Encyclopaedia Biblica/Trade and Commerce

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Encyclopaedia Biblica
Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black
Trade and Commerce
see Encyclopaedia Biblica for other articles, typographic issues, links to PDF copies, and public domain status





  • Introductory (1).
    • Conditions of trade in W. Asia (2).
    • Varieties of soil and fertility (3-6).
    • Distribution of stones and metals (7).
    • Great empires and trade; political effects (8-11).
    • No trading classes; tribal monopolies (12-16).
    • Trade of W. Asia with India and Europe (17-18).
    • Means of carriage by land and sea (19).
    • Barter, standards of value (20).
    • Trade and Religion (21-24).
    • Syrian commerce and industry; Amarna Letters (25-27).
    • Natural lines of traffic; Egypt (28).
    • Nile and Red Sea; Indian Ocean (29-30).
    • Arabia (31).
    • Egypt to Syria (32).
    • Cross-routes: Desert of Till, Negeb (33).
    • Main and cross routes: Palestine (34-38).
    • Northern Syria (39).
    • Assyria and Babylonia (40).
    • Periods (41).
    • Early traditions (42-43)
    • Arrival in Palestine; trade under 'Judges' (44-47).
    • Early monarchy; Saul to Solomon (48-50).
    • Aramaeans ; divided kingdom (51-52).
    • Eighth and seventh centuries (53-54).
    • Exile and Persian period (55-62).
      • Greek period (63-67).
      • Roman Period (68-73).
    • Antipater, Herod, and later (74-78).
    • In NT literature (79-81).
    • General features (82).
    • Detailed vocabulary (83).
  • Bibliography (84).

Maps : Trade-routes

  • i. Hither Asia.
  • ii. Palestine.

1. Introductory.[edit]

When Israel settled in Palestine they came into touch with lines and movements of commerce which had been extant throughout Western Asia from a remote antiquity. The economic development of the nation apart from their adoption of agriculture consisted in their gradual engagement in this already ancient, elaborate, and world-wide system. Many of its consequences, as seen in Egypt or Babylonia, repeat themselves in Israel; indeed at some periods they are the only evidence we have of the presence of commerce as a factor in the national life. It is, therefore, necessary to review the rise, progress, and fashions of trade in W. Asia - with its relations to religion - down till the end of the second millennium B. C. , or just as Israelite commerce began to develop.


2. Conditions of trade.[edit]

From the most remote epochs there were present throughout W. Asia the conditions not only of local exchange, but also of a wide international commerce, viz .:

  • (a) the great differences of soil fertility, and animal and vegetable products (3-6);
  • (b) the unequal distribution of stones and metals (7);
  • (c) the rise, at the two extremes of the region, of empires of vast wealth and culture (8-11);
  • (d) the specialisation of commerce by particular tribes and nations (12-16);
  • (e) the central position of W. Asia between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean - India and Europe (17-18);
  • (f) the existence of natural lines of traffic both by land and by sea (9, 28-29);
  • (g) the development of the means of carriage (19); and
  • (h) the rise of common standards of value (20).

To our survey of these it is necessary to add some consideration of

  • (i) the relation of commerce to religion (21-24); as well as a sketch of
  • (k) those political movements which so powerfully influenced the trade of Syria just before Israel settled in Palestine (25-27).

3. Soil and fertility.[edit]

(a) W. Asia is unsurpassed in any quarter of the globe for its extraordinary contrasts of soil and fertility: between the Syrian and the Arabian desert on the one hand, and the river-valleys and deltas of Babylonia and Egypt, with the garden lands of Syria and S. Arabia, on the other; whilst most of the ordinary contrasts - between sea-coast and 'Hinterland', lowlands and highlands, with very different temperatures and soils, pastoral and arable regions - were also present throughout. All these formed different grades and necessities of human life, between which the currents of commerce were as inevitable as the winds which pass between spheres of differing temperature in the world's atmosphere. The various populations of W. Asia were dependent on each other for some of the barest necessaries of life, as well as for most of its simpler comforts and embellishments, and such dependence was the beginning of trade. At the same time, we must be careful not to exaggerate either the amount of the trade, or its influence on the minds of men at so early a period. Had commerce then been a dominant feature of human life, we should have found more traces of its influence on religion than we shall be able to discover (21).

4. Elements of commerce.[edit]

The elements of early commerce between the deserts and the fertile lands are easily determined from the conditions of to-day. There are still nomads who live for months or even years on milk and flesh ( Palmer, Desert of the Exodus), varied by dates from the oases in the centre of Arabia (Doughty, Ar. Des. , passim}. From the earliest times, however, the need of cereal foods must have drawn the Bedouins into commerce with the agricultural populations ; and this need would increase with the settlement of nomads from the interior of Arabia on the borders of fertility. From Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt the nomads would seek grain, fruit (e.g. , almonds), cloth, oil, and (after its invention) pottery, 1 with (in course of time) weapons. 2

1 As they do now from Gaza and Damascus.

2 To the early Egyptians the nomads were the people of the boomerang. But the story of Senuhyt proves that during the Middle Empire the Egyptian weaponsmiths carried their goods on asses among the Asiatic nomads: WMM, As. it. Eur. 1, n.2

In exchange they would give dates, 1 curdled milk, wool, occasionally cattle, honey, salt, alkali (obtained from the ashes of the Kilu and other plants), 2 'Mecca balsam' (BALSAM), and other medicinal herbs. Commerce between Syria and Egypt included oil, mastic (BALM), wool, etc. (EGYPT, 8), and (later) Syrian manufactures ; whilst traffic between Babylonia and Egypt was frequent even in pre-historic times (ib. 43). Trade in SALT (q.v. ) was not only local - as from the salt-pans N. of Pelusium, in el-Jof, and elsewhere, or from the deposits at the S. end of the Dead Sea; probably also rock-salt was exported to a distance as to-day:- e.g. , from W. Kaseem in Arabia (Palgrave, Centr. and E. Arab. 180 [ed. 1883]).

5. The incense country.[edit]

The most isolated of the fertile lands of W. Asia lies on the S. of Arabia under the monsoon rains. Arabia Felix (Ar. 'el-Yemen' - i.e., 'the south') has ever been famous for fertility, and was the seat of the Minaean and Sabaean civilisation (below, section 14). Its chief repute, however, was for frankincense (see FRANKINCENSE, where its late appearance in the OT is noted, and its probably earlier use in Egypt). Erman 3 says this was common under the Old Empire. Sprenger calls the incense-country 'the heart of the commerce of the ancient world' (Geog. Alt. Arab. 299). Theodore Bent (Nineteenth Cent., Oct. 1895, pp. 595+) describes 'the actual libaniferous country', Dhofar, as 'perhaps not now much bigger than the Isle of Wight', and 'probably in ancient days not much more extensive'. It lies on the coast some 800 mi. NE. from Aden, about half-way to Muscat. 9000 cwt. of the gum are exported annually to Bombay. Other products are cocoanuts and cocoanut fibre (not yet identified under any ancient Semitic name), myrrh, ghee, fruits, and vegetables. Pasturage is rich. Dates and weapons are imported. There is a fine harbour, perhaps Moscha of the Periplus (32), and numerous Sabaean remains. Camels are the animals used for carrying purposes ; horses are unknown. Cp SEPHAR. On another incense country see 8.

At times primitive commerce in the necessaries of life must have been enhanced by local famines, though in the less settled conditions of early history these would result not so much in increased trade as in migrations of tribes. Such migrations, however, would also stimulate trade by communicating across the region a better knowledge of its remoter parts, as well as familiarity with the various routes thither. We shall see that most of the great trading tribes had been immigrants to the districts which became the centres of their flourishing commerce.

6. Distribution of timber.[edit]

The early distribution of woodland in W. Asia is uncertain ; but from Syria into Egypt, as well as from the wooded districts of Palestine, not only to the treeless desert borders but also to Babylonia, there was always some traffic in timber. Cedar was brought from 'the West' to Babylonia in the reigns of Sargon I. and Gudea (4th mill.), and rafts of other woods must have descended the Euphrates and the Tigris. 4 Round the Persian Gulf there is said to be no timber for ship-building. For the period between the Old and the Middle Empire in Egypt see Erman, op. cit. 452.

1 Still imported from Arabian oases to Baghdad, Damascus, and Yemen (Palgrave, Centr. and East. Arabia [ed. 1883], 43, 149, 364); also from oases in Turkish Arabia to Bushire. See consular Report on Trade and Commerce of the Persian Gulf in 1901 by Lt-Col. Kemball. Forder (With the Arabs in Tent and Town, 119 [1902]) describes caravans from Hauran to Kaf taking wheat and barley to be bartered for salt and dates. He reports among the industries of the Jof saddle bags, carpets, abbas and other clothing; cp 145: imports - coffee, cooking utensils, clothing from Damascus, etc.

2 Cp ZDPV 20:89 for present export of alkali from steppes S. of Hauran to the soap factories of Nablus.

3 Life in Anc. Eg. (tr. by Tirard : 1894). p. 507.

4 E.g:, under Ur-nina of Lagash (BABYLONIA, 8 44): cp Radau, Early Baby. Hist. [1900], and Howorth, Eng. Hist. Rev. 177. For Gudea's imports see FSBA 11, RP (2) 2:75+ and Rogers Hist. 1:370.

7. Of stones and metals.[edit]

(b) The distribution of useful stones and metals through W. Asia is now tolerably clear. The marble and alabaster found in early Babylonian deposits came from the Assyrian hills, the diorite from Arabia (BABYLONIA, 18, 21). 1 The basalt of Hauran must always, as to-day, have been used for millstones for all Syria. Egypt was without copper, which it brought from Sinai and the Lebanons (COPPER). Gudea imported copper from Kimash in N. Arabia (Hommel in Hastings BD 1225; cp Gen. 10:23, and see Eng. Hist. Rev. 17:221). Cyprus was a later source ; on bronze see below, 17. Iron, copper, and lead were found in the hills W. of Nineveh (see ASSYRIA, 6), and iron in parts of Syria and Central and S. Arabia (Doughty, Ar. Des.}. Iron, however, except in Babylonia, does not appear till the close of our period (see IRON). There was a little gold in the desert E. of Egypt and in Nubia (see EGYPT, 50) ; but its chief sources were in Arabia, on the E. of Sinai, and on the far S. coast 2 (see GOLD, OPHIR). Silver, which was rare in Egypt till 1600 B.C., came from Asia (EGYPT, 38). Precious stones (turquoises, etc.) were found in Sinai. Cp STONES. The love of ornament is one of the earliest motives to barter among primitive peoples, and we may assume that traffic in metals and jewels had begun in \Y. Asia even before the rise of the great civilisations in Egypt and Mesopotamia.

8. The great empires.[edit]

(c) It is, however, in the growth and organisation of these great civilisations that we must seek for the most powerful of the factors of ancient commerce. Trade always advances by leaps and bounds where two great states face each other (cp the sudden increase between the Hittites and Egypt after their treaty in the reign of Ramses II. [Erman, 537]).

By the end of the fifth millennium B.C., both Babylonia and Egypt possessed a developed civilisation, for the growth of which we must assume many centuries if not some millennia (see BABYLONIA, 46); both had elaborate systems of writing, always a proof of and a help to commerce. That between them there were close communications, is proved by the strong Babylonian elements in pre-historic Egyptian culture (see EGYPT, 43). The rapid rise of their wealth, doubtless largely due to discoveries of new sources of the precious metals, must have increased trade throughout W. Asia, and complicated it beyond previous conditions. The monument (discovered at Susa by De Morgan) of Manishtu-irba, ruler of Kish (4th mill. B.C.), records his purchase of lands, grain, wool, oil, copper, asses, and slaves, which were paid for in silver ; and among the officials mentioned are 'a mariner', 'scribe', 'surveyors', 'miller', 'jeweller', and 'merchant' (Damkar).3 The growth of wealth hastens the demand, not only for articles of luxury, but also for better qualities of food-stuffs. For example, both the Nile and the Euphrates valley produce dates; but if then, as at the present day, the Arabian oases, including Sinai, produced a special quality of dates, 4 these would be imported into Egypt and Babylonia then as now (see above, 4, third note). The records of the kings of Lagash (BABYLONIA, 44) report the building of storehouses beside the temples, and the construction of canals.

1 The diorite of Gudea and Ur-bau was brought from Magan on the NE. coast of Arabia (Amiaud, RP (2) 2:15 n. takes it to be Sinai); but see note to Eng. Hist. Rev. 17:211 for another source.

2 Burton, Land of Midian. 2 Ch. 36, speaks of 'gold of O8n2a', which Glaser (Skizze, 2:347) identifies with el-Farwarri mentioned by Hamdani; cp Sprenger, Alt. Arab. 49-63. Gudea brought gold-dust from NW. Arabia and Khakh SE. of Medina (Hommel in Hastings BD 1:225 ; Eng. Hist. Rev. 17:221).

3 Howorth, Eng. Hist. Rev. 17:11+.

4 The fine dates of el-Hasa (E. Arabia) are still exported - to Mosul, Bombay and Zanzibar, Palgr. Cent, and E. Arab., ed. 1883, pp. 364, 383.

With the increase of wealth came the expansion and consolidation of empire. It is not always possible to decide whether objects of foreign origin found in early Egyptian or Babylonian remains were fruits of conquest (spoil or tribute), or of trade, though probably they are mostly due to trade ; even where the records boast of tribute this is really the fruit of barter. 1 Even if any of the early expeditions from Egypt and Babylonia were for conquest (which is very doubtful; see note), they found their motives in a previous trade; and they would open up routes and increase commerce. The expeditions of Sargon I. and Gudea to 'the west' for timber, and to Arabia for stone and metal (above 6-7) were repeated by other monarchs (see BABYLONIA, 15 {2}) ; and the various conquests of, and immigrations into, Babylonia by fresh tribes must have powerfully developed trade. To the NE. lay Elam, a seat of culture by the fourth millennium B.C., with avenues of traffic into central and eastern Asia ; and Elam overran Babylonia. Again, the Canaanite supremacy synchronised with a growth of commerce especially under Hammurabi (see BABYLONIA, 54 {3} ; though there was an increase of trade preceding this, at Ur, 50 {4}); while the rapid subjection of the Canaanite dynasty to a Kashshite is proof of the luxury consequent on commerce under the former power. From Egypt expeditions were sent in the earliest times to secure the copper and turquoise mines of Sinai - e.g. , Dyn. III., Zoser (EGYPT, 44); Dyn.IV. , Snefru(i) (45 : about 3000 B.C. ; but acc. to Fl. Petrie, 3998-3969 B.C.), and Hufu (Petrie, Hist, of Egypt, 1 42) ; Dyn. VI. , Pepy I. 'the founder of Memphis proper' (EGYPT, 47). There were also early expeditions to Nubia for gold, to the Sudan, the W. oases, and above all down the Red Sea to Punt - either Somali-land, or the coast between Suakim and Massowah). Erman (op. cit. 507) mentions the picture of a native of Punt as early as Hufu (Dyn. IV. ) ; but the 'earliest recorded expedition to Punt' was under Assa, Dyn. V. (EGYPT, 48, Fl. Petrie, 100) ; Pepy I. (Dyn. VI.) sent to the Sudan and farther (EGYPT, 47); S'anh-ka-re (Dyn. XI.) by Koptos, Kotser, and the Red Sea to Punt; and several kings of Dyn. XII., the Amenemha'ts and Usertesens, to Nubia, the Sudan, and Punt. Under this dynasty (2800 Fl. Petrie, 2100 W.MM) trade flourished exceedingly. The Hyksos migration and conquest of Egypt must have developed her Asiatic commerce ; but this, especially with Syria, reached its height after the conquests of the New Empire. For lists of the many Syrian products introduced, see WMM, As. u. Eur. (chaps. 1, etc.), and Erman (516+), who remarks : we almost feel inclined to maintain that really there was scarcely anything which the Egyptians of this period did not import from Syria'. Syrian slaves were a constant subject of traffic (Erman, 517-518, WMM, As. u. Eur.}. The New Empire also opened up Nubia, and elaborated the trade with Punt, and that with Cyprus (see EGYPT, 53-61). For the trade of Ramses III. with fleets on the Mediterranean and Red Sea see the Harris Papyrus (end) and the summary in Budge, Hist, of Eg. 5:159+.

1 See the instance given by Erman, 512 ; and cp Naville, Deir el Bahari (Eg. Expl. Fund), Pt. III., 11. Referring to the same expedition to Punt, W. E. Crum (Hastings DB 1:660b) says : Queen Ha'tshepsut's 'fleet had, like its predecessors from the 6th dynasty onwards, solely a commercial object'. So, too, Budge, Hist, of Eg. (1902), 4:11, 4:144, 4:158. Similarly in Babylonia under Gudea, who according to Hommel (Hastings' DB 1:225b), did not conquer the distant regions, but by treaties secured passage for his caravans with their products.

2 En-anna-tuma I. of Lagash imported cedar from the mountain ; Radau, 72.

3 See also L. W. King, Letters and Inscr. of Hammurabi about B.C., 2200, i., Introd. and Text, iii., Translation ; and G. Nagel 'Die Briefe H.'s an Sin-idinnam' in Beitr. z. Assyr. 4:434+ with notes by F. Delitzsch 483+

4 On the favourable position of Ur for commerce, on the Euphrates, near the W. Rummein (which connected it with Central Arabia), and with a road to Sinai, see Rogers, Hist, of Bab. and Ass. 1:371+

5 So Naville (Deir el Bahari, Pt. III. 11; Eg. Expl. Fund), who says that in any case Punt lay N. of the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb : 'not a definite territory', but a vague geographical definition. Some include under the name both sides of the Red Sea. 'The region which produces frankincense is situated in the projecting parts of Ethopia and lies inland (i.e., from Adulis on the Red Sea) but is washed by the ocean on the other side'; Cosmas, Christ. Topog. Bk. II, ET by M Crindle, 51.

9. Security of travel.[edit]

From the third millennium there is evidence of a royal service of despatches into Asia (WMM, As. u. Eur. 1-2); the regulation of imports by the Egyptian government; the making of roads; and the supply of desert routes - e.g. , that between Koptos on the Nile and the Red Sea (below, section 29) with water (by Mentuhotep, Dyn. XI. [Erman, 506]). {1} It was easy and safe for even in dividuals to travel to tribes as far as Edom and the Arabah : witness the tale of Se-nuhyt, which, whether historical or not (see EGYPT, col. 1237), must have been founded on a knowledge of the actual conditions of travel. 2 In short, by the third millennium travel must have been frequent and tolerably secure (of course with interruptions) from the mouth of the Red Sea and the Sudan to the Euphrates ; and the commercial activity and wealth of Babylonia in at least the second half of that millennium, can hardly have failed to create similar conditions for much of the rest of W. Asia. Cp 26, end.

We must not suppose, however, that all this produced, even for intervals, anything like a parallel to what prevails in modern times, or even to what was achieved under the Roman Empire. The roads of W. Asia were never so secure as under the Pax Romana, nor were they so well laid down. In the period with which we deal there were frequent interregna ; the nomads of Arabia often burst the frontiers of civilisation ; and even in peaceful times the well-developed habits of traffic cannot have produced such order or sense of safety as we find at the beginning of tha Christian era.

10. Trade and political power.[edit]

Before we pass from the influence of the great empires on commerce, three other phenomena require to be noticed. One is the effect of the exigencies of commerce in the transfer of political power within the empires from one site to another, and the rapid growth of new capitals. Of this both Egypt and Babylonia furnish instances. The centre of government in Egypt came down the Nile, from positions commanding the highways to the S. and the Red Sea, to Memphis 3 at the neck of the Delta, where great trade-routes converge from all quarters. We find a similar case under the New Empire, when the increase of trade 0:1 the Syrian frontier drew, for a time, the centre of the political power from Thebes into the Eastern Delta. 4 On the Euphrates and Tigris the same causes worked in an opposite direction - upstream. The central posi tion of Ur with regard to commerce is well known ; how elaborate that commerce was is proved by the titles of the third dynasty of Ur, and the number of contract tablets from their time. 5 The transference of power from the lower Babylonian cities to Babylon itself and the independence of that great centre from about 2400 B.C., was probably assisted by commercial influences, for Babylon proved its fitness as a centre for trade by the extraordinary persistence of its commerce and wealth, in spite of frequent political disasters, for nearly 2000 years (cp Is. 47); and it is possible that some memory of the city s early fame as a gathering place for men of all tongues may lie behind the Hebrew story of the founding of Babel (Gen. 11). One has only to look at the map to see how much more advan tageously Babylon lies for the trade through Elam into Persia, than do the cities which preceded her in power. The rise of Assyria was doubtless aided by her com mand, closer than that of Babylon, over the lines of trade to the W. ; the transference of the Assyrian capital from Asur to Calah and Nineveh was, in fact, one from a less to a more suitable centre for commerce, both with N. and W. These are but instances, which will doubtless be multiplied as our knowledge of ancient history is increased.

1 Also 'it is probable that Seti I. caused a series of water stations to be established from the Nile to Berenice' (Budge, HE 5:10); and Ramses III. built a fortified well between Mt. Casius and Raphia (ibid. 150) ; on Ramses IV. ibid. 187.

2 Under Dyn. 12 ; cp 'Travels of an Egyptian' under Dyn. 19, 20 ET in RP 2:102+

3 Under Menes, 4500 or 4000 B.C., and his successors : EGYPT, 44, 47 ; MEMPHIS. See also Fl. Petrie, HE, vol. 1.

4 Cp Erman, 516.

5 Cp for references Rogers, Hist, of Bab. and Assyr. 1:377.

11. Mercenaries : royal traders.[edit]

Another phenomenon to be noted in the commercial development of the Great Empires - we shall find something analagous in Israel - is the royal traders exchange of native militia, proper to agricultural conditions of life, for a mercenary soldiery, which generally followed a great increase in trade. The soldiers of the Middle Empire in Egypt were such a militia ; but after the great growth of trade, especially with Asia under the dynasties of the New Empire, the Egyptian armies were mainly composed of mercenaries (Erman, 542). The same thing happened in Egypt under Psametik. It happened also in Babylonia under Ashur-bani-pal and Nebuchadrezzar.

Again, it is to be remarked that the initiative of the great commercial expeditions from Babylonia and from Egypt is recorded on the monuments as due not to private enterprise, but to the reigning monarch. 1 This is no pretence of royal arrogance or of the court scribe's flattery. We see the same motive at work in the great explorations and commercial expeditions of the Middle Ages from Spain and Portugal.

12. No trading classes.[edit]

(d) The earliest societies of men did not contain a special class or profession of traders; farmers and manufacturers exchanged their own goods. In the story of Se-nuhyt the weaponsmith himself carries his goods to the Asiatic nomads. As we shall see (section 21), trade did not exercise any influence on the formative period of the religions of W. Asia ; a proof that it was not then specialised as a separate vocation. There is no mention of trade in the proverbs of Ptah-hotep (from the 4th mill. ), and when they appeared in Egypt 'sailors, merchants, and interpreters of foreign origin were despised' (EGYPT, 31); that is to say, the special class was a late and a foreign upstart in that civilisation.

1 Similarly the letters of Hammurabi (above, section 8 n.) show how that king personally superintends the internal trade of Babylonia.

13. Tribal monopolies.[edit]

The rise of international commerce, however, and the peculiar character of the deserts which separated the centres of civilisation favoured - in place of the growth of special classes of traders within those centres - the gradual absorption of whole tribes outside them in the business of trade and the carriage of goods. Especially was this the case with certain Arabian nomads, whose familiarity with the desert and possession of the means of crossing it, furnished them with the price (in their trading services) for purchasing the products of civilisation. Thus, in the OT, some of the earliest names for traders are tribal: Ishmaelite (Gen. 37:25, 37:27-28, 39:1, - all J), Midianite (the parallel E passages ; Gen. 37:28a, 37:36), and (later) Canaanite, of which the first two were Arabian and the last the inhabitants of that land which is well described as the 'bridge' between Egypt and Mesopotamia. This evidence is confirmed by the Egyptian records. Part of the contempt of the Egyptians for traders was probably due to the traders being foreigners. The Beni-Hasan paintings represent thirty -seven Asiatics from the desert, traders from near Sinai (see EGYPT, 50; WMM, As. u. Eur. 36). So, too, Hannu the leader of the expedition to Punt under S'anh-ka-re of the eleventh dynasty (EGYPT, 48) appears to have a Semitic name (cp, however, Erman, 506). Thus, by the third millennium B.C. , the Semites from their central position between the two most ancient civilisations, their command of the lines of communication, and their frequent migrations, had developed those habits of trading which distinguish them to the present day. 1 Among the Semites, again, there were especially four families which concentrated the racial adaptableness and tenacity upon commerce, and, not content with the share in that which their central positions brought to them, devoted themselves to the pursuit and organisation of many lines of traffic, till they developed, in the case of one of them at least, a wider commercial influence than the world ever saw till the most recent epoch. These were the Minaeans, the Aramaeans, the Phoenicians, and the Nabataeans, of whom the first three had begun to develop their commerce within our period - the Minaeans and the Aramreans by land, the Phoenicians by sea.

14. Minaeans.[edit]

It is only upon indirect and somewhat precarious evidence (summarised by Weber, Arabien vor Islam, 22+) {2} that to the Minaean kingdom a date is assigned so early as the second half of the second millennium B.C. The centre of the Minaean power lay in the S. part of Arabia - not in the incense-bearing regions of Kataban and Hadramot (above, 5), though it commanded these, and by its hold on the central Arabian routes (below, 31) and its colony in Mutsran or Mutsri (i.e., Midian) and northwards (MlZRAIM, 3) 3 possessed the Arabian land traffic, and sent its caravans by Ma'an and Petra to Gaza. The capital was Karnawu, the Karna of Eratosthenes, 4 in immediate connection with the ports of the S. coast. Thus Minaean trade extended at least from the Indian Ocean to the Levant. But see section 17.

15. Aramaeans.[edit]

After what has been said elsewhere (ARAM, ARAMAIC LANGUAGE ; cp PHOENICIA, 7) it is only necessary to say that the second millennium B.C. we find the Aramaeans succeeding the Hittites in a country on the upper Euphrates which is the meeting-ground of many trade-routes - from Syria, Asia Minor, Armenia, and Babylonia (below, section 39-40 ). They gradually extended over N. Syria, a land more suited for trade than for agriculture or industries, 6 and embraced Damascus, the principal Syrian 'harbour', a depot of the Arabian Desert (Hist. Geogr. 642-643). The earliest notices reveal Aramaeans as nomads, perhaps traders, in Mesopotamia; in Syria the small states they founded round cities were such as those founded by other trading peoples. The strongest proof of their commerce is the gradual spread of their dialect till it became the lingua franca of W. Asia. In Babylonia it was spoken in daily life from the eleventh to the ninth century (Wi. Volker Vorderasiens, 11); by the tenth it had taken the place which Babylonian held in W. Asia in the fifteenth, and was used as far as Egypt as a commercial tongue (WMM, As. u. Eur. 234). How long and how far this commercial supremacy of the language lasted is proved by inscriptions in Teimaand Nabataean towns up to 100 A.D. It was the Aramaean trade, from the Tigris to the Levant, which formed the temptation to the Assyrian campaigns in the ninth and following centuries (below, 52). Cp SYRIA, 16+.

1 The Syrians depicted on the tomb of Hui, about 1400 B.C. (see Budge, HE 4:144), are traders. Cp Strabo 16:4:23 on the commercial qualities of the Arabs.

2 None of the S. Arabian, so-called Himyaritic, inscriptions are dated before second century B.C. For a detailed argument against the high antiquity claimed for the Minaean kingdom, see Budge, HE (5, Preface, 16+. His conclusion is that Glaser's Inscr. 1155 belongs to the time of Cambyses and that 'the Minaean kingdom cannot be shown to be older than the sixth century B.C.', p. 22.

3 The strong reasoning of Budge (HE 6:21+) against Winckler's frequent identification of the biblical Mizraim with the Arabian Mutsr is not conclusive against the existence of the latter. For if, as generally admitted, Ghazzat of Glaser's Inscr. 1083 be Gaza, the Minaean caravans from S. Arabia would scarcely pass through Egypt to Gaza, or through Gaza to Egypt (notwithstanding Budge's note on p. 22). The mention of Gaza, therefore, is, so far, evidence in favour of a N. Arabian Musri. Cp also SIMEON, 6. Even if the Musri of the Assyrian and Minaean inscriptions be proved to be Egypt, this only means an extension of the Minaean trade.

4 Or Karnana: Strabo (16:4:2) who mentions besides the Sabaeans at Mariaba, the Kattabanians at Tamna, the Chatramotitai at Sabata.

5 M'Curdy, Hist. Profit. Mon. 1:155.

16. Phoenicians.[edit]

The commercial influence of the Phoenicians appears to have risen at an earlier period than that of the Aramaeans; but how early it is impossible to say. The absence of all reflection of trade not only from the names of their earliest cities - these may have been named before the Phoenician occupation 1 - but also from all except presumably late strata of their religion 2 (see below, section 22), is significant. The coincidence between a great influx of Canaanite population and religion into Babylonia (about 2500 B.C. ), and the rise of a 'Canaanite' dynasty there, with a great increase of commerce and wealth, is interesting as indicative of a racial capacity for trade. On the whole, however, we may assign the rise of the commerce of the Phoenicians to a period subsequent to their arrival on the coast between Lebanon and the Levant, somewhere in the third millennium B.C., and therefore subsequent to the appearance of international commerce in W. Asia ; and we may trace it to the central position of that coast, to the mines and forests of the neighbourhood, and to the greater facility for traffic by sea than by land, between the various Phoenician settlements. Probably the Phoenicians did not invent ships as the Greeks were led to suppose from their subsequent supremacy in navigation; for the first boats must have been invented by a people with long slow rivers. But the Phoenicians, with their towns near to large forests and disposed within a day s sail of each other on a coast full of obstacles for land traffic, must have been early forced to the improvement of the means of navigation; whilst the harassing land march across the desert to Egypt must have led to a speedy extension of that navigation to the Egyptian delta. So great an adventure, if it did not produce, amply proves the existence of, those qualities of hardihood and enterprise, which w< re to lift Phoenicia to the command of the world s trade. The less adventurous Egyptians, 3 who had in the earlier periods of their history reached Punt by their own merchants, had left the trade through Nubia to negroes (Erman, 498) ; 4 and now might be easily tempted to resign a commerce which they disliked (section 13) to the peaceful invaders of the Delta. The process may have been hastened during the Hyksos supremacy. In any case, from the beginning of the second millennium B.C. the trade of Egypt appears to have been in Phoenician hands. In the fifteenth century, according to the Amarna Letters they had fleets of merchant ships, nnd a fresco in a Theban tomb depicts them as importers of goods from Asia (Budge, HE 4:163)

1 Sidon, usually understood as 'Fishertown' (but see PHOENICIA, 12); Tyre = rock ; Beyrout = springs, etc. Contrast the Philistine Ashkelon and the Canaanite Kiriath-sepher, the former of which certainly, and the latter possibly, has a commercial origin.

2 The chief Phoenician gods do not differ from those of other Canaanites.

3 Cp the commercial superiority of Syrians at the present day to Egyptians.

4 Cp inscription of Pepy of the sixth dynasty.

Foreign trade.[edit]

(e) The ancient trade of W. Asia, however, was not confined within that region. W. Asia lies between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean; both of which, the one by its regular winds, the other by its islands, offer easy access to sources of wealth beyond them. In the later Phoenician and the Greek epochs of trade both seas were regularly navigated, and the far East united with the far West (sections 63, 71).

17. With India.[edit]

Whether in the period we are now treating there was already a trade with India is a question to which we can get only probabilities in answer. It was quite possible.

The Periplus of the Erythaean Sea 1 (1st Christian cent.) lays down the line of a coasting voyage along the S. of Arabia, across the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and so (in the direction opposite to that taken by Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander) to the Indus, and thence down the Malabar coast. It adds (section 39), however, that a speedier, though more dangerous, voyage may be made by those who set out to sea from Arabia with the Monsoons (/xera T OV IvStKuiv sc. erqo-iW [meta toon Indikoon sc. etesioon]). These winds blow across the Indian Ocean from the SW. from April to October, from the NE. from October to April, and make the voyage possible for vessels even of a primitive type.

By the seventh century B.C., if not long before, there was in India a developed and organised trade; great ships were already built, and long sea-voyages undertaken. From the very earliest times merchants had been held in high repute (Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, 2:573, 2:576, 2:579). The island of Sokotra has a Sanscrit name (ib. 2:580). The Babylonian Nimrod epic reflects a journey through Arabia to Sabaea ; and Sokotra has been suggested as the island which was its goal (Hommel, Hastings' DB 1:216a). On the reliefs of Deir-el-Bahri, Punt is pictured as a place of barter where several nationalities meet and deal with the Egyptians in differ ent sorts of goods. It is, therefore, more than possible that Indian traders met those of W. Asia at the mouth of the Red Sea and the ports of S. Arabia during our period. Weber indeed (Arab, vor Islam, 22 ; cp 23) calls the Minaeans the intermediaries of the Indian as well as of the S. Arabian trade, and dates the origin of this trade before 1300 B.C. (more than a millennium before the later Ptolemies). But see 14. It is remarkable that no Indian faces or goods are found pictured on the reliefs of Deir-el-Bahri (Naville, op. cit. 12+ and the corresponding plates), nor have any Indian products been discovered in Egyptian remains. As for Babylonia, the earliest Sumerian deposits (BABYLONIA, 18) contain both ivory ornaments and bronze. The ivory may have been taken from elephants which were extant on the Euphrates till towards the close of our era. 2 But for the tin, needed to make the bronze, no source is known at that time save India, 3 and some have derived the Phoenician name for the metal from the Sanscrit. 4 This, however, is a precarious ground on which to found a conclusion with regard to so early an epoch ; for reasons for the opposite view - that there was no sea-trade between W. Asia and India till the seventh century B.C. - see INDIA and OPHIR, 2; cp also Sprenger, Alt. Geog. Arab., sections 51-60, 139. We must not forget the possibility of land- trade between Babylonia and India through Elam and Persia. 5

18. With Europe.[edit]

As for the trade of W. Asia with Europe in this era, that is much less problematical. Cyprus, which lies in sight of the Syrian coast (HG, pp. 22, 135), was reached by some of the earliest Babylonian monarchs; and in the course of the second millennium B.C. was in frequent communication both with Egypt and with Syria (Budge, HE 4:167-168); and Cyprus can hardly ever have been out of touch with the islands to the W. Evidence of an extremely early knowledge of Europe in Egypt is given in WMM, As. u. Eur. ch. 28. 6

1 TTepi n-Aovs TTJ? EpuOpa? OaAacraqs [periplous tes erythras thalasses]. Anonymous, but attributed to an author named Appiavos [arrianos]. Geogr. Graeci Minores by C. Muller, ed. Paris, 1882, vol. 1:257+, cp p. 95.

2 Thotmes III. killed elephants on the Euphrates; Naville, op. cit. 17; Budge, HE 4:40, 4:48.

3 The islands of the Persian Gulf were visited by Rabylonians at a very early period; and thence the coasting (?) voyage to India was not difficult.

4 Gotz, Die Verkehrswegeim Dienste des Wethandels, 10:1+. This is not certain; cp O. Schrader, Handelsgeschichte, etc., 71, quoted by Gotz.

5 For imports and exports of W. Asiatic trade with India in Roman times see Periplus (of Erythraean Sea), 49, 56.

6 According to the American explorers of Nippur (Peters, Nippur, 2:133-134) some evidence of trade with Greece (Eubrea) was found in remains of the fourteenth century B.C. ; cp Budge, HE 4:168+, 4:177.

19. Means of carriage[edit]

(f) For the natural lines of traffic and trade-routes, see below, Part II. of this article (28-40).

(g) The various means of carriage in the ancient world having been for the most part dealt with elsewhere, the treatment here may be brief.

Porterage, the employment of human beings for the carriage of burdens both for building purposes and for trade (as we find it still in Central Africa), was common in early Egypt according to the monuments. It was not altogether confined to local traffic. Under one of the Amenemha'ts (middle of 28th cent, according to Fl. Petrie ; but 2100 according to W. M. Miiller) 200 men with only 50 animals were employed for carrying stone through the desert. 1 From the earliest times, however, the ass and the bullock were in common use, and (especially the ass) constituted the principal means of conveyance. The ass was employed for distant desert journeyings ; cp the Beni-Hasan pictures (under the 12th dyn.). The camel was apparently unbred and unused even to a late date in Egypt, but must have appeared early in Arabia. The horse and the mule came much later; the horse not till the time of the Hyksos and then, for long, only for fighting and hunting ; the mule from Pontus not till towards 1000 B.C. (see Ass, CAMEL, HORSE, MULE, CATTLE, 8; BABYLONIA, 5; EGYPT, 9). The carrying power of these animals was increased by the invention of pack-saddles, open litters (already during the 4th dyn.), sleighs or draw-boards, and carts - first with solid, and then with spoked, wheels. A luxurious chariot with horses appears in the Izdubar legend (Tab. 6) about 2000 B.C. Still less, however, than at the present day, were the wheeled vehicles suited for distant carriage, which was mainly performed on the backs of animals (CHARIOT, 2). There were practically no international roads for carriages till the Persian Empire. Carriage by water arose first in timber rafts or constructions of reed coated with bitumen, on rivers, especially the Euphrates (BABYLON , 6; early legends). From these developed rowing and sailing boats, with which ventures were made through liver-mouths into the sea ; and so arose coasting voyages in the Persian Gulf, the Levant, and the Red Sea (Snip). By the time of Thutmosis I. (about 1560 B.C.) and Queen Ha'tshepsut (EGYPT, 53) the Egyptians had developed elaborate ships with oars, rigging, and sails for the Punt voyages (cp SHIP). The ships of this (18th) dynasty were not mere fighting galleys ; they were transports carrying considerable cargoes (Xaville, Temple of Deir el Bahari, 3, with plates).

20. Barter; value.[edit]

(h) Early trade consisted of barter, in which various communities or states of culture exchanged the necessaries or embellishments of life. 2 When a superior civilisation met an inferior it paid for solid goods, as at the present day, with gaudy trinkets and ornaments, as for instance the Egyptians in their commerce with the negro and other tribes whom they met in Punt 3 (Naville, op. cit.). Gradually, however, there arose common measures of value: e.g. , cattle, slaves, or metals, especially the precious metals. 4 As among other early races 5 ornaments and the material for ornament displaced the useful metals and other commodities as the favourite media of exchange and standards of value. In aid of this, there was not only the common and universal passion for ornament, but also its convenience for hoarding, 1 the family's wealth being most easily 'saved' in the form of its women s ornaments, even after money proper came into existence ; and in W. Asia the process would be further hastened by the prevailing custom of purchasing a wife, for an instance of which in Israel, cp Gen. 24, and see below, 43. These primitive 'moneys', however, were not always actually given in exchange for goods ; but the value of the goods exchanged was reckoned in terms of them. For this usage in the case of copper wire 2 see Erman (494+), and later of silver and gold, EGYPT. 38. Stamped weights of the precious metals were in early use in Babylonia ; but money proper appears in W. Asia first in the Persian period. For further details see MONEY, and the articles and books quoted there.

1 For porterage in Babylonia, cp a letter of Hammurabi, Beitr. e. Assyriologie, 4:474.

2 In the East barter has always survived alongside well-developed systems of money and finance. Cp under Cambyses, Beitr. u. Assyr. 4:429, section 9. Palgrave (Central and E. Arab. ed. 1883, p. 368) found barter more common 'throughout Arabia . . . among the villagers, and even the poorer towns men, than purchase'.

3 For an account of curious methods of barter in this region in Greek times, cp Cosmas Indie., Christ. Topogr., Bk. II., ET by M'Crindle, 52.

4 In the 4th mill, silver was used as currency in Babylonia. Cp above, 8, on Manish-tu-irba. In the time of Hammurabi both barter and money were extant; cp his letters above. 8, fifth note. For electron in Egypt and silver see EGYPT, 38, and n. 2, col. 1229.

5 Rabelon, Les Origines de la Monnaie; W. W. Carlile, The Evol. of. Modern Money, Pt. 2 especially chap. 2.

21. Trade and religion.[edit]

(i) The most interesting of all the questions arising in connection with the commerce of W. Asia during this early period is that of its relations to religion. So far as is known to the present writer there exists no adequate treatment of this, nor even a full appreciation of its significance. The hint has already been given (sections 12, 16) that trade appears to have exercised no influence on the human mind during the formative period of the different religions. In Egypt and Babylonia, or among the Syrian and other Semites, there were gods who reflected or sympathised with every other human activity. The memory of the various peoples went back to divine or semi-divine kings, lawgivers, physicians, teachers, hunters, and fishers (PHOENICIA, 12), artisans (cp the Egyptian Ptah and the attribution of the invention of pottery and metal -working to various gods), and musicians. But, except for certain isolated and apparently late instances, to be noted presently (section 22), there seems to have been no god or hero who was a trader. This cannot have been due to dislike of trading habits, such as prevailed in Egyptian society (section 13) ; for the want was not confined to Egypt ; nor was it due to any of the moral objections to trade, which are so common in modern times. There is only one explanation : in the formative period of the religions of W. Asia, commerce was not yet specialised as a separate vocation 3 ( 12).

22. In Phoenicia, Egypt.[edit]

Perhaps the most striking proof of its want of religious influence at an early period is found among the Phoenicians. Their most ancient deities were practically identical with those of the general Canaanite stock (Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phon. 190). When at last the Phoenicians took to the sea they invoked for their new occupation the blessing of their accustomed deities, and principally of the various local forms of 'Ashtart. The other divine beings, who appear connected with Phoenician ships, and in later times were credited with the discovery of navigation, the Kabiri, were of secondary rank in the Phoenician pantheon, and had been originally connected with the mining and working of metals (ib. 188, 190 ; but see PHOENICIA, 11, with footnote). The legends which attribute distant travels to the Tyrian Herakles and divers gods are of late origin (Pietsch. 191). The only other possible instance of a trading Canaanite deity is that concealed under the ambiguous name 1300 [SSChR] (PHOENICIA, 12, ISSACHAR, 3, 6). Similarly in Egypt the expeditions to Punt under the eighteenth dynasty were commended to the patronage of Amon of Thebes, who gave the conquest and tribute (i.e., as we have seen, section 8 n. 3, the trade) of that distant land to his own people, and was thanked by them for help in the exploration and opening up of roads (Naville, Deir el Baharl, pt. 3:14, 3:19+).

1 Carlile, op. cit.

2 As in Calabar and other parts of Africa, probably for ornament ; Carlile, op. cit. 240.

3 For an illustration of the very opposite take Buddhism, which 'was a merchant religion par excellence ; there are few parables or birth-stories in which a Buddhist merchant does not figure'; JRAS, 1902, p. 387.

23. Reaction of trade on religion.[edit]

We may assume that other nations of W. Asia when they took to trade also dedicated it each to their own tribal deity. But once this was done, the reaction upon their conceptions of their deity must have been one of the most considerable forces in the transformation of the primitive religions. The deity, originally local and identified with purely local phenomena (PHOENICIA, n), must, when carried abroad by his people, have expanded in their belief to an identification with the principal cosmic forces, especially those of the sea and the heavens. It may, therefore, be to trade that the religions of W. Asia partly owe the association of their gods with the stars - always the guides of travellers - as well as their identification with the natural forces, or even with the gods, of distant lands. 1 But besides thus enhancing the power of native deities, the foreign trade of their worshippers brought back the cults of other gods. This is very evident in Egypt. A number of instances are given by Erman. Usertesen III. (Dyn. 12) dedicated a temple on the S. frontier to the Nubian god, and only in the second place to Hnum the Egyptian (500); Besa, honoured by the New Empire 'as a protecting genius', probably owed 'his introduction to Egypt to this (incense) trade' (514) ; and consequent upon the great increase of Asiatic commerce under the eighteenth and the nineteenth dynasty a number of Syrian divinities were admitted to the Egyptian pantheon (517). Similarly there was an export of the gods of W. Asia to Europe by Cyprus : 'merchants of Citium brought the cult of their goddess with them to Athens' (PHOENICIA, 11), and the general influence of Phoenician traders on the religion and mythology of Greece is notorious.

24. Sanctuaries and markets.[edit]

Again, gatherings to religious centres, great or small, have always been convenient for trade - as we see even in mediaeval and modern times. Stated and famous markets grew about the sanctuaries of W. Asia and festivals became fairs. Where trade, as in N. Syria and Arabia, had to pass through many tribal territories, treaties were necessary and were accompanied by religious rites at border (or other) sanctuaries, at which it would be natural to exchange goods. In our period and that which followed it, Babylon, Carchemish, Bethel, Sinai (perhaps), Mecca, and various Egyptian towns are instances. 2 Exchanges were effected under religious direction ; it was the interest of the guardians of the sanctuaries to prescribe forms, and fees to the temple were charged. 3 The supervision by priests of Babylonian commerce is evident from a multitude of contract tablets ; 4 and the rise of priestly families and castes to kingly power, both in Babylonia and in Egypt, was made possible by the wealth which accrued to them from their direction of commerce.

1 For an identification of Hathor with the deity of the anti or incense of Punt, see Naville, op. cit. 20.

2 For another, cp ISSACHAR, 2; Dt. 33:18.

3 WRS, Rel. Sem. 441.

4 Delitzsch in a note to No. 28 of Nagel's translation of Hammurabi's letters to Sin-idinnam (Beitr. z. Assyr. 4:458, 4:493) illustrates the Babylonian custom of making valuations 'before God' - i.e., in presence of the priests - and compares Ex. 21:6, 22:8-9 [22:7-8]

25. Syria.[edit]

Before we proceed to Israelite commerce one other study is necessary. We have seen that during the New Empire and especially under the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties there was a great increase of trade between Syria and Egypt, in which Syrian products and manufactures played a very important part (above, 8). We are now to examine the details of this, happening as it did on the eve of Israel's settlement in Palestine. The first evidence is found in the records of Thutmosis III. (1503-1449 ). 1 Coats of mail do not appear in his reign till he takes 200 from the Canaanites at the sack of Megiddo. The Syrian chariots are the finer, and generally Syrian artisans appear more skilful and artistic than those of Egypt. Large numbers of them are transported to Egypt. In the same reign there are records of importations of grain into Egypt ; these cannot all have been tribute (above, 8 n. 3) ; also of oil, wine, honey, dates, incense, timber for masts and beams, and cattle.

26. Amarna Letters.[edit]

It is in the period after Thutmosis III., however, that we obtain our fullest evidence of the commercial condition of Syria before Israel entered it. The Amarna Letters (1400 onwards) reveal, if by no more than the cuneiform script in which they are written, the already prolonged and close commercial intercourse between Babylonia and Egypt across Syria. Their contents are still more significant. 2 The kings of Babylonia and Egypt propose an exchange of the products of their lands. Gold is sent from Egypt to Babylonia, 'painted wood', golden and wooden images, and oil. From Babylonia to Egypt come manufactured gold, precious stones, lapis lazuli, enamel, skins, wooden chariots, horses, and slaves. Some of these, of course, pass as presents between the kings ; but that they are also articles of commerce is proved by the complaint of one of the Babylonian kings that his merchants (dam-gar'u, dam-karu, or tamkaru: cp Del. Ass. HWD, Aram, taggar, whence Arab, tagir, tuggar) had been plundered in the territories of the Pharaoh. Letters from Alashia, either Cyprus (Winckler) or the extreme N. of the Syrian coast (Petrie, WMM), tell of the exportation from that country of copper, bronze, ivory, ship-furniture, and horses to Egypt, and the receipt of silver, oil, and oxen. Merchants go from Alasia to Egypt by ship; a writer begs the king of Egypt not to allow them to be injured by his tax-gatherers (no. 29). The king of Alashia complains of the Lukki, a pirate people who disturb the Mediterranean, and invade his land (28). A prince of N. Syria sends slaves and begs for gold (36). The letters from Egyptian tributaries and officials in Palestine, during its invasion by the Haiti and Habiri, ask for wheat from Egypt for besieged towns and districts that have not been able to grow their own corn (cp the story of Jacob and Joseph) ; or report the sending of timber, oil (cp Hos. 12:2 [12:1]), honey, cattle, and slaves. One letter (122) asks for myrrh as a medicine. Another (124), but obscurely, speaks of purple (?). Abd-hiba of Jerusalem complains that he cannot prevent the plundering of the King of Egypt's caravans in Ajalon (180). Horses and asses are supplied to travellers (51), and provisions to the royal caravans (242) and troops (264,270). One letter reports payment of '300 pieces of silver to the Habiri, besides the 1000 into the hand of the king's officer' (280). We read of no passage of glass either way, though glass had been known in Egypt from 3300 B.C. and was also made in Phoenicia from an early date. It was immediately after the period of the Tell-el-Amarna Letters - i.e., in the fourteenth century B.C. - that Kadashman-Harbe (BABYLONIA, 57) of Babylon, being shut off from Harran and the upper Euphrates by Assyria, opened a direct route across the desert to Phoenicia (Wi. Politische Entwickel. Bab. u. Assvr. 15).

1 WMM, As. u. Eur. 24 ; Flinders Petrie, HE 2:146+.

2 The following facts are taken from the German translation (with transliteration of the original into Roman characters) by Hugo Winckler, Die Thontafcin von Tell el-Amarna, Berlin, 1896 : for some corrections see Knudtzon in Beitr. zur Assyriologie, 4:2:3.

27. Other Egyptian records.[edit]

Egyptian records confirm the frequent importation of slaves from Syria into Egypt, where the girls were prized in the harems, and, in addition to articles mentioned in the Amarna Letters, indicate that Syrian pottery and metal work were prized; also ointments for embalming, oils, wine, woollen cloths, and embroideries. The characteristics of Syrian clothing as depicted on the monuments were embroidery, tassels, and fringes. There is an extremely interesting account of an expedition sent about 1100 B.C. by Her-heru of dynasty twenty-one to Lebanon for cedar in one of the Golnischeff Papyri (Recueil de Trav. 21:74+; cp WMM, As. u. Eur. 395; Budge, HE 6:13+).


[map of trade routes goes here]


Aden, C4 (TRADE, 5) Adulis, B4 (TRADE, 29) 'Akaba, B3 (ELATH) Alexandria, B2 (EGYPT, 72) 'Aneyzah, C3 (TRADE, 31) Antioch, B2 (TRADE, 80) Astarabad, D2

Babylon, C2 Baghdad, C2 (BABEL, 7) Balkh, E2 Baroch, F3 el-Basra, C2 (BABYLONIA, 14) Berenike, B3 (TRADE, 29) Bosra, B2 (BASHAN, 3) Bukhara, E2

Calicut, F4 Charax, C2 (TRADE, 63, 69)

Damascus, B2 Dofar, D4 (TRADE, 5)

Edessa, B2 (ARAMAIC, 11) Elath, B3 Erzeroum, C2

Garad, C3 Gaza, B2 (TRADE, 70) Gerra, D3 (TRADE, 31)

Hadramot, c4, D4 (HAZARMAVETH) Ha'il, C3 (TRADE, 50) Haleb, B2 Hamadan, C2 (TRADE, 58) Hamath, B2 (TRADE, 39) Hebron, B2 Hecatompylos, D2 (TRADE, 58) Hediyah, B3 Herat, E2 (TRADE, 58) Hermuz, D3 el-Hijr (TRADE, 31) Hofhuf, C3

Ispahan, D2 (TRADE, 58)

Jiddah, B3 (TRADE, 29) Jerusalem, B2 el-Jof, B2 (ISHMAEL)

Kabul, E2 Kaf, B2 Kane. C4 Katif, C3 Kheybar, B3 Koptos, B3 (EGYPT, 14: TRADE, 29) el-Kotseir, B3 (TRADE, 8, 29)

Ma'an, B2 (TRADE, 14) Mariaba, C4 Mecca, B3 (GAZELLE) el-Medina, B3 (TRADE, 31) Memphis, B3 (EGYPT, 47, TRADE, 10) Mew, E2 (TRADE, 58) Meshed, D2 Moscha, D3 (TRADE, 30) Miiltan, F2 Mutsawwa, B4 (TRADE, 8) Muskat, D3 (TRADE, 5) Muza, C4 (TRADE, 29) Myos Hormos (ALEXANDRIA, 1; TRADE, 29)

Nagara, C4 R. Nerbudda, F3 Nineveh, C2 Nishapur, D2 Nisibis, C2 (DISPERSION, 6; TRADE, 40)

Okelis, C4 (TRADE, 29) G. of 'Oman, D3 Ormuz, D3

Palmyra, B2 (ARAMAIC LANGUAGE, 2; TRADE) Peshawar, F2 Petra, B2 (TRADE, 14) Phasis, C1 Ptolemais Theron, B4

Rabbah, B2 (MOAB, 9) Regma, D3 Rhagae, D2 er-Riad, C3

Sabbatha, C4 Samarkand, E2 (TRADE, 58) Samosata, B2 (CAPPADOCIA; TRADE, 69) San'a, C4 (HADORAM) Seleucia, C2 Sokotra, D4 es-Soleyil, C4 Suppara, F3 Susa, C2 (CYRUS, 1; TRADE, 58) Syagros Prom., D4 (TRADE, 30)

et-Ta'if, C3 (NAZIRITE, 2) Tanna, F4 Tarsus, B2 Tebriz, C2 Teirna, B3 (MIDIAN ; TRADE, 31) Thebes, B3 (EGYPT, 56-57) Thomna, C4 Tiflis, C1 Tiphsah, B2 (TRADE, 39) Trapezus, B1 Trebizond, B1 (TRADE, 69) Tyre, B2 (TRADE, 70)

Yenbu, B3

Zeugma (SYRIA, 6 TRADE, 69) Zofar, D4

28. Egypt.[edit]

We may now indicate the physical facilities for commerce in W. Asia, and trace the main lines of trade and cross routes by land and sea. On the map the eye at once marks the following natural directions of traffic:

  • two long and navigable rivers, the Nile and the Euphrates;
  • two long narrow seas with more or less harboured coasts, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf;
  • whilst from the most westerly point touched by the Euphrates, a fertile and well-populated country, passable on several lines through Syria, stretches to the Nile Delta, with one break of desert about six or seven days march from Gaza to Pelusium.
  • Inside all these lie the great Arabian deserts, isolating the fertile Arabia Felix from W. Asia ; but even across these deserts, lines of oases and valleys, in which, though there is no cultivation, water is procurable, render passage possible by land from the Indian Ocean to the Levant.

The many routes created along and across these natural lines we shall take in order as they lie from the south northward, and we shall include the directions of traffic with India.

Egypt's inland trade, and her traffic with Nubia, the Sudan, and farther south, went up the Nile by Yebu (Elephantine, 'ivory island') and Suenet (Syene, Aswan: 'commerce', Erman, op. cit. 498-499), at which exchanges were made with the barbarians. 'It is difficult', says Erman (479), 'to find a word in the language which means to travel; the terms used were hont = to go up stream, and hod=to go down stream'. The river flows northwards ; but, as if in compensation, the prevailing winds are in the opposite direction. From Memphis by the Fayoum, or from the present Assiout and other Nile-ports, caravans reached the western oases (6acns [oasis] from Eg. uah = station).

29. Nile and Red Sea.[edit]

So far as concerned the trade with Punt, the Nile and the Red Sea, running nearly parallel for some thousands of miles, and at one point only 90 mi. apart, wonderfully supplemented each other's defects. As on the Nile, the prevailing winds in the Red Sea are from the north: in the upper half the N. wind seldom flags, and the Gulf of Suez is often stormy. The Egyptians, therefore, divided their route from the Delta to Punt and back again between the river and the sea. Their traffic southward was borne on the Nile 1 as far as Koptos, 2 and then struck E. over the desert about 90 mi. to Sauu, at the mouth of the W. Gasus, 3 a little to the N. both of the later Greek harbour Leukos Limen, 4 and the modern el-Koser (Erman, 586).

1 Naville (op. cit. 16) points out that the pictures of Ha't-shepsut's Punt expedition on Deir-el-Bahri, which show the Punt goods arriving at Thebes by ship, suggest that there was 'an arm of the Nile in communication with the Red Sea', at that time ; and that the same ships carried cargo all the way. But the picture may only intend the short passage from Koptos to Thebes.

2 To-day not Kaft (Koptos) but the neighbouring Keneh is the starting-place for el-Koser.

3 The way is almost waterless (cp above, section 9), but the present writer knows it for only a day E. from Keneh. This road was supplied with reservoirs by many Pharaohs (above, sections 9, 19 n.). It was much used for trade in the reign of Xerxes (Budge, HE 7:75) and in Roman times. It is of interest that in 1801 Major General Baird and his army took 16 days from el-Koser to Keneh (Anderson, Journ. of Secr. Exped. to Medit. and Eg., London, 1802, p. 357).

4 Also called Myos Hormos by the Periplus, 1, and by Strabo (16:4:24, 17:1:45), apparently through confusion with Myos Hormos on the Gulf of Suez. Cp Agatharchides. De Mari Erythr. in Geogr. Gr. Min. 1:167+ with Tab. 6 in Atlas.

Other harbours on the S. coast of the Red Sea were Myos Hormos at the mouth of the Gulf of Suez, about 120 mi. from the Nile, 1 probably used in the early period for sea traffic, more frequent than the land traffic, with Sinai ; the Ptolemaic Berenike due E. from Syene but usually reached by caravan from Koptos - twelve days journey according to Pliny (HN, 6:26); Ptolemais (17 riav 0>jpu)i> KaAovneVi [e toon theroon kyloumene]) : Peripl. 3) near the modern Massowah ; Adulis {2} (id. 4), etc.; with Muza and Okelis on the Arabian coast just inside the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb (id. 21+, 25+)

If we reckon by the voyages of Arab dhows, 3 it would take the Egyptian ships about a month to sail from el-Kotser to the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb. Pliny (l.c.) gives thirty days from Berenike to Okelis, but Herodotus (2:11) only forty for the voyage down the whole Red Sea. 4

30. Indian Ocean.[edit]

In the Indian Ocean the routes down the E. coast of Africa and up the Arabian coast were known and mapped in Greek times. For the African coast see the Atlas to Geogr. Gr. Min. 12. The Arabian coast route is described in the Periplus. From Okelis to Arabia Felix (Aden), to Moscha (Zofar) and the Syagros promontory (Ras Fertak) would take at least a month, with probably twenty days more to the mouth of the Persian Gulf. Thus the whole voyage from Akabah or Suez to the mouth of the Persian Gulf cannot have occupied less than three months. Thence to the mouth of the Indus and down the Malabar coast the ports and distances are described in the Periplus. For the voyage direct from Okelis, 'ad primum emporium Indiae, Muzirim', 5 Pliny (HN 6:26) gives forty days, and adds that a ship leaving Berenike about the end of July reached Muziris about the middle of October, and leaving again in the end of December or January returned to Egypt within the year. The coasting voyage from Babylonia down the Persian Gulf, and so to the Indus, may be followed in the Periplus (35+), or in Arrian's Hist. Indica (20+). 6

31. Arabia.[edit]

Coming now to Arabia, we find in the Minaean inscriptions hints, and in the Greek geographers data, of the long trade routes, which traversed the peninsula.

Sprenger (Alte Gcogr. Arab., chap. 2) describes nine of these routes, with Ptolemy's map of Arabia ; and Wustenfeld (Die van Medina auslauf. Hauptstrassen, and Die Strasse von Bacra nach Mekka ; Gott. 1862 and 1867 with maps) has laid down the routes in the N. half of Arabia from the data of the Arabian geographers.

The principal roads were those by which frankincense was brought to Syria and Mesopotamia from the Sabaean country.

Pliny (HN 12:33 ed. Delph.) gives the distance from Thomna to Gaza as sixty-five daily marches for camels. 7 The route held to Mecca, from remote antiquity a great centre of trade. There it divided. One branch turned NE. through Nejd (a present pilgrim-route) and again divided, one arm E. through el-Hasa to the ancient Gerra, or other port on the Bahrein Gulf, 8 the other NE. towards Basrah.

1 At Keneh. For the route, past granite and porphyry quarries with Greek and Roman remains, sea Baedeker's Eg.(4) 348. Myos Hormos, now Abu Sar el-Kibli, lay in the lat. of Manfalut, and from there or Assiut was about 150 mi. distant.

2 Or Adule (near Annesley Bay) the port for Axum, 120 mi. distant ; in the Gk. period the market for trade with Central Africa, 'much frequented by traders from Alexandria and the Elanitic gulf' - Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christ. Topogr. (6th cent.), Bk. 2. ET by M'Crindle, 54.

3 Cp Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Med. and Mecca, chap. 11.

4 This appears also to have been the datum of Timosthenes, the Ptolemaic admiral, in Pliny, HN 6:33 ed. Delph., where for quatridui read quadraginta dierum.

5 Muziris, on the Malabar coast, either Calicut, or more probably, Mangalore; see the Periplus and Ptolemy. For voyages to different ports in India, cp Sprenger, Alte. Geog. Arab. 98+.

6 Geogr. Gr. Min., ed. Muller, Paris, 1882, vol. 1, 284+, 332+ with Tabb. 11 and 13-15.

7 Palgrave (144) gives his day's march as twelve to fourteen hours, at about 5 mi. an hour, the ordinary pace of a riding camel. This seems even for such rather much, and freight camels certainly go more slowly.

8 Palgrave (369) gives the time for the Persian pilgrims from Abu-Shahr (Bushire) across the gulf and through Nejd to Mecca as two months.

The main branch from Mecca continued N. to Medinah (whence a tolerably watered road strikes NE. by Aneyza 1 and the Lower Kaseem to Basra on the Euphrates) and Hijr (Egra), 2 where it divided into one NE. by el-Teima (Thaima), round the northern Nefud and along the Wady Sirhan to Bosra for Damascus 3 (or to Tadmor), and another NNW. to Ma'an, Petra, and Gaza; with a branch doubtless to Elah on the Gulf of Akabah. A Minaean inscription (Glaser, 1155; Halevy, 535) mentions a caravan route from Ma'an to Ragmat, probably the OT RAAMAH (g.v.), either Pry/io [regma] on the Persian Gulf or the seat of the Po/n/naciroi [rammanitoi] of Strabo (16:4:24) near Mariaba in Saba:a. From Gerra (Ger'a), on the Persian Gulf, one route swung round by Oman to the incense country on the S. coast ; another crossed probably by el-Hasa, Nejd, and Lower Kaseem to Kheybar and Teyma for Syria (or from Kaseem crossed more directly by Ha'il and el-Jof to Ma'an; Palgrave [p. 2] gives the distance from the Jof to Ma'an at 200 mi. as the crow flies). Forder (145) gives the present population of the Jof at 40,000 (!). The town is 2 mi. long, 0.25 mi. wide; three rainfalls annually; water-supply good from deep springs ; warm sulphur springs ; clothing, cooking-utensils, coffee, etc., by caravan from Mecca, Baghdad, and Damascus. Another route across N. Arabia, probably used by Babylonian expeditions to Musri and Sinai, led from the Euphrates to the Jof and so by Ma'in to Akabah ; but the longer route given above - Basra-Aneyza-Teyma -Akabah - was easier and less dangerous. On the S., easy routes connected the interior of the Minaean territory with the ports on the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. So much for Arabia.

32. Egypt through Syria.[edit]

We have now to trace the routes from Egypt across Syria towards Damascus for the Euphrates. Of these there are in the main four.

  • 1. E. of Jordan. - The first, from the E. westward, left the Delta by Suez for Nakhl, on the plateau of Tih, and thence reached Elath at the head of the Gulf of Akabah, 4 where it joined the routes S. and E. through Arabia. From Akabah it turned up the W. el-Ithni to the E. of Edom (Israel's track) and struck Ma'an (where it crossed the route Mecca to Petra). From Ma'an it is ten journeys to Damascus (Doughty, Ar. DCS. 148); the present Hajj route keeps to the E. of Moab, to avoid the deep canons (for routes through Moab, see MOAB, 8) to Kal'at ez-Zerka, on the upper waters of the Zerka, the biblical Jabbok. Thence it holds due N. to Rimthehand el-Muzerib, thence upon the west of the Leja to Damascus. An older branch struck from the Zerka NE. to Bosra (to which other routes came up from Arabia), Kanatha, and so by the E. of the Leja to Damascus.
  • 2. Up the Arabah. - The second route, from Elath to Damascus, followed the great trench of the Arabah by the foot of Mt. Seir to the Dead Sea, and then up its west coast and the Jordan valley. This has great disadvantages in heat and want of water; but the traffic along it (at least as far as the Dead Sea) was considerable in the early Mohammedan period, and the same stretch of it may have been used by Jewish trade with Elath in the days of the kings.
  • 3. By Hebron. - A third line of road from Egypt through Syria - perhaps that called the way of SHUR (q.v., Gen. 16:7) started from the middle of the Isthmus, struck E. through the desert till it crossed lebel Magharah, 5 turned N. round J. Helal, crossed W. el-'Arish (from which onwards there are not a few wells and waterpits), passed el-Birein, Ruhaibeh, and Khalasa to Beersheba and Hebron (PALESTINE, 20).
  • 4. By maritime plain. - The fourth route left the Delta at Pelusium or some station near the present el-Kantara on the canal, for Rhinokolura (el-'Arish), Raphia, and Gaza - six to seven marches from the Delta. 6 Thence by Ashdod up the Maritime Plain.

1 So Doughty. For the mercantile qualities of the inhabitants, see Palgrave, 117 (Oneyza ; v. Oppenheim [2:54], Oneze).

2 Or Medain Salih.

3 Palgrave. A description of the route between the Jof and Bosra, along the W. Sirhan is given by Forder (With Arabs in Tent and Town, chaps. 5-8). It is apparently 5.5 days from the Jof to Ithera ; thence four hours to Kaf, thence 6 days to Orman, thence 1 to Bosra.

4 Palmer, Desert of the Exodus ; Trumbull, Kadesh Barnea; consult Palmer also for routes from Suez to Sinai.

5 To the N. of Jebel Yeleg : see Drake Holland s Map, PKFQ, 1884, p. 4.

6 Napoleon, Guerre d'Orient: Campagnes d'Egypte et de Syrie, vol. 2; Wittmann's Travels, 128+. Archduke Salvator, Die Karawanenstrasse von Ag, nach Syr. (Prague. 1879; ET, London, 1881).

33. Cross-routes : Tih, Negeb.[edit]

These four roads from Egypt to Syria were crossed by others from Arabia to the Levant and S. Palestine. The direction of these, across the desert of Tih and the Negeb, must have varied according to season and rainfall. This desert, so important both in the wanderings and in the trade of Israel, is in the main a high, hard plateau, the Plateau of Tih, bearing short, irregular ranges of hills, and is mostly barren, but its valleys contain alluvial soil. The rainfall in January and February is considerable, and then there is much grass. Perennial springs are infrequent ; but in the longer wadies water can nearly always be had by digging. Horses may be taken everywhere, provided camels accompany them with water-skins for the long intervals between wells (Wilson, PEFQ, 1887, pp. 38+). The ruins of vineyards and villages, with forts, in the NEGEB (q.v. ) prove that it was once easy of traverse. The most inaccessible portion is immediately W. of the Arabah and S. of the Palestine frontier - some 60 mi. N. and S. by 50 E. and W. - steep ridges, the home of the wildest of the Arabs of this region, the 'Azazimeh. This part throws the roads between Palestine and the Red Sea to the W. and E. of itself. These naturally bend to the best sources of water, of wjich we may note the following:-

  • Ain el-Weibeh 1 in the Arabah, about 80 mi. from Elath, and 30 from the Dead Sea;
  • 15 mi. N., 'Ain Hasb; 2 S. of the Azazimeh country, well-watered wadies round the famous 'Ain Kadish (KADESH, 1); but this district is so shut off by Jebel Magrah and other hills that it is not visited by through roads;
  • wells at Hathirah, Birein, el-'Aujeh, and elsewhere afford a well-watered line of travel N. and S. on which most of the routes converge;
  • N. of the Azazimeh country,
    • Ain el-Mureidhah,
    • W. el-Yemen, and
    • Kurnub.

Taking these facts with the evidence of the ancient geographers and of travellers like Robinson, Palmer, Clay Trumbull, Holland, and Wilson, we can determine the following lines of traffic across the desert of Tih and the Negeb.

1. The chief line of traffic is that which from the head of the Gulf of Akabah strikes NW. over the plateau of Tih to the conspicuous mountain 'Araif en-Nakah, 3 and bending N. coincides near Birein with the trunk road from the middle of the Isthmus of Suez to Hebron. It leaves the trunk road again near Ruhaibeh and strikes NW. on Gaza. Eor camels it is about eight days journey by this route from Akabah to Gaza. To the E. of the S. half of it, but coinciding with its N. half, are several pilgrim routes between Sinai and Gaza much used in the Middle Ages ; 4 it is ten days from St. Catherine's Convent to Gaza. 5

2. The route from Ma'an and Petra to the Negeb descends by Petra and the W. el-Abyad, crosses the 'Arabah NW. to 'Ain el-Weibeh, and thence strikes up through the hills by several branches, the best known being that which leaves the Arabah a little to the N. of Ain el-Weibeh, passes 'Ain el-Mureidhah and 'Ain el-Khuran to the great mountain barrier, pierced by the Nakb el-Yemen, Nakb ets-Tsufah (thought by some to be ZEPHATH or HORMAH, through which Israel attempted Palestine from the S. , Nu. 14:45, 21:3, Dt. l44, Judg. 1:17) and Nakb es-Sufey. 6 Still another pass to the W. of Nakb el-Yemen is said to carry a road to Gaza. On the high region to the N. of these passes the routes reunite, and, passing a little to the E. of Kurnub 1 and Ar'arah, the road divides into two, one N. of Beersheba to Gaza, the other by Kh. el-Milh to Hebron. By this road from Ma'an to the Negeb pilgrims and supplies from Gaza and Hebron meet the Hajj at Ma'an, and it is probable that from Hebron to 'Ain el-Weibeh and thence down the Arabah the same road carried the trade of the kings of Israel to Elath or Ezion-geber. 2

3. Finally, there was a less important line of traffic from Gaza along the S. frontier of Palestine and round the S. end of the Dead Sea to Kerak.

1 Robinson, BR 2:580+.

2 V. Raumer, Palastina, 480+; Clay Trumbull, Kadesh Barnea, 207 etc.

3 Another branch strikes from Akabah up the Arabah, ascends the plateau by the W. el-Beyfineh and joins the main road near W. el Ghudfighid (Robinson), S. of J. 'Araif en-Nakah.

4 For a list see Robinson, BR 1:561=

5 Felix Fabri, Euagatorium, and other mediaeval travellers.

6 Large Map to Clay Trumbull's Kadesh Barnea.

34. Palestine.[edit]

[map of trade routes in palestine goes here.]

For the main and cross routes through Palestine itself, see PALESTINE, 20, to which may be added the following :

1. From Dead Sea. - The great Arabah road and the salt deposits at the S. end of the Dead Sea were connected with Jerusalem by a route through el-Milh and Hebron, by another which left the Dead Sea at Engedi and deployed up the W. Hutsatsah to Jebel Fureidis (Herodium), or crossed W. Ghuweir and ascending W. Jerfan struck NW. to Jerusalem. The second of these is a very bad road. To-day the salt-carriers, in preference to both, follow the Dead Sea coast to a point N. of Engedi before striking up to Jerusalem.

2. Across W. range. - N. of the Dead Sea the routes across the W. range were two : first, that mentioned in PALESTINE, 20, by the Beth-horons, past the great sanctuary and market at Bethel, down to Jericho ; Ain ed-Duk on one branch of this route is probably a Philistine station (DAGON, DOCUS) of the days when the Philistines commanded the traffic on this line (it was also used by the Crusaders, who did not hold Gaza, for their traffic with Moab, Edom, and 'Akaba ; Rey, Les Colonies Franques dans les 12 et 13 Siecles : ch. 9); second, the road which, ascending NW. from Jaffa, crosses the watershed at Shechem in the pass between Ebal and Gerizim, and descends the wadies el-Kerad and Fari'ah to the ford at ed-Damieh. That the trading Philistines also used this route is certified by the presence to the E. of Shechem of a Beit Dejan - i.e., Beth-Dagon. So also Vespasian marched (BJ 4:8:1).

35. Sharon to Esdraelon.[edit]

Carmel was turned by four routes N. from Sharon.

  • (1) The most westerly follows the coast; it connected the Phoenician settlements S. and N. of Carmel, and in later times Caesarea with Ptolemais.
  • (2) A road leaves the N. end of Sharon and strikes N. by Subbarin and E. of Carmel to Tell Keimun; it is the shortest line from Egypt to the Phoenician cities.
  • (3) Another leaves Sharon at Kh. es-Sumrah, strikes NE. up the W. 'Arah to 'Ain Ibrahim and enters Esdraelon at Lejjun (Megiddo), from which roads branch to Nazareth, Tiberias, and, by Jezreel, to Beth-shan and the Jordan.
  • (4) The fourth leaves Sharon by the W. Abu Nar, emerges on the plain of Dothan, and enters Esdraelon at Jenin (En-gannim) ; for the Jordan valley and the road to Damascus across Hauran it is shorter than the route by Lejjun (cp Gen. 38:25). On these roads and their significance see HG 150+
36. S. Galilee.[edit]

The valleys of S. Galilee, disposed E. and W., carried some of the most famous roads of Palestine. These started from Akko (PTOLEMAIS).

  • (1) One struck SE. by another Beth-Dagon, 3 climbed to Sepphoris, passed near Nazareth, and descended by the W. esh-Sharrar to the Jordan at the Roman bridge, Jisr el-Mujaini, the main Roman road to the trans-Jordanic provinces.
  • (2) Another crossed by the valley N. of Sepphoris and descended on Tiberias.
  • (3) Another climbed E. probably by W. Wasriyeh, held along the foot of Upper Galilee to Ramah, from which
    • one branch descended to join a N. and S. trunk road at Capernaum,
    • whilst a second proceeded by Safed to the present Bridge of the Daughters of Jacob across Jordan.

These are probably the roads reflected in the parables of Jesus (HG 425+). The most northerly is the most natural (or easiest) route for traffic from the sea-coast to Damascus (PTOLEMAIS, 3).

1 The biblical Tamar. See 50.

2 So too, perhaps, ran one of the Roman roads between Hebron and Elath.

3 Dok of the Crusading Chronicles (e.g., L'Estoire de la. Guerre Sainte, 1897, 2:3987, 2:4071); now Tell Da'ouk or Dauk.

37. Tyre and Sidon.[edit]

More difficult roads, however, crossed the highlands behind Phoenicia:

  • (1) from Tyre, by Burj el-Alawei through the valley near Abrikha (where pavement is still found) down to the N. of Rubb Thelathln, across the Hatsbany to Banias;
  • (2) from Tyre, or
  • (3) from Sidon,
to the elbow of the Litany and so down to the Hatsbany bridge and Banias.

The importance of these roads is testified by the lines of crusading castles upon them.

38. E. of Jordan.[edit]

On the E. of Jordan (N. of Moab) the cross-routes are best illustrated by the position of the cities of DECAPOLIS (q. v. ). From the Jordan opposite Scythopolis (Bethshan) start three roads:

  • (1) one to the S. by Pella (with a variation a little to the N. ) and thence SE. over the hills of Gilead (by the lost Dion) to Gerasa and Philadelphia (with branches).
  • (2) A second climbed to Gadara, and thence along the ridge to Abila of the Decapolis, and by Abila to Kanatha or by Edrei to Bosra and Jebel Hauran.
  • (3) A third climbed from the E. coast of the Lake of Galilee by Hippos (Susiya opposite Tiberias) and crossed Jaulan and Hauran by Nawa (with variants) to Damascus.

To the N. of these ran another two :

  • (4) from the Bridge of the Daughters of Jacob by el-Kuneitrah, and
  • (5) from Banias by Kefr Hawar

- both to Damascus.

39. N. Syria.[edit]

The lines of trade through N. Syria from Damascus and Phoenicia to the Euphrates are determined by the desert, the long parallel lines of hills, and the Orontes valley. The shortest route from Damascus to Mesopotamia is NE. by the Palmyra or TADMOR oasis ; but its difficulties, due to the want of water and the wild character of the nomads, diverted the main volume of traffic through the settled country to the E. of Jebel Antsariya. Here the road from Damascus struck due N. on the E. of Anti-libanus, by Riblah, Hemessa (Homs), Hadrach, to Hamath (Hamat), where it was joined by a road from the Phoenician coast up the Leontes and down the Orontes valleys. From Hamath the routes were two : one NE. to Tiphsah (Thapsacus), 'the ford', on the Euphrates; the other, and more frequent, N. by Halwan (Haleb, Aleppo) and Arpad (Tell Arfad) to Carchemish (Jerabis), a great sanctuary and market. 1

40. Assyria; Babylonia.[edit]

From this rafts descended the Euphrates to Babylon, and a road travelled E. by HARAN [q.v.] (Harran), again a famous sanctuary and market, and Nisibis (Natsibin) to the Tigris at Nineveh. On Carchemish and Harran converged routes from Asia Minor and Armenia; upon Nineveh from Armenia by the Upper Tigris and from the Caspian by the Greater Zab and other valleys. On the Mesopotamian routes with their extensions into Asia Minor, Persia, and farther E. , see below 58 (Persian Imperial roads), 63 (Greek), and 69 (Roman). The Euphrates is navigable for 1200 mi. from its mouth, and is said to be, as high up as its junction with the Khabur, 18 ft. deep, a depth that sometimes falls, lower down its course, with the dissipation of its waters, to 12 ft. (Rogers, Hist, of Bab. and Ass. 1:271-272). The Tigris, much more rapid, and of more uncertain volume, is less fitted for navigation ; but to-day small steamers proceed as far up as Baghdad, and boats even to Mosul (Nineveh). 2 The convenience of Babylonia for trade through Elam with the interior of Asia has already been noticed. For the land routes from India to Babylon, see Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, 2:529; for the ancient sea route, Arrian's "IvSiK-r) [indike]. 20+. For both under Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, and Romans, see below, sections 56, 58, 63, 71.

1 See map to ASSYRIA.

2 From Mosul to Baghdad, by raft down the Tigris, takes from five to six days according to the state of the river; from Baghdad to Mosul a caravan takes twenty to twenty-two days (The Pioneer, May 29, 1902).


41. Periods.[edit]

In Part I. (1-27) we have surveyed the vast and intricate system of commerce which prevailed throughout W. Asia by the close of the second millennium B.C. On their settlement in Palestine, between 1300 and 1150 B.C., Israel came into contact with this system upon two of its most ancient and crowded pathways through Syria : between the Euphrates and the Nile, and between Arabia and the Levant. Before we follow the details of their gradual engagement in this system, we have to examine

  • (1) the traditions which they brought with them, or adopted from the Canaanites, in order to discover what reflection of trade these may contain (42-43).

We shall then (44+) treat of the history of Israel's own trade under

  • (2) the Judges (46-47);
  • (3) the early monarchy (Saul to Solomon, 48-51);
  • (4) the divided kingdom till the end of the ninth century (51-53);
  • (5) the eighth and seventh centuries till the fall of Jerusalem in 586 (53-57);
  • (6) the exilic and Persian Period till 332 B.C. (58-62);
  • (7) the Greek Period (63-67); and
  • (8) the Roman Period till the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus (68-81).

42. Early traditions.[edit]

It is interesting that the earliest Hebrew traditions of primitive man are - with a few doubtful exceptions - as destitute of references to trade, as we have found those in W. Asia in general to be. According to JE passages in the early chapters of Genesis, the founders of civilisation were hunters, shepherds, tillers of the soil, inventors of weapons and musical instruments, and builders of cities. There is no recognition of a special class of merchants ; nor is there any reflection of such in Israel s earliest conceptions of the Deity. This agrees with the results of an examination of other religions (sections 23-27). Certain of the stories, however, appear to take for granted the existence of commerce among early men. As in early Egypt the weaponsmith himself carried his goods abroad for sale (section 12), so the Kain of Gen. 4, perhaps the 'forger', is the founder of the first city - i.e. , market or centre of trade (see CAINITES, 5-6) - and it is possible to trace the mixed story of the Kain of Gen. 4 - an agriculturist who became a wanderer - to (among other sources) an attempt to describe the origin of commerce ; for, except for commerce, agriculturists do not take to travel (but see CAIN for other explanations). Again, some reflection of Babylon's early position as a world market has already (section 10) been suggested in the story of the tower of Babel. Whatever significance in this respect we assign to such traditions the very doubtful exceptions alluded to above - we may see in the fate imputed to Babylon a symptom of that horror of building and of cities which marks the unsophisticated nomad, and is observable among the desert-bred portions of Israel to a comparatively late period (e.g. in Amos).

43. Patriarchs.[edit]

The tales of the fathers of Israel assign to the people an Aramaean origin - that is to say, among a people, and in a land in which trade flourished from an early period (section l6). No mercantile pursuits are imputed to the patriarchs by the JE passages ; but these take for granted the existence in their days of a developed commerce (e.g. , Gen. 20:16, '1000 silver pieces'; 24:22, 'shekels' as weights; and the position of the 'cities of the plain' on a well-known knot of traffic at the S. end of the Dead Sea; cp the importance of Zoar as a trading centre in early Mohammedan and crusading times: MOAB, 9) - an assumption which the data given in Part I. (esp. sections 2-20) assure us is not anachronistic. A price paid to Abraham is estimated in the most primitive forms of currency, cattle and slaves (Gen. 20:14; cp 21:27, perhaps as blackmail). A wife is purchased with precious metals, in the form of ornaments (section 24) ; a kid is given as a harlot's wage (38:17) ; and silver is paid by Jacob's sons for corn in Egypt, and also by the Egyptians till it fails, when the price is paid first in cattle and then in land (47:14+)- Thus the JE stories of the Patriarchs present us with instances of practically every stage in the primitive evolution of money.

44. Arrival of Israel.[edit]

The passage of Israel northwards to Palestine brought them along and across ancient and much-frequented lines of commerce ( sections 31-34), whilst the traditions of their early conquests and settlements in Palestine relate their inheritance of the fruits of the rich Babylonian-Egyptian trade which, as we have seen (sections 25, 27), filled Syria on the eve of their arrival. Cp 'the goodly Babylonish mantle', '200 shekels of silver', and 'the gold ingot of 50 shekels' among the spoil of Jericho (Josh. 7:21, JE), and the Dt. tradition that besides the fruits of the long-developed agriculture of Palestine the incoming Israelites inherited 'houses full of all goods' (Dt. 6:10-11, Josh. 24:13, Neh. 9:25).

45. Distance from sea.[edit]

Yet these accounts abstain from asserting that Israel at the same time entered on the carrying trade of Canaan. Israel was confined to the hills. None of the tribes reached the sea coast except Asher, and the probably sarcastic reference in Deborah s song (Judg. 5:17) to his 'creeks' (AV 'breaches') is borne out by the harbourless character of the coast between Accho (held by the Phoenicians) and Ras en-Nakurah. The fact is that, down almost the entire length of Israel's history, a belt of foreign territory separated the people from the sea : nor did the spectacle of the sea, breaking on what was generally a lee shore, and entirely without natural harbours, excite any temptation to reach it. The first coast town taken by Israel was Joppa, and that not till 144 H.C. In Hebrew literature down to exilic times and even later, the sea is only used

  • (1) for the W. horizon,
  • (2) as a symbol of arrogance against God (Is. 17:12+ and Pss. ), and
  • (3) as a means to attempt escape from him (Am. 9:3 ; Jonah).

The word for harbour in (the late) Ps. 107:30 is a general term for 'refuge': in Hebrew there is no word for 'port', and the later Jews had to borrow one from the Greeks - limen (see HG ch. 7). Even if Ps. 107 refers to Israelites, it describes merchants, not sailors. It is remarkable that even to this day Jews, who have risen to eminence in every other department of the life of nations among whom they have settled, have never been known to fame as admirals or ship-captains, and are very seldom found as sailors (so far as the present writer knows, only in the Black Sea). 1

Inland waters. - As for inland waters : the Dead Sea was not navigated till the time of the Romans ; there were only fishing boats on the Lake of Galilee ; 2 and on the Jordan only a ferry (2 S. 19:19 [19:18]) or two [cp FORD]. Boats on the Jordan are not mentioned till the Talmud.

1 Jos. (BJ 3:9:2) mentions Jewish pirates at Joppa. There was a Jewish naval officer in the U.S. civil war ; Spectator, Jan. 3, 1003.

2 And in Greek times galleys. Cp the galley on some of the coins of Gadara.

3 The list in Judg. 1 contains a number of towns on the main routes.

46. Land traffic.[edit]

Early Israel was not so wholly shut off from the lines of land traffic which traverse Palestine. The Canaanites continued to hold positions commanding these - like Bethshan, 3 and even others (sometimes in a line) across the Western Range (Gezer, Gibeon, Jerusalem); while the Philistines entered on possession of Gaza and the S. end of the maritime plain. Still the connubium which Israel indulged in with Canaanites (Judg. 3:5-6 'substantially' J. Moore) and Philistines (Samson) certainly proves commerce. The possession of old Canaanite sanctuaries on the cross-routes would carry with it the superiority of the markets connected with them (section 24) ; thus we find Ephraim at Shechem. or the neighbouring Gilgal (Juleijil), Benjamin at Bethel, and Judah at Hebron - one of the great markets for the desert. But other tribes - gradually settled across the chief lines of through traffic - Issachar, Zebulun, and Dan; and these are the only tribes to whom any portion of OT literature that can be called early, appears to assign any international trade. Issachar, on Esdraelon, is described as the guardian of some great fair (Dt. 33:18-19; ISSACHAR, 2); and Zebulun farther W. as commanding the coast-trade (Gen. 49:13, Dt. 33:19 ; ZEBULUN) ; while some interpret Deborah's reference to Dan of their connection at Laish with Sidon (cp DAN, 3). However that may be, Dan s position there commanded one great line of traffic N. and S. and another E. and W. Further, it is interesting that some of the battles and expeditions under the Judges were on the line of these and other ancient lines of traffic - Esdraelon, Dan, Jericho (3:12+), and the route from Jordan into Arabia, Succoth, Jogbehah, on which it is Ishmaelites with ear-rings of gold (in other words traders) whom Gideon defeats (8 ; cp v. 24). There is, too, a possible mention of pearls (ma7Bjri, v. 26 ; cp Moore's note, p. 233), as well as one of purple (?). In 10:12 are mentioned the Maonites, probably the Minaeans ; even if we should read with LXX Midian, it is traders who are meant. Along with these, the reference to the disturbance of travel in the land in Judg. 5 (v. 6-7) must not be overlooked. It is interesting to note the distinction already observed between trading and non-trading communities in the case of Laish (18:7). Laish on a small scale illustrated the military carelessness which rendered (e.g. ) the great trading dynasties of Babylonia so easy a prey to the nomadic hordes who conquered them.

47. The 'Judges'.[edit]

The elements of trade in the period of the Judges must have been simple; still, we are not warranted by the data in minimising them. Salt would come from the Dead Sea, and asphalt; fish from the coast towns. That the useful metals came from the outside is clear both from their absence from Israel's earlier possessions and from the Philistine policy (1 S. 13:19) of banishing from among them the smiths. That is to say, metal-work was not familiar to the Israelites themselves; it was probably pursued, as in so many parts of Syria and Arabia at the present clay, by certain nomadic families. A little gold, probably in the shape of small rings and other ornaments, would be bought from the Arabian caravans (Judg. 8 and 10 as above) ; and silver pieces are mentioned (9:4, 16:5, 17:2+, 17:10). In exchange, the Hebrews could give their surplus wool and oil, figs, raisins, and perhaps wine (Judg. 9:13 ; cp the early use of the phrase 'every man under his own vine and fig tree' : 1 K. 5:5). {1} But the foreign character of the international trade of this period is seen in the use of gentilic names for merchants alluded to above (section 13) and in the meaning of the earliest Hebrew terms for trader (ina and ^3T = traveller). 2

1 Cp Buhl, Die socialen Verhaltnisse dcr Israeliten, 12.

2 Note the sanctuary as the treasury, and the hire of mercenaries (Judg. 9:4).

48. Early monarchy.[edit]

It is usually assumed by modern writers that Solomon was the real father of trade in Israel; yet the conditions, actual symptoms, and consequences of a considerable commerce are present from the very beginning of the monarchy - which by all W. Asian analogies, would itself be sufficient proof of the organisation and rapid increase of Israel s trade. The Philistines not only held the main line of commerce between Egypt and Phoenicia-Babylonia ; their encounters with Israel at Michmash and Gilboa (cp Bet Dejan E. of Shechem, and Dagon near Jericho, section 34) appear to imply a struggle for the cross-routes to the E. as well. In connection with Saul's earlier successes over the Philistines on one of these routes, David s praise of him, that 'he brought up adorning of gold on the garments' of the daughters of Israel (2 S. 1:24) is very significant.

In W. Asia the rise of a power like David's always means an intentional increase of commerce, of which a very good illustration is found in Palgrave s description of the policy of Telal ibn-Rasheed of Hayil, who by the security of his dominions and the surrounding desert, by liberal offers to merchants at a distance, and the introduction of good commercial families, created a considerable external trade among his people (Central and E. Arab., 93, 112, 133 [ed. 1883]). David united, pacified, and partly organised all Israel; finally threw off the Philistine yoke (and perhaps carried his power into Philistia itself) ; subdued the Canaanites who had hitherto held several of the towns in Hebrew territory; and founded a capital whose population must (as Buhl points out, p. 16) have been dependent on commerce for their livelihood. He stamped shekels used in weighing (2 S. 14:26), which we may take as evidence of other regulations of commerce. The considerable number of foreign names among his servants is partly significant of trade; but if they were all military mercenaries, we have seen (section 11) that in W. Asia the substitution of such for a native militia (ARMY, 4) - and this is the first appearance of mercenary troops in Israel (yet cp Judg. 9:4) - was always the consequence of an increase of trade. David subdued Moab, Ammon, and Edom (with command of the SE. trade routes) ; extended his influence as far N. as Hamath (DAVID, 7-9); and made an alliance with Hiram of Tyre, with whose help he built a royal house of stone and cedar. On these data, some of which are conclusive, we may assume that in David s reign trade in the real sense of the word had already begun to grow in Israel.

49. Foreign trade.[edit]

It was under Solomon, however, that, as in the building of the temple so in the organisation of a considerable commerce, the full consequences of David's policy were first realised. The mixed and much edited records of the reign of SOLOMON [q.v.] have behind all their later additions the facts, not only of an increase of wealth in Israel (1 K. 3:13), which was comparatively enormous, but also of foreign enterprises and of internal provisions for trade which can alone account for such increase. David s alliance and commerce with Hiram of Tyre were continued. Whatever historical value be assigned to the story of the Queen of Sheba s visit to Jerusalem (1 K. 10:1-13), there is at the bottom of it at least the fact of a land trade with the S. of Arabia ; whilst the inherent probability of the record of voyages down the Red Sea (on the state of the text of 1 K. 9:28, 10:11 see Benzinger) is obvious from Solomon s position between Phoenicia and Arabia and the command which his father s conquest of Edom gave him of the route to Elath. Without Solomon's aid the Phrenicians could not have voyaged from the Gulf of Akaba to Ophir. That the sailors and ships are described as Phoenician, not Israelite, proves that the story has not been at least wholly idealised by Inter writers. If Ophir, as is most probable, lay on the S. coast of Arabia (see OPHIR), {1} three months would amply suffice for the voyage there, and the expedition would be back within a year ; the datum of the record that a voyage was made only every third year is another symptom of the absence of exaggeration. It is, indeed, a difficulty with many scholars that the small kingdom of Israel had too little to furnish in exchange for the vast and valuable imports described as coming from Ophir; and the reporters are at a loss to name the gifts from Solomon to the Queen of Sheba in return for hers to him (1 K. 10:13). But it must be kept in mind that the king of all Israel could always pay in the assurance of security for the Arabian Phoenician traffic across his dominions, and that when this service, and Israel's surplus corn and oil (1 K. 6:25 [6:11] : 20,000 kor of wheat and 20,000 bath of oil annually to Hiram) and perhaps wool, failed to meet the value of the timber and other imports from Phoenicia, Solomon paid the balance in land (1 K. 9:11+).

1 The most recent proposal for Ophir is the Malay peninsula, where there are ancient and deserted gold mines. See The Pilot, Oct. 1902.

Buhl (77) thinks it doubtful that the expeditions to Ophir were undertaken for trade. But for what else could they have been undertaken ? Early Egyptian and Babylonian expeditions to distant lands had no other aim (8, third note). We have seen that some products of Europe were in Babylonian shops by 1400 B. C.; the Phoenician ships may have carried these or others to Ophir. There were also Syrian dates, and corn, the Syrian woven robes, the Tyrian purple, and Phoenician modifications of Babylonian and Egyptian art, weapons and perhaps silver; whilst we have also seen (section 20) that the early Egyptians exchanged trinkets (as civilised peoples do to this day among barbarian tribes) for the valuable products which they found in the markets of Punt. Solomon's servants may have done the same with the unsophisticated natives of Ophir; and we have seen that dates and weapons are still imported to the S. coast of Arabia (section 5). 1 K. 10:28-29 records Solomon's trade in horses. The text restored from LXX {1} is to be read: 'The export of horses for Solomon was out of Musri and Kue : the dealers of the king brought them out of Kue for a price'. Musr is the N. Syrian state of that name (MIZRAIM, 2a) ; Kue is Cilicia (see CILICIA, 2). Horses came from N. to S. in W. Asia : probably first from Asia Minor into Syria. The Hebrew text which introduces them to Palestine from Egypt, is impossible : horses were not indigenous in Egypt nor were the pastures there sufficient for breeding and rearing them for export. Yet notice the reference in Dt. 17:16 which implies that some horses came to Israel from Egypt.

50. Duties, etc.[edit]

1 K. 10:15 (see Benzinger, for the correct text) states that Solomon derived part of his wealth from tolls levied on the transit trade between Arabia and the Levant. 2 If 1 S. 8:15+ be, as is probable, of post-Solomonic date, and therefore reflect the evils of a monarchy already experienced, it is notable that nothing is said, among the taxes imposed on native Israelites, of one imposed for trade. But this will only mean that, as in early Egypt (section 11) and partly in Hayil, when Palgrave was there in 1863, the trade of Israel was directly carried on by the king himself through his servants : it was not private enterprise but part of the royal administration (cp 1 K. 10:28 'the dealers of the king'). Further, Solomon is said to have built or fortified cities on trade routes (9:17-18) : 'Gezer, Beth-horon the nether, Baalath, and Tamar in the wilderness, and all the store-cities ( y ni:2D8n ; cp CITY [/], STORE-CITIES) which Solomon had'. TAMAR (q. v) is most probably Tamara to the S. of Judah, on the route to Petra or Elath. Other signs of Solomon s far-spread commercial influence are his alliance with Egypt, which carried with it the possession of Gezer that commands more than one line of traffic (3:1+, 9:17-18); the description of his dominion as stretching from Tiphsah ('the crossing') on the N. Euphrates, to Gaza (4:24 [5:4]), with dominion over all the kings beyond the river, which can only mean commercial influence; and the datum 'the entering in of Hamath' (86:5) - i.e., the issue from Israel between the Lebanons towards the most important mart in N. Syria. There is no allusion to trade in Solomon's prayer to Yahwe (ch. 8) ; but in the exigencies of foreign trade, and the introduction of guilds or groups of foreign merchantmen we may see the cause of the multiplication of altars to strange gods in Jerusalem, especially Phoenician, Moabite, and Ammonite (2 K. 23:13). With this compare the universal custom illustrated in 21-24. [Cp SOLOMON, 4, 8-9]

1 After Wi. A T Unters. 16:8+; cp MIZRAIM, 2a ; HORSE, 1 (5) ; and, on the other side, CHARIOT, 4, n. 1. [On 1 K. 10:28-29 see also Crit. Bib., and cp SOLOMON , 8].

2 [Kittel also touches the MT ; but, like Benzinger, he may appear to some to be almost too moderate. Cp SOLOMON, 7, on the singular statement 1 in 1 K. 10:14-15, and Crit. Bib. That ani? should be read instead of 3^V is undeniable (Che.)]

51. The Aramaeans.[edit]

In David's and Solomon's time the land trade of N. Syria as far S. as Damascus was already in the hands of the Aramaeans (as we have seen, section 15) a people still in their early vigour and therefore unlikely to rest content under the commercial supremacy which, as we saw above (section 49, on 1 K. 4:24 and 8:65), Solomon had established as far as Hamath and the Euphrates. It was, therefore, from the Aramaeans that the first blow came to Solomon's wide empire (11:23); and this happened even before he had passed away. The disruption of the kingdom after his death would cause a further shrinkage of Hebrew trade from its distant extremities, as well as lead to a severe competition between Israel and Judah for the possession of so much of it as crossed Palestine. In this the N. kingdom had all the advantage: in its neighbourhood to Aram and Phoenicia, the possession of Gilead and of all the routes across W. Palestine - even that by Ajalon, Beth-horon, and Bethel, which lay just within its S. frontier. Bethel and Dan, and even Jericho, with entrance to Moab and the SE. routes, were thus in its possession. Against all this Judah, already impoverished by the invasion of Shishak, had almost nothing to offer; and Baasha of Israel sought by the building of Ramah to create a blockade against his southern neighbours (15:16-17). It was Judah's constant effort to push this frontier N. beyond Bethel (see HG, ch. 12, 'The History of a Frontier'). During peace with Israel Jehoshaphat attempted to resume Solomon's trade with Ophir; but his ships were wrecked at Ezion-geber (22:41, 22:48). These commercial ambitions had been started by Omri s commercial alliances with Tyre (in connection with which the capital of N. Israel was removed across the watershed to Shomeron, on the W. esh-Sha'ir, with its issue to the coast [16:24]; the site was purchased by Omri for two talents of silver), and with Damascus (20:34 {1}); and but for Jehoshaphat's misfortune the extent of Solomon's trade from the N. Euphrates to the mouth of the Red Sea might have been recovered. In 2 K. 5:17 mules, hitherto described only as used in riding (2 S. 18:9, etc. ), are mentioned as beasts of burden. The revolution of Jehu meant the triumph of the Puritan party in Israel, who detested the foreign idolatries which the commercial alliances of Omri's dynasty had introduced ; and Israel's trade must have shrunk with Jehu and then collapsed under the weight of the Aramaean invasions, which, with the instincts of that race, followed the great lines of traffic by Dothan (2 K. 6:13), and Aphek in Sharon (1 K. 20:26, 20:30, 2 K. 13:17), to Philistia (2 K. 12:17), and even included a siege of Samaria itself (2 K. 6:24+).

1 Aram's right to bazaars in Samaria, and Israel's in Damascus. We see from this that a conqueror earned the claim to the active and foremost part in trade between himself and his rival.

52. Advance of Assyria.[edit]

Meantime the Assyrians were gradually robbing the Aramaeans of the trade through N. Syria. Ramman-(Adad-)-nirari III (see ASSYRIA, 32) had reached the Mediterranean and besieged Damascus by the end of the ninth century. His successor opened the roads towards the Caspian and Iran. Nineveh's central position had already made her the political capital (section 10) : by 850 B.C. Syria was, therefore, now in communication with Central Asia, under the shield of one political power - the invariable cause of a great increase of commerce. Tiglath-pileser III. (745+) and his successors were to confirm and extend this empire to the Persian Gulf (over Babylonia), to the borders of Egypt and into Arabia, all before the end of the eighth century ; and by 670 Esarhaddon had taken Memphis. Thus, for the first time since the fifteenth century, W. Asia lay under one political power, yet the lingua franca which prevailed throughout was not that of her conquerors but of the Aramaeans (section 15). For the internal business of Assyria at this time, see Johns, Ass. Deeds and Documents (Camb. 1901) : a large collection chiefly of seventh century; also RP 1:139+; 7:111+.

53. Eighth century.[edit]

The advance of Assyria in the ninth century enabled N. Israel not only to recover her lost territories from Aram, but also, along with Judah, to revive her trade and carry it, through the long contemporary reigns of Jeroboam II. and Uzziah, to a pitch of wealth and luxury which the Hebrews had not before reached. The economic difference between the time of Elisha (died about 797) and Amos (fl. cir. 755) is vast; and the annals of the two kingdoms in the interval enable us to explain it. Amaziah of Judah had once more defeated Edom (2 K. 14:7); and Jeroboam II. restored N. Israel's influence from the entering in of Hamath to the Dead Sea and in Damascus (14:25, 14:28). Uzziah took Gath (2 Ch. 26:6), subdued the Arabians of Gur-Baal and the Meunim (v. 7), fortified the roads on the S. frontier of Judah (v. 10), and held Elath (2 K. 14:22). The Hebrew prophets from Amos onward bear witness to an extra-ordinary increase of trade, and to the tempers which grow with it. There is in all of them proof of the widening geographical knowledge and acquaintance with the internal life of other peoples which commerce brings. Amos himself was probably a wool-seller as well as a wool-grower, and, Judaean as he was, learned the state of the N. kingdom by his journeys to its markets, especially Bethel. 1 He condemns its covetousness and zeal for trade, which threatened the new moons and sabbaths instituted among the people when they were almost purely agricultural (8:4+). Hosea calls Israel a very 'Canaanite' - i.e., 'trader' (12:7; cp 7:8, 8:10); and Isaiah's references show that Judah was not in this respect much behind her sister: 'Judah is filled from the East and strikes hands with the children of strangers' (2:6), 'full of silver and gold, neither is there any end of their treasures ; their land also is full of horses neither is there any end of their chariots' (2:7); 'ships of Tarshish' are mentioned among the triumphs of their civilisation (7:16); caravans are described (30:6); yet, in conformity with what we have seen in other nations, trade is not noticed among the principal professions of the national life (3:1-3). Besides the texts already quoted (there are others : e.g. , Am. 4:4-5, Hos. 128) indicative of an increase of wealth, there are others which speak of the popular enterprise in building - always a sure proof of commercial prosperity (Am. 3:15, 5:11, Hos. 8:14, Is. 2:15, 9:10 [9:9], etc.; cp 2 Ch. 26:9-10). The (foreign?) name armon (PALACE, 1 [3]), hitherto used of royal castles, is applied to private dwellings (Bk. of Twelve Prophets, i. p. 33, n. 3) ; and the builder's plummet is used as a religious figure (Am. 7:7-8, cp Is. 28:16, 30:13). Again, the old agricultural economy is disturbed; farmers give place on their ancestral lands to a new class of rich men, who can only have been created by trade ; and the rural districts are partly depopulated (Is. 5:8+, Mic. 2:1-5, 2:9). The sins of trade : covetousness, false weights, and the oppression of debtors and of the poor, are frequently castigated (Am. 2:6, 4:1, 8:4+, Hos. 12:7, Is. 3:5, 3:15, 5:23, Mic. 2 and 3). In certain passages, particularly in Amos and Micah, such condemnation of the trading classes is no doubt partly due to the conservative zeal of the desert shepherd and agriculturist, against the growth of a new economy. 2 But in Isaiah this is associated with a real sympathy with the serviceableness of commerce, and appreciation of its bigness and even of its Serviceableness to religion : cp Isaiah on Cush (ch. 18), on Egypt (ch. 19), and especially on Tyre (ch. 23) 'whose merchants are princes, whose traffickers are the honourable of the earth' (v. 8), and who, although likened to a harlot in commerce with all the kingdoms of the earth, may yet bring her merchandise and hire as holiness to the God of Israel.

1 See GASm. Book of the Twelve Prophets, 1:79.

2 It is from the shepherd village of Bethlehem that Micah predicts the coming of Israel's saviour (5:1+ [5:2+]).

54. Seventh century.[edit]

The public works of Jotham, Ahaz and Hezekiah indicate considerable wealth and activity; but it must have been under Manasseh that Judah first benefited commercially by the great extension of the Assyrian empire (see above, section 52), and the comparative security of trade from the Caspian and Persian Gulf to the Red Sea and Memphis under one power. The Assyrian influence upon the ritual, and probably the literature, of Israel under Manasseh, is significant of close and frequent intercourse with Mesopotamia. Zephaniah describes the Phoenician quarter in Jerusalem, the Fish Gate, and a new or second city (MAKTESH, MISHNEH). Cp the multiplication of gates on the walls (JERUSALEM, 23-24) The most conclusive proof, however, of an increase of trade in Judah during the eighth and the seventh century is found in a comparison of the Book of the Covenant with the Deuteronomic code. The Book of the Covenant makes no provision for trade. 1 Deuteronomy contains a considerable number of regulations. To begin with, there are the regulations necessitated by the main Deuteronomic law, the centralisation of worship at Jerusalem (14:24+), which must have meant a great increase of trade in that city at the seasons of the three annual festivals (v. 26). Pilgrims from a distance had to turn some of their goods into money before leaving home, and purchase at Jerusalem the materials for sacrifice. Then there are regulations for debt (15:1) ; interest may be taken from a foreigner but not from a fellow-Israelite (23:20-21 [20:19-20]). International banking is provided for (15:6-7); and among the divine blessings to be bestowed upon the people in reward for their obedience to the Law is one, that they shall lend to many nations but not borrow - as it is phrased, they shall be 'the head and not the tail' in their trade (28:12-13, cp 28:43-44). Israelites are not to become objects of the nation's slave trade (24:7); and the enfranchise ment of any that have fallen through debt into slavery is provided for (15:12). Unjust weights and measures are condemned (25:13-16). Hired labourers must not be oppressed (24:14+). Most significant of the extreme contrasts between wealth and poverty which the trade of the eighth and seventh centuries has produced are the regulations for the treatment of the poor (15:1-11). The king is not to multiply horses or silver and gold (17:16-17), another echo of the prophetic teaching. Yet indicative as all these laws are (when contrasted with their absence from the Book of the Covenant) of the commercial development of Israel, it is remarkable that no money dues are yet prescribed for the priests (18:1-8) nor are fines permitted in expiation of murder (19:1+, 21:1-9).

1 In the Book of the Covenant there are laws of deposit (22:7), and of the lending of money (22:25) Fines are paid in shekels.

55. Ezekiel's Tyre, etc.[edit]

To the pre-exilic period, though written after the fall of Jerusalem, belongs Ezekiel's description of Tyrian commerce (26+). It opens (26:2) with an interesting epithet of the Judaean capital as the 'gate of the peoples', justified by the fact that the pre-exilic Judah lay, as we have seen, across the nearest path of the Phoenician trade with Arabia, over which Manasseh, as the tributary of Assyria, may well have held a supremacy which Josiah, in part at least, continued. According to Ezekiel Phoenician trade extended from Tarshish (27:12) and the coasts of Greece (Elishah, v. 7) in the W. to Sheba (v. 22) in the E. , and from Tubal-Meshech (cp the Moschi and Tibareni of Herod. 894) between the Black Sea and the Caspian in the N. to Egypt and Phut (or Punt) in the S. 1 Tarshish sent silver, iron, tin, and lead (v. 12); Greece, coloured stuffs (v. 7) ; the isles of the Levant, inlaid ivory (v. 6) and ivory and ebony articles (from Rodan = Rhodes, v. 15). From Ionia and Tubal-Meshech came slaves and copper vessels (v. 13) ; from Beth-Togarmah, probably Armenia, horses and mules (v. 14). Egypt furnished fine embroidered linen.(v. 7). Cypresses and cedar were to hand in the Lebanons (v. 5), and oaks in Bashan (v. 6). The Aramaeans, in command of the land trade immediately behind Phoenicia, brought a great variety of goods : carbuncles, purple, embroidery, fine linen, pearls (from the Persian Gulf) and jasper (v. 16 : see Toy's note, SBOT; cp STONES, 21 ) - evidently the wealth of the Babylonian markets - with Helbonwine, white wool and other wares from Damascus (v. 18). From Israel came only natural products : wheat, spicery. wax (MINNITH, PANNAG), honey, oil, and balm (v. 17). Arabia supplied wrought-iron, cassia, and calamus from UZAL (v. 19); saddle cloths from DEDAN (v. 20) ; 2 lambs, rams, and goats from KEDAR (v. 21) ; the best spices, precious stones, and gold from Sheba and RAAMAH (v. 22). The trading centres on the N. Euphrates (where it begins to be navigable), HAKKAN and EDEN (qq.v. round Birejik between Edessa and 'Ain-tab), Assyria itself, and Canneh or CALNO, and CHILMAD in Babylonia, furnished dyed mantles, and stuffs with skeins of wool (v. 23-24). The shipbuilders and sailors were native Phoenicians (vv. 8-9, 11) ; but Tyre had also a mercenary army (cp sections 11, 48) - Ethiopians (read w7D [KVSh = cush] for C ~tS, PARAS), Lybians, and men of Phut (v. 10). It is an imposing catalogue, and worthy of the enthusiasm of the prophet : the fruit of centuries of enterprise and organisation for Assyrian trade ; see Johns, op. cit.

1 In the close of the seventh and opening of the eight centuries the trade of Egypt, both internal and foreign, was very prosperous, especially under Psametik, Necho II., Apries (Hophra), and Amasis II. Coincident with this was the usual increase of mercenaries. Greek commerce, which had founded Milesion about 700 (Hall, Oldest Civilisation of Greece, 271) took a firm hold of the Delta. Amasis II., besides encouraeing the Greeks, entered into a close alliance with Cyrene. Cp Herodotus, 2:182.

2 Cp saddle-bags exported from el-Jof to-day ; section 4, third note.

56. Nebuchadrezzar, etc.[edit]

The destruction which Ezekiel beheld as imminent on Tyre, fell immediately. In 572, after a siege of thirteen years, Nebuchadrezzar took the island city (cp NEBUCHADREZZAR, TYRE). It was tne final triumph of a policy sustained through many annual campaigns to the Levant, designed to divert the rich trade with the E. from the Red Sea and the Arabian land-routes to the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates. Proofs of this are found not only in Nebuchadrezzar's own annals, but also in the Greek accounts of great works in Babylonia which are most probably attributed to the son of Nabopolassar. Famous as a soldier, Nebuchadrezzar was still more eminent as a builder and organiser: his peaceful labours bulk in his own records over his military expeditions. He cleared the mouths of the two great streams of Babylonia into the Persian Gulf, and deepened their channels, so that they were still navigable for sea-going vessels in the Greek period. Arrian (Anab. Alex. 5:7) reports that the ships of the Gerrhaeans (from the Arabian coast of the Gulf) sailed up the Tigris as far as Opis : and Gotz ( Verkehrswege. 151) is justified in assigning the measures which made this possible, as well as the founding of Derodotis, a port at the mouth of the Euphrates, to Nebuchadrezzar. The two great rivers were connected by a system of canals which in Xenophon's time (Anab. 24) were still navigable by great grain-ships ; the largest, the Nahar Malka, is still in use. By campaigns against 'Kedar and the kingdoms of HAZOR' [q.v.] (Jer. 49:28), Nebuchadrezzar ensured the security of the desert routes S. of Babylonia ; and he himself on one occasion used the short but difficult road from Syria to Babylon by Tadmor. Yet, these Arabian campaigns must have had as their end not so much the use of the desert routes (except perhaps to Egypt) as the diversion of the Arabian and eastern traffic up the Gulf to the Euphrates, and so to the Levant, whose coasts were now an integral part of the Babylonian empire. We have seen the Gerrhaean ships far up the Tigris : they brought incense for the temples in Babylon. 1 But sea-trade with India may also have been at this time in full course ; it has to be noticed, however, that no SILK (q. v. ) is mentioned in the commercial lists of the period. 2 From India, then, to Tarshish, and from Egypt to Central Asia (through Persia and the Mecles), the trade of the world now centred in Babylon. Hence the vast increase of the city's size and wealth so wonderful to the Greek writers (Herod. 1:178+; Diod. Sic. 2:2). The exilic passage Jer. 50 mentions its 'storehouses' (v. 26) ; its 'mingled people' and 'treasures' (v. 37); and Is. 47:15 'those that have trafficked with thee from thy youth'. Throughout these prophecies there is the same imputation of 'wisdom' and 'enchantments' and 'sorceries', which we find imputed by Israel to other commercial peoples - the 'sons of the East', the Edomites, and the Philistines. The recent discovery and deciphering of Babylonian documents from the end of the Babylonian period and the beginning of the Persian have revealed an organisation of commerce so thorough that J. Kohler justly declares it to exhibit the greatest similarity to the conditions of modern banking and exchange, and to have been the origin of the commercial system which has descended to modern times through the Greeks and Romans (Bcitr. z. Assyr. 4:430). He has given in the volume just cited a number of interesting instances (in addition to those given in Kohler and Speiser, Aus dem Babyl. Rechtsleben, etc., and Bab. Vertrage}. There were banks and banking firms (the most famous of which was the house of Egibi - cp RP 11). 'Anweisungen ('assignments', 'bills of exchange') und Zahlung des Angewiesenen an den Anweisungsempfanger waren das tagliche Brod des Babyl. Verkehrs'. Money was paid into the agencies of a bank, and by its head office or other agencies paid out again to the assignee, exactly as by our system of cheques. Discount was known. Property was pledged. In cases of sale or debt surety-ships were accepted (again cp Johns, op. cit. ). Sales were made on approval. Partnerships were formed between freemen, and between freemen and slaves - i.e., between capital and labour. Money was still reckoned by weight. The depreciation in use of metal-pieces was understood and accounted for (cp Hrozny, 'Zum Geldwesen der Babylonier', Beitr. z. Assyr. 4:546+).

57. Jews in Babylonia.[edit]

At the heart of this commercial empire the best part of the Jewish people - including its industrial classes ('craftsmen and smiths': 2 K. 24:14) - were established, and probably found a large number of their own race already intimate with, and benefiting by, the trade of the land (see DISPERSION, 4). They must have taken the advice of Jeremiah to settle into the life of their new surroundings, their comparative independence in which his letter takes for granted (Jer. 29:4+). {3} That many of them became engaged in Babylonian commerce needs no argument. After fifty years the great prophet who arose to announce to them their return, not only promised the restoration of their command of the trade from Egypt and Arabia (Is. 45:14, cp v. 3), but seems to have found it difficult to tear them from the profitable conditions of Babylonian life (cp his many calls 'to go forth', and in particular his appeal 55:2: 'Wherefore do ye weigh your money for that which is not bread and your earnings for that which satisfieth not'; cp Buhl, Soc. Verhaltn. 88, n. i). Whether few or many returned when Cyrus opened the way (see DISPERSION, 5), those who remained in Babylon were the prosperous and wealthy (Zech. 6:10+). They must have been introduced to the thorough Babylonian methods of doing business, though it is striking that (as we shall see, section 60) the Priestly Code bears no reflection of the Babylonian subjection of commerce in its smallest details to priestly regulations, nor of the temples as registering, banking, and appraising centres (Johns, op. cit. 3:254). New horizons, however, appear in Hebrew literature; and the Jews' knowledge of the world was immensely widened (GEOGRAPHY, 18).

1 Herod. 1:183 reckons the amount used annually at the chief temple of Babylon at 1000 talents.

2 The earliest mention of silk appears to be by Aristotle in the beginning of the fourth century.

3 Cp the present writer's 'Is. 40-46' 57+; Nikel, Die Wiederherstellung des judisch. Gemeinwesens nach dem babyl. Exil, 1900.

58. Persian empire.[edit]

With the rise of the Persian empire all these processes, from Babylon as the centre, were quickened and extended (DISPERSION, 6). The conquests of Cyrus in Asia, and of Cambyses in Africa, were thoroughly organised by themselves and their successors and chiefly by Darius Hystaspis before 515. The empire was divided into provinces and the policy was to connect these by as speedy means of conveyance as were possible. Some of the ancient lines of traffic were made into solid roads, capable of carrying two- and four-wheeled carriages, and new lines were opened up, especially through Iran to Eastern and Central Asia. The greatest of all the roads for which we have now exact data was that from Susa the capital to Sardis ; see the careful survey and argument of Gotz (Die Verkehrswege, 165-184). He reckons the distance at sixty-five daily stages, which with eight days of rest on the way occupied seventy-three days in all.

The road led NW. from Susa, past the now deserted Nineveh, crossed the N. stretches of the Tigris, and the Euphrates (the latter a little to the N. of the later Samosata) and so through Cilicia by Ancyra to Sardis, whence it was a short journey either to Smyrna or Ephesus.

Another road from Susa led N. by Ecbatana (Hamadan) to Rhagae (close to Teheran) where, in the ninth century after Christ, lay the Levant market for Chinese silk ; 1 thence to Hekatonpylos 2 (probably the present Shahrud: Gotz) where it divided into one branch by Magaris (Merv) to Marakanda (Samarcand) the capital of Sogdiana, and another to Herat.

A third road from Susa led E. to Persepolis and Aspadana (Ispahan). Susa was, of course, directly connected with Babylon, from which the land road up the Euphrates was freshly laid down and furnished with bridges over the canals.

Greek sources (Xenophon and Herodotus) give us for the first time exact data for this ancient line of traffic between Babylon and the Gulf of Issus (above, sections 39-40)-

It was 8 days from Babylon to Hit, thence 20 to the mouth of the Habur, thence 5 to Tiphsah or Thapsacus (Rakka) where the road crossed to the S. bank of the Euphrates, thence to Balis 3, to Aleppo 3, and to the coast 4, or 43 in all (not 73: Gotz, 190) from Babylon to the coast.

From the coast the Phoenicians, according to Marinus of Tyre (Gcitz, 190), carried their goods to Hierapolis (Bambyke) near the Euphrates, and thence direct to Ecbatana and Hekatonpylos for the Central Asian markets. There was also a road from the Gulf of Issus to Tarsus (12 days); thence through Cilicia to Iconium (see further Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor}.

Persian roads were, according to the Greeks, well supplied with stations, furnished with horses and khans for travellers (Herod. 5:52, 8:98), and with a government service of swift couriers (Id. and Xen. Cyrop. 8:18), 3 which is said to have accomplished the distance between Susa and Babylon in a day and a half, and that between Susa and Sardis in 10 (Gotz, 198). Cp Esth. 3:13, 8:14. Whilst the Persians thus organised and accelerated the land-traffic, they suffered the water-traffic, developed by Nebuchadrezzar (section 63), to fall into disuse. Nebuchadrezzar's port at the mouth of the Persian gulf decayed, and it is even doubtful whether the Periplus of Skylax (Geogr. Gr, Min. 1, ed. Muller) round Arabia to the Red Sea occurred as asserted in the time of Darius (thirty months is the time assigned to it). See Gotz, 203+. Darius attempted, without success, to carry out the plan, which Necho II. is said to have initiated, of connecting the Red Sea with the Nile (Herod. 2:158, 4:42). {1} Further, we have under the Persian kings the first appearance in W. Asia of MONEY (q.v. ) in the true sense (see also WEIGHTS AND MEASURES). The present writer has purchased several darics and also silver coins of Sidon under Artaxerxes Ochus which were found in N. Palestine.

1 Heid, Gesch. des Levantehandels im Mittelalter, Stuttgart, 1879, 1 p. 2 : in French (much enlarged), 1885-1886.

2 Up to Hekatonpylos it was good for carriages, Gotz, 186.

3 Cp ayyapeveti/ [haggareuein] in NT from ayyapos [haggaros], Herod. 8:98, a Persian word = courier.

59. Post-exilic Judaism.[edit]

The trade of Syria must have enormously benefited by all this policy of the Persian kings; not only in the security ensured - though this was not perfect (cp the note of Ezra on the journey from Babylonia to Jerusalem: Ezra 8:21-22, 8:31) but also in the means taken by the satrap of Memphis for furnishing the desert route between Gaza and the Delta with water (Herod, 3:46). Incorporated in the Persian empire, and still without rivals in the Delta, the Phoenician ports continued to flourish (cp their coinage of Aradus and Sidon under Persia; Head, Hist. Num. 666, 671). Damascus and Gaza flourished with them; but Gotz (164) is wrong in adding to this list Jerusalem, to which we now turn. The destruction in 586 had reduced Jerusalem and her people to the 'off-scouring and refuse in the midst of the peoples' (Lam. 3:45). Her 'breach was great like the sea' (2:13); the luxury of former days had become starvation (4:7+, etc.); the people had to buy even their wood and water (5:6, cp vv. 9, 13). The Edomites and Arabians recovered the transit trade. The exiles who returned in 537 were a weak and starveling community. The statement that they bought for the temple timber from the Tyrians who brought it to Joppa in return for meat, drink, and oil (Ezra 3:7) belongs to the less authentic portion of the Book of Ezra, and seems a reflection of Solomon s trade. It is difficult to see how the hunger-bitten colony raised wine and oil for export. Haggai and Zechariah tell a different story. There was no hire for man or beast (Zech. 8:10); no thrift (Hag. 1:6); a blight lay upon agriculture (ib. 1:11). The silver and gold were still in the hands of Yahwe (2:8), and other nations had not yet brought their 'desirable things'. Timber for building the temple was hewn by the Jews themselves in the neighbouring hill-country (1:8). What gold and silver arrived in Jerusalem came as contributions from rich exiles in Babylon (Zech. 6:9+). Agriculture was only partially resumed; its prosperity was still, after twenty years, a thing of promise (Zech. 3:10). In Malachi there is no reflection of trade. The connubium practised with the surrounding heathen and semi-heathen implies, of course, a certain amount of local traffic ; and this would gradually increase with the resumption of Jewish life in 'the cities of the Negeb' (Neh. 11). Nehemiah pictures corn, wine, grapes, figs, etc. , brought into Jerusalem from the country (13:15+), and fish sold by the Tyrians (13:16); on the Sabbath the gates have to be closed against these traders (13:20). But there was no through traffic, as in olden times. Indeed, according to Ezra 4:20, one of the objections made by the enemies of the Jews against rebuilding Jerusalem was that it would resume the customs and toll which were formerly imposed by Jewish kings and made them great - a very interesting glimpse into the pre-exilic trade of Judah. The Jews were themselves subject to the general imposts of the Persian kings (Ezra 4:13, 4:20, Neh. 6:4) who, however, in pursuance of their usual policy, exempted from duty the goods required for the temple (Ezra 7:24 ; see EZRA-NEH., 5). In spite of their poverty the Jews, with the new horizons which the exile and the increased extent of the trade of their Phoenician neighbours opened to their eyes, indulged vaster hopes than ever of the mastery of the world's trade. Not only would the wealth of Arabia return to them (Is. 60:6-7: Midian, Sheba, Kedar, Nebaioth) ; the new coasts of the West should send them tribute (60:8-9) ; from foreigners and the sons of the Diaspora alike (60:9-17). It is remarkable that in this passage Jerusalem, the mother of far-scattered and wealthy sons, is represented, not in her inland, secluded position, but as standing on the seashore, the abundance of the seas and the wealth of the nations drifting to her feet (60:5 ; cp G. A. Smith, Bk. of Isaiah, II. ). Contrast the picture given above, 45. So much had the Persian roads and Phoenician ships achieved in the scattering of trading Jews, and the widening of the mercantile hopes of the people. On Is. 65:11 see FORTUNE.

1 On the various canals and attempted canals with this aim, see Budje, HE 6:219-220, 7:63-64.

60. Priestly Code.[edit]

At this point we may conveniently take the attitude to trade of the Priestly Narrative and Code. Between these two in this respect there is a distinction. Whilst P's stories of primitive man are as destitute of any reflection of trade as those in JE (section 42), its narratives of the patriarchs contain more allusions to commerce than JE does. Abraham, bargaining in the usual oriental fashion, 1 buys Machpelah for 400 silver shekels (Gen. 23:15-16); Hebron is thus pictured as it always was - a market and 'harbour' for the nomads to the south. The treaty with Hamor (34:8+) covers settlement, connubium, and commerce - the last definitely stated (vv. 10, 21). The distances of the marches in the wilderness are suitably given, not in the daily stages achieved by traders, but in those (4 to 6 or 7 mi. ) of nomad camps (Nu. 33). The rich offerings for the tabernacle imply a people of far trade as well as one skilled in handiwork (Ex. 25:3-7, etc. ; cp the oblations of the princes in Nu. 7). Incense is for the first time mentioned in the Hebrew ritual (Ex. 30:22+ etc.; cp Jer. 6:20); along with sweet calamus (REED), myrrh, CINNAMON, storax (?), ONYCHA, GALBANUM. On the other hand, the Priestly Law is very meagre in references to trade ; puzzlingly so in contrast with Deuteronomy (above, section 54), when we consider the intervening residence in Babylon. The laws against fraud in money matters, loans, and deposits (Lev. 6:1+), and false measures and balances (19:35+), are similar to the warnings of post-exilic prophecy. There are laws for the selling of land (25:14-15, 25:23+), against interest (v. 36), and concerning foreign and native slaves (v. 39 : H ; cp Dt. 23+). No ransom is allowed for the life of a murderer (Nu. 35:31). On transactions necessitated by the restorations of the Jubilee Year, see Jos. Ant. 3:12:3. But these are almost all that have to do with commerce. Unlike those of Deuteronomy, the blessings and curses pronounced in connection with the Law contain no reference to trade (Lev. 26). The priests value land (etc. ) used for sacred purposes (Lev. 27) ; but their revenues, unlike those of Babylon and Egypt, appear to include none derived from trade (Nu. 18). The religious feasts (Lev. 25+) are purely agricultural ; there is no inclusion of the directions for farmers at a distance selling their produce and buying material for sacrifice at the central sanctuary, such as we saw in Deuteronomy (section 54). On the whole, the comparative silence of the Priestly Code as to trade is to be explained either by the effort of the compilers to hold themselves to the wilderness conditions, or else by the sadly diminished trade of the post-exilic Jews as compared with the com merce which flourished in the deuteronomic period. On the monetary standards of P, see SHEKEL, 3-4

1 Forder (With Arabs in Tent and Town, 219+) illustrates the details of Abraham's purchase. 'In buying land from the Arabs some such terms as the following; are used:- " A buys from B land in such a place, also all that can be seen on the land, trees, and stones, also all that shall be found under the ground." This custom makes Abraham's action very understandable'.

61. Other post-exilic literature.[edit]

The Book of Joel (about 400 B.C.) reflects a purely agricultural community with no resources when their harvests fail. Their children are the victims of the Phoenician slave-trade to Ionia (3:6 [4:6]): they shall have revenge some day in selling Phoenicians to Sheba. Instead of commanding the transit trade, Jerusalem is unwillingly overrun with foreigners (3:17 [4:17]). Cp Zech. 14:21: 'no more a trafficker in the house of Yahwe'. We have here traces of the feeling against association with foreigners, which the new legalism continued to enforce through subsequent centuries, and which must have seriously hampered any revival of trade in Judah. Compare the account which Palgrave gives of the effect of the Wahabi religious rigour on commerce.

Of course, there were other tempers in post-exilic Judaism, and these appear in the Wisdom literature. With all its reproof of greed of gain (1:19, etc.), the Prologue to Proverbs employs the methods and tempers of commerce to illustrate the ideal of man's search for, and intercourse with, Wisdom (3:14, 8:2+, 8:18+; cp 23:23). Like so much else in the Books of Wisdom, this also reappears in the parables of Jesus (below, section 79). The temptress in Prov. 7 is the wife of a merchantman on a long journey ; it is interesting that, at the present day, among the Syrians of Lebanon, such immoralities are almost entirely confined to the wives of men trading abroad. We see in this another cause of the dislike of conservatives in Israel to trade ; cp Pr. 27:8 : 'as a bird wandering from her nest, so is a man that wandereth from his place'. There is also in the Prologue the strong warning against suretyship (6:1+). But its most striking feature is the recognition of the highest divine Wisdom as identical with that which appears in the common ways, bazaars, traffic, and concourse of men.

In Job the references to trade are very few. The land of Liz is on the path of the men of Sheba ; they are represented as marauders (1:15). Mention is made of desert-journeys of the caravans of Teyma, and the companies of Sheba (6:18-19); of the Egyptian ships of reed (9:26); of (gold of) Ophir and silver as the reward of righteousness (22:24, 28:16; contrast 31:24); of beryl, sapphire, gold, glass, coral, crystal, pearls, and the topaz of Ethiopia (28:16+; see STONES, PRECIOUS) - an interesting list of what, at the time the book was written, were regarded as precious metals and stones; and in 28:1+ there is the vivid picture of mining, and in 21:29 an appeal to the wide experience of travellers. As a whole the book shows a knowledge of the far world and its wonders, only to be derived from the situation of the writer on the line of a widespread commerce.

In Ecclesiastes there is hardly any allusion to trade among all the ambitions and labours of men : but see 2:8 : 'I gathered silver and gold and the peculiar property of kings and princes I made for myself'.

Apart from the prologue, the Book of Proverbs probably reflects the life of many centuries in Israel; yet even here the possible references to trade are proportionately few: warnings against suretyship (11:15, 17:18, 20:16, 22:26, 27:13), false balances(11:1, 16:11, weights and balances are the work of Yahwe, 20:10, 20:23), bad ways of gain (11:18), greed of gain (16:27 ; it brings bad luck to a house : jj"sa Jt£*@ eia irva l^ay; 28:20, 28:22, 28:25), the withholding of corn (from the market?) (11:26), and sluggishness in business (22:13 : the reference is to the bazaars); some satire on oriental methods of bargaining (20:14), notes on the helplessness of the debtor (22:7), on wealth from wisdom in trade (24:4), and on the deep contrasts between rich and poor and the woefulness of poverty which appear only in commercial communities (19:47, 22:7, etc.). 26:10 is an obscure verse on hiring. The picture of the strong woman portrays her searching for wool and flax; she is like 'a merchant ship that bringeth goods from afar; she perceives that her merchandise (/5%iTino) is profitable' and she delivers the linen and the girdles made by her household to the Canaanite - i.e., Phoenician pedlar or trader - a glimpse into the home-industries of Israel (31:13-14, 31:18, 31;24).

62. Summary: end of Persian epoch.[edit]

By the end of the Persian period (about 340) the trade of the civilised world reached the following limits. In the east the Persian roads were in communication with India, and it is extremely probable that the Chinese silk, 'Seric stuff', which the Greeks found in 325 in Afghanistan, was already there. The Arabian land routes were still regularly used. CINNAMON came from the east beyond Media, and GALBANUM from Persia (?). In the south the Egyptians, if it is not certain that they had circumnavigated Africa (in Necho's time), were at least in communication with the E. coast of Africa (so much basis must we allow to the story), traded with Nubia, with the W. oases, and Cyrene. Egypt began to send large supplies of corn across the Mediterranean (Diod. Sic. 14:794). In the N. the Greeks had opened up the Black Sea ; in the W. and NW. the Phoenicians had long exploited the mines of eastern Spain and the Rhone region with its communications with N. Gaul and perhaps Britain. They had also penetrated the Atlantic, whilst Carthage had reached Lake Tchad and the Niger. Massilia was a flourishing depot, soon to send out Pytheas (about 300 B.C.) to the sources of amber round the Baltic (cp AMBER, 3), and to the N. of Scotland (for the truth of the tale see Gotz, 291). How far across this enormous sphere of communication Jews were scattered it is impossible to say - probably everywhere in the Persian empire as traders and settlers, and in Greece, Italy, and Carthage as slaves (cp Joel, as cited in beginning of section 61), some of whom might regain their freedom, and, like their kind, take up some form of industry or commerce. Except in the Semitic names of slaves, and in a tale told by Aristotle, and reported by Claudius of Soli (Jos. c. Ap. 1:22; cp Frag. Hist. Graec., ed. Muller, 2;323), Jews do not appear in Greek literature before the very end of the fourth century B.C.

63. Alexander and successors.[edit]

With the conquests of Alexander the Great a new epoch began in the trade of the world. The land-traffic which the Persians had developed was sustained and their roads extended eastward. There was little change in the lines of traffic ; but new cities were founded upon them - e.g. , LAODICEA ; and both Alexander and the Diadochoi increased the speed of marching (Gotz, 191, etc.). The Persian neglect of the rivers (section 58) was rectified; Alexander cleared the Tigris of its dams and weirs, founded a new port at its mouth, Alexandria, later Charax, and redug the canals. The foundation of Seleucia on the Tigris was a great blow to Babylon, which began to decay. For reasons why the Tigris displaced the Euphrates as a line of route, see Gotz, 411+. On sea the changes were enormous. Hitherto the Phoenicians had encountered powers whose resources were confined to the land, to whom their sea-power was indispensable, and by the growth of whose empires the trade and wealth of Tyre and Sidon only the more increased. But the Greeks were a people who were of equal maritime capacity with themselves, and had long been preparing for the mastery of oriental trade by their occupation of the sea-boards of Asia Minor, and their settlements in the Delta, 1 who had fleets, and knew how to found new harbours and establish colonies. Alexander rivalled his land march to the Indus by the naval expedition which he sent back from there up the Persian Gulf, thereby reopening (if not for the first time founding) direct maritime communication between India and Babylonia (Geogr. Gr. Min. ed. Muller, 1).

1 There were Greek mercenaries, soldiers, and scribes in Egypt under Psametik, and Greek settlements and trade since Amasis.

It was, however, his foundation of the Egyptian Alexandria which made the greatest change, and in this Tyre and Sidon found their first successful rival. For with the exploration of the Red Sea, already intended by Alexander and carried out by Ptolemy II., and the founding of new harbours - at Arsinoe near Suez, Leukos Limen near el-Kotser, Berenike, and others (see above, section 29), there was opened a new route (or an old one was re-opened) to S. Arabia and India which must have drawn away some proportion of the land-traffic through Arabia and the sea-traffic up the Persian Gulf, on which Tyre and Sidon depended. 1 The Greeks had now a line of their own from Europe to Hindostan all the way on sea except for the small stretch of land-traffic through what was now a Greek kingdom. Alexandria was its main depot and exchange ; and in proportion as Alexandria flourished Tyre and Sidon grew less. The doom, therefore, which Zech. 9:1+ saw imminent upon Hamath, Hadrach, Damascus, Tyre, and Sidon was pregnant with more than the merely military overthrow which is all that the writer seems to perceive in it. As the Seleucid power grew, the Phoenician ports and Damascus found themselves threatened by northern in addition to their southern rivals. The growth of ANTIOCH (q. v.) has always meant the diminution of Damascus (HG 643, 647, and article 'Antioch' by the present writer in Hastings' DB); and the new Seleucid ports in N. Syria must have diverted the Euphrates trade from Tyre and Sidon. The usual result of a wealthy commerce appears in the large mercenary armies of the Seleucids (e.g. , Jos. Ant. 12:10:1, and other passages).

1 For Ptolemy II.'s policy in regard to trade, and the trading expeditions he sent, see the inscription on the Stone of Pithom in Naville, The Store-city of Pithom, etc., also l. 12 of the Philae inscription of the same king (translated by Budge, HE 7:209+). The trade of Egypt was very prosperous under the Ptolemies, and the consequence is seen in the apparently inexhaustible wealth of that royal house. Their mercenary armies were always easily raised; their expenditure on buildings was enormous. Of late years a considerable number of commercial documents of the Ptolemaic and Early Roman period have been discovered in Egypt. Those given by Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt (The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, pts. 1 and 2; Fayum Towns and their Papp.; etc.) comprise appeals for justice against trade defaulters, bankers receipts, acknowledgements of loans, declarations of sales, and registrations of contracts, sales, loans, mortgages etc. for which registration there were special officials in each nome.

64. Nabataeans.[edit]

One of the earliest of the Seleucid campaigns was that undertaken in 312 B.C. and repeated later against the NABATAEANS (q.v. , cp Schur. GVI 1 app. ) who had become possessed of the seats of the Edomites, and had already filled Petra with wealth derived from the transit trade. The new Red Sea commerce did not wholly destroy the land-traffic in Arabia ; and the Nabatteans successors - both to the Aramaeans, whose language (though themselves Arabs) they adopted, and to the Edomites - made themselves masters of all the routes from Teyma and Egra (Medain Tsalih) (the S. limit of their inscriptions) to the Persian Gulf, Babylon, Damascus, Gaza, Elath, and Egypt (sections 29-33). But they had also industries of their own. The first appearance of SE. Palestine in Greek letters is made by the Dead Sea as a source of asphalt ; and it is to the Nabatasans that Diodorus Siculus (248) ascribes the collection of asphalt and its conveyance to Egypt. The Seleucid campaign of 312 had had for one of its aims the possession of the Dead Sea and its asphalt (Diod. 19:100). The Nabataeans must also have grown dates, and, when they came into possession of Hauran, wheat sufficient for export. These with camels, the Arabian incense, coral and pearls from the Gulf, alkali, medicinal herbs, and what proportion of goods from Africa they were able to draw to Elath, would form their exports to the W. Their port for this was the harbour of Gaza, with perhaps Anthedon - other new rivals to Tyre and Sidon. The Nabataeans were land traders; but three of their inscriptions from the first decade of the Christian era have been found in Puteoli and Rome (CIS Pt. 2 vol. 1, Nos. 157-159).

65. Jewish trade.[edit]

These then were the new commercial currents within which the Jews lay during the Greek period. The contests of the Diadochoi must at first have ruined trade in Syria. Soon we find Jewish settlers receiving civil rights from the Ptolemies in Alexandria and from the Seleucids in Antioch and other N. Syrian cities. These settlers were probably for the most part merchants. There was constant intercourse between Jerusalem and Egypt and N. Syria - both Greek powers bade for Jewish friendship by granting at various times remission of dues on goods into Jerusalem (e.g., Jos. Ant. 12:3:3), or by regulating trade to suit Jewish religious laws (ibid. 12:3:4). The financial abilities of individual Hebrews found individual opportunity in the farming of the Syrian taxes for the Greek kings and were great enough to form almost legendary stories (id. 12:4:7; cp Schurer, ET, 2:1:160). Thus the nation grew in affluence (Jos. Ant. 12:4:10). Ecclesiasticus finds it necessary to make many warnings against fraud in trade (especially 26:20+, cp 37:11 and 7:15; 8:13, 29:4+, 29:14+, 41:18, 42:3). Then came the overthrow of Jerusalem by Antiochus Epiphanes (169 B.C.), and the bitter struggles of the Maccabees during which, at first, Jewish trade must have been utterly destroyed. We read of merchants (probably Phoenician) accompanying Syrian troops against Judaea to purchase the captives (Ant. 12:7:3). The friendliness of the Nabataeans to the Jews is noted twice (ibid. 12:8:3, 13:1:2).

66. Maccabees.[edit]

In the campaigns of Judas and Jonathan the regard paid to lines of trade and conspicuous centres upon them is manifest ; the wonder is that it has not been noticed. Bacchides fortified Jericho, Bethhoron, Emmaus (13:1:3); then Jonathan garrisoned Michmash (13:1:6); the three toparchies which Demetrius the younger presented to the Jews were all necessary to the command of trade; they were accompanied by remission of dues on saltpits, etc.; as soon as Jonathan cleared Judaea of the Syrians he took Ashdod and made treaties with Ashkelon and Gaza (13:5:5). Then he turned against the Ammonites and the Nabataeans, while Simon fortified a line of places as far as Ashkelon, and broke to the sea at Joppa (13:5:10). How much this meant for the commercial ambitions of the little Jewish state is seen in the eulogy on Simon, 1 Macc. 14:5 : 'With all his glory he took Joppa for a haven, and made an entrance to the isles of the sea'. At last Judah had a port. Beside it the small river harbour of Jamnia (JABNEEL) was also occupied, and Gezer fortified in connection with both. The increased wealth brought about by these means is seen in the rebuilding of Jerusalem which followed (Ant. 13:5:10). In 142 B.C. Simon set Judaea free from Seleucid tribute, and commercial documents were dated from that year (13:6:7). Jewish coinage began. The campaigns of Judas into Gilead had not been so successful in restoring communication between the Jewish settlements there and Judaea - he had to bring the Jews away with him (1 Macc. 5) - whilst between Galilee and Judaea lay Samaria (Ant. 13:10:2+) which John Hyrcanus subdued, and opened the way to the S. desert routes by Hebron through the subjection of the Idumaeans (13:9:1). When Simon appealed to the Romans it is significant that he asked for the restoration of 'Joppa, the havens, Gezer, and the springs (? of Jordan)' (ibid. 13:9:2). During the subsequent years of peace John amassed an immense sum of money (ibid. 13:10:1) ; in so barren a land as Judah it must have come from trade and dues on trade. Josephus reports as much as 3000 talents in money, deposited in the tombs of David (BJ 1:2:5). Tombs were a usual place of deposit. Aristobulus added part of the Ituraean country (Ant. 13:11:3) with the entrance to the Hamath route (cp HG 414, n. 4) ; but it is in the campaigns of Alexander Jannaeus that we see most proof of commercial ambitions. He took Gadara (?), Raphia, Anthedon, Gaza (which was disappointed in help from its Nabataean ally Aretas; Ant. 13:13:3), Moab, and Gilead (but had to give them back to the Nabataeans; 13:14:2), held Samaria (13:15:4) with its command of routes to the coast, and made a treaty with the Nabataeans (13:15:2). The lines of positions held by Jannoeus as laid clown by Josephus are very significant ; first along the coast from Rhinokolura to Straton's Tower (afterwards Caesarea) and then through Esdraelon from Mt. Carmel by Tabor and Bethshan to Gadara with a number of cities E. of Jordan (13:15:4). Both he and his widow aimed at Damascus (13:16:3). Later, the Nabataeans retaliated by a siege of Jerusalem (14:2:1) ; Josephus describes them as no very warlike people (ibid. 3). All the later Hasmonaean kings 1 had mercenaries in their army - another sure proof of their commerce.

67. Jews and Greeks.[edit]

Meantime Jewish settlements abroad increased in all the great towns ; but they do not appear to have excited remark from the greatness of their trade. Their business, except in the case of a few prominent individuals, must have been petty and parasitic. The Nabataeans appear better known to the Greeks, whose earliest notices of the Jews are confined to their hatred of men (Posidonius of Apamea, born about 135 B.C., Fr. Hist. Gr., ed. Muller : through Diod. Sic. 34, fr. 1 ; Apollonius Molon a teacher of Cicero, Fr. Hist. Gr. 111:213; cp Eus. Praep. Evang. 9:19). Apollonius also charges them with making no useful invention (quoted by Jos. c. Ap. 2:15). With the civil rights granted to them in so many large cities (Jos. Ant. 12:3:2, etc.), however, they must have risen to considerable commercial power, especially in Antioch, Alexandria, and Gyrene (for the last cp Strabo quoted by Jos. Ant. 14:7:2}. The Jews of Asia Minor deposited in Cos 800 talents, about 292,000 (see Reinach's n. 2 on p. 91 of his Textes d'auteurs Grecs et Rom. relatifs au Judaisme).

1 Josephus (BJ 1:2:5) says that John Hyrcanus was the first to have mercenaries.

Roman period.[edit]

We now pass to the last of our periods - the Roman. The effects of Roman policy on the trade of the world were more revolutionary than those of any of the empires which preceded them, and may be summed up under the following five heads :-

68. Rome.[edit]

(i.) The centre of trade was shifted from W. Asia to the other end of the Mediterranean and fixed at Rome. This was rendered inevitable: politically by Rome's rank as the capital of the Roman state; commercially by the Phoenician and Greek exploitation during the previous periods of the W. Mediterranean, N. Africa, Spain, and Gaul; geographically by the position of Rome well down the great Italian promontory, which runs so far out upon the Mediterranean, with its attendant isle a day's sail from N. Africa, and its SE. cape a few hours from Greece. Even in Republican times Rome s central character had been assured both by the roads which gathered to her from all parts of the peninsula, and by the sea-traffic which filled her harbour of Ostia or came up the Tiber to herself (even triremes and penteremes reached the city under the Republic, and under Augustus ships of 78 tons ; Gotz, 319).

69. Roman Roads.[edit]

(ii. ) Above all the nations which preceded them, the Romans excelled in the making of long lines of firm roads - first in Italy, towards Gaul, and Spain, and then, as their empire extended, to the middle of Scotland in the N. , and to the farthest borders of Mesopotamia and the Arabian province. By Cassar's time sixteen paved roads led into Rome -the oldest the Via Appia S. by Capua with branches to PUTEOLI (APPII FORUM, THREE TAVERNS), RHEGIUM (q.v.), and Brundisium. From Dyrrhachium (another branch from Apollonia) the great route to the E. made for THESSALONICA with a continuation to Byzantium. For the Roman system of roads through Asia Minor from Byzantium, Ephesus, and Smyrna, see Ramsay, Hist. Geog. As. Min. and the summary with map in Miss Skeel's Travel in First Century after Christ (Cambr. 1901); also ASIA, CAPPADOCIA, CILICIA, EPHESUS, GALATIA, LAODICEA, PHRYGIA, SMYRNA, etc. From Asia Minor to the Persian Gulf the lines were little altered from those of the Greek period (section 59). The Euphrates was bridged at Samosata, and there was a bridge of boats at Zeugma (Bir) (Tac. Ann. 12:12). From the Euphrates as from Byzantium the Pontus was more easily reached. Antioch grew in influence as a knot of trade-routes. 1 The road by Palmyra to the Euphrates was more frequently used. Charax was still the port on the Persian Gulf. The distances were approximately these:-

  • From Tarsus
    • to Antioch 5 to 7 days;
    • thence to Zeugma 6;
    • thence to Seleucia (Ctesiphon the Parthian capital) 23 or 24;
    • then to Charax 13;
  • Seleucia
    • to Artaxata (for Central Asia) over 32;
    • to Trapezus (Trebizond) over 40;
  • from Antioch
    • by Emesa (Homs) to Palmyra 9 days;
    • thence to the Euphrates at Circesium 5 or 6
    • (to Vologesias, lower down the river, 16, and thence to Charax 29 or 30);
  • Antioch to
    • Damascus 7 to 9;
    • thence to Palmyra 5 or 6;
  • Bosra to Charax across the desert 5 to 6 weeks;
  • Damascus
    • to Petra 9 days,
    • to Gaza 7 (at least);
  • Petra
    • to Gaza not less than 5;
    • to Elath 3 or 4;
    • and to Leuke Koine 11 or 12.
  • Gaza
    • to Pelusium was 6 or 7 days (Gotz 5);
    • Pelusium to Alexandria, 5 or 6 by land, 1 to 2 by sea;
  • Alexandria
    • to Babylon (later Cairo) 4,
    • to Arsinoe (Suez) 6,
    • to Cyrene 20. {2}

In Syria and Palestine the ancient routes were followed with no important variations ; and here we must remember that, with the possible exceptions of a few short stretches in the neighbourhood of the Coloniae and other centres, none of the characteristic Roman roads were laid down till the times of the Antonines, nor, so far as the present writer has been able to examine them, was the structure consistently so perfect as in the Roman roads of Italy and the W. (for these latter, see Gotz, 322-323; and Skeel, 45). Along these roads an imperial service of post-horses and carriages was developed by Augustus; later known as the 'cursus publicus', which civil officials, returning or emigrating veterans, and of the soldiery all who carried special passes, had the right to use. Each of the mansiones or chief stations was supplied with an inn, {3} stables, and about forty horses; the intermediate mutationes had about twenty (Gotz, 336+; cp Skeel, 4+). The variety, capacity, and speed of wheeled vehicles was greatly increased; and it is to the Romans that we owe the first real development of the carriage of goods on wheels, though pack animals, camels, mules, asses, and even oxen, were still generally used (cp Jos. Vit. 21:26). Horses, mules (cp Horace's journey to Brundisium, Sat. 1:5), and asses were employed for riding. On the breeding of horses, for different purposes, the Romans bestowed great care. The security of the roads was a constant matter of trouble to the provincial governors. In semi-independent principalities (as we shall see under the Herods, section 75), brigandage was always more rife ; but even under purely Roman government it frequently reappeared. Yet, on the whole, the security of land-travel at the beginning of the empire had immensely improved : cp Strabo, 6:42 ; Pliny, HN 27:1, who calls the 'immensa Romanea pacis', 'majestas, velut alteram lucem . . . rebus humanis'.

1 Josephus (BJ 3:24) reckons it the third city of the Roman empire.

2 Calculated from the Antonine Itinerary and the Peutinger Table ; Gotz, 424+ gives slightly different calculations. Titus took only 5 days to march from Pelusium to Gaza : BJ 4:11:5.

3 For inns, used mostly by poorer travellers, see Jos. Ant 16:5:1.

70. Mediterranean.[edit]

(iii.) At sea the greatest change was the reduction of the whole of the Mediterranean under one political power. Then followed its clearance of pirates, first by Pompey and then by Augustus (who also cleared the Red Sea from the same pest). The consequence was an enormous increase of the Mediterranean traffic, which is described by many writers of the period in glowing terms (Juvenal, 14:278+, 'the sea as thronged as the land'; Philo, De Leg. 21: 'filled with merchantmen'). Perhaps the most significant illustration is found in the contrast between the Hasmonaean princes, who, till after Jannaeus, never set foot on shipboard, and the Herods who were constantly passing to and from Italy. See below, 75. But this applies only to the summer season; ships were laid up (even in the middle of a voyage) from November to March. Philo (De Leg. 29) explains the exceptional character of a winter voyage (cp Jos. Ant. 16:2:1). {1} The size of the ships was considerably, and their speed somewhat, developed. War-vessels and the lighter (mostly private) passenger ships carried many oars ; cargo-transports had but a few oars, chiefly to turn the head of the ship in its tacking, and depended on sails. They also carried passengers: Josephus went to Rome in a ship with 600 souls on board (Vit. 3); and over 200 were reckoned on Paul's ship (Acts 27:37; see, however, SHIP, 8). For a further description see Skeel, 81+.

The three principal ports on the Mediterranean were Rome (with Ostia and Puteoli, the latter the goal of the grain ships from Egypt), Alexandria, 2 and Carthage. Smyrna with the Asia Minor trade, as well as some from Central Asia, came next. Delos was the great centre of the slave trade; Strabo (14:5:2) mentions 10,000 slaves there. Rhodes maintained the flourishing condition ascribed to it by Ezekiel (27:15): it lay on the Alexandria-Byzantium-Black Sea line. THESSALONICA (q.v. ) had grown since the time of Alexander, and now increased through its connection with Dyrrhachium. Byzantium commanded the Black Sea, though much of the traffic from the E. portion of this went by land across Asia Minor. Corinth and Athens rather fell behind ; but Corinth grew again under Trajan. On the Syrian coast Berytus, a colonia of Augustus, grew into prominence (see below, section 75); PTOLEMAIS (q.v. ) became the chief port for Rome - especially for the soldiery, but also for commerce; and Herod founded Caesarea (75); Gaza and, to a lesser degree, Anthedon still flourished with the Nabataean trade from the far E. The importance of Tyre and Sidon was, therefore, relatively (though not absolutely) diminished.

Strabo (3:2:5, 10:4:5, etc.), Pliny (HN 15:29, 19:1, etc.), Acts (20-28), Lucian (Navig. 1-6), and others, furnish us with data as to the time occupied by Mediterranean voyages. If we take the sea from W. to E. , from Gades to Ostia was 7 days, from Carthage 2 to 3, from Puteoli to Alexandria 9 days, from Athens to Smyrna 2.5. These may be taken as express or even 'record' voyages. For cargo boats with favourable winds we may add 25 to 50 p.c. Even when storms did not intervene, it must have taken the grain ships of Alexandria well on to a fortnight to reach Puteoli. From Cyprus to Tyre and Sidon (to judge from the voyages of mediaeval galleys) 24 hours would suffice; the Syrian ports were mostly within 12 hours of each other. But the uncertainties were great. Herod sailing from Alexandria to Pamphylia was driven by a storm, with loss of the ship's cargo, to Rhodes, where he built a three-decked ship and sailed to Brundisium for Rome (Jos. Ant. 14:13:3). Lucian, who reached Cyprus from Alexandria in 7 days, took 63 more (having been driven to Sidon) to reach the Piraeus (Navig. 1-6). For winds on the Mediterranean, see Pliny, HN 2:117+; Smyth's Mediter. 230+.

1 Cp Jos. BJ 7:1:3 (last clause).

2 Cp Jos. BJ 4:10:5. See, too, The Mediterranean by Admiral Smyth (London, 1854), pp. 27, 46.

3 This was partly due, of course, to the obstructions to trade raised upon the Mesopotamian and Persian Gulf route to India, by the rise of the Parthian empire and its frequent wars with Rome. Had the Seleucids continued to hold all Mesopotamia, the trade down the Red Sea in the Ptolemaic period, and the consequent wealth of the Ptolemies, could not have been so great as it was.

71. Trade with India.[edit]

(iv. ) The trade down the Red Sea and across the Indian Ocean was immensely increased; 3 and indeed it is to this period that we owe the first approximately exact data with regard to it ( Strabo, 60 B.C. to about 21 A.D; Pliny the elder, 23-79 A.D.; and the anonymous Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 1st cent.; Ptolemy, fl. circa 140). But even though the discovery of the 'monsoons' was attributed to Hippalus, of the time of Augustus, we must not suppose that these had not been employed by navigators in earlier periods (above, section 17). The E. coast of Africa was known as far as Madagascar. The way to India was fairly opened up (Horace, Epp. 1:1:45-46). Ceylon had been known before the geographer Pomponius Mela (about 150 B.C.), and now, with its markets for the farther E. , became quite familiar (Strabo, 2;1, Ptol. 7:3); an embassy came from it to Claudius (Plin. HN 6:24:5). The time required from the Malabar coast to Alexandria was 90 days. The Tiber and the Indus were thus less than 3.5 months distant. P;iny (HN 12:41) estimates that every year 'India, Seres, peninsulaque', - i.e., Arabia - withdraw from the Empire 100,000,000 sestertii (about £885,416 [in edwardian prices]). When Strabo went up the Nile with Aelius Gallus he learned that 120 ships left Myos Hormos (? Leukos Limen ; see 29, n. 4) for India, as contrasted with 'extremely few under the Ptolemies' (Geogr. 2:5:12). Yet these regular voyages did not destroy the Arabian land-traffic. For reasons for this (e.g. , the preference of the age for land-routes and the loss to the value of incense and spices when on the sea), cp Gotz, 436+ We are now able to appreciate the growth, under the Romans, of Alexandria. The bulk of the Indian trade passed through its warehouses, as well as that from inner Africa. Besides its exports of Egyptian grain, paper, linen, and glass to Rome, it sent proportional quantities (except of grain) to Syria, especially to Antioch, and in times of famine supplied Syria with food-stuffs. These were also brought thither from Cyprus. 1

72. Law, money, language.[edit]

(v.) The civilised world found itself for the first time under a common system of law - administered with western consistency; and even a maritime law began to exist. With the law there spread a common coinage. Less extensive was the use of the Latin language. Except in the names of the coins, official designations, and a few other terms, it did not in W. Asia displace Greek ; the Periplus is written in Greek, the harbours on the Red Sea continue to have Greek names. We shall see a similar state of affairs among the Jews.

73. Summary.[edit]

Thus though the Romans, unlike the Phoenicians, and the Greeks, did not increase the bounds of the known world, for they were not explorers they reduced it to peace, and by this and their thorough administration of every department of life, enormously increased its commerce and wealth. The life of the world is everywhere found in the most rapid circulation, against the throng and change of which voices from an older day appeal in vain. The mixture of nationalities on all the main lines and centres is bewildering. Wealth and luxury increase by leaps and bounds.

1 The Crusaders also used Cyprus as a base of supplies; L'Estoire de la. Guerre Sainte, 2100+, 2367+.

74. Antipater.[edit]

The Roman arms came into touch with the Jews on the arrival of Pompey at Damascus 64-63 B.C. Among the first results were several which are properly commercial. The Greek cities E. of Jordan had been founded on the main trade routes with a connection by Scythopolis with the sea. Under Roman protection they were able for the first time to carry out a trade-league, such as was already instanced by Greek cities in Europe. See DECAPOLIS, 1-2. Pompey also appears to have been attracted by the trade of the Nabataeans (Jos. Ant. 14:3:3-4), with whom, as we have seen, the western world was already more familiar than it was with the Jews. An expedition to Petra ended in a treaty with the Nabataeans (ibid. 14:5:1). Josephus (ibid. 14:4:1) also notes already the palms and balsam of Jericho. Gabinius rebuilt cities on trade lines which had been destroyed (14:5:3). The policy of Antipater (cp HEROD, FAMILY OF, 2) included treaties with N abatreans, Gaza, and Ashkelon (14:1:3-4, 7:3), and he supplied the army of Gabinius with corn, weapons, and money (14:6:2, cp 14:5:1). The wealth not only of the temple, through the contributions from Jews of the Diaspora, but also of Jerusalem and Judcta as a whole, was considerable (14:7:1-2 with quot. from Strabo). A limited freedom from taxes was granted to the Jews (14:8:5, 14:10:6; cp 14:10:10), and Hyrcanus was allowed the dues on corn (20,675 modii every year) exported through Joppa to Phoenicia (14:10:6). The Senate restored to the Jews possessions taken from them by the Phoenicians (14:10:6).

77. Herod.[edit]

Herod's earliest efforts (cp HEROD, FAMILY OF, 3-5) as governor of Galilee were directed towards the dispersion of brigands (9:2, 15:4) who made the conveyance of even the necessaries of life a difficulty (16:2). From the first Herod continued, and after each of his reverses he renewed, the policy of his father. When he sought a loan, it was to the Nabataeans that he turned (14:1; BJ 1:14:1): he sought their friendship ; but on the extension of his power E. of Jordan, he and they became bitter rivals (16:9:2). When Antony had given Cleopatra the revenues of Jericho, Herod farmed them for her (15:4:2). He got the coast-towns from Caesar, with Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria (all trade centres, 15:7:3); and having fortified and embellished Samaria, he created, 25 mi. distant from it at Straton's Tower, CAESAREA (q.v.), the one real port between the Delta and Ptolemais (15:8:5, 15:9:6). Thus the line across the Samarian mountains was in his hands ; at its farther end lay Phasaelis (and in the next reign Archelais) with palm-groves reaching to Jericho, and easy fords across Jordan, commanded probably by the fortress Alexandrium (Jos. BJ 1:65; Strabo, 16:2:41 ; cp HG 352+). Further, Herod built ANTIPATRIS (on the line Caesarea-Jerusalem as well as on the inland route N. and S. over the maritime plain) (16:5:2), and greatly improved the fertility of the Jordan valley (ibid.). The trade of W. Palestine, at least S. of Carmel, thus lay in his hands ; at Gadara, and Hippos, and Jericho he intercepted the trade of E. Palestine, but there his hold was precarious and temporary ; whilst at Gaza he held the tolls for Arabia via Petra, and for Egypt. Herod mightily increased his opportunities, both of wealth 1 and of expense, by his many voyages to the W. (see above, section 70):

  • (a) to Rome, Anf. 14:14:2+, and back to Ptolemais, 14:15:1;
  • (b) to Italy for his sons, 16:1:2;
  • (c) to Ionia to M. Agrippa, 16:2:1;
  • (d) by Rhodes, Cos, Lesbos, Byzantium, to Sinope, to Agrippa, returning through Asia Minor to Ephesus and thence by Samos 'in a few days to Caesarea', 16:2:2-4;
  • (e) to Italy to accuse his sons, and back by Eleusa, off Cilicia, and Zephyrium, 16:4:1-2, BJ 1:23:4;
  • (f) to Italy (? Ant. 16:9:1);
  • (g) to Berytus to the trial of his sons and back to Caesarea (16:11:2+).

Herod was able to estimate the resources of his countrymen of the Diaspora, and no doubt to draw upon these in return for services rendered them (e.g. , 16:5:3). He also received, among other imperial donations, the revenues of copper mines in Cyprus (16:4:5). But, on the whole, as Josephus points out (16:5:4), Herod's expenditure constantly exceeded his income. He would send money and provisions for the imperial armies, and provide water (no doubt with the help of the Nabataeans) on the desert marches between Egypt and Palestine (15:6:7), and an auxiliary 2 regiment (e.g. , 15:9:3). His lavish gifts to foreign cities resemble the donations of an American millionaire (16:5:3). At home, besides rebuilding the temple in eighteen months (15:11:1), and constructing other public edifices on a western scale (15:8:1, etc.), he had to bring corn from Egypt, not only for bread for the cities of Jerusalem, but also for seed for the peasants on the occasion of a famine (15:9:2). While, no doubt, his policy increased the trade of his dominions, he must at the same time have hampered trade by his growing exactions. On this Josephus speaks cautiously but emphatically (16:5:4); cp the complaint of the Jewish embassy to Augustus after the accession of Archelaus (17:11:2) {l} and the many seditions both in Herod's life-time and later (17:10:4+).

1 Cp the large sums obtained later by the Pseudo-Alexander from Jews in Crete and Melos (Ant. 16:17:12).

2 Herod's foreign mercenaries are frequently mentioned; e.g., BJ 1:18:3.

76. Procurators, later Herods.[edit]

Commercial events and processes under the Roman procurators, or under the descendants of Herod (see HEROD FAMILY OF, 6-13). do not call for special mention, beyond these facts. Herod Antipas by his domains in Perea was brought into special relations with the Nabataeans and the Decapolis ; and his building of Tiberias must have increased the traffic of Galilee. The policy of Agrippa I was milder towards the Jews than that of Herod; his revenues were about three-fourths of Herod's (19:8:2). He sailed from Anthedon for Alexandria, and thence to Puteoli (18:6:3). The completion of the works on the temple created a large number of unemployed for whom work had to be found (20:9:7) - a striking instance of the complications brought into Jewish life by the Hellenic policy of the Herods. Josephus gives an interesting account of the trade, wealth, and finance of the Babylonian Jews (18:9 ; 20:2:3). Queen Helena of Adiabene brought food from Egypt and Cyprus for Judaea during a famine (20:2:5). As the troubles with Rome drew to a head (from 60 A.D.), brigandage increased (20:5:4, 20:8:5, 20:9:3+, etc.).

77. Syrian trade.[edit]

As to the conditions of Syrian trade in the first Christian century, we may say, in general, that it suffered everywhere for periods, and in some of the more desert parts always, from robbers; 2 and that, besides the exactions noted, it was greatly hampered, especially among the Jews of Judaea, by the strictness of the Law, and above all by the provisions relating to the Sabbath and to things clean and unclean (for a list of these see Schurer, GJV, ET, 2:2:96+, 2:2:106+). The Sabbath prohibitions reflect almost wholly an agricultural people ; yet those against writing and carrying and putting a value on anything on the Sabbath (ibid. 2:2:102) must have made trade on that day impossible except by desperate subterfuges. The laws against unclean things affected trade more deeply ; for trade everywhere brought Jews, in any large ways of doing business, into contact with the Greeks and other foreigners. In spite of themselves, however, Hellenism poured into their life through commercial channels. For the very large list of trading terms and names of objects of trade borrowed by the mixed Hebrew of the time from the Greek language, see Schirer, GJV, ET, 2:1:33-34, 2:1:36+. Inns, different names for dealers, foreign provisions and materials for dress, some raw stuffs, and vessels for eating, carrying, etc., are Greek. So with some of the coins ; the rest are Roman (PENNY, etc.); but the superscription - for the Greek cities had their own coinage with Caesar's image - was mostly in Greek. The large number of very small coins in use (ibid.) betrays the great poverty of the bulk of the population. Yet, here and there, very rich individuals outside the official classes were found (e.g. . Ant. 14:13:5).

1 He embellished foreign cities at the expense of his own; and 'filled the nation with poverty'.

2 Under the procuratorship of Cumanus they seized the furniture of 'a servant of Caesar' on the Beth-horon Road (BJ 2:12:2; cp 2:18:36).

78. Objects of trade.[edit]

It is easy to form an idea of the objects of trade. The transit trade from Arabia to the Levant and from Egypt to N. Syria, avoided Judaea (hence the ambition of the Herods for coast-towns from Gaza northward), but was frequent and heavy across Galilee, especially between Ptolemais and the Greek cities beyond Jordan. Josephus (Vit. 26) describes the wife of Ptolemy, the king's procurator, as crossing Esdraelon with '4 mules' lading of garments and other furniture; 'a weight of silver not small', and '500 pieces of gold'. 1 Palestine continued to export from the Jordan valley dates and the balsam of Jericho (the passages already cited from Jos. Ant. ; {l} Diod. Sic. 11:48a; 1998:4 ; Dioscorides 1:18; Plin. 12:25; Theophr. Hist. Plant. 96). Whether the flax of Beth-shan, later so famous ('Totius Orbis Descr.' in Geogr. Gr. Min., ed. Muller, 2:513+), was already grown there is uncertain. Wheat and oil were also exported to Phoenicia; but, lavish as Josephus describes the fertility and agriculture of Galilee to have been, it was not thence but from Egypt and elsewhere that Judrea brought her food and seed in times of famine. In 66 A. D. John of Gischala had the monopoly of exporting oil from Galilee, by which he made great sums of money (BJ 2:21:2). Josephus mentions artificial snow (BJ 3:10:7). There was also exportation of pickled fish from the Lake of Galilee, as far as Italy (Strabo, 16:2:45). Taricheze, the chief port on the Lake, means 'pickling-places'; Josephus describes it as full of artizans and of materials for shipbuilding (BJ 3:10:6). The temple of Jerusalem was, even on ordinary days, an immense centre of trade; incense, spices, 2 priests garments, and the supplies for the daily sacrifices (cp Schur. Hist. 2:1:269, 2:1:298) alone necessitated enormous markets, largely in the hands of the priesthood (Keim, Life of Jesus, ET, 5:117-118). The temple-finances - not only the sacred revenues 3 but also private deposits 4 - were managed by special officials (Schur. id. 261). All this business was heightened enormously at the time of the great festivals - when food (largely pickled fish from the Lake of Galilee and the Levant) had to be supplied for the incoming multitudes; and no doubt much private business also was transacted. Among the traders of Jerusalem, Josephus enumerates those in wool, brass, cloth (BJ 5:8:1), timber (2:19:4), and all kinds of artisans.

1 Also BJ 1:6:6; cp Hor. Ep. 2:2:184. For the farming of the groves by the Romans, see W. Pressel's Priscilla an Sabina.

2 'Sweet-smelling spices with which the sea replenished it': BJ 5:5:5. There were thirteen kinds.

3 BJ 2:3:3, 6:5:2.

4 Such are mentioned in BJ 1:13:9, 4:5:2, etc. There were also the public treasures (cp section 66) held in the royal palace (BJ 1:13:9, 4:3:4), where also business contracts were deposited (2:17:6).

79. Trade in the Gospels.[edit]

In the NT there is a considerable reflection of all this life. The Gospels, relating large catches of fish in the Lake, which must in that climate have been immediately cured, are curiously silent about the conveyance of the fish for this purpose by the Jewish fisherman to the Greek curer. But of other business, so thriving in Galilee, they give us many glimpses. One of the disciples keeps toll on the transit-trade at Capernaum (Mt. 9:9). Many of the hearers of Jesus are publicans PUBLICAN). Zacchaeus was probably farmer of the state revenues of the balsam gardens of Jericho. The use of the objects, means, and tempers of trade by Jesus is very instructive (cp above, on Proverbs, section 61). The parables reflect the roads and journeys, mostly of Galilee but also of Judaea : a merchant seeking goodly pearls; a Samaritan traveller, rescuing a Jew fallen among thieves, and paying for him at an inn; the prosperous farmer and his new barns; the woman with her little store of silver; the rich man and his steward; the farming of estates to husbandmen by absentee landlords; and other of the economic relations of the time. In the light of what we have seen in previous periods (sections 11, 48-49), it is interesting that the Parable of the Pounds imputes trade to kings through their servants. From the early Pharaohs to the Herods trade had always been a royal business. And the teaching of Jesus is full of appreciation of the bigness of its methods and of the brave tempers required in it (Mt. 13:45-46, Lk. 16:9+). He frequently likens to its pursuit the search after the true riches. At the same time his warnings are many against covetousness and the temper of the trading Gentiles. Galilee was a place where a man might gain the whole world and lose his own soul. The temple courts had become a fraudulent market - the house of God a den of thieves.

80. Acts and Epistles.[edit]

On the social life of the early Christian societies see COMMUNITY OF GOODS, DEACON, etc. The progress of the new faith was along the lines of trade and in the great trade centres - LYDDA, JOPPA, CAESAREA, ANTIOCH, DAMASCUS, the cities of ASIA MINOR, THESSALONICA, CORINTH, ROME. Paul worked at his own trade (Acts 18:3, 20:33+), and other commercial pursuits are men tioned among the early Christians ('Erastus the treasurer of the city', Rom. 16:23; 'Alexander the coppersmith', 2 Tim. 4:14; Zenas 'the lawyer', Tit. 3:13; 'Simon a tanner', Acts 9:43; Lydia 'a seller of purple', 16:14; Aquila and Priscilla, like Paul, tentmakers, 18:3). The Apostolic letters, however, contain, besides the general warnings against covetousness, extremely few references to trade, either for illustration or warning:- Jas. 4:13+, 5:1+, 1 Thess. 2:9, 2 Thess. 3:8 (Paul's own example of industry), 1 Thess. 4:11, 2 Thess. 3:9+ (exhortations 'to do your own business and to work with your hands . . . that ye may walk honestly towards them that are without and may have need of nothing'), Rom. 13:7+ (taxes, and debt), 1 Cor. 7:30 ('those that buy as though they possessed not'). The fewness of such references is the more conspicuous when the many passages on the relations of masters and slaves are contrasted with it. The lifting of the burdensome law from the lives of the Jewish converts to the new faith must have given them fresh advantages in trade; cp Peter's vision at Joppa, 1 in which the sheet, let down from heaven, full of things clean and unclean, has been compared to the sails of the merchant ships in the roads visible from the Joppa house-tops (see HG 141-142), 'What God hath cleansed call not thou common' (Acts 10:9+). We may take for granted that the rise of Christianity had far-reaching economic effects - e.g., upon the fortunes of certain trades (cp the outcry of the Ephesus silversmiths, Acts 19:24+), and still more deeply - as in parts of India to-day where a rise in wages has been known to follow the adoption of the new faith - upon the wage-earning slaves and freedmen.

81. Book of Revelation.[edit]

In the Book of Revelation the peculiar traders of LAODICEA (q.v. ) are referred to. On the mark, the name of the beast, which gave license to buy and sell (13:17), see the commentaries. In the picture of Rome, Babylon the Great, as in the prophet s account of her namesake of old, her vast trade is included : Rev. 18:3, 'the merchants of the earth waxed rich by the power of her luxury'; v. 11, 'the merchants of the earth weep and mourn over her, for no man buyeth their cargo'. Then follows a list of her imports. Compared with those assigned to Tyre and Babylon by the prophets, there is nothing new except SILK (q.v.) ; but note the emphasis in v. 13 on 'bodies and souls of men'. Rome's fall means the destruction of commerce and industry (18:15-23). With this acknowledgement of Rome as the centre of the world s trade, we may finish our survey of the Roman period. In the prophecy of her fall there may be traced a just sense of the precariousness of her commercial, apart from her political, position. Less than a couple of centuries saw the gradual disappearance of her trade to other positions naturally more fitted to attract it.

1 For a description of Joppa, see Jos. BJ 3:9:3.


82. Terminology of trade in OT.[edit]

An account of the terminology of trade among the Israelites will complete our survey, by giving a number of names both of agents and processes not touched on in the preceding history. The appended list is as nearly as possible exhaustive so far as the OT is concerned. It ought to be noted that a great many of the terms and phrases given are used only metaphorically; yet, in the case of nearly all of these, the metaphorical (generally a religious) use implies a previous direct employment in common life. The list presents many points of historical interest of which the following may be summarised by way of preface to it.

i. The OT terms are all Semitic. Down to the Greek period there are in fact no others - none of Egyptian and none of Persian or Indian origin. This is the more striking in that so many of the names of articles and objects which trade introduced into the Hebrew vocabulary are Egyptian or Persian - plants, raw materials, garments, etc.; and that from their Persian masters Israel also adopted a number of political terms. That none of the agents or processes of trade even in the Babylonian and Persian periods are of non-Semitic origin is clear proof that till the advent of the Greeks the trade of W. Asia remained in Semitic hands (witness the dislike of the Egyptians to trade, section 12) and that all the foreign commerce of Israel was achieved through Semitic tribes or nations who spoke a Semitic tongue ; further evidence that the non-Semitic PHILISTINES (q.v. , 5-6), with whom the early Hebrews did so much trade, had adopted 'the lip of Canaan'. As soon as the Greeks come to Syria we perceive a change : the purely Semitic words for trade and trader are displaced in MH by Greek terms; and there is a great influx of Greek names for specialised forms of trading, and for the articles and objects of trade (see above, section 77; also HELLENISM, 5).

ii. The OT terms all belong to the common Semitic stock and are native to Hebrew except in the case of a small number borrowed from the Assyrian probably through the Aramaean (e.g. , ,-no, f3t), and these are chiefly in P and the post-exilic writings. Of course, some others may be of Phoenician or Aramaean origin ; but this it is impossible to prove.

iii. There is clear evidence in the OT terminology of a gradual growth and organisation of commerce in Israel. For

  • (a) the number of terms, and the frequency of the instances of each increases from Dt. onwards and rapidly in P and Ezra-Neh.
  • (b) Especially are there more words for 'property', 'wealth', 'substance', or at least these occur more frequently;
  • (c) terms of general significance (ny, ips, and the like) have specially commercial meanings attached to them in the later writings;
  • (d) the shades of meaning increase in the case of some words, or the various processes (cp 'valuation' and the like) are carefully differentiated;
  • (e) the mention of deposits of money becomes more frequent;
  • (f) old processes of a primitive type are displaced by more formal and by written deeds; cp the sale of land in Ruth 4 with that in Jer. 32;
  • (g) and yet in spite of all this, Hebrew trade remains somewhat simple; there is, e.g. , no mention in the OT of a trading company.

83. Detailed vocabulary.[edit]

The Hebrew names for trade, traders, and merchants, and for the various processes and conceptions included under trade are as follows :

(a) National names specialised to mean traders. {1}

  • 1. kena'ani, 3_5?33i 'Canaanite' or 'Phoenician', means 'trader' in Job 40:30 [41:6], Prov. 31:24 (but LXX QOIVIKOIV [phoinikoon], Xarawuois [chananaiois]). There is a plural form with suff. J J^JS in Is. 23:8; and in Zech. 11:7, n Mjy p is, after LXX, to be read ":j;j3 with the same sense. In Hos. 12:8 North Israel is described as a jyj^ (LXX ai/aoi/ [chanaan]); in Zeph. 1:11 JJH? DiT>3 is probably used of the mercantile population of Jerusalem generally (LXX nas o Aaos Xavfav [pas o laos chanean]); in Ezek. 16:29 (LXX om.) and 17:4 (LXX{BQ} Xavaan [chanaan], LXX{A} XaAoaiwv [chaldaioon]) Chaldea is called a 'land of !yi]' - i.e., 'trade', (cp. CANAAN, 2 [and on the text critical questions arising out of the passages referred to, cp. Crit. Bib.]).
  • 2. medanim, D np for midyanim, C JHC> Midianites, Gen. 37:28, 37:36, and
  • 3. yishme'elim, D ?Myp0)i 'Ishmaelites' (Gen. 37:25, 39:1), may also (as we can see from a careful observation of these passages) have been used in the sense of traders. On the other hand there is no provable connection (tempting as it might bo to suppose one) between 3 iy [ARB] in its sense 'to do trade' (see below) and 31 u [ARB] Arabians.

1 These have been alluded to already, section 13.

(b) Names for Traders and Trade in General - For these the Hebrews used four terms, the radical meaning of all of which was the same: viz., 'to go about':- -irtD, ^3-1, iin and -w. Of these the first three when applied to trading are practically synonymous.

  • 1. s-h-r, -inD (cp Assyr. saharu 'to turn round'; Syr. 'to go about as a beggar': in MH 'to go about as a pedlar'), in the OT used exclusively (with metaphorical applications) of travelling, making circuits or tours, for trade : Gk. ^jropeueo-eai [emporeuesthai] by which LXX renders it. {1} Gen. 42:34 (JE) of the right to trade in tgypt granted by Joseph to his brethren, Gen. 34:10, 34:21 (P?): nnnp 'traverse, or trade in, it' - i.e., the land. Jer. 14:18: metaphorical of prophet and priest, 'trafficking' (LXX iuopevO^av [eporeuthesan]). The pt. soher (7nc) is one of the usual terms for 'merchant', LXX efXTropos [emporos]. Gen. 37:28 (JE) 'men, Midianites, merchants'. 1 K. 10:28 (|| 2 Ch. 1:16) 5ennnb: either the Israelite agents through whom Solomon did trade with the N. Syrian Musri and Kue, or (more probably) horse-dealers of those lands who traded with his agents; cp Is. 47:15 -"ini not 'thy native merchants' but 'those (foreigners) who trade with thee', Babylon (cp LXX). Ez. 27:36: 'the merchants among the peoples'; 38:13: 'the merchants of Tarshish'; 2 Ch. 9:14: 'the chapmen and merchants'. Other phrases:- Ez. 27:21: 'the merchants of thy hand'; Gen. 23:16 (P): 'money current with the merchants' (int) 1 ? naj; r2); cp KESITAH; Prov. 31:14 : -liflD rVJN (sic) 'a merchant-ship'; Is. 23:2: 'the merchants (LXX jm6Ta/36Aot [metaboloi]) of Sidon that pass over the sea'. The fem. pt. sohereth (nnnc) is used of cities, etc. - Tarshish, Aram, Damascus - trading with Tyre; Ez. 27:12, 27:16, 27:18. Derivatives:
    • (a) 7iia : Is. 23:3, 23:18; 45:14 RV 'mart' and 'merchandise', but (cp the parallel J3iiN in 23:18) more probably 'profit', cp Prov. 3:14, 31:18. {2} For mishar ("1003 in constr.), 1 K. 10:13, taken by the lexicons as a separate word, Klost. reads 1~ED.
    • (b) sehorah (rnhp), 'trade', is used collectively of 'traders': Ez. 27:15.
  • 2. rakal, 731 (cp 71~\ [RGL] 'to march' or 'go about': Aram. NSs, Syr. rakkala, 'travelling merchant', 'pedlar') is also used in the OT of trade exclusively. The pt. rokel is synonymous with soher, but, except in 1 K. 10:15, is found only in later writers; 3 Ez. 17:4: 'a city of merchants' (D ^31 Yj;) - i.e., Babylon; 27:13, 27:15, 27:17, 27:22-24 (of various nations trading with Tyre); Cant. 3:6, 'powder of the merchant'; Neh. 3:31-32: 'the house of the Nethinim and of the merchants': this was opposite the Gate Ham-Miphkadh (see JERUSALEM, 24 [10]). The fem. pt. rokeleth is used in Ezek. 27:20 (of Dedan), 27:23 (collectively of five peoples : omit X3W ^31). Although the root 721 [RChL] (like ^n [RGL]) was used as in 7 3n [RChYL] = slander (cp MH m 1 ? :: 1 !) in a bad sense, there is no reason for supposing that any derogatory meaning was intended by its employment for trading. Deriv.:
    • (a) rekullah, 'trade': Ez. 26:12, 28:5, 28:16, 28:18.
    • (b) markoleth, 'market': Ez. 27:24 (but see Cornill).
  • 3. tur, -flpi (Assyr. taru 'to turn' refl.; Ar. tara, 'to go about') is used in the OT in Kal of exploring a land, Nu. 13:2 etc.; in Hiph. of exploring or spying, Judg. 1:23 (J). Cp SPIES. The pt. kal in the phrase D"TOn "^N is used of traders parallel with O'5]7, 1 K. 10:15, and with C -n.fc. 2 Ch. 9:14.
  • 4 7iw [ShVR], Targ. 'to run' (Ass. sharu, 'to go about'; Ar. sara, 'to go about' esp. in trading caravans). Is. 57:9 : 'thou didst travel with ointment' (but see 'Isaiah', SBOT, note to Is. 5:19, where existence of the verb *f,y is denied) ; Ez. 27:25 : 'ships of Tarshish' were Tpj7v5ne , RV 'thy caravans', but Cornill reads >23sd2, 'served thee'.

With these we may take the following terms signifying way or going as applied to trade or business.

  • (1) derek, 7]T1. Is. 58:13, ~\ n tyy = to do business;
  • (2) halikah, ns ^n, 'caravan' (but perhaps metaph.: lit. 'going'; also 'procession') : of Sheba, Job 6:19 ; cp Bibl. Aram. ^n, 'way-money', toll, Ezra 4:13, etc.
  • (3) orehah, nrnx, 'caravan' always of merchants, Gen. 37:25, or of mercantile tribes; Is. 21:13 : Dedan; Job 6:18-19 : Tema.; 'Oreah, mN, the pt. is used of travellers in general : Jer. 9:1 [9:2] D rnx ji^D (but Giesebrecht after LXX jnriK [cp also Crit. Bib.]), a 'caravanserai'. nn"Ut = provision for journey : J?S3 and JJSC refer to the journeys of nomads' camps (cp TENT, 2) ; he who prepares the camping ground, the quarter-master, IEw nrrcJ2, Jer. 51:59. [But see SERAIAH, 4.]

1 [On 1 K. 10:28, cp MIZRAIM, 2a; also throughout cp Crit.Bib.]

2 Similarly in modern E. Syriac bazar means both 'trade' and 'profits'; Maclean, Dict. of Vernac. Syr. [1901].

3 [On the difficult phrase in 1 K. 10:15 cp SOLOMON, 10, SPICE MERCHANTS ; on Neh. 8:31-32, MERCHANT, 2, and Amer. Journ. of Theol, July 1901 ('Nethinim' = 'Ethanites', and rokelim = Jerahme'elim [Che.]) ; see also Crit. Bit.]

(c) Merchants Quarters. - Travelling merchants took up their quarters in special parts of the towns to which they took their goods.

  • hutsoth, niiTt, 'streets' or 'bazaars', were what Ben-hadad's father was allowed by treaty to build in Samaria, and Ahab in Damascus (1 K. 20:34), probably for their merchants; cp the 'bakers' street' in Jerusalem, Jer. 37:21. The MAKTESH (q.v., cp also JERUSALEM) appears to have beeen a quarter of the city where the Q jjns or 'merchants' (?) resided (Zeph. 1:11). For 'the house of the merchants' see above, under O SDI , for the fish-, sheep-, and horse-gates see JERUSALEM, 24. For market see rt 73")p above (b 2 [6]) ; for caravanserai, D rnk jiSp, see b (3).

(d) Trading Companies. - There is no mention of these in the OT; but we can hardly doubt that they existed.

  • (1) heber, ")3n, 'a company of priests for robbery', Hos. 6:9 ; 'a house held by a number of people', Pr. 21:9, 25:21 (but Gk. and Toy read 3m).

8(2) habbar, 130, 'a guild' or 'society' of fishermen, Job 40:30 [41:6], (cp Phoen. -a7rt and Assyr. ebru, 'a comrade'). {1}

  • (3) mishpahah, nnSC S, lit. 'family', or 'clan'; but 'a guild' of scribes, 1 Ch. 2:55; 'of linen workers', 4:21.

(e) Various Processes included under Trade.

  • 1. Barter and exchange,
    • (1) 3 JHJ, 'to give one thing for another', Joel 4:3 [3:3] (g%h before the object taken in exchange; cp Lam. 1:11), Ezek. 27:13 (h%2 before the object given in exchange), 27:16 (g"h before both objects), 27:14 (without g3^ ; both objects in the acc.); cp Dt. 14:25, 'to give for money': 1e3h; Ps. 15:5, 'for interest': t??3.
    • (2) The antithesis of jn3 is nj3^ ; and so in Neh. 10:32, rrinjJD (Ba. "pp), lit. 'things to be taken', are 'wares for sale'; cp Talmud nj3!p or npp, 'buying' or 'article bought'.
    • (3) 11 D [MVR], 'to exchange', does not appear in the OT in the sense of barter (Lev. 27:10, 27:33, the substitution of one beast for another; Ezek. 48:14, of one piece of land for another); yet the fact that the Syr. mur means 'to import victuals' proves that at one time among the Aramaeans it was used in the sense 'to barter'. Deriv. ITTinPl, 'exchange', Ru. 4:7, Job 28:17; 'the thing exchanged', Lev. 27:10, 27:33 (P); 'gain' or 'profit' as a result of trade, Job 20:18 ; also 'compensation', 15:31.
    • (4) Nor does rAn, 'to exchange', appear in the OT for barter; yet fpn is used twice: Nu. 18:21, 18:31 (P) in the sense of 'returns', 'rewards for' service rendered; and Hoffmann (Phoniz. Inschriften, 20) gives nsSn as = equivalent (in exchange);

(Bloch, Phon. Gloss.) 'payment', n c re S 'to reward'.

    • (5) 3T_^, usually 'to pledge' (see below, 3 [6]), is used in Ezek. 27:9, 27:27 as = 'to exchange'. In other Sem. languages it is to 'furnish security', or 'to pledge'. The original meaning seems to be to mix or mingle, as in NT, Aram., Syr., and Heb. Hithpael ; yet this may be a secondary meaning, through 'having intercourse with'. Deriv. 3"iJ7p, sg. and pl. 'wares'.
    • (6) It is possible that the difficult J13?y (see below, 7 [8]) in Ezek. 27 means exchange.

1 In MH the root is used apparently only of societies for religion or learning. See further HANDICRAFTS.

2 Yet in MH it seems to be used only in a theological sense.

  • 2. Bargain, contract, etc.
    • (1) The very wide use of berith, JV"13, to express a 'covenant' between men (see COVENANT), and its application in Job 40:28 [41:4] to an engagement between master and servant, are evidence of the probability of its employment for business contracts; {2}
    • (2) hazuth, ff7in, is used in Is. 28:18 as a synonym for IV"] 3 ! cp H ln in Levy, NHWB.
    • (3) teshumeth yad, T nOIC n, Lev. 5:21 [6:2] (P), lit. 'something placed in the hand' or 'trust' of another, is translated by EV 'bargain': LXX Koifui/ia [koinoonia]. {1}
    • (4) dabhar, 131, 'affair', in Ruth 4:7 in sense of transaction ; IS! 1 ?! C p 1 ?, 'to confirm any transaction'.
    • (5) This confirmation, in cases in which the object bought and sold could not be handed over, appears to have been symbolised by the seller drawing off his shoe or sandal, Vi 3 r fiiy, Ruth 4:7-8; cp Dt. 25:9+; where it symbolises the giving up of one's right ; WRS Kin. 269. Cp RUTH, SHOE; also, for a similar action among the Arabs, Burton, Land of Midian, 2:197 ; and Goldziher, Abhaud. z. Arab. Philol. 147 (quoted by Buhl, Die social. Verhaltnisse der Israeliten., 94, n. 2). The antithesis 'to take possession' was symbolised by 'throwing one's shoe over' the object, Pss. 60:10 [60:8], 108:10 [108:9].
    • (6) te'udah, nnyn, 'attestation', Ruth 4:7.
    • (7) In Jer. 32:9+ we find another mode of conveyance (which probably displaced the primitive one just noticed). A deed of sale (rupsri ISO) was signed by the buyer 12S3 3013, and witnesses were called who also signed. The deed was in two copies, one sealed (ran2n.l), and one open (**7|n), and placed in an earthen vessel ; cp Johns, op. cit. 34. 'The terms and conditions of the sale' (?) = D jDnni rpsarN
    • (8) 'They strike hands', Is. 2:6, P SP ; espec. if with Hi. and Du. we read <-p3 for nS 3- But see Che. SBOT 'Isaiah', and Ges.-Buhl, Lex.(12) s.v. ps3jy.
  • 3. Buying and selling. The commonest words are kanah. r45ap, and makar, 1h3e0, Is. 24:2; 13d1)s4hfg23 nji33, 'like buyer like seller'; Ezek. 7:12, cp Zech. 11:5.
    • (1) kanah, lit. 'to make, or obtain', is applied to purchasing either with JCJS, Am. 8:6, Is. 48:24, or alone, Gen. 39:1, LXX fKnjtTaro [ektesato] (JE); 2 S. 12:3, Jer. 13:1, 19:1, 32:7+, 15:43, Gen. 49:30, 50:13 (both P). Also in a more general sense of purchasing a Hebrew slave through his falling into one's debt; Ex. 21:2 (JE). Also metaphorically; Ex. 15:16, Is. 11:11, etc.; koneh, 'the buyer', Is. 242, Ezek. 7:12, is used also as owner, Is. 1:3. Bib. Aram, njp, 'to buy', Ezra 7:17. Deriv.:-
      • (a) mikneh, but only in sense of 'property', cattle (Ex. 10:26, etc.) or land (Gen. 49:32, (crijcris [ktesis]); cp CATTLE, 8 end.
      • (b) miknah, besides meaning 'possession 'is used for 'sale'; "en I4O = deed of sale, Jer. 32:11+; or object sold f]D3 rGjrp, 'a purchased slave', Gen. 17:12-13, 17:23 (apyvpoii i/TOf [argyoonetos]), Ex. 12:44; or 'purchase-price', Lev. 25:16 (cpitrqo if [enktesis]) (all P); also r jD3 irupp, Lev. 25:51, 'the money for which he was bought' (apryvpiov Tijs Trpacrews auroO [argyrion tes praseoos autou]).
      • (c) kinyan, 'property' in widest sense; 12D3 j Jp, 'the produce of his money' (eViCT^-ros apyvpiov [enktetos argyrion]), Lev. 22:11 (Ph.).
    • (2) makar, 'to sell', with t4 pretii : of selling persons; Gen. 31:15 (JE), LXX TreVpaKei/ [pepraken]; of selling a bride; so also the Aram. mekar, or men and women as slaves, Gen. 37:27-28 (LXX aTro6i 6o)jii [apodidoomi]), and Ex. 21:7 (JE), Ps. 105:17, Ezra 7:4; cattle, Ex. 21:37 [22:1] (JE), Lev. 27:27 (LXX TrpaflrjcreTai [prathesetai], P); land, Lev. 25:23, 25:34 (etc., P); birthright, Gen. 25:31 (JE); land, Ezek. 7:12-13, or any property, Lev. 25:25, 25:27, or any wares, Neh. 13:16. So generally, moker, 'seller', Is. 24:2. The same general sense attaches to -\y^ in Phoen., MH and Assyr.; in the latter damgaru or tamkaru, Syr. taggara, {2} = merchant, Del. Ass. HWB, 222. Derivv. :-
      • (a) meker, 'price' or 'value', Nu. 20:19 (JE); cp Pr. 31:10; also 'wares' or 'things for sale', Neh. 13:16.
      • (b) minikar, 'act of sale'; Lev. 25:27, LXX Trpcitrts [prasis], 25:29, 25:50, etc.; 25:33 (JV3 D= 'house that was sold'), or 'thing sold', 25:25, Ezek. 7:13 ; or 'wares for sale' = OC, Neh. 13:20.
    • (3) karah, ,-n3, 'to buy', Dt. 26, fxeVpu A7J|u.i/;ecr#e [metroo lempsesthe], Hos. 3:2, Job 6:27, 'to make merchandise of a friend' or 'haggle', 40:30 [41:6] with *?J/. Acc. to Talm. R.haSh., kirah was used on the coast, Levy, NHWB 2323; Ar. kara = to hire, kira, 'wage'.
    • (4) mehir, I rlS, 'price' or 'payment', 2 S. 24:24, 1 K. 10:28, VTO3; 1 K. 2l:2, Tnpr(D3; cp Pr. 17:16, 27:26; also 'wage', Dt. 23:19 [23:18], Mi. 3:11; cp the phrase Jl 3 1 K7 Dn Tnpa, 'thou hast not gone high with their price', Ps. 44:13; Pr. 22:16 appears to have a different sense. Assyr. mahiru, cp Del. Prol. 93, Ass. HWB 400, 404, from maharu, 'to be opposite' - i.e., mutual. *jD3 alone means price, Gen. 31:15, 'the money paid for us'.
    • (5) mahar, 'to buy a wife', (LXX fapviii [pherniei]; Ex. 22:15 [22:16]. Deriv. mohar, 'price of a wife', Aram, mohara, Syr. mahra, Ar. mahr (MARRIAGE, 1).
    • (6) shabar. -\i&, 'to buy corn'; Gen. 41:57, 42:5, 47:14, LXX iyopofeii/ [agorazein], 42:2, LXX Trptoo-ee [priasthe]; 'to buy victuals', with 'okel (^^N), Gen. 42:7, 42:10, etc., Dt. 26. Hi. 'to sell corn', LXX emiAei [epoolei], Gen. 42:6 (LXX tp.TroAoi f/j.iropevf(T0ai [empolan emporeuesthai]), Am. 8:5-6; with "?3, Dt. 2:28, LXX an-oSoioT [apodoose].
    • (7) padah, mB, 'to buy free' or 'ransom', LXX \vrpota [lytrooo], Ex. 34:20 (JE); 13:13 (P); Dt. 7:, etc., Ar. fada, Assyr. padu, 'to buy free'. Eth. to 'pay'. Derivatives pidyom, -n, peduyim, 'ransom money'.
    • (8) ga'al, Vxa, 'to redeem'. Barth, Etym. St. 18, gives Ar. ju'alat, price. Derivative ge'ulah, usually 'redemption', but also, Lev. 25:51, 'the sum paid'. LXX ra Aurpa [ta lytra].
    • (9) kopher, 133, 'quit-money', LXX \VTpov [lytron].
    • (10) Bibl. Aram. zeban, p], 'to buy', is used metaphorically, Dan. 2:8; found also in MH, Targums Nab., Palm., and Syr. Supposed to be from Assyr. zibanitu, 'balance' (see Ges.-Bu.). Ar. taman, 'price', 'value' (Spiro, Ar. Eng. Vocab.).

1 cv.9 in MH is 'to appraise', 'value'.

2 [So Jensen, ZA 6:34:9; for another view of the derivation of the Syriac see Nold. in Fraenkel's Aram. Fremdw. 181-182]

  • 4. Hiring, lending, pledging.
    • (1) shakar, 4"Ob", 'to hire', with ] pretii (jj.i<r9ovtrBa.C [misthousthai]), mercenary troops, Judg. 9:4, 2 S. 10:6, 1 Ch. 19:6-7, 2 Ch. 256; a priest, Judg. 18:4; a workman, Is. 46:6, 2 Ch. 24:12 ; a husband, Gen. 30:16 ; cp Pr. 26:10 [Heb.]. Ar. shakara = to thank. Derivatives:-
      • (a) sheker, 'wage', Pr. 11:18. 131? &y, 'makers of wages', Is. 19:10.
      • (b) shakar, the commoner word for 'wage', LXX uicreos [misthos], Gen 30:2, 30:32-33, 31:8, etc. (JE); Ezek. 29:18 (metaph.) 'hire', for an article, ex. 22:14 [22:15] (JE); for man and beast, Zech. 8:10
      • (c) shakir, 'let on hire'; cattle, Ex. 22:14 [22:15]; persons, Ex 12:45, Lev. 22:10, 25:20 (all P), Dt. 15:18, 24:14 Mal. 3:5, Job 14:6, etc.; mercenaries, Jer. 46:21. Note that the hirer asks the servant what his wage will be, Gen. 29:15, 30:28 ; yet the master changes the wages, 31:7, 31:41. The wages are here in kind.
      • (d) mashkoreth, 'wage', Gen. 29:15, 31:7, 31:41 (JE), LXX uicreos [misthos]; Ruth 2:12 (metaph.); cp. Ass. ishkar, Johns, op. cit. 3:60. Other words for 'wage' are po'al, *?J7S, pe'ullah, n^ys.
    • (2) lawah, HI 1 ?, 'to borrow', Sai>ieu- [danizein] fll??!, 'to lend', Dt. 28:12, Is. 24:2; rrta rn"?a3, Pr. 22:7, etc., Ex. 22:24 [22:25] (JE [e/cSan ^. [ekdanizein]]), Ps. 37:21, ll2:5 (.cixpav [kichran]), Neh. 5:4. In MH ni 1 ? = 'lend'; Ar. lawa, 'to delay payment of debt'.
    • (3) nashah, rt!?3, and x^j, 1 S. 22:2, Is. 24:2, etc., 'to lend', Is. 24:2, Jer. 15:10, Dt. 24:11, Neh. 5:7, 5:10 (with r ,p3), 5:11 (with other goods). The pt. Kal = 'creditor', Ex. 22:24 [22:25] (JE with bad signification). LXX 6 &ave(.<nri s [o daneistes] (in Ex. Karen-eiyim [katepeigoon]). Ar. nasa'a. The use of the Aram., Syr., and Ar. cognates and the Heb. use of Kal (once Lam. 3:17), Niph. , and Hiph. in the meaning 'to forget', proves the origin to lie in delaying payment. Yet Ass ittishi = 'to take', Johns 36:10+. Derivatives:-
      • (a) neshi, 'debt', 2 K. 4:7, roil? TOKOUS <rov [tous tokous sou].
      • (b) mashsha, 'usury', acc. after nz }> Neh. 5:7; cp 5:10; debt or exaction of debt.
    • (4) 7NE?, 'to borrow'.
    • (5) iwjg 103 t v .. Ezek. 18:17, etc., 'to lend on interest'.
    • (6) JT2-IB Dp?, parallel phrase, Ezek. 18:8, etc. On borrowing and lending, see LAW AND JUSTICE, 16.
    • (7) O]y
    • (8) 5]n [HBL], Ass. habulu = 'interest'
    • (9) ]7y, 'to pledge'. See PLEDGE.
    • (10) ypn, Niph., is to 'pledge oneself as security for another by striking hands', Job 17:3.
  • 5. Debt.
    • (1) hob; n7n, 'debt', Ezek. 18:7 (Co. nit?), Syr. haubetha, Ar. haba., 'to be in debt'; cp Pi. 'to make guilty', Dan. 1:10.
    • (2) N3 : C, Neh. 10:32 [10:31];
    • (3) nNB : 2, Dt. 24:10, Pr. 22:25;
    • (4) n^C, Dt. 15:2 , 'debt'; "D SjQ, 'creditor'.
  • 6. Payment, reckoning, etc.
    • (1) shhakal, ^py, lit. 'to weigh', Ezra 8:25-26, 8:29, so 'to pay' with f]D3, Ex. 22:16 [22:17] (JE); Gen. 23:16 (P), 2 S. 18:12, Is. 55:2, Jer. 32:9 ; with I3"1?3. 1 K. 20:39 , or with 13b, Zech. 11:12. 7p is used with 7, "V ?y, S3 7V (of persons), and ?J7 (of treasuries, Esth. 4:7). Phcen. ^>py [ShQL], 'a weight', Aram, ^pn, Ass. shakalu, 'to weigh', -the last also 'to pay'. See MONEY, SHEKEL, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
    • (2) nasa, N-;^, is used poetically of weighing, Job 6:2.
    • (3) nehshab (yyn in Niph.), of 'the reckoning of money', 2 K. 22:7.
    • (4) manah, n:S> 'to count' is used of money, 2 K. 12:11. Deriv. MANEH (q.v.).
    • (5) The root kasas(kas) CDD [ChSS], 'to count' (Ex. 124) is used commercially in the deriv. miksah, 'sum' or 'value', Lev. 27:23. Del. (Ass. HWB, 407) gives miksu as 'toll' or 'duty'. Heb. mekes is used only of tribute to Yahwe, Nu. 31:28, 37:41. {1}
    • (6) saphar, 12D, may have been used of the counting of money; cp Is. 33:18.
    • (7) shillem, DW, lit. 'fulfil', is used of 'repayment' of debt, 2 K. 4:7 ; Ass. salamu = 'to pay'.
    • (8) On keseph, t]D3, see MONEY, SILVER. It is used in the sense of 'price', nib .! f]D3, Gen. 23:13 (P); cp above under n:p!2.
    • (9) kesitah, na fc p, see KESITAH.
    • (10) kikkar, 133, see TALENT,
    • (11) agorah ( TTUN), in constr. before *]??, 1 S. 2:36, is usually taken after LXX (6|3oAou apyvpiov [obolou argyriou]) and Tg. as 'a small coin'; but Syr. aggirta, 'payment' and Ar. aggar, 'to let' or 'to hire', 'ugra, 'wages'.
    • (12) 'ethnan, |3nx, usually of a 'harlot's' wage, but applied in Is. 23:18 to the profits of Tyre's trade; perhaps metaphorical, but the original general meaning of the word makes it possible that the commercial application of it was direct. In Ezek. 16:41 the tribute which Israel pays to foreign idols or nations (?).
  • For other terms see above, under Buying and Selling, 3.

1 [In Aram, maksa, 'tribute', makesa, 'tax-collector'. ]

  • 7. Profit, gain, etc.
    • (1) ho'il (Hiph. of ^y [YAL]), 'to profit', in a general sense, Job 21:15, 35:3; except (perhaps) in Is. 47:12 it is not used of commercial profit.
    • (2) IP-, 'to be over'. Derivv. :- (all late words),
      • (a) yithron, Eccles. 1:3, etc., profit, in general, MH yuthran;
    • (b) yother, 'profit', Eccles. 6:8, 6:11;
    • (c) mothar, 'profit', Pr. 14:23 of labour, 21:5.
    • (3) ~wy, 'to be rich'. Deriv. ~\wy n5y, 'to make riches', Jer. 17:11. {1}
    • (4) hon, p2n, 'riches', 'goods', Ezek. 27:12, 27:18, 27:33, and Pr.
    • (5) hayil, ^n, 'substance' or 'wealth', n fivy, Dt. 8:17-18, Ezek. 28:4.
    • (6) nekasim, D pap, 'wealth' of various sorts, Josh. 22:8 (D), 2 Ch. 1:11-12. See CATTLE, 8, end.
    • (7) rakash, yjy\, 'to gather', and rekush, 'substance' or 'goods', in general; Gen. 12:5, LXX TO. imdpxoi Ta. avrtav ova. e(CT)?<7ai TO [ta hyparchonta autoon osa ektesanto], and frequently elsewhere in P, also in Ezra and Ch. Of the royal property, 1 Ch. 27:31, 28:1, 2 Ch. 31:3, 35:7.
    • (8) 'izzabon, JU?y, in Ezek. 27:12, 27:14 etc. means 'wares', but in v. 27 it is parallel to hon. Hoffm. Phon. Inschr. 15 gives the original meaning as 'produce' or 'results' of trade, from 3Ty = asl. The Assyr. ezebu is 'to leave over', uzub(b)u, 'a payment'. See also above, under i321a, ,13 pa, |;:p, TPIB, ni?C?l, Ijn.N.
    • (9) batsa, ys5, lit. 'to break off', 'take unjustly', Pr. 1:19, 15:27, Ezek. 22:12, 22:27, Pl. 'to finish a work', Is. 10:12, etc. Deriv. betsa, generally of 'violent' or 'unjust gain', Judg. 5:19, taken in war, 1 S. 8:3 (LXX TTJS (Ti/i TeAct a? [tes synteleias], EV 'lucre'), Ezek. 22:27 (RV 'dishonest gain'), Pr. 15:27, cp Is. 57:17, Ezek. 22:13. But 'profit' in general, Gen. 37:26 (JE), LXX xpr)tnit.ov [chresimon]]. Cp above, 61.
    • (10) 'oshek, p&y, 'unjust gain', Eccles. 7:7.
  • 8. Value, valuation, etc.
    • (a) Prepositions. -
      • (1) e" pretii, in the giving of one thing 'for' another.
      • (2) -23, )>, S-^J, , 'according to the number' or 'the rate of'.
      • (3) 3.J3JT, 'for a reward', Is. 5:23; cp 3.J3J?, Pss. 40:16, 70:4. Phon. npy, 'profit', 'reward'.
      • (4) ~"3J]3, Am. 2:6.
    • (b) Verbs, nouns, adjectives. -
      • (1) 'arak, ""l^, 'to compare', also 'to equal in value'; Job 28:17, 28:19. Hi. 'to tax', 2 K. 23:35, 'to value' (LXX eri/j-oypa^rjerai [etimographesan]), Lev. 27:8, 27:12, 27:14, LXX Ti/urjcreTai [timesetai]. Deriv.:- 'erek, 'valuation', for purposes of royal taxation, 2 K. 23:35 (LXX o-m/Tt /uW-s [syntimesis]), or for priestly sacrifices and fines, Lev. 5:15, 5:18, 5:25 [6:6], 27:2+, 27:12, 27:16-17, Nu. 18:16 (LXX TI/IX>; [time], <rui Ti jurjo-is [syntimesis], etc.); 'the sum at which a thing is valued', Lev. 2:7, 13:18, 23:27 (LXX Tt/xj [time], <ruimV r )c ri s [syntimesis]); this is also rendered by TJIJ? "",03, vv. 15, 19, and by ~?\~$! rDDD, v. 23. Note that the valuation was made at the sanctuary; cp above, section 24 n.
      • (2) sillah, nSo (only in Pu'al), 'to weigh', rightly rendered 'to value', by EV Job 28:16, 28:19.
      • (3) gadal, h^l, constr. with 3 % V3, 'to be worthy in mine eyes' (EV 'much set by'), 1 S. 26:24 parallel to 7ip in v. 21 (LXX 6/AeyaAui/(h; [emegalynthe]); giddel was probably used of 'setting a high value on' anything, cp Job 7:17.
      • (4) yakar, 7Ip , 'to be valuable' or 'dear', 1 S. 20:21 (LXX eWt/aos [entimos]); also 'to be valued at'. Derivv.:- yekar, 'price', Zech. 11:13, DivVjflD Ppjr ~WK 1|Tn, yakar, 'valuable', 'dear', and yakkir.
      • (5) rahok, p7ni, 'far', is used metaphorically in Pr. 31:10 of value; EV 'far above rubies'.
      • (6) mahmad, 1CTO, anything 'desirable'; pl. applied to 'costly things', Hos. 9:6, silver, Is. 64:10 [64:11], Joel 4:5 [4:3], 2 Ch. 36:19, Lam. 1:10 - all of the costly vessels and treasures of the temple.
      • (7) j2n 5ax, 'costly stone', Pr. 17:8.
      • (8) fsn, in pl. 'costly things', Pr. 3:15, 8:11; n 33N, 'precious stones', Is. 54:12.
      • (9) rn^Ja, 'costly things', Gen. 24:53 (JE), but LXX Siapa [doora], Ezra 1:6 (LXX fenois [xeniois]), 2 Ch. 21:3 (LXX on-Aa [hopla]), 32:23 (LXX 66/j.ara [domata]). See also above, under Vnp.

1 ntyy is also used with ^<n and noDl 3HT, Ezek. 28:4.

(f) Customs, dues, toll, etc.

  • (1) In Gen. 43:11 (JE), Israel commands his sons, going to buy corn in Egypt, to take a minhah, nnja, or 'present' to the governor of the land; elsewhere minhah is applied to sacrificial 'offering' and political 'tribute'; see SACRIFICE, 30.
  • (2) middah, JTTO, Heb. of 'tribute' or 'tax' to the king, Neh. 5:4; Bibl. Aram. "np or TJ 11 ?. Ezra 4:13, 4:20, 7:24, 'dues' or 'customs', cp 6:8. This term is said to be borrowed from Assyr. mandattu, 'tribute', from nadan, 'to give' (Del. Ass. HWB, 451), but cp naditu, 'deposit', 'treasure'.
  • (3) belo, 173, Bibl. Aram. Ezra 4:13, 4:20, 7:24, 'customs' or 'dues'. Assyr. biltu, 'tax'.
  • (4) halak, ?pn, Bibl. Aram. Ezra, id. 'way-money', 'toll'. See further, TAXATION, 7 n.

(g) Deposit, banking, hoarding, etc. See DEPOSIT, etc.

  • (1) ISw S p3. 'to give to keep' money, tools, garments, or any beast, Ex. 22:6-12 [22:7-13], (E).
  • (2) pakad, 1E, 'to store' or 'deposit', 2 K. 5:24 of money, etc. Hi. 'to lay up' a roll or baggage, 'to commit people' to any one, to muster. Ho. 'to be deposited' of money or other property, Lev. 5:23 [6:4], (P). Deriv. pikkadon, 'store' of corn. Gen. 41:36, (JE), 'deposit' of money or other property, Lev. 5:21, 5:23 [6:2, 6:4], (P); LXX TrapatiriKT [paratheke].
  • (3) nCii; n, Lev. 5:21 [6:2], is 'trust' or 'deposit' parallel to p^S; see above e2(3).
  • (4) In the east the hoarding of money is common and in Heb. this is matmon, lit. 'place where one hides' or 'hoards', Jer. 41:8, pits for 'storing' corn, oil, honey (cp Ar. ghabaghib); Gen. 43:23 (JE), 'money' (LXX 0r)<raupov [thesaurous]), cp Pr. 2:4, Job 3:21. [ IiDED [MTMVN] is one old derivation of MAMMON (q.v. 4 3), recently favoured by Deissmann. Banking is not mentioned in OT, where one individual lends money to another. But we saw that in the Roman period the temple contained, besides the sacred revenues, sums deposited by private individuals (section 78); cp the gate HAMMIPHKAD, close to Temple.

See also Johns, op. cit. 3254.

(h) Various other terms.

  • (1) 'abad, -ny, 'to work' (used frequently
    • (a) of cultivation,
    • (b) of serving as slave,
    • (c) of working by means of another;
3 lay, Lev. 25:39, (P), Jer. 22:13, etc.) is not applied in the OT to commercial business, nor is the deriv. 'abodah (all other kinds of work). Bibl. Aram, 'abida is 'work', Ezra 4:24, etc.; and state 'business', Dan. 2:49, 3:12.
  • (2) mal'akah, nUiOD, 'work' or 'business' (lit. 'mission'), Gen. 39:11, Ex. 20:9-10 (JE) cstr. with nfc J?, cp Neh. 2:16; of handiwork, Jer. 18:3, 2 K. 12:12 [12:11]; of the superintendents of royal treasures, Esth. 3:9, 9:3; also of worked articles, Lev. 13:48; Q liy, 'leather-work', in Ex. 22:7, 22:10 [8:11], 'goods', 'possessions'.

84. Literature.[edit]

Besides the works cited in the course of the article, the student may consult on

  • (a) the trade of the Jews, Herzfeld, Handelsgesch. der Juden (not seen); the brief summaries in Benzinger and Nowack's manuals of Hebrew Archaeology; Bennett, art. 'Trade' in Hastings Dli; several works given under DISPERSION.
  • (b) for the Persian and Greek periods, Kennell's Illustrat. of Hist, of Exped. of Cyrus, etc. (1816); Sayce's Herodotus.
  • (c) for the Roman period, Bergier, Hist, des Grands Chemins de l'Emp. Romain (1728); Mommsen's History and Prov. of the Roman Empire; Mahaffy, Gk. World under Roman Sway; Hausrath, NT Zeitgesch.; Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen. Consult also Tozer, Hist, of Ancient Geog. See W W. Hunter, Hist, of British India, vol. 1.

G. A. S.