

SHIBMAH[edit]

(nCOb), Nu. 32:38 AV, RV SIBMAH (q.v.).

SHICRON[edit]

RV SHIKKERON (JVYjJt?; (eic) coKXcoO [B], (eic) AKK&PU>N<\ [A], (eic) C&X&PCJONA [L] ; Sechrona [Vg. ]), at the western end of the N. boundary of Judah, Josh. 15:11-12, apparently between Ekron (&K-K&PCON) and Jabneel.

SHIELD[edit]

The most ancient defensive piece of armour was the shield, buckler, roundel, or target. The weapon varied greatly in make, form, and size, therefore bore a variety of names.

1. Terms.[edit]

1. tsinnah, H3S (v/pS, 'preserve, protect' ); most commonly rendered Supeds [thyreos], Si patos [thyraios], but also, some five times, ottKov [hoplon], in the sense in which that word is used by the Greek historical writers; cp on-AiTrjs [hoplites]; Vg. scutum, but also, less properly, clypeus. This was a large shield which is commonly found in connection with spear, and was the shelter of heavily-armed infantry (1 S. 17:7, 17:41 etc.) ; it is also used figuratively of Yahwe s favour and faithfulness. We hear of this shield being borne in front of the warrior by a Shield-bearer (rrwn Kb-:; 1 S. 17:7 RV).

2. magen, [jp (\/]33, 'cover', 'defend' ); most commonly rendered Ovpeds [thyreos], but also occasionally dtrjn s [aspis] and jre An) [pelte], scutum. This was a buckler, or smaller shield, which, from a similar juxtaposition with sword, bow, and arrows, appears to have been the defence of the light-armed infantry and of chiefs ; it is used figuratively also of the scales or scutes of leviathan ; as a metaphor for a king or ruler (Ps. 89:18 [89:19], Hos. 4:18, Ps. 47:9 [47:10]), etc.

3. soherah, mnb, Ps. 91:4-5. A doubtful word. A second word for shield in the same line of the stanza is improbable. LXX reads KvK\u><rei [kykloosei] - i.e., J32D*, which Whitehouse and Che. Ps.(2) adopt.

4. shelet, a~?V. The derivation and meaning of this word are both obscure. In 2 S. 8:7 ^At Sioc [chlidoon] (reading mjfii?) and in || 1 Ch. 18:7 (cAoios [kloios] (also reading mj s?); in 2 K. 11:10 Tpicrero; [trissos] [BA], 6dpu [dory] [L], but in || 2 Ch. 23:9 oirAo. [hopla] (L Sopv [dory], aeriris [aspis], and oirAa [hopla]) ; Cant. 4:4 /3oAi 6c [bolides]; Jer. 51:11 (28:11) ^aperpas [pharetras].

5. kiddon, [ ITS. See JAVELIN, 5.

6. 0vpe&s [thyreos], Eph. 6:16 (metaphorically, of faith). 1

1 [To these ; according to some (Baethgen, Kirkpatrick), should be added n^, agalah. In Ps. 46:9 [46:10], where MT has rP?jy, properly 'waggons' [EV 'chariots' ], LXX has flupeovj [thyreous], and Tg. j S Jg, 'shields'. But in Nu. 31:50, Ezek. 16:12, S jy, agil, means 'a ring', and it is not probable that the Psalter should contain two words for 'shield' (see 3) found nowhere else in the OT. On the assumption that in Ps. 46 and elsewhere (see PSALMS, 28) the Jerahmeelites or Edomites are the foes chiefly referred to, Cheyne (Ps.(2)) would read ^KDm IJDi corrupt forms of rrv often present j instead of n- Cp Ps. 76:3 [76:4], as restored in Ps.( 2 ),

He has broken the quiver of Cusham,
The shield and the sword of Jerahmeel.

T. K. C]

2. Form, etc.[edit]

Among the Hebrews, as among other peoples at an early stage of development (cp Evans, Anc. Bronze implements of Gt. Brit. 343), shields were no doubt at first made of wicker-work, wood, or hide. The leather coverings would vary in thickness ; a single hide, if suitably prepared, sometimes serving as well as a double. At a later date the wooden framework was bordered with metal. The partial employment of metal would soon suggest the discarding of wood almost (or quite) entirely.

In Egypt the shield 'was most commonly covered with bull's hide, having the hair outwards, like the laseion of the Greeks, sometimes strengthened by one or more rims of metal, and studded with nails or metal pins, the inner part being probably wickerwork or a. wooden frame, like many of those used by the Greeks and Romans, which were also covered with hide' (Wilk. Anc. Egypt. 1:198-199).

We may infer that the early Israelites - or at any rate the Canaanites - borrowed the forms in use in Egypt. 1 Their common shields would therefore be a kind of parallelogram, broadest and arched at the top and cut square beneath. They were of wood covered with leather ; a late prophet (Ezek. 39:9) speaks of them as easily burned.

The tsinnah was most likely what in the feudal ages would have been called a pavise, for such occurs on the Egyptian monuments. Sometimes such a weapon was above 5 ft. high. 2 An example of an Egyptian weapon of the kind is to be seen in Erman s picture (Life in Anc. Egypt, 524 ; see also Wilk. Anc. Egypt. 1:202) of a soldier of the Middle Empire. The body is not protected by other armour - a fact which suggests that in ancient times the shield was large in proportion as other defensive armour was lacking. This shield resembles a Gothic window in shape. Shields of such dimensions must have been made of light material. During a march they were, at any rate in the time of Rameses II., hung over the soldiers' backs (see Erman, 546). At a later date the Assyrian pikemen carried 'an enormous shield, sometimes round and convex, sometimes arched at the top and square at the bottom' (Masp. Struggle of the Nations, 627-628). But the Assyrians had shields of all sizes. Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 193-194) found bronze shields at Nimroud. They were 'circular, the rim bending inwards, and forming a deep groove round the edge'. They had iron handles, 'fastened by six bosses or nails, the heads of which form an ornament on the outer face of the shield. The diameter of the largest and most perfect is 2 feet 6 inches'.

The lighter shields mayperhaps have been soaked in oil (2 S. 1:21, but cp Lohr, ad loc. , Is. 21:5, yet see Duhm, who keeps the text, though declining the usual interpretation, and Crit. Bib., where the text is criticised), 'in order that the weapons of the enemy might the more readily glide off them' (Dr. TBS 183). As to the source whence shields were procured, one must have recourse to conjecture. It has been suggested (Kitto, Cycl. ) that 'hippopotamus, rhinoceros, and elephant skin shields 7iiay have been brought from Ethiopia, and purchased by the Israelites in the Phoenician markets ; such small whale-skin bucklers as are still used by Arabian swordsmen would come from the Erythmean Sea'. In Nah. 2:4 shields 'made red' (with copper, according to Nowack) are spoken of ; but the text is too doubtful to be trusted. Among the 'Hittites' one of the three occupants of a chariot bore a small shield with which he protected himself and the others (see CHARIOT) ; on the other hand, the single chariot-soldier of Egypt had to protect himself as well as manage his chariot (Erman, Anc. Egypt. 550). During the Assyrian and Persian supremacy the Hebrews may have used the square, oblong, and round shields of those nations, and may have subsequently copied those of Greece and Rome. High personages might have shields of precious metals (1 S. 17:6, 1 K. 14:27 [brass], 2 S. 8:7, 1 K. 10:16-17, 14:26; cp 1 Macc. 14:24, 15:18 [gold]; the exaggeration in 1 Macc. 6:39 cannot be added ; shields partly of brass or gold seem to be intended).

1 In a picture of a 'Philistine' ship of war given by Maspero (The Struggle of the Nations, 701) the combatants carry small round shields. In the picture of the storming of Dapuru, the fortress of the Kheta, given in Erman (Anc. Egypt, 533), shields of various shapes and sizes are well illustrated.

2 Cp Hewitt, Ancient Armour in Europe: 'besides the ordinary Northern shields, we sometimes find them represented of so large a size as to cover the whole person'. Hewitt points out that the same kind of shield is to be seen in Egyptian, Assyrian, and Indian monuments (77), and that 'the Chinese still (1855) use a large round shield of cane-wicker' (ib. note m).

3. Management.[edit]

To facilitate their management the shields had a wooden or leathern handle, and they were often slung over the neck by a thong. With the larger kinds a testudo could be formed by pressing the ranks close together ; and while the outside men kept their shields before and on the flanks, those within raised theirs above the head, and thus produced a kind of surface, sometimes as close and fitted together as a pantile roof, and capable of resisting the pressure even of a body of men marching upon it. We learn from Erman (529-530) that when the soldiers of the first army of Amon [Amen] pitched their camp, they arranged their shields to form a great four-cornered enclosure.

To break the force of a blow, 'bosses' or 6fj.<f>a\oi [omphaloi] were attached ; cp dawides 6fj.(pa\6effcrai [aspides omphaloessai] (Hom. Il. 4:48). But whether such bosses are really referred to in Job 15:26, where MT (and consequently EV) makes the wicked man 'run upon' God 'with the thick bosses of his bucklers', v|3D 33 3J, 3, is, to say the least, doubtful. The whole verse has a suspicious aspect.

Shields were hung upon the battlements of walls (Ezek. 27:11, if the text is correct [but cp Crit. Bib.], Cant. 4:4 [?], cp 1 Macc. 4:57), and, as still occurs, chiefly above gates of cities by the watch and ward. In time of peace they were covered to preserve them from the sun, and in war uncovered ; this sign was poetically used to denote coming hostilities, as in Is. 2:26 etc.

Besides the works mentioned above, use has been made in a few instances of the article 'Arms' in Kino's Bib. Cyclop.

M. A. C.

SHIGGAION[edit]

(|V|L ; ), Ps. 7:1 (title). The traditional Jewish view (cp Aq. a.yv6rj,u.a, [agyoema], Sym. , Theod. vwp dypotas [hyper agnoias]) connects it with n:s , shagah, to wander', supposing an 'error' of David (see IGNORANCE, SINS OF) to be referred to, 1 whilst Rodiger, Ewald, Delitzsch, and others explain it as 'dithyramb' on the same etymological theory (LXX{BXAR} simply t^aAjUos [psalmos]). More plausible would be a prophetic rhythm (nyp = yw; cp Ar. saj'n, the rhyming prose of the Arabian kahins or diviners). 2 Ps. 7, however, is not in the Hebrew or in the Arabian prophetic style, nor is its tone more prophetic than that of other psalms. Zimmern (Busspsalmen, 1 ; cp Hal. Rev. Sem., 1894, p. i) connects Shiggaion with shigu, the name of a class of Babylonian hymns ; but shigu is properly 'vehement lamentation' (Del. Ass. HWB), a description which does not apply to Ps. 7.

In Hab. 3:1 the plur. Shigionoth (rnTJB*, Aq. Sym. [eVt] a-ypor)- juaTujy ; Vg.[f>ro}ignorantiis; AVmg 'variable songs or tunes' ) is plainly an error for rn E ! S ( see SHEMINITH, UPON). The clever suggestions of Gratz (nyjj YB )and Wellhausen (rn3 33)(<- P LXX{BXAQ}; ^ 6T ^ ,,55^ . [meta oodes]; also, in Ps. Sol. 17, title) fail to do justice to the facts. Gratz neglects Vl? . Wellhausen changes jy into 3, and gives n: 3: a plur. form and a meaning to which it has no right (see NEGINAH, but cp HABAKKUK [BOOK], 8).

T. K. C.

1 See the Midrash, and cp Field, Hex., ad loc.

2 See Wellh. Ar. Heid.(1) 130 ; Hoffm. ZATW 3:89, and cp PROPHET, 13. Hitzig on Ps. 7:1 makes the above comparison, but combines with it an arbitrary theory.

3 '] (like 'j) may proceed from an original O.

SHIHON[edit]

O WL ), Josh. 19:19 AV, RV SHION (q.v.).

SHIHOR OF EGYPT[edit]

RV Shihor [The Brook] of Egypt (1 Ch. 13:5, n;ni D "rin i? [anb] bpiuv aiyv nrou [BxAL]), or 'SHIHOR (RV THE SHIHOR), which is before [i.e., eastward of] Egypt' (EV, Josh. 13:3, DnsD 3!J-ty TVK "rirran, Airb TTJS aoiKijrov [pO l?;?] TJJS Kara Trpdaun-oi/ aiy. [BAL]), Is. 23:3, Shihor (nriB*; (xeTa/3dA<oi/ = nnc [BNAQ]), Jer. 2:18 (-fine , yjju^ [BKAQ], o-uop [Qmg.]).

The position of the Shihor question was until lately as follows. In Is. 28:3, Jer. 2:18 either the Nile, or more strictly (Frd. Del. Par. 311) the Pelusiac arm of the Nile, seemed evidently to be intended, which appeared to make it probable that in 1 Ch. 13:5, Josh. 13:3 also the reference was to the Nile. This required the assumption that both the Chronicler and RD gave an idealistic extension to the SW. frontier of Canaan. It was urged, on the other hand, that in Nu. 34:5, Josh. 154, 1 K. 8:65, 2 K. 24:7, Is. 27:12 the S. or SW. frontier specified is the cnso *?m (MT), which is supposed to be the Wady el-'Arish (see EGYPT, RIVER OF), and according to Franz Delitzsch and Kautzsch-Socin this wady is also referred to in Gen. 15:18 as the D nsp "in: (MT). Were there, then, two Shihors? Steuernagel removes the difficulty in part by reading -a-en, 'the desert' instead of -.irrB-n, 'the Shihor' (see LXX), in Josh. 13:3, and Benzinger does the same for 1 Ch. 13:5 by supposing that a thoughtless scribe substituted -v\ v for D -IXD Sm (cp 1 K. 8:65) - i.e. , the Wady el-'Arish. In Is. 28:3, Jer. 2:18 the reference to the Nile has been pretty generally admitted. All that remained was to get a probable explanation for Shihor. The existence of the name SHIHOR-LIBNATH in the territory of Asher seemed to favour a Hebrew meaning ; and it was thought that 'Shihor' might mean 'the dark-coloured turbid stream', in allusion to the black mud of the Nile (cp the native name of Egypt, Kemet, 'the black land', EGYPT, i). Hommel, however, in 1897 (AHT 244), changed the position of the Shihor question, by showing that in all probability there was, to the SW. of Canaan, a land of Asshur or Shur, extending from the Wady el-'Arish to the region of Beersheba and Hebron, and pointed out the striking parallelism between 'the Shihor which is before DHsa' in Josh. 13:3 and 'Shur which is before D lSD' in Gen. 25:18. He even went so far as to explain "in?: (Geshur) as 'simply a contraction of Ge-Ashur or Ge-Shur'. The present writer s investigations are in the main independent of those of Winckler and Hommel, though stimulated by the earlier writings of these scholars. He is of opinion that the true name of this region is neither Geshur nor Asshur but Ashhur (out of which the other forms arose), and that Shihor is a cognate of this, also that Ashhur, Asshur, or Geshur acquired a wider reference than Hommel has indicated.

The theory of the present writer is that this term occurs in many passages of the OT as practically synonymous with Jerahmeel, and we can well believe that the C PSD Wn (if tn s phrase may be taken to mean 'the wady of Misrim' - i.e., of the Arabian Musri), was also at an early period called the wady of Ashhur, and at a later time the wady Shihor (a modification of Ashhur, cp SHEHARIAH); between 1 Ch. 135 and 1 K. 8:65 there will, therefore, if these views are correct, be no inconsistency.

A fair estimate of this theory is only possible in connection with a thorough methodical study of the OT, or at least of the greater part of it, from the point of view indicated at the end of the article NAME. There is little reason to suppose (see Crit, Bib.) that the result will be adverse to the theory.

It should also be emphasised that the critical investigation here referred to supports the view that Winckler's explanation of the name c TXD as the N. Arabian Musri in the phrase c HSD *?m, and in a large number of passages besides those which contain this phrase, is correct. Hommel s more recent theory that TIXD (i.e., according to him, Mosar or Masor) means Midian - i.e. , the NW. Arabian coast from Leukekome to Akabah, is closely akin to that of Winckler, who regards Musri as the name of a N. Arabian kingdom, in vassalage to the more powerful Minaean kingdom, and peopled by the race called Midian (cp KAT (3) 143).

We have still to ascertain whether Is. 28:3 and Jer. 2:18, critically regarded, are, or are not, consistent with the theory respecting Ashhur, Asshur, or Geshur, stated above,

(a) Is. 28:3, as it now stands, is fairly rendered by RV :

'And on great waters the seed of Shihor, the harvest of the Nile ("lit* ), was her revenue ; and she was the mart (?) of nations'.

With the exception of Duhm all commentators have admitted that Shihor here means the Nile, though Dillmann noticed the awkwardness of the style here and elsewhere in the poem, which, together with the occurrence of 'Kasdim' (Chaldaeans) in v. 13, suggested his theory that the original work (vv. 1-13) was recast by a later hand (cp Intr. Is. 139-143). Duhm, however, thinks that the writer means the Shihor on the S. border of Asher (see SHIHOR-LIBNATH), which, according to Gen. 49:20 (Ezek. 27:18), supplied Zidon with corn and the like'.

He regards TIN (not in LXX) as an incorrect gloss. Duhm speaks of 'Zidon' rather than 'Tyre', because 155 in vv. 5(?) 8 is, in his opinion, miswritten for JITS- Marti assents to this, but thinks that the gloss (-IIN>) Is correct, and that 'Shihor', after all, does mean the Nile. If, however, it is highly probable (see PROPHET, 35+) that the geographical names have been transformed by an editor in very many of the prophecies, it becomes at once probable that here, as elsewhere, "IS should be "llfC, and J wx either j^lD or perhaps 11Jf3. In this case we can hardly doubt that "ITO (Shihor), which is not understood by LXX to be the name of a river, or even a proper name at all, should be either D inD, 'merchants' (so LXX), or rather liriw X, 'Ashhur'. I"S5"in in vv. 1, 6, 10 has the same origin (see TARSIHSH), whilst TIN presumably comes from TJ-I. At any rate, the presence of "ins? a "d ins close together points to the existence of much uncertainty as to the right reading of the word which underlies both words.

(b) In Jer. 2:18 the prophet reproaches the Jews for being continually on the road to ms3, 'to drink the water of Shihor', and to Asshur, 'to drink the water of the river'. Most think that ryixD means 'Mizraim' - i.e., Egypt - and that 'Asshur' is the great kingdom whose capital was Nineveh. But in the context (v. 16) we only read of the sons of Noph and Tahapanes. Either then 'Asshur' is superfluous, or it denotes the same country as c iss. In the latter case onsD must mean the N. Arabian Musri, and ejEnni f\i ( 'Noph' and 'Tahapanes' ??) must be corrupt. 1 Clearly this is preferable ; the quatrain in v. 18 must not be mutilated. 'Shihor' and 'Asshur' are ultimately the same name, but 'Shihor' has already become differentiated from 'Asshur', and means the cnso nnj (Gen. 15:18). 2 That LXX in v. 18 reads yrjuv [geoon] (Gihon) instead of Shihor is hardly of importance for textual criticism.

It does, however, prove that the Greek translator did not understand Shihor, and therefore substituted for it a name which, owing to a misinterpretation of Gen. 2:13 (where 'Cush' becomes 'Ethiopia'), he supposed to be a Hebrew name for the Nile. It is no objection to our exegesis that in v. 36 iitt N is represented as distinct from c"~li2, for in v. 18 the right reading probably is, not TifN (Asshur), but -iinc N (Ashhur).

The above is written independently of Hommel's later investigations (Aufsatze, 3:1 [1901]) as well as of Winckler's more recent writings. Hommel holds that in Josh. 13:3 and in 1 Ch. 135 'the Shihor' is inaccurately put for the 'nahal Motsar'. He derives 'Shihor' from 'Shihon', which he identifies with Seihan, the Arabic name of one of the rivers of Paradise. The 'Gihon' is the 'river' (in:) of Asshur (or as he points it, Ashur - i.e., Edom) ; this he identifies with the Wady Sirhan (reckoned with the Euphratean stream region), the Hiddekel (as he thinks) of Gen. 2:14. Hommel's statements are criticised unsympathetically by Konig, Funfneue arabische Landschaftsnamen im AT beleuchtet (1902).

T. K. C.

1 Read Sxcm mns: : see NAPHTUHIM.

2 Even if the Wady of Ashhur and the Wady of Musri were, strictly speaking, distinct, some laxity in a Hebrew writing is intelligible.

SHIHOR-LIBNATH[edit]

(T\* -|irre> ; ceicoN [B], c[e]iu>p [AL], KAI AAB&N&6 ; Sikor ef LabanatK), apparently near Carmel on the S. boundary of Asher (Josh. 19:26 ). The ancients, including Eusebius and Jerome (OS 275:23, 136:2), distinguished two places called respectively Shihor and Labanath. Since, however, SHIHOR [q. v. ] occurs elsewhere only as the name of a river, the moderns prefer to take Shihor-libnath as a compound phrase meaning the Shihor of Libnath. There may have been a place near called Libnath, and Hommel (AHT 243) ingeniously conjectures that the Asherites, who originally dwelt between Egypt and Judah (cp ASHER, 1), called the stream which marked the S. boundary of their territory by the name of Shihor in memory of the Nile. 'SHIHOR' [q. v. ], however, does not mean the Nile. It is more probable that just as fei3 (Carmel) comes (according to the present writer s theory) from ^KDnT (Jerahmeel), so -iirre (Shihor) in Josh., as well as elsewhere, comes from nriB K (Ashhur), and that both names indicate that the sites called 'Carmel' and 'Shihor' had been originally occupied by Jerahmeelites and Ashhurites (a distinction without a difference ?) respectively. There were probably other places called Ashhur ( Heres, for instance [see HERES, MOUNT]) ; one of them was near Libnath, or belonged to a Laban or Libnah clan. See SHIHOR.

From the earlier point of view, Dillmann s identification of 'the [river] Shihor of Libnath' with the Nahr ez-Zerka (i.e., 'the dark blue river', a little to the N. of Caesarea, appeared plausible (but cp Buhl, Pal. 105). J. D. Michaelisand Gesenius (T/ies. 1393) thought of the river Betas (now Nahr Na'man, S. of Akka), from the fine sand of which, according to Pliny, glass (?! [LBNTh], 'transparence' ?>) was made.

T. K. C.

SHIKKERON[edit]

T), Josh. 15:11 RV, AV SHICRON (q.v.)

SHILHI[edit]

(*n?t , 52), apparently the name of the father-in-law of king Jehoshaphat, 1 K. 22:42 (ce/V\eei [semeei] [B], CA\AA& [A], ceAeei t [L in 16:30], 2 Ch. 20:31 (cAAei [HA], ceAeei [L]), but really, as the ceMeei of LXX{B} in 1 K. 22:42 (from ceAeeiM = SHILHIM [q.v.]) shows, the name of the birthplace of Azubah, the king's mother. The majority, if not all, of the names of Jehoshaphat's brothers, together with his own, suggest a family connection with the Negeb. Cp HALLOHESH.

T. K. c.

SHILHIM[edit]

(D r6t; ; ). A city of Judah 'towards the border of Edom', Josh. 15:32 (c&AH [B], ceAeeiM [AL]). Perhaps the same as SHARUHEN (q.v.); cp also Shaaraim (Buhl, Pal. 185). Azubah, bath SHILHI (q.v.), was probably a native of Shilhim (see SHILHI).

T. K. C.

SHILLEM[edit]

(Ok"). Gen. 46:24 , SHILLEMITES (OpWn), Nu. 26:49; in 1 Ch. 7:13 SHALLUM, 7.

SHILOAH, WATERS OF[edit]

(r6crn S P), Is. 8:6. See SILOAM.

SHILOH[edit]

(iW, Judg. 21:21, Jer. 7:12, &B>, Judg. 21:19, 1 S. 1:24, 3:21, Jer. 7:12, 7:14, 26:9, 41:5, but here LXX{BxQ} craAij/u. [salem], LXX{A} o-aAwju. [saloom], cp SALEM ; Ps. 78:60; n 1 ?^* thirteen times ; <n)A<o, -loji, -u>v , Jos. triAoOs and eriAw).

1. Ephraimite town.[edit]

A town of Ephraim, where the sanctuary of the ark was, under the priesthood of the house of ELI (q.v.). According to 1 S. 33:15, this sanctuary was not a tabernacle, but a temple with doors. Josh. 18:1 [P], however, has it that the tabernacle was set up there by Joshua after the conquest. In Judg. 21:19-20 the yearly feast at Shiloh appears as of merely local character. Shiloh seems to have been destroyed by the Philistines after the disastrous battle of Ebenezer (cp Jer. 7:12, 7:14, 26:69; see ISRAEL, 11 ). The position described in Judg. 21:19 (cp OS 1521) gives certainty to the identification with the modern Seilun lying some 2 mi. ESE. of Lubban (Lebonah), on the road from Bethel to Shechem. Here there is a ruined village, with a flat, double-topped hill behind it, offering a strong position, which suggests that the place was a stronghold as well as a sanctuary. A smiling and fertile landscape surrounds the hill.

Cp PRIEST, 2; 0TJC (2) 268-271; L. W. Batten, The Sanctuary at Shiloh, JBL [1900] 19:29-33 ; Graf, De templo Silonensi; and Aug. Kohler, Bibl. Gesch. 2:1:12-13

W. R. S.

2. Probable Benjamite town.[edit]

That there was a Shiloh in the territory of Ephraim, is undeniable. It is probable, however, that there was anotner place with at least a similar name in Benjamin, which was confounded by later writers (Jer. , Ps. ) with the northern Shiloh.

ITVi l^t?. ar "l .tW , are all regarded by the present writer as connected with 7*NB> (Shaul) and tyty (Shalishah), names of Edomite, or rather Jerahmeelite, origin, which were not confined to one part of the country. He sees reason to think that the names, both of Eli and of his two sons, connect Eli's family with the Jerahmeelites, and there is evidence in the genealogy of Samuel connecting his family with the same N. Arabian stock ; indeed the name of Samuel (see SAUL, i) may appear identical with the Jerahmeelite name of Saul.

It is very possible that the sanctuary of the ark was in the Benjamite not in the Ephraimite Shiloh (or rather Shalishah ?) ; also that in the original narrative from which Josh. 18:1 (cp 19:51, 21:2, 22:9, 22:12) is derived, the place intended was Shalishah in Benjamin. We can now probably understand aright the statement in Judg. 18:31 that the shrine containing Micah's graven image remained 'all the time that the house of God was in rbw'. Laish or Dan was not improbably the famous city of Halusah in the Negeb (see MICAH, 2), and of course shared the fortunes of the sanctuary in Benjamin which contained the ark. The question also arises whether the enigmatical statement about the 'daughters of Shiloh' in Judg. 21:19+ does not really refer to a southern city. In SHILOH ii. it has been argued that in all probability nW (EV Shiloh) in Gen. 49:10 has been corrupted out of nc -j? (Laishah), which in turn is a popular distortion of Halusah. It is possible that the place near which, according to the narrative, the capture of wives was effected by the Benjamites was really Laishah - i.e. , Halusah. The transformation of names in Judg. 21:19, which this theory presupposes, is not stranger than similar transformations which we have assumed elsewhere. Bethel is the southern Bethel - containing the sanctuary of Halusah, Shechem should be Cusham (see SHECHEM), and Lebonah is a southern Libnah (cp Nu. 33:20-21). Cp also MELCHIZKDEK.

Not only the names Eli, Hophni, Phinehas, but also Ahitub, strongly favour the view that the family of Eli was Jerahmeelite, and to some extent make it natural to place the sanctuary of the ark in one of the territories known as Jerahmeelite. For 3 DTIN ( in accordance with types of corruption which we have often conjectured) is probably from JVnrn, 'Rehoboth', or Tnarn. Rehobothite, a view which is somewhat confirmed by the famous reading of LXX{B} in 1 S. 4:21, ova^ap x aftu,0 [ouaibarchabooth], if we may take it (nearly as We., col. 2144) as nurn IN. 'Alas, Rehoboth!'. It is, in fact, not improbable (as 1 S. 14:3 [see below] shows) that 113:: N (Ichabod)and 31BTIN (Ahitub) are ultimately the same name. The corruption of jmm into mcTlx is not worse than many assumed corruptions, while the other corruption -1133 -N would be suggested by pious sentiment. Both corruptions, it will be noticed, imply the dropping out of i from what we may assume as the original name - i.e. , rram IN, Oi- rehoboth. May we then assume that there was a Rehoboth close to the Shalishah in Benjamin where the sanctuary of the ark may be best supposed to have been? It is better to hold that 'Rehoboth' and 'Jerahmeel' were used as synonyms. A clan of N. Arabian origin might indifferently be called Rehobothite and Jerahmeelite (see REHOBOTH). Thus an Ephraimite site for the sanctuary of the ark, though believed in by later writers, becomes more and more improbable.

1 S. 14:3 runs ^yp Dm B ja TI33"N TIN 31BTm-|3 rtTIN- There are many parallels for the view that -r>23 N is a variant to 31E.T1N ! TIN would be inserted as a link when the variant made its way into the text. Note the warning Pasek.

T. K. C.

SHILOH[edit]

(JVC? ; on versions see below), a proper name in EV of Gen. 49:10.

1. Text and versions.[edit]

In the Blessing of Jacob (Gen. 49:1-27 ; cp GENESIS, 4, end) it is said - between the comparison of Judah to a lion, and the poetic description of the flourishing vine-culture in his territory - that 'the sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come ; and unto him shall the gathering of the people be', into which rendering of AV, however, RV introduces the alterations 'the ruler's staff' for 'a lawgiver' (transferred to RVmg), 'obedience' for 'gathering', and 'peoples' for the archaism 'people'. RVmg also gives, 'Till he come to Shiloh, having the obedience of the peoples', and records the ambiguous reading iW>. The Hebrew of MT is :-

.mvo Bat? -no; N"?
T^JT pap ppnci
frta* N3;- 3 iy
D sy nn,T i 1 ?]

Ginsburg gives as Kre I 1 ? !: , which is a rare spelling of the place-name Shiloh, if it is not rather meant to signify 'his son' see note.

A critical conspectus of the diverse interpretations of this passage would require many pages (for this we may refer to the special monographs). 1 We can only give such references to ancient or modern hypotheses as may save the student from committing himself to untenable or precarious views, and justify the offering of a new interpretation based upon a critical examination of the text, and confirmed by the study of some important historical passages elsewhere. It is not enough to rest in interpretations, however widely prevalent, which have an insecure textual basis ; we are bound to attempt to lift the exegesis of this much disputed passage to a higher level, and to free it from the uncertainties of theological or semi-theological controversy.

The ancient renderings that chiefly concern us are :

1. LXX (and Theod.): OVK eAei v//ei apx<uv ef lov&a. icai rjyov- /u.ei/0? eic Ttav ju.r)pwi< avrov eio? av fA0T) TO. airOKfifjLeva aiiToJ, Kal ainb? Trpoo-SoKia efiviav. Several MSS have o> aTroKeircu, a few b aTTOKfirai auroi or o aTroKeirai. The rendering IK TWV /j.t)piav O.VTOV is one of the signs that the interpretation of the passage was influenced by Dt. 28:57. irpoo-SoKia. suggests the reading rPpfl. On TO. O.TTOK. avr<Z, see below.

2. Aq. OVK ai acmjtreTai o-KTJTrrpoi an-b I. Kai aicpij3ao|uei>os O.TTO jieTafu irooiai avrov fio? af eAOr; . . . Kal avT<Z <rv<mjju.a Aacoy. Sym. ov Trepttupe^TJcreTai efoucna atrb I. ...

3. Pesh. (a). [block of arabic script text goes here]


'The staff shall not depart from Judah, nor the interpreter from between his feet, until he cometh to whom it belongs, and for him do the peoples wait'.

(b) Aphraates (ed. Wright, 320) instead of last three words. [block of arabic script text goes here]

'[to whom belongs] the kingdom, and for him do the peoples hope'.

4. Tg. Onk.

. N12D1 mi,T JT312 fa^K T2J? nj" N 1 ?
TTTI Nn t O *n"i ny NoSy ty mp Jaa
N ccy pirntr ,T^I RmaTO NM
'The wielder of power shall not pass away from the house of Judah, nor the scribe from his sons sons for ever until that the anointed one come to whom belongs the kingdom and to him shall the peoples submit themselves'.

1 Chr. Werliin, De laudibus Judae (Havniae, 1838); S. R. Driver, 'Gen. 49:10 ; an exegetical study', Journ. Phil. (1885) 14:1-28. The former takes Shiloh to mean 'peace-bringer' - i.e., Solomon; the conclusion of the latter scholar is Driven in the text in his own words. These monographs may be supplemented by the notes of Delitzsch, Dillmann, Gunkel, and Ball, in their works on Genesis. Cp also G. Baur, Gesch. der Altest. Weissagung (1861), 227-200.

2 Driver traces this rendering to Seb. Munster (1534), who gives 'quousque veniet Silo'. Pagninus (1528) gave 'Messias' ; Luther (1534), 'der Held'.

2. Shiloh not a proper name.[edit]

We have first to ask, Can Shiloh be a proper name, as the Reformation Versions mostly suppose ?* As Driver has well observed, no ancient version, and indeed no known authority for several centuries after the Christian era, implies the Massoretic reading, or sees in the passage a proper name. It is true that it was generally interpreted in antiquity of the Messianic or ideal future of Israel ; but this sense was reached in virtue of the general context of the passage, and not through a proper name Shiloh. Indeed, a proper name meaning Poace-bringer (which is the sense postulated for the proper name Shiloh) can certainly not be derived from *Jrbv [root ShLH], 'to be quiet, careless, secure' ; the phrase we should have required is ct*?y &, 'prince of peace' (cp Is. 9:5 [9:6]), or, if the text of Mic. 5:4 [5:5] is correct, ciSe*, 'peace' - i.e. , [Konig, Styl. 21] 'auctor pacis'. *

3. No reference to the place 'Shiloh'.[edit]

Those who (like Delitzsch, Dillmann) defend the rendering, 'until he come to Shiloh', see a reference to the assembly of the tribes of Israel held, according to P at Shiloh (Josh. 18:1), when 'the land had been subdued before them'. They take aac> to mean, not the royal sceptre, but the staff of the chieftain or leader, exactly like ppro (if this word really means 'staff of authority'); so that the passage will mean, 'Judah shall continue to be the valiant leader of the tribes of Israel, till, the peoples of Canaan having been subdued, they can celebrate the victory by a solemn religious assembly at Shiloh'. This, however, puts too much into the simple phrase 'until he comes to Shiloh', and v. 10d conveys the impression that the victory over the peoples is the victory, not of all the tribes, but of Judah. Moreover, rt7 e is not one of the recognised ways of spelling the place-name 'Shiloh', and it is even doubtful whether the Massoretes intended to favour this interpretation. 2

4. LXX's reading unacceptable.[edit]

Hence some good critics adopt the old reading nW or i?:? (see LXX). According to Driver, the rendering 'till he whose [it is] shall come' would afford an excellent sense, but is not reconcilable with the absence of the subject in the relative clause. 'Perhaps', he adds, 'we should fall back upon the original LXX construction, and render "Till that which (or, he that) is his shall come," and regard the clause as an indeterminate expression of the Messianic hope, which was afterwards defined more distinctly'. The reading i^c> is also adopted by Wellhausen (Gesch. 1375, n. i, but cp CH 321), Stade (GVI 1:159, n. 5), Ball (doubtfully), Briggs, v. Orelli, Holzinger, Gunkel. It is thought to be presupposed, not only by LXX, but also by the language of Ezek. 21:32 [21:27], ssirsn i7"C : x N3")J?, until he come whose right it is'.

If, however, raan-o/c. aura! [ta apok autoo] is a genuine rendering. irr cannot be the whole of the text which the translator had before him. The present writer, therefore (Theol. Rev. cited at end), suggested 17 n? ; " or (as Ronsch before him) 17 Ci: " . Most probably, however, LXX simply made the best of the obscure reading iVc 1, a reading unworthy of acceptance, 3 and clearly a fragment of some longer word. 171 1:B would, in fact, be intolerable. As to Ezek. 21:32, it is by no means clear that the prophet was thinking of Gen. 49:10. Very possibly the reading i?C was suggested by a misleading reminiscence of Esekiel.4

But if the passage is, at any rate in the larger sense, Messianic - and this is generally assumed, because of the reference in d to a universal empire, - what are we to read in place of nh & or rhv or 1757? Matthew Hiller (OS, 1706, p. 931), Lagarde (OS(1) 2:95 , OS(2) 368), the present writer (op. cit. ), as an alternative, and Bickell (Carmina VT metrice, 1882, p. 188), took rrV e to be a contracted form of rh tttr, 'he whom Judah prays for' ; cp perhaps Dt. 337, where, according to Gunkel, 1 'bring him to his people', means 'bring the Messianic king to his people'. This is at any rate more plausible than the idea that n7 B> should be nSr or 7ho (Vg. , 'qui mittendus est'), with which compare the view of Grotius (col. 1803) that Jn. 9:7 identifies 'Siloam' with 'Shiloh'. But is the passage before us really Messianic ? Critics who in our day hold this view, generally regard Gen. 49:10 as a later insertion. This is, of course, a permissible hypothesis ; but, on different grounds from those of Gunkel, we are compelled to reject it.

1 Kunig, however (l.c.), qualifies his statement by an at least in the next sentence. There can hardly be a doubt that the text needs emendation (see MICAH [BOO], 5, e).

2 A favourite Jewish interpretation of H? B (found in Ibn Janah and Kimhi) was 'his son' (cp Talm. 7 7C>, Ar. salil, 'extractus, filius' ); e.g., Tg. ps.-Jon. paraphrases <U3 vyj, 'his youngest son', an interpretation which, according to Driver, is 'perhaps embodied in the Massoretic pointing'.

3 It is usual to find in i?r a deliberate affectation of mystery. But it is more than mystery ; it is grammatical obscurity. In a solemn benediction like this, nothing but Ezek.'s EEC Sn 17-Tj-x would be tolerable, if a veiled reference to the legitimate king of Judah were intended.

4 See Volz, Die vorexil, Jahweprophetie und der Messias, 83, n. i.

5. The restored text and its meaning.[edit]

The truth is, we believe, that the text of the passage in its context requires a much more thorough examination before we can proceed to exegesis. There are serious difficulties both in v. 10 and in v. 11-12. Does ppnp mean 'staff of authority' ? and, if not, how can B3C be parallel to it? Is rSji pzn, however it be explained, at all natural? And is nnj3 a sound reading? Then, in v. 11, is nniD correct, and are such expressions as these possible - 'he washed his garments in wine, and his clothes with the blood of grapes' ? In v. 12 is >7 73n correct? 2 and is not the whole verse superfluous ?

By a careful criticism the present writer has elsewhere reached the following text :-

rni.Tip BSE* UD^ k? A champion shall not depart from Judah,
1H11JI pso pi7TO1 Nor a marshal from between his bands,
nr ^ D2 T "3 }# Until he tramples upon Laishah,
C 7XCrn j^l DC 1 ] 171 And the Jerahmeelites are obedient unto him. 3

Verse 11 may here be passed over with the remark that it probably continues the description of the conquest of the Negeb by Judah, and that Heb^ pa D23 should probably be 7NJ, D^ J3 car, he shall subdue the b'ne Ishmael, the proof of which is that in v. 12, which should certainly be read 7KSITV 7Kj.cc" :3 c 7Ncrn , the true text contained a correction of the miswritten words in v. 10. See Crit. Bib. Laishah, considered already, may be, as we have seen (SHILOH, i), Halusah, one o f the most important cities of the Negeb. Who the Jerahmeelites are, we also know ; they are the same as the Zarephathites or 'Pelethites' (the Philistines of MT) who were the chief enemies of Israel in the days of Saul and the early period of David. If this theory be adopted there is no reason for the hypothesis of interpolation. Contrary to the prevalent opinion, the whole of the blessing of Judah is continuous. Beginning with a description of the fierce and fearless courage of the tribe of Judah, it goes on to prophesy that judges or champions of Judah s rights (the rights of the strongest) will never be wanting till its troublesome neighbours, the Jerahmeelites or Zarephahthites, have been conquered, - a conquest which in the original song was described in some detail.

The theory suggested with regard to nh v throws a fresh light on 1 K. 11:29, where (see JEROBOAM i., end) the true text perhaps said that Jeroboam had just come from Misrim, or rather Ishmael, where he was 'found' by the prophet Ahijah the Shilonite. Was Ahijah really an Ephraimite prophet ? It is more natural to suppose that he was of a place much nearer to the N. Arabian land from which Jeroboam had come, viz. , of Laishah (i.e., Halusah), a name which we have found to have been altered by a scribe s error into Shiloh in Gen. 49:10.

The literature of Gen. 49:10 is extensive. See the works of Oehler, Schultz, Smend, Riehm, Delitzsch, and Briggs, on Israelitish religion, and the commentaries of Tttch, Delitzsch, Kalisch, Diljynann, Holzinger, Gunkel ; the Genesis (Heb. text) of C. J. Ball in SBOT; Pusey, Daniel the Prophet, 254-256; Cheyne, 'A disputed prophecy in Genesis', Theolog. Review, 12:300-306 (1875), and Proph. Is. (1) [1881] 2:189+; Briggs, Messianic Prophecy, 94+ (1886) ; and especially the three discussions (Werlun, Driver, Baur) already mentioned.

T. K. C.

1 Genesis, 436, ( 2 ) 424. The singular theory connected with this interpretation cannot be here discussed.

2 Contrast Prov. 23:29.

3 For the confusion of Bar and BEb , cp 2 S. 7:7, 1 Ch. 17:6 (parallels in We. TBS 170); and for the sense 'ruler', 'marshal', see LXX and Onk. For the correction nni, cp ENSIGN, 1b (on 7iT ; Sam. here V7:i). For DIP, cp SBOT on Is. 41:25. In d iy2E" fell out through the vicinity of words (c*2j;=n7T) containing virtually all these letters. Cp also JERAHMEEL, 4.

SHILONI[edit]

(*&*>), 1 Ch. 9:5. See SHELAH, i.

SHILONITE[edit]

(yW, 3tf>*?>, and i&V [Neh. 11:5 ]; CHAu>N[e]lTHC)-

1. Gentilic from rtrty Shiloh, used with reference to the prophet Ahijah (temp. Jeroboam I.), 1 K. 11:29, 12:15, 15:29, 2 Ch. 9:29, 10:15. See SHILOH ii. (end).

2. In a post-exilic list, miswritten for :S t? (i Ch. 9:5) and j ?e> (Neh. 2:5) - i.e. 'Shelanite'. See SHELAH.

SHILSHAH[edit]

(n^ ; ; c^AeiCA [BA], ceAeMCAN [L]), b, Zophah, a name in a genealogy of ASHER (q.v., 4 ii. ), 1 Ch. 7:37-38. Cp SHUAL, 2.

SHIMEA[edit]

(Xrip, 51)

1. Brother of David. See SHAMHAH.

2. Son of David [q.v., 11, n.] (1 Ch. 5:5) cra.fj.av [B], craft-aa [AL] ; but 2 S. 5:14, 1 Ch. 14:4 JN3C , SHAM ML- A ; <rap.jiiovs, <ra/u,aa [B] ; cra.nfji.ovf, crafj.fi.aov [A] respectively ; cra.fj.aa [L til s] , 1 Ch. 14:4 o-Ofiaia []).

3. A Merarite Levite ; 1 Ch. 6:30 [6:15] ((ro/uea [B], crafjLO. [A], (Ta/j-aa [L]).

4. A Gershonite Levite ; 1 Ch. 6:39 [6:24] (cra/j-aa. [BAL]).

SHIMEAH[edit]

1. (nrB> [kri], 51), brother of David. See SHAMMAH.

2. (nxe ! ), b . Mikloth in a genealogy of BENJAMIN [q.v., 9 ii. i], 1 Ch. 8:32 (tre^aa [B], crafj.ea [A], cra^aa [L]), but 1 Ch. 3:8, CNCtr, Shimeam, cra/xaa [BxL], a-a^a [A]. See JQR 11:110-II3, section 10-12.

SHIMEATH[edit]

(ni|DB> [Ba. Gi.], cp 7TW and NAMES, 78, ieMoyA.6 [BAL]), father of jozachar (2 K. 12:22 [21]) called by the Chronicler, according to MT and LXX{L} (2 Ch. 24:26; C AM<\ [Ii] ; CAMA6 [A]; CAMA6.0 [L]). an Ammonitess (cp SHOMER). In LXX{BA} , however, it is Shimeath's son that is Ammonite. Possibly 'Ammonite 'stands for 'Jerahmeelite' (Che. ). See SILLA, SHIMRITH.

SHIMEATHITES[edit]

(DWplT ; c<\MA9ieiM [BA], -9eiN [L]), 1 Ch. 2:55. See JABEZ.

SHIMEI[edit]

C^Dii , a gentilicium of JWEC [see WRS, Journ. Phil. 996]; ce/v\e[e]i)

1. b. Gera of BAHURIM (q.v. ), a Benjamite of the house of Saul who cursed David as he fled from Absalom {1} (2 S.16:5-13). On David s return after the death of Absalom Shimei is said to have been the foremost of the 'house of Joseph' to go down (with a thousand Benjamites), to welcome the king. In return he begged for forgiveness (2 S. 19:16-23). In David's last words, however (1 K. 2:8-9), the king charges his son to put Shimei out of the way, as a proof of his wisdom (see DAVID; Ki. Hist. 1:181, but cp Wi. GI 2:247). Upon his accession, Solomon permits Shimei to dwell at Jerusalem on certain conditions (see KIDRON, 2), which after three years Shimei violates, ostensibly in order to recover two slaves who had fled to Achish king of Gath {1} (rather, of REHOHOTH). He is slain by Benaiah at the royal command (1 K. 2:36-46). The exact course of events is not free from doubt, but this at least is clear : Shimei was a leader of the Benjamites who was politically dangerous, and it is likely that he really sought to draw Nahash, king of Rehoboth, into his schemes. Nahash may in fact very possibly have been displeased at the coup d etat which had made Solomon his suzerain. On the legend of Shimei, cp Winckler (GI, l.c.), and see below, nos. 2 and 10.

1 In i K. 2:5, however, no mention is made of David's being a fugitive on account of Absalom.

2. Shimei and Rei and the gibborim who belonged to David are enumerated among those who did not join Adonijah in his attempt on the throne (i K. 1:8, cra/xcuas [L]). It seems best to assume with Winckler (GI, l.c.] that Shimei (1) is intended, while REI (q.v.) may be = Ira, a kohen or perhaps soken ('minister') of David, mentioned in 2 S. 20:26. Stade, however (GVI 1:293, n. i), thinks that they were two officers of David s bodyguard ; the fact that the two names do not occur elsewhere in 1 K. 1 only shows the fragmentariness of our knowledge of the times. Some think that one of David's heroes, SHAMMUAH (3) or Shimei, may be meant ; Ewald s suggestion that David's brother Shammuah (or Shimeah) is intended is unlikely (see RADDAI).

3. b. Elah, high officer of Solomon in Benjamin (1 K. 4:18; om. B, 0-eju.eet [A], cra.fj.a [ L]). See SHAMMAH, 3.

4. 2 S. 21:21, cra/xaa [L] AV SHIMEAH, see SHAMMAH, 2.

5. b. Pedaiah ; brother of Zerubbabel (1 Ch. 3:19 om. B), perhaps the same as SHEMAIAH (v. 22).

6. b. Zaccur, of SIMEON ( 9 ii.) (1 Ch. 4:26-27), who had sixteen sons and six daughters, and is described as the father of an important clan (gens) which overtopped all others, but did not equal the b'ne Judah (within whose territory it was settled) ; cp perhaps Shemaiah, v. 37.

7. b. JOEL, of REUBEN ( 13), 1 Ch. 5:4 (crafj.ee [L]); cp v. 8, Shema (<re,ueei [L]) b. Joel.

8. AV Shimhi, a Benjamite, the father of Adaiah, Shimrath, and BERAIAH [q.v.,] (1 Ch. 8:21 crafj.aei.6 [B], o-ajucu [A], in v. 13 called SHEMA [q.v., no. 3]). See AIJALON.

9. A Ramathite, or man of Ramah ( ncnn, b ex parjA. [B], 6 pajuaSaio? [AL]), one of David s officers who was 'over the vineyards' (1 Ch. 27:27). Which of the southern Ramahs is meant, is unknown. LXX'S par/A [rael] may spring from 'Jerahmeel' (Che.).

10. b. Kish, a Benjamite, an ancestor of MORDECAI (Esth.2:5 . . . TOV crejaeeiou [BNLPJ, . . . TOV crefj.ei.ov [AL a ]) ; in the apocrypha of Esther (11:2) crefj.eei.ov [B], crefj.eiov [NL a ^], SEMEI, RV SEMEIAS. Shimei is here evidently, like Kish, a clan-name ; a reference to the person who 'cursed David' is out of the question.

11. Shimei occurs frequently in the later writings as a son of Gershon b. Levi (Ex. 6:17 [AV Shimi], Nu. 3:18, 1 Ch. 6:17 [6:2]). He appears in 1 Ch. 6 as the son of Jahath, v. 42 (27), with which contrast 1 Ch. 23:9-10r where he is the father of Jahath; again in v. 29 [14] (croju.<fei [B]) Libni, who elsewhere is his brother, appears as his son, and both are Merarite Levites. He is the founder of the Shimites (AV) or more correctly (with RV) Shimeites (Nu. 3:21 : J as ri ; TOV o-ejueec [B, om. F], . . . crejaei [AL]). What is meant by 'the Shimeites' (so RV ; AV 'Shimei', "J Dirn ; but LXX and Pesh. have 'Simeon' ) in Zech. 12:73, Nowack pronounces to be unknown. Baudissin {Priesterthum, 248), however, thinks that the above-mentioned Shimeites of Gershon are meant. [For a revision of the text of the whole passage, without attempting which probably no single detail can be understood, see Crit. Bib.]

12. One of the sons of Jeduthun (1 Ch. 25:17 : [o-]e|ue6i [B], croupei [L]), whose name should be inserted in v. 3 with LXX{BA} (but LXX{L} ie5pet [iezorei]) to make up the full number six.

13. A son of Haman (2 Ch. 29:14).

14. A Levite. Ezra l0:23 (cra/uov [BA], -ovS [N]); in 1 Esd. 9:23 SEMIS, RV SEMEIS ( crei/crecs [B], cre/ifis [A]).

15. One of the b. HASHUM (Ezra 10:33); in 1 Esd. 9:32 SEMEI.

16. One of the b. BANI (Ezra 10:38); LXX{BXA}, however, for BINNUI, SHIMEI, reads the sons of Shimei, but LXX{L} uioi /Socvti cr. In 1 Esd. 9:34, SAMIS, RV SOMEIS (cro/it? |BA]).

S. A. C. - T. K. C.

1 [Note that Achish is called 'ben Maachah'. Maachah, like Ahiman (which LXX{L} has instead of 'Maoch' in 1 S. 27:2), may plausibly be taken to be a popular corruption of Jerahmeel. Achish then was connected with N.Arabia ('Achish', however, should perhaps be emended into 'Nahash'. See NAHASH, 2. Tradition seems to be varied)]

SHIMEON[edit]

(I WpE?), Ezra 10:31 = 1 Esd. 9:32 SIMON CHOSAMEUS (CIMCON XOCAMAOC [B], . . . OMAIOC [A]).

SHIMMA[edit]

(NL P:."). 1 Ch. 2:13 AV, RV (better) SHIMEA. See SHAMMAH.

SHIMON[edit]

(JOT, cp 77 ; C6M[|]CON [BA], CAMI [L]), a name in the Judahite genealogy (1 Ch. 4:20-21).

SHIMRATH[edit]

(rnpp : . 78 ; CAMARAO [BA], - pe , [L]) of BENJAMIN (9), assigned to the b'ne SHIMEI (1 Ch. 8:21-22).

SHIMRI[edit]

( 1PP ; CAMAR[e]i [AL]), a N. Arabian and S. Palestinian ethnic ; the original seat of the clan seems to have been called Har-shimron, according to a very necessary emendation of Am. 6:1, 'Woe unto the secure in Ishmael', 1 the careless in Har [mountain of]-shimron ; cp PROPHETS, 35, SHIMRON.

1. Of SIMEON ( 9 iii.) [cp MEUNIM], 1 Ch. 437 (a-a^ap [B], -lou [A]).

2. Father (or clan?) of Jediael (from Jerahmeel?), one of David's heroes, 1 Ch. 11:45 (crafiepei [BN]).

3. AV SIMRI, a Merarite, eponym of one of the 'courses' of the door-keepers, 1 Ch. 26:10 (<f>uAa<r(joi Tes [phylassontes] [BA], cranapt if>. [I.]).

4. A Levite, one of the sons of Elizaphan [cp ZEPHANIAH], 2 Ch. 29:13 (fo/x/3pei. [BJ, erafi/3pi [AL]). See also SHOMER, SHIMRITH.

T. K. C.

SHIMRITH[edit]

(JV-ltpt?; CAMARI0 [A], COMAICOO [B], CAMIRAMOOO [I-]). As the text stands, the mother of one of the murderers of Joash, described as 'the Moabitess', 2 Ch. 24:26 (rr3Nia.i) ; cp JEHOZABAD, i. The || 2 K. 12:21 [12:22] has SHOMER (1). More probable than either reading is SHIMRI (q.v.).

Similarly read 3Nisrt, or rather (the confusion between 1 3N1D and 11XD being so frequent) "^ S X The 'Shimrite' clan was in fact located in the Jerahmeelite Negeb (cp Am. 6:1, see SHIMRI, ad init.}. LXX, however, reads 3N1CH, applying the title to Jehozabad. Cp SHIMEATH.

T. K. C.

SHIMRON[edit]

(I riP J ; CYMOOON [B]), a place in Zebulun, mentioned between Nahallal and Idalah and Bethlehem (2), Josh. 19:15 (cEMRCON [AL]).

1. Identification.[edit]

Idaiah (LXX{B} iepeiXw [iereichoo] - i.e. Jerahmeel) may be only a variant to Bethlehem (i.e. , Beth-jerahmeel). At any rate, if possible, we need a site between Ma'lul (NAHALLAL) and Beit-lahm (BETHLEHEM, 2). Such a site we have in Semumyeh, the Simonias of Josephus ( Vit. 24), the Simonia of the Talmud (Neub. Geogr. 189); according to Tomkins, the Sh'mana of Thotmes III., nos. 18 and 35 (RP (2) 5:44, 5:46), with one of which (35) E. Meyer (Glossen, 73) identifies the Samhuna of Am. Tab. 220:4. As the text of Josh. 11:1+ now stands, we are led to assume that Shimron (ffop.tpuv [AFL]) was anciently a royal city, and that its king, together with those of Hazor, Madon, and Achshaph, was defeated by Joshua beside the 'waters of MEROM'. The same royal city is evidently referred to in Josh. 12:20 as Shimron-meron (puna [[TO Kr.] j npsy ; /3a<nX^a ffi fj.owi>, ft. p.ap.pu6 [B], ft. ffap.puv, ft. <f>a<rya, ft. papuv [A], ft. [ff~\ap.apuv [L]). LXX, however, does not recognise a compound name ; certainly Meron must be wrong. 2 Either it has simply arisen through dittography or (S. A. Cook) it is a variant of 'Madon' in v. 19 (see MADON) which has found its way into the text. 3 If Josh. 11:1+ is to be our guide in locating Shimron, Muhlau's identification of it with es-Semuriyeh, about i hr. N. from Accho (Riehm, HWD; Bad.-Socin) deserves attention, though the modern form rather suggests Shamir (Sta. ZATW 5:167).

1 'Ishmael' here = 'Jerahmeel' - i.e., the Jerahmeelite Negeb. See Crit. Bib. on Am. 6:1.

2 The proposal of Frd. Delitzsch (Par. 287) and Halevy (REJ, 1881, p. 12) to emend the name into nc C Ci? i-e., Samsimuruna, a place whose king is mentioned by Sennacherib at the head of the Canaanite tributaries (cp MENAHEM), fails to take account of the easy development of glosses, etc.

3 [In support of this view we may refer to the treatment of the second part of the name in LXX and Vg. LXX{BA} om. Madon, v. 19, and read fiajupmS [mamrooth] or fj.apiair [raron] (for Meron), v. 20, as a separate name. LXX{L} and Vg. read only 'Shimron' in the latter verse, and evidently found 'Madon' (Aofiopwv [lamoroon]) in v. 19. There seems to be, therefore, an identity between 'meron' and Madon, which latter name, as shown under MADON, should probably be read with -. instead of -\. S. A. C. ]

2. Larger problems involved.[edit]

The question, however, has been raised in Crit. Bib. whether the textual problem is not more complicated than critics have supposed. As the result of a close examination of the text of Judg. 4, 5 , and Josh 11, it is there held that the original scene of the events related was more probably in the S. of Palestine. The names throughout having become corrupted, they were editorially emended under the influence of a later historical view respecting the conquest of Canaan.

Jahin, it is held, comes from Jamin - a popular distortion of 'Jerahmeel', a suitable name for any king of Hazor. Canaan (jyja) in Judg. 4:2, 5:19 (as in Gen. 10:6, and a number of other passages) was originally Kenaz (TJJ3) ; by 'Achshaph' (Josh. 11:1) was probably meant 'Cusham' (see CUSH, 2), and by 'Shimron' the 'Shimron' referred to in Am. 6:1 (see SHIMRI). 'Madon' or rather 'Marom' (Eus. papuin [maroom]) can equally well be accounted for on this hypothesis. It is the place referred to in the phrase ciTD D, cp n3D o (Judg. 5:19). Both these phrases, if the scene of the war was in the S., come from >"UD V3> 'waters of Migdol' (or rather [cp SHECHEM, TOWER OF] of Jerahmeel), a phrase parallel to [^ 3 ^m, 'the torrent of Cushan'. So Crit. Bih. Cp, however, MEROM, WATERS OF.

T. K. C.

SHIMRON[edit]

(pips?, 10 ; properly a place-name? see, however, SHAMIR, 2; o-o/Lifa]pofi [BAF]), one of the (four) sons of ISSACHAR ( 7), Gen. 46:13 (a/u/3pa/u. [A], -a.v [D], tran- /3pa (cai (arfpiv (L])= Nu. 26:24 (a^/Spai/ [A], -ft. [L]), I Ch. 7 I (a-efitpiav [BJ, erojujSpac [L] [AV Shimrom, but AV of 1611 'Shimron' ]). The patronymic 'Shimronite' ( j nSK ; o-a/uapai ft IB], 0-afipa.ju.i [Bab], <7-a^j3paju.i [F], a/ii/3pOjot[e]c [AL]) occurs in Nu. 26:24.

SHIMSHAI[edit]

( C PP , on meaning see below ; CAMCAI [A], CAMAIAC [L]), a state official (secretary) who, with REHUM [q.v. ] and others, sent a letter to Artaxerxes to induce him to stop the rebuilding of the temple (Ezra 4:8: ffap.affa, [B], v. 9: cra/xee [B], 17: ffap.faia [B], 23: cra/ci<ra [B]). In 1 Esd. 2:17 he is called SEMELLIUS, RV SAMELLIUS (o-a/tteXXios [B], cre/u. , or fftft. , or ffafj.. [A], pa/jLf\ios [L] ; cp Jos. Ant. 11:2:1, cre/ifXtos [semelios]).

[A right explanation of the name would be one of the results of a thorough critical examination of Ezra-Nehemiah. E. Meyer (Ent. 34) claims it as Syriac. At any rate, it looks as if it were derived from &&, 'the sun' (cp 76). But there are still two possibilities, (i) t^DE may be a Hebraised form of an Iranian V3K C - an abbreviation of such a Persian name as <7i<ri/xa<tT)s [sisimakes] or o-io-o^ii T)? [sisamnes] (see Rawl., Be.-Rys., and cp Marti, Bibl.-aram. Gloss.). (2) The forms in 1 Esd. suggest as the original either Sac1 or 701 - i.e. -i ^J*VDB" or VNCni . This view is preferable. It may naturally be combined with the theory (see REHUM) that the geographical and personal names in Ezra-Neh. have been systematically altered ; but independently of this theory Marquardt (/</. 62) decides in favour of -^CC - Rehum has probably a similar origin.

T. K. C.]

SHINAB[edit]

(1N3L ; Sam. -JWCT ; CCNNAAR). king of ADMAH [q.v.], Gen. 14:2. He is mentioned with SHEMEBER ("CNDr ; Sam. -ONCE ; ffVfj.oj3op[AD}- .] ; ffv/j.op [somor] [L]), king of ZEBOIM [q.v.]. The tokens of corruptness are so evident that many moderns decline the attempt to explain these names. If, however, we feel sure that there is a historical substratum to the story, we may be inclined to equate Shinab with Sanibu, the name of an Ammonite king in the time of Tiglath-pileser III. (so Frd. Del. Par. 294; cp KAT(2) 141; KB 2:21), or with the Ass. Sin-shar-ustur (cp SHENAZZAR), and Shemeber with the Ass. Sumu-abi (so Sayce, Exp. T 8 463 ; cp SHEM, NAMES WITH). The reading of the Sam. suggests that an edifying comment ( 'name has perished' ) has taken the place of the true name ; similarly the Midrash (Ber. Rab. 42) explains Shinab as pec awir, 'one who draws money (wherever he can)', and Shemeber as -ia DC-, 'one who makes to himself pinions (to fly in search of treasure)' 1. If, however, the narrative in Gen. 14 only owes its appearance of historicity to an editor who had before him a corrupt text, and if by applying the right key we are able to restore the original sufficiently to understand it aright, it becomes probable that only one king was mentioned on either side of the contest, viz. the king of Geshur (or Ashhur) and the king of Sodom (?), and that just as 'Jerahmeel' occurs apparently no less than six times (five times in variants) in v. 1, so 'Ishmael' occurs five or six times (owing to variants) in v. 2. Among the variants referred to are ixxy (Shinab) and ONSB (Shemeber). See further SODOM AND GOMORRAH.

1 Bairs suggestions ( 'Shinab' [rather -\t<}er] = Ar. sunnar, Aram, shunera, 'cat' ; 'Shemeber' [rather i2NCe l = 13N CP, 'name lost', a marginal gloss) lack probability.

T. K. C.

SHINAR[edit]

( TWB ), according to the prevalent view a name of Babylon (cp GEOGRAPHY, 130). It is mentioned eight times in all: Gen. 10:10, 11:2, 14:19, Josh. 7:21, Is. 11:11, Zech. 5:11, Dan. 1:2-3. In Am. Tab. 25:49 we find the king of Shanhar mentioned as an ally of the king of Hatti, and in the Egyptian inscriptions a king of Sangara often appears (cp WMM, As. u. Eur. 279). Ed. Meyer (Aegyptiaca, 63-64) argues that both these forms are equivalent to Karduniash, the Kassite name for Babylonia ; 1 this, however, is not more than plausible (cp Flinders Petrie, Syria and Egypt, 180). The older views explaining Shinar as 'the land of two cities' (sani-'iri, KAT (1) 34), or as = sumer in the phrase Sumer and Accad = S. Babylonia, are untenable. 2 Probably the identification of Shinar with Babylonia, though an early theory, is erroneous, and except in Josh. 7:21, Dan. 1:2, we should everywhere read Geshur. 3 NIMROD [q.v.] was a N. Arabian, not a Babylonian, hero ; and originally the great Tower (Gen. 11:1-9) was probably placed not in Babylonia but in Jerahmeel. 4

In Josh. 7:21, however, a different emendation is necessary. The goodly mantle (see MANTLE, 2) in the spoil of Jericho, coveted by Achan, came neither from 'Shinar' nor from 'Geshur'. "IJHK" (EV Shinar) is most probably a corruption of P"]t? , 'a coat of mail' (see, however, MANTLE, 2 [5]); this word probably stood in the margin as a correction of the erroneous pjj 1 ? (EV 'wedge' ), for which it has been elsewhere (see GOLD, 2) proposed to read JVC . On the other passage see Crit. Bib.

In Josh., l.c., LXX{B} gives i^iAiji/ TroiKi Arjr [psilen poikilen] for -\yxy -|.S [ir shinar], disregarding ,13113 (LXX{AFL} = KaArji [kalen]) ; Vg. pallium coccineum (valde bonum). Generally LXX gives <rev(i>)a.ap [sen(n)aar]; but in Zech. 5:11 /Sa/SvAwv [babyloon], unless

  • ?33 here comes from ^KOnV; cp Is. 11:11 where in like manner

|3a/3i>AfaWas [babyloonias] may= ^33 = *?NCnT (cp PATHROS).

T. K. C.

SHION[edit]

(pN"), a city of Issachar, Josh. 19:19 [B], ceiAN [A], CHCO [L]; Seon (OS (2) 15418) in Jerome's time was a village near Tabor, which may be identified with the 'Ain Sha'in, 4 mi. NW. from Tabor, near which is a ruin called Khirbet Sha'in. There is also a Neby Sha'in, NW. from Nazareth. The name may be akin to Shunem, which occurs in v. 18.

The current AV rendering Shihon differs from that of the edition of 1611, which, like RV, has Shion.

SHIP[edit]

1. Light boats and rafts.[edit]

The Hebrew term iTJS, oniyyah, and the Greek trXoiov [ploion] are used somewhat loosely in OT and NT in references to navigation, and EV in most cases renders by the equally vague, and often obviously too pretentious term, 'ship'. Sometimes there seems to be no good reason for the choice of this term, as the Hebrew adds a qualifying word to indicate what is really meant. In Job 9:26 for instance, we find the phrase (elsewhere [see OSPRAY] indicated as corrupt) n3N ni px, oniyyoth 'ebeh, 'ships of reed' (RVmg), but in EV 'swift ships' (|| 'as the eagle that swoopeth on the prey' ); with this Dillmann and most critics [but cp Crit. Bib.] com-

1 See Rogers, Hist, of Bab. and Ass. 1:411.

2 Against the latter see Sayce, PSBA, June, 1896, P-.I73, who argues that if Hammurabi = 'Amraphel, king of Shinar' (Gen. 14:1), and if Hammurabi reigned in N. Babylonia, it follows that Sumer ( = S. Babylonia) cannot be the biblical Shinar. So, too, Pat. Pal. 67.

3 'Missur' is a less probable emendation, though it would suit in Gen. 11:2, if ^33 in v. 9 was originally j; ?3 = nj;!j = ll!iD ('Bela' probably comes from 'Jerahmeel.')

4 mpSi v- 2, was doubtless originally ^NCnTH ( so also 13:11). Cp PARADISE, 6.

pare Is. 18:2 where the expression NDJ- Va, kele gome , is given in AV as 'vessels of bulrushes' (see RUSHES), but where the natural meaning is 'vessels [better, boats] of papyrus' (RV). In both cases light boats or skiffs are meant, such as those mentioned by Lucan (P/iars. 4:36), Pliny (HN 13:11) and other ancient writers. These were used on the Nile (Eg. name, baris ; Copt, bari), carried only one or two persons (Plin. HN 7:57), and were so light that where navigation was difficult or dangerous they could be carried forward on the shoulders (Plut. De Is. et Osir. 18).

In their oldest and most primitive form these vessels were mere rafts, and such rafts are not unknown in modern times (see the description in the Memoires of the Due de Rovigo in Che. Proph. Is. 2:304). Speaking of the smaller boats of this kind, Erman (Anc. Eg. 479) says, 'these boats had no deck, they were in fact little rafts formed of bundles of reeds bound together. They were lather broader in the middle than at the ends, the hinder part was generally raised up high whilst the front part lay flat on the water. They were propelled by poles or paddles, not with oars. Larger boats of the same kind were used for carrying light freights ; with these is perhaps to be compared the Assyrian kelek or raft made of a framework of wood supported by inflated skins, though these seem to have been capable of carrying con siderable loads (see Masp. Dawn of Civ. 615+ ; Place, Ninive, pl. 43 ; cp Layard, Nineveh, 1:13, 2:5 ; Peters, Nippur, 2:340). We seem to have references to some conveyance of the latter kind in OT. At least, as the text of K. 9 stands, the timber for Solomon's temple was brought from Lebanon to Joppa by sea in 'floats' (1 K. 5:9, riTQT; 2 Ch. 2:16, rrnOSI ; LXX in both cases (Txefiiai [schediai]). In 1 K. RV has 'rafts'. A similar statement is made with reference to Zerubbabel's temple (1 Esd. 5:55, <r\e&ias [schedias]; EV 'floats' ).1 Such primitive modes of navigation are alluded to in Wisd. 14:5-6. A certain floating bridge or landing-stage at Alexandria went by the name of Schedia (3 Macc. 4:11).

2. Use of wood.[edit]

The papyrus boats of later times, however, were of more elaborate construction. Light boats have often been constructed with some kind of framework - a keel and ribs - as well as of papyrus or other reeds, like the bark canoes of Australia and more especially of the American continent. Boats of this kind may have carried a sail. As in the case of the Madras surf-boats the wood was no doubt fastened by thongs.

'Vessels thus stitched together, and with an inserted frame work, have from a very early time been constructed in the Eastern seas far exceeding in size anything that would be called a canoe, and in some cases attaining to 200 tons burthen' (EB (9) 21:804b.

They were not so primitive in construction as the Indian canoes made of a hollowed tree-trunk (Herod. 3:98 ; cp the ancient boats of the Swiss lake dwellings), but would seem to rank between these and the wooden boats made in pieces (see below). 2 The round kufas or coracles of the Assyrians made of plaited willow ( Herod. 1: 192; see Masp. Dawn of Civ. 615) were apparently used for short distances - as ferry-boats for crossing rivers ; they were thus an improvement on the simple inflated skin (cp ASSYRIA, 10b).

Larger boats were constructed entirely of wood fastened by pegs or tree-nails. To craft of this kind perhaps the phrase D E - pN, oni-sayit, 'row-boat' (EV 'galley with oars' ), of Is. 33:21, used in connection with streams and rivers, may be supposed to refer. Such boats were also used on the Nile (Herod. 2:96 ; cp the boats in use among the Polynesian islands 3 - the modern nuggur). They were often of considerable size, even under the Old Empire. They had oars for rowing (not for paddling, as in the papyrus boats) fixed into row-locks, or through the sides of the boat, and fastened by a rope to prevent loss ; oars were used also for steering - one for small boats, several on either side at the stern for larger craft.

1 [These statements are open to criticism, both on the ground of their inherent improbability and because there are indications that the original form of the text (already corrupt in the redactor's time), was very different from that in MT, whilst the statement in 1 Esd. is an invention suggested by the manipulated form of the narrative of Solomon's temple. T. K. c.]

2 They would seem to have been heavier than the boats of the Esquimaux, constructed of skins and whale-bone; see Lubbock, Prehistoric Times ( 8 ), 483 f.

3 On Polynesian navigation cp A. De Quatrefages, The Human Species (5)(ISS) p. 191+.

3. Boats with sails.[edit]

At a later date boats of this build carried, in addition to oars, 'a rectangular square sail which wvas probably made of papyrus matting (Erman). For the mast two pieces of wood fastened together at the top were employed ; it was held in its place by large ropes or shrouds fastened at the bows and stern, other ropes being attached to other parts of the boat to give additional strength. 'The yard-arm rested on the point of the mast' (see Erman, 481). These were long flat boats. Having little depth, a cabin 1 fitted on the deck suffices both for the ship master's accommodation and for a hold ; in some of the rowing-boats nearly the whole length of the deck is taken up by the cabin so that a sail can hardly have been used. A cargo would, of course, have to be stowed on deck, and boats carrying a large freight seem always to have been towed.

A great advance is made under the Middle Empire. The double mast gives place to a stout single one, the steering-oars to a large rudder ; the sail now has two yards, the upper one being fastened to the mast by ropes, not, as before, fixed to the top of it. In the New Empire the vessels increased in size and complexity, and were elaborately adorned (cp Ezek. 27). In the sailing-boat of Queen Ha'tshepsu (see fig. 1) the mast and sail have assumed huge proportions, and the yards are constructed of two pieces of wood. Here we get a craft to which we may strictly apply the term ship. Something of the kind may per haps be meant by the "VW % si addir, EV gallant ship, of Is. 33:21, which is contrasted with the oni-shayit in the same passage. In v. 23 'tackling' (D 73n, habalim), 'mast' (pH, toren), and 'sail' (D3, nes), are referred to. Nor must we overlook the fine poetic similitude of Ezekiel (chap. 27) in which Tyre is compared to a ship. The oars are said to have been made of oak, the deck of ivory inlaid in cedarwood. The sail was of fine linen with embroidered work to serve as ensign ; the cabin of blue and purple stuffs. It has been suggested that the many-coloured sails of the ancients may have served as distinguishing signs. Flags, as Cornill (on Ezek. 27:7) seems to have conclusively shown, were not known in antiquity. 2

[picture of FIG. i. Sailing boat of Queen Ha tshepsu (Chnemtamun). After Erman. goes here]

1 The hut or cabin seems to have been quite an ancient feature. Dr. Budge in A History of Egypt (1:73-74 [1902]) gives illustrations of ships drawn from predynastic vases in the British Museum, which he describes as follows : 'Each boat contains two small huts, which are placed amidships, and attached to one of these is a sort of mast, on the top of which is an emblem of some kind ; in the front of the boat is placed what appears to be a branch or bough of a tree, and in some examples a rope for tying up is represented under the front of the boat, and steering poles are represented at the stern'.

2 Egyptian ships seem to have received names at quite an early date. See L. B. Paton, The Early History of Syria and Palestine, 71-72. Standards are found, according to Dr. Budge (A History of Egypt, 1:78), on the boats represented upon predynastic vases. The object of the bough or mat in these boats (see above, n. i) seems to have been to supply to all beholders information concerning the tribe and family of the occupant of the boat. The short mast which was attached to the aft cabin was probably used for displaying a flag or symbol which either referred to the country or city of the master of the boat, or declared his rank.

3 [So Kittel, the text seems incurably corrupt. Dillmann, it is true, accepts the text, and only stumbles at the 1 before C lw 3. For the present state of the question see Isa. SBOT (Heb.), ad loc., and Crit. Bib.}

4. Chaldaean ships.[edit]

In a famous passage of II. Is. we find the phrase 'even the Chaldaeans, in the ships of their rejoicing' (Is. 43:14,RV). 3 That the ships of Uru on the Persian Gulf (see UR OF THE CHALDEES) appear prominently in very early inscriptions, and that there is evidence of commercial intercourse between Babylonia and India at least as early as the seventh century B.C. (OPHIR, 2), is undeniable. The Babylonian Deluge-story, moreover, gives an elaborate account of an elippu or ship - i.e. , the 'ark'. And even the Assyrians, who were an inland people, were by no means limited to the round kufas or coracles, or to the kelek or raft.

Kufas and keleks are not the only vessels represented on the Assyrian monuments and referred to in the inscriptions. Layard's Monuments of Nineveh (pl. 71) gives illustrations of a number of vessels, evidently war-ships, having two banks of oars, and shields along the bulwarks. Five have sheer prows, and sharp beaks for ramming, and these have also a mast, a single yard, fore and back-stays, braces, and halliards. A text (K. 4378) published by Dehtzsch (Ass. Lesestucke, (2) 86-90) enumerates the different sorts of vessels. Masts, sails, yards, rudder, rigging, bulwarks, prow, stern, deck, hold, and keel are all mentioned ; and among the different kinds of vessels the 'Assyrian ship' is specially designated, along with those of the Babylonian cities of Ur and Nippur.

The Assyrians, however, had no great skill in ship-building. We are told that in 696 or 695 B.C. Sennacherib had ships built at Til Barsip for his expedition against Merodach-baladan. But the carpenters were Haiti - i.e. , from the land of the West - and the sailors were Tyrians, Sidonians, and Ionians (Javnai).

5. Merchant-ships in OT.[edit]

The Egyptian ships mentioned above ( 3, end) resembled in shape the war-ships of a later time rather than the merchant vessels, for whilst the war ships (nAoia noAeuika [ploia polemika], 1 Macc. 15:3) were, like these long (fj.a.Kpai [makrai]; navis longa], the merchant-ships (irna ni jN, oniyyoth soher ; Prov. 31:14, oneraria) became round and deep (crTpoyyi \ai [stroggulai]). The increase in depth allowed of a hold (cp the [rare and late] term nrso, sephinah, in Jon. 15, from *N/i2D. [root SPN] 'to cover', and the expression "on *n3T, yarkethe hassephinah, 'sides of the ship' ). We hear in the OT of a special class of merchant-ship - the so-called Tarshish ships (i^ cnn n vjx, oniyyoth tarshish, 1 K. 22:48). They seem to have been ships of large build, and the expression has often been compared to our East- or West-Indiamen. They were no doubt provided with oars as well as with a sail or sails.

Elsewhere (see TARSHISH) the phrase, or rather the probable earlier reading of the phrase, has been explained as meaning 'galleys with oars'. Torr (2-3), assuming with most that tarshish is the correct reading, makes the following suggestion. 'Among the Greeks the oars of a ship were collectively termed tarsos, and among the Hebrews ships of a certain type were known as ships of tarshish ; and Tarsos and Tarshish were the Greek and Hebrew names for Tarsus in Cilicia. The coincidence suggests that this city was pre-eminent in furthering the use of oars upon the Mediterranean. But of this there are no records'.

1 Their lack of interest and ignorance in this respect is some what surprising. Cp, however, what we learn of certain maritime tribes among the Esquimaux, viz., that they are 'ignorant, even traditionally, of the existence of a boat'. Ross, Baffin's Bay, 170 (quoted by Lubbock, Prehistoric Times (6) 483).

2 In AV of 1 Macc. 1:17, 2 Macc. 12:9 the term NAVY is used.

6. Navigation among the Jews.[edit]

In spite of their surroundings, however, the Israelites (see PALESTINE, PHOENICIA, GALILEE [SEA OF], RED SEA,. NILE, etc.) seem to have taken little interest in navigation. 1 Not until the Maccabaean times was the impor tance of harbours realised, and the value of ships to some extent appreciated, whether for the purposes of trade or for war. 2 Simon the Maccabee converted Joppa into a Jewish port (1 Macc. 14:5), and Herod established another harbour at Caesarea (Jos. BJ 1:21:5 Ant. 17:5:1, 15:9:6) - a harbour famous on account of the part it plays in the story of Paul's journeys (Acts 9:30, 18:22, 27:2). Israel's knowledge of ships, such as it was, must after the settlement have been derived from the Phoenicians and Philistines in whose hands were the harbours along the coast. It is true that some of the tribes seem to figure in the early legends as seafaring (cp Ps. 107:23-30); but, apart from the fact that these stories are legendary, the text does not seem to have been transmitted to us in its original form (cp Gen. 49;13, Dt. 33:19, Judg. 5:17, and see ASHER, DAN, ZEBULUN). The description of the ARK (q.v. ) also shows a slight knowledge of such matters (see Now. HA 1:248). It has been pointed out, too, that when David had an opportunity of seizing Philistine harbours it did not occur to him to take it. Solomon's connection with the sea he is said to have had a 'NAVY of Tarshish' seems to have been due to Hiram ; we know that his ships were manned by Hiram's men (1 K. 9:26+). On the difficulties of these passages see SOLOMON, 3b, 4. Jehoshaphat is said to have built Tarsis-ships ; but his naval experience was a disastrous one (1 K. 22:48, 2 Ch. 20:36-37; see EZION-GEBER). The war-ships of which we hear in the Apocrypha (1 Macc. 8:26, 15:3 ; cp Dan. 11:30) were no doubt similar to those in use amongst the Greeks and Romans. See Smith's Dict, under 'navis'.

7. Boats in NT.[edit]

In the NT we hear of vessels on the sea of Galilee (Mt. 4:21-22, 8:24, 14:24, Mk. 4:37). The Greek term commonly employed is irXolov [ploion], 1 which AV translates 'ship'. RV renders 'boat', but, as has been pointed out elsewhere ( Kitto, Bibl. Cycl. under 'ship' ), passages in Josephus which refer to navigation on the lake (BJ 3:10:i ; Vit. 33) suggest that the barks on this piece of water were something more than boats (they carried an anchor, and are called ffKa<f>ri [skaphe] by Josephus). In the time of Jesus some of these were owned by his disciples (Mt. 4:21, Jn. 21:3, Lk. 5:3), and the same writer points out that, having regard to the evidence in Josephus, it is a mistake to 'represent the Galilaean fishermen as of the poorest class'.

1 There is mention also of a. nXoidpiov [ploiarion] or of TiAotapia [ploiaria], especially in Jn.

2 As a tent-maker Paul may also have been a sail-maker, and may have travelled in this capacity.

3 Figs. 2 and 3 have been chosen for their illustrative value. As to the date of ACTS (q.v.) no suggestion of course is here offered.

8. Merchant-ships in NT.[edit]

[picture of FIG. 2. - A merchant-ship of 186 A.D. After Torr (Ancient Ships). goes here]

The most important references, however, to ships and navigation in the NT are found in the story of Paul's vovyage to Rome. 2 This narrative ( Acts 27-28) maybe best illustrated by studying two representations of ancient merchant-ships that have come down to us, in which all (or most of) the parts mentioned are depicted. A merchant-ship of 186 A.D., 3 for instance, is represented on a coin of the emperor Commodus (see fig. 2 ; cp Smith, The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, (4) 202). Here we see the two steering-oars (cp Acts 27:40, ras ^euKT-rjpias rCiv TnjSaXiuv [tas zeukterias toon pedalioon]) at the stern (i; irpufj.va [e prymna]), which supplied the place of the rudder of later times ; in this case it is to be noted that the upper parts of the oars are protected from the waves by a covering - 'a prolongation of the upper waling-pieces, or something of the sort' (Torr) ; and that the sails have bands of rope sewn across to strengthen them. Such a ship would rely for travelling on the large square sail which is figured in about the centre (cp Acts 27:17, r6 aKevos [to okeuos]). The small sail at the bow was subsidiary ; the name of this foresail 1 was artemon (apTtfju*>v [artemoon], Acts 27:40), not dolon (8u\wv [doloon]), as has sometimes been thought.

The object at the stern, which Smith takes to be a mast, might be taken to suggest that there was also a sail at the stern, as Pliny (Prooem, in lib. 19.; see Smith, p. 192) asserts that there sometimes was ; but the use of such a sail would seem to have been quite exceptional, as it does not appear to be represented in the pictures that have come dcwn to us. In fig. 2 the object does not resemble a mast (as in Smith's reproduction) so much as an oar. In any case it may be only a spare mast (or oar), or may even be an addition on the part of the original artist.

These merchant-ships were often of considerable size. The Alexandrian ship (ir\olov AXe^avSpivbv ; Acts 27:6) in which Paul is said to have started on his voyage to Rome carried, according to the Alexandrian MS, 276 persons (the Vatican MS, however, has 76) in addition to its cargo (v. 37) ; and when this vessel was wrecked another merchant-ship took on board all these passengers in addition to its own freight.

9. Undergirders.[edit]

In Acts 27:17 we are told that when the ship was in danger of shipwreck 'they used helps, undergirding the ship' (VVVTfS TO TT\OLOV). These helps, which are called elsewhere hypozomata (viro^difj-ara), were cables for undergirding and strengthening the hull, especially in bad weather. As to the method in which they were attached, however, there is some question.

According to Torr they were 'fastened round the ship horizontally ; the two ends of each cable being joined together, so as to make it a complete girdle extending from stem to stern along the starboard side and back from stern to stem along the port side'. Smith, however, contends that the hypozomata were bound round the middle of the ship at right angles to the length, and not parallel to it (he is followed by Ramsay, p. 329). He claims that Bockh (who held the alternative view ; {2} p. 134 [see 12]) has misquoted the passage on which he relies as evidence (Vitruvius, De Architectura, x. 15 1). Bockh gave as the crucial words 'quemadmodum navis a puppi ad prorani continetur'. Smith ((4) p. 213) gives as the correct text 'q. malus navis, etc.', which he maintains supports his view ( the word " malus " is omitted in the edition of Schneider, but is retained in the later carefully edited edition of Poleni, Utini, 1829 ). Torr s quotation (41, n. 100), however, agrees with that of Bockh ; he adds, 'this shows that the girding cables went from the stem of a ship to the stern'. In Teubner's text (1899 ; ed. V. Rose) the words are 'ita religati quemadmodum navi a puppi ad proram' ; but in the notes navis is given as the common reading. The whole passage, moreover, seems to be obscure. On the strength of a passage from Isidore (Orig. 19:4, 'tormentum, funis in navibus longis qui a prora ad puppim extenditur quo magis constringantur ; tormentum autem a tortu dicta'), Smith admits that 'it does appear that ropes were occasionally ap plied in a longitudinal as well as in a transverse direction, to prevent ships from straining' (p. 213). In the passage on which this admission is based, however, the reference may be to a rope such as that which we see stretched amidship over posts from stem to stern of the Egyptian ships on the relief from Deir-el-Bahri - a rope which was designed perhaps more for strengthening the heavily-laden mast than for holding together the hull, round which, as a matter of fact, the ends of the rope are fastened at right angles to the length (see fig. i). If, as Smith affirms (p. 214), - speaking as one who had had practical experience in seamanship - undergirding lengthways is 'a mode which must have been as impracticable as it would have been unavailing for the purpose of strengthening the ship', the other view seems preferable until further evidence is forthcoming.

1 A writer in Schenkel (BL) speaks of the artemon, or top gallant sail, but see Smith, 192+. 'The word has been interpreted by various writers as meaning nearly every sail which a vessel carries' - R. J. Knowling, Expos. Gk. Test. 2:535.

2 So also Breuing, Die Nautik der Alten [1886], p. 670; see Knowling, p.524, who inclines to follow Bockh.

10. The Porto relief.[edit]

[picture of FIG. 3. A merchant ship of about 200 A.D. After Torr {Ancient Ships). goes here]

Another interesting representation of a large merchant-ship is that of about 200 A.D. on a relief found at Porto near the mouth of the Tiber (see fig. 3). This picture illustrates many features in the ancient merchant-ships. The hull of a ship was commonly painted, sometimes for a special purpose - as in war, to make the vessel as little conspicuous as possible ; but in addition to this it was often decorated, especially at the stern. We see an example of this decoration in the Porto relief, a group of figures being depicted at the stern. The ornament on the stern-post was often a swan or goose head (xyviffKos [cheniskos]). It figures at a very early period ; it is represented for instance on the Asiatic ship of the naval battle of Rameses III. as represented on a bas-relief at Medinet Habu (see Warre-Cornish, Dict, of Gk. and Rom. Antiqq. under 'navis' ). On the Porto-relief waling-pieces, or wooden belts (fu&Tripfs [zoosteres], not to be confused with the inro^/j.ara [hypozoomata]) are seen to encircle the ship horizontally. At the stern is the deck-house or awning reserved for the use of the commander (Acts 27:11, Kv^epv-ffT^ [kybernetes]), who might also be the owner of the ship (ibid., vai>K\ripos [naukleros]). The stem-post usually terminated in a carved ornament or figure-head ; but in place of this there was sometimes a painting on the bow, as in the example before us. Besides this, and distinct from it, there were statues of the patron deities (cp CASTOR); here perhaps to be observed at the stern. In this ship there are galleries projecting at the bow and the stern ; the latter contains the deck-house (mentioned above), in that at the bow were probably stowed the anchors and other instruments (ffrpoipfia Kal 7re,iia"yuryes [stropheia kai periagoogeis], windlasses, etc. ?). At the stern are the steering oars, here again protected by the upper waling-pieces. The large sail in the centre has brailing-ropes (/cdXot [kaloi]) and rings, and the mast is kept in position by a number of other ropes. The rope by which the lower corner of the sail was attached to the side of the ship - the sheet - was called pesveli or TTOVS [pous]; in the case of a large sail, such as this, when two ropes would be required, TTOI/S [pous] would denote the rope which drew it aft, whilst wpdirovs [propous] (propes) designated the rope which drew it forward, or the tack. Various designs were often woven upon the sail ; we seem to have an example in this picture. At the bow is a smaller mast to carry the artemon. But a third sail is to be noted on this ship. This is above the large square sail. Being triangular in shape and having its base along the main -yard and its apex attached to the top of the mast, it requires no topsail-yard. Similar triangular topsails are represented on some of the coins of the Emperor Commodus. Lastly, we notice that a small boat is being towed astern (cp Acts 27:16, r\ ffKaffrrj [e skaphe]) ; this would be used for various purposes, but it was of special importance as a life-boat in case of shipwreck (Acts 27:16, 27:30, 27:32). It could even be hoisted on board. 1

11. Anchors, etc.[edit]

From Acts 27:29 it appears that sometimes several anchors were carried. At first stones were used for this purpose ; later, the anchors resemble very much those of modern times, they were provided with arms, stocks, and crowns, but had no flukes at the extremities of the arms. 2 Ships also carried a plumb-line for sounding (cp Acts 27:28, /3o\is [bolis]) ; but the want of a compass made navigation often very dangerous - the stars, by which the course of a vessel was directed, not always being visible (cp Acts 27:20). 3

An ancient ship could sail, according to Smith, at an angle of about seven points with the wind. 'We have no information', he says, 'as to the exact angle with the wind which an ancient ship could sail. It must, however, have been less than eight points, but more than six, the usual allowance for a modern merchant-ship, in moderate weather. I have, there fore, in my calculations taken seven as the mean be tween these extremes, and I cannot suppose it would be much greater or less' (p. 215).

Before putting out to sea it was usual to make supplication to the protecting deities fora prosperous voyage (Wisd. 14:1). 4 Cp, further, TRADE.

1 The above description is based upon Torr s standard work (see 12).

2 See the coin of Antoninus Pius (given in Smith, 210).

3 Cp A. De Quatrefages, of. cit. p. 193 : 'The Polynesians knew perfectly well how to direct their course at sea by the stars, and the route from one point to another once observed was inscribed, if we may use the expression, in a song which would never be forgotten'.

4 Cp the description in Grote, Hist, of Greece: 'Silence having been enjoined and obtained by sound of trumpet, both the crews in every ship and the spectators on shore followed the voice of the herald in praying to the gods for success, and in singing the pan. On every ship were seen bowls of wine prepared and the epibatae made libations with goblets of silver and gold'.

12. Bibliography.[edit]

Schlozer, Vers. eincr allg. Geschichte d. Handels u. d. Schtffart in den alt. Zeitcn, 1706 ; Le Roy, La Marine des Anciens Peuples, 177; Berghaus, Gesch. d. Schiffartskunde, 1792 , A. Jal, Archiologie Narale, Paris, 1840; Bockh, Urkunden uber das Seewesen des Attischen Staates; Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, Lond., 1848, (4 ) 1880 ; Kreusing, Die Xautik der Allen, 1886; T. Vars, L Art Nautiqut, 1887; B&&gt;, art. Ship ; Cecil Torr, Ancient Ships, 1895.

M.A.C.

SHIPHI[edit]

( 1?C ), ancestor of ZIZA (q.v.): 1 Ch. 4:37-38 (cAcp&A [B], ce(}>ei [A], ccocbei [L])-

SHIPHMITE[edit]

("PEL : o TOY ce<J>N[]i [BA], CA- 4><\MI [L]V a gentilic attached to ZABDI, 3, who was over the increase of David's vineyards (1 Ch. 27:27), and, like his companions, presumably belonged to S. Palestine. See SHEPHAM.

SHIPHRAH[edit]

(rnatr, 51 ; cen4>60P&[ BAFL ^ the name of one of the Hebrew midwives ; Ex. 1:15. This name may be regarded (Che. ) as one of the minor supports of the theory that the sojourn of the Israelites was not in Misraim (Egypt), but in Misrim (in part of the Negeb). Cp MOSES, 4.

SHIPHTAN[edit]

(ftpSC*; c<\BA6A [B], C&BA9AN [A], C&cp&T&N [F], (c)A(}>d>e& [L]), an Ephramite, father of Kenmel ; Nu. 34:24. For a theory of the origin of the name cp SHAPHAT, and KEMUEL.

SHIRT[edit]

(Judg. 14:12), AVmg, AV SHEET.

SHISHA[edit]

(Nt? ; L >: , 1 K. 4:3-4), in 1 Ch. 18:16, SHAVSHA.