History of Norfolk/Volume 3
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[edit] THE HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NORWICH
[edit] CHAPTER I. OF THE ORIGINAL AND NAME OF THE CITY
So many are the fables, and so various the accounts that we have, of the origin of this city, that it would be trouble to no purpose, to recount them all; to pass by therefore the stories of King Gurgunt's founding the Castle, and calling it after his own name; or that of Julius Cæsar's building the walls thereof, and naming it BlancheFlower, from Blanche, his kinswoman, whom he is pretended to have married to King Lud's son; or to follow the traditions of Polidore Virgil, and others, recited by Nevil, who pretend to find something of Norwicus, in the name of [Ordoviches], or Ordovices, a people of Britain, far enough distant from hence; I shall rather choose to give such an account of it as is most consonant to reason, and agreeable to truth, as far as is evident from such records as we have left us.
Claudius Cæsar the Emperor, in the 4th year of his reign, and the 46th year after Christ, entered this land, and subdued it to the Roman empire, and he was the first of that nation that got footing in these parts; and that he did is plain, because the potent nation of the Iceni, at first sought alliance with the Romans, which being accepted, he soon returned, leaving Ostorius his proprator or lieutenant, who perceiving he began to be not much liked by his new allies, took occasion to disarm all he was suspicious of; but the inhabitants being at that time powerful, having not yet been diminished by wars, would not brook that proceeding, but immediately rose against him, and were overthrown by the Romans, who took this opportunity to fortify themselves against any future attempts, by fixing garrisons and habitations, best suitable to their securities. From this time then, I date the ori ginal of Castor by Yarmouth, and Burgh-Castle in Suffolk, they being placed on either side of the entrance of the Yare, to guard the river from any naval enemy, and to be, in case of necessity, places of retreat for themselves, where they might receive succours either from sea or land, for at this time, and many ages after, the Garienis Ostium, or mouth of the Yare, extended in breadth from the island of Lothingland (in which Burgh-Castle is placed) to Castor in Flegg, where the opposite camp was made, the name of which it still retains, Castor or Castre in our language being the same as Castrum, a camp, in the Roman tongue, the very place on which Yarmouth now stands being then sea, the arm of which (and that a very large one too) extended all over the marshes, from thence to the place where Norwich now is, and much higher that way, as also to Castor by Norwich, and up those flats as far at least as Taseboro, if not further, where the Romans afterwards raised a fortification to guard that stream: and indeed, Norwich, (as I take it,) long after this, had its original much in the same manner as Yarmouth had, by fishermen and merchants fixing here for traffick sake; for it is plain that it was a fishing town, even in King Canute's time, for then Alfric the Bishop gave to the abbey of Bury, his hagh by Norwich, (on which St. Laurence's church was after built,) which paid to that abbey a last of herrings every year; so that the account of the Danes coming with their ships to the castle here, which some look upon as a fable, was certainly fact, the sea (if I may so call it, or rather a very extensive arm of it) coming hither till the Conqueror's time, when the sand at the mouth of the river on which Yarmouth now stands, grew fleeter, and the water did not cover it, as heretofore it had done, "And then there became two channells for shippes and fishermen to passe and enter into that arm of the sea, for utterance of their fishe and marchandises, whiche were conveyed to divers partes and places, as well in the countye of Norfolke, as in the countye of Suffolk, by reason that all the whole levell of the marshes and fennes whiche now are betwixte the towne of Yermouthe and the citie of Norwiche, were then all an arm of the sea, enteringe within the land by the mouth of Heirus" (or Yare.) But when this grew firm ground, and Yarmouth was built, the course of the sea was then hindered, and the marshes, rivers, &c. settled in the manner they now are, soon after the Conquest. This being the case at that time, the Romans, we see, followed the course of the water, as is plain by their camp at Castor by Norwich, where they certainly had a station fixed; and if that place was not the Venta Incenorum, as most imagine it to have been, it was certainly the most considerable fortification and station in these parts, and was doubtless made to guard that river, which winds southward into the country, as well as to be a commodious situation for pleasure and profit, in the inward part of the land, which they by degrees penetrated into, and fixed camps or places of defence, to keep what they got as they went forward; thus advancing into the country more south, Taseboro was fixed on as a proper place to guard that stream, called anciently Tese, and the station ad Taum, advancing further into land by the northern stream, past that place where now Norwich stands, they went as far as the river held large and good, to Elmham, which, I rather think, was their Venta Icenorum, and that for these reasons, because it every way answers the Itinerary as well as Castor, as to distance, the road besides is much more direct, and this place is very near the middle of the county; add to this, that the Roman coins and prodigious number of urns that are daily dug up here, must convince us that it was a place of principal note under the Romans, if not a city with a general burial place. I own here do not seem to have been any considerable fortifications, but that makes me rather inclined to this opinion, the city being so numerous, and every way defended by stations, camps, &c. from the sea thither, that they did not think it necessary; but what confirms me most in this, is the name of the river, on which this and Norwich stands, which is always called Wentsum or Wensum, and lately Wensar; now this is plainly no more than the way or passage to Venta, the city's name; and here I cannot but observe the errour of Mr. Cambden and others, concerning the situation and names of these rivers, which may in some measure occasion this mistake; he places Taseboro and Castor upon the Wensum, when they are plainly upon the Tese, as the name of Teseboro, or ad Taum, according to Mark Velser's Chorographical Table plainly proves, and makes Norwich, Attelbridge, &c. to stand on the Yare, which all evidences whatsoever agree stand upon the Wensum, which takes its name from Venta, and if so, Elmham alone is the place that can challenge that appellation. Thus far I am certain, that the river which divides at Trowse from that place, was never called Wensum, for in the Norwich evidences mention is often made of the water from Trow's Bridge, leading to the river Wensom, a plain argument that that was no part of that river; at first it might be, that the two rivers Wensum and Tese being joined, might take the denomination of Garienis, Yarienis, or Yare; but I do not much think it, the river keeping the name of Wensum, till it meets the Waveney, and they being joined, become the Yare; for all lands on the course of this river are bounded by the Wensum, the city being never, but by our late writers, placed on the Yare, but on the Wensum, and indeed not upon the confluence or joining of the Wensum, and Yare, as Cambden, Spelman, and others would have it; though the latter of these was sensible that the Yare never came up to the present site of the city.
The alteration and present situation of the rivers being thus fixed, the next enquiry will be, at what time we may expect this city to take its beginning, which I date from the time of the Romans universally leaving this island, and that was as the Saxon Chronicle says, in 418, at which time the camp or station at Castor being deserted in a good measure, the remaining Romans and natives joined together, and became one people; and the situation of Norwich being much better than than at Castor, many of them retired thither both for the better convenience of fishing, as well as that of carrying their goods, and going themselves, higher up into the heart of the country, even to Venta, which though it was then also deserted, yet remained a place of some note, till the water retiring, cut off all commerce with it, by that element, and then it wasted almost at once, and the new-founded city of Norwich not only got all its trade, but suddenly sprang up to great maturity, out of the ruins of the ancient Venta and Castor.
After the desertion aforesaid, the Saxons made themselves masters of the land, and to them we owe the chief rise of this city, as well as its present name, Norðwc or North-wic, signifying no more, than a northern situation on a winding river; and because they usually placed castles at such situations, the word wic indeed was used for a castle, so that Norwich may signify, the northern castle at the winding of the river, it being north of the ancient station at Castor.
And thus having shown you the rise of the city, and the original of its name, let us see, in the next place, how it fared under its Saxon founders.
[edit] CHAPTER II
OF THE CITY UNDER THE SAXONS AND DANES.
No sooner were the deserted Romans and Britons conquered by the Saxons, but they divided their conquests into seven kingdoms, each King erecting castles and fortifications in his dominions for his own defence, and then in all likelihood was this castle first made, and that most probably in the time of
Uffa, the first King of the East-Angles, soon after the year 575, and from this time it increased much, for about 642, it became a royal castle, and one of the seats of
Anna King of the East-Angles, whose daughter Ethelfred, according to Mr. Cambden, married Tombert, a nobleman or prince of the Girvij, and with her he gave him this castle, with the lands belonging to it, as Spelman in his Icenia intimates; for about 677, he and his wife Ethelfred or Etheldred, who founded Ely, granted to that monastery certain lands held of Norwich castle by castle-guard, to which service they must have been liable before the grant; for by the laws of the Saxons, lands granted to the church were not liable to secular service, unless they were first imposed on them when they were given to secular men, which proves this was a royal castle, and had demeans and large possessions in King Anna's time; from thence I meet with no account of it till the Danish wars, and then it was often won and lost by the contending powers; but when
Alfred the Great had wholly subdued the Danes, the author of his life tells us, that finding the earth walls which encompassed the Saxon fortifications not strong enough to resist a furious enemy, he erected strong castles and forts of brick and stone, and among others, improved the fortifications of this castle, and (as I think) erected the first castle of brick and stone that ever was built here; that he was here, and that this was a royal castle in his time, and a place of note, is evident from a coin struck here about 872, having this round the head, ÆLFRED REX. and a monogram or cipher, NORDWIC. on the reverse; this King, on making peace with the Danish King,
Gutrum, assigned him the country of the East-Angles, and gave him this castle for his royal seat, which he did not long enjoy, Alfred, upon Gutrum's breach of promise, not to join any Dunes that should land in England, dispossessing him of it; he died in 901, and was succeeded by
Edward the elder, who kept the Danes in subjection, Ericke their King holding these provinces of him peaceably till 913, when he rebelled, and being overthrown and killed by King Edward, he added the East-Anglian to his own dominions.
Æthelstane, his son, totally expelled the Danes, and brought the whole into one entire monarchy, so that in his time, by reason of a settled peace, this city flourished much; about the year 925, we may suppose him to have been here, there being a coin of his then struck still extant; round the head is this, ÆTHELSTAN. on the reverse is a cross in the midst, and this round it, BARBE MOnetarius de NORDWIC. i. e. Barbe Mintmaster of Northwic. This King died in 941, and left
Edmund, his brother, his successour, of whom we have a coin struck in this city, with his name round his head, viz. EADMUND. REX. on the reverse EADGER MOnetarius de NORDWIC. i. e. Edgar Mintmaster of Northwic. In his time the city increased in wealth and extent, as it did also in the time of his successour,
Edred or Eldred, as is evident from the money made here by that Prince, about 946, with this, EADRED. REX. and on the reverse HANNE MOnetarius de NORDWIC. i. e. Hanne Mintmaster of Northwic; and indeed it flourished very much under him. According to Mr. Watts's collections, the government in the city of Norwich began in 952, in the reign of King Edred, Eldred, or Etheldred, from which time, he says, it was governed by a Sergeant, named by the King, to hold courts, set fines, and amerciaments, and collect the King's customs and revenues, as was done in other towns of merchandize; but I believe nothing of it, never finding any thing like it, but the contrary, namely that it belonged to the King, and Earl who governed under the Kings, and had the third part of the profits annexed to their earldom for so doing. He was succeeded by
Edwin, and he by
Edgar, who made Alwyn, or Edelwyne, the alderman, his kinsman, governour of the Angles, who much increased that people's ease and welfare, both in this King's reign and that of his son,
Edward the Martyr, of whom there are two coins extant, which were coined about the year 973, the first has round his head, EDWERD RECX]. and on the reverse, leo[fw]ine. on nor: thwic. i. e. Leofwine Mintmaster of Norwich; the other also hath edwerd rex: and leo[fw]ine on nordwwic. as before. This Edward was succeeded by
Ethelred, commonly called the Unready, of whom are also three coins extant, which were made here; round the head of the first is E[th]ELRED REX. ANGLOrum, and on the reverse, LEOFAT MOnetarius de NOrthwic. i. e. Leofat Mintmaster at Norwich; the second hath E[th]ELRED REX ANGLOrum, BRANTING MOnetarius de nor[thw]ic. i. e. Branting Mintmaster of Norwich; the third is like the last, only it was struck when Folceard was Mintmaster here, it having on the reverse FOL[C]EARD MOnetarius de NOR[th]WI[c]. In his time the Danes began to stir, and so far conquered the King's forces, that he was obliged to let them enjoy these parts quietly, which encouraged them so, that in 981 they invited more forces hither, and so harassed the King, that in 991 he agreed to pay them 10,000l. which he levied by the name of Dane-geld, [G]eal[d] signifying in the Saxon language a tribute or tax, which being paid, contrary to their promise, they returned the very next year, and continued their daily incursions, till 994, and then the King was forced to give them 16,000l. more, which so encouraged others of that nation, that they entered the next year, and forced him to a composition of 20,000l. and so increased it till it came to 40,000l.; this reduced the English so much, that they became little better than servants to them, being forced to till the ground, while the idle Danes devoured the produce, the natives fearing them so much, that they called them Lord-Danes, whence afterwards, by way of derision, came the word lurdan, signifying a lazy idle fellow; the kingdom being thus weakened, the King contrived a way to dispatch all the Danes at once, which was executed on St. Brice's day, Nov. 13, 1002; but this was so far from answering his intent, that it only put them upon meditating revenge for the fact, insomuch that Swain, who, ever since the year 994, had, according to his promise, been a friend to England, became now as great an enemy, determining to revenge the death of Gunhild, his sister, Palingus, her husband, and their son, who, though they were all Christians, and laid in hostage on condition of peace, were nevertheless slain in this massacre; getting therefore all things ready, the very next year he came and razed Exeter to the ground, and did other mischief, but hearing the King approached, and not thinking himself quite strong enough, he returned, and having got a great force, came with his whole fleet directly up to Northwic, and entirely burnt and wasted the whole city, so that from this time we must begin the date of the present city, the old one being entirely demolished; and this indeed is the first mention that I any where have seen of this city, by the name of Northwic or Norwich, otherwise than on the Saxon coins; the account of this, is recorded in the Saxon Chronicle, p. 133, in thse words, (which may serve for a specimen of the language of that time;) [see original, page 7] That is to say: "In the year 1004, Sweyn came with his fleet to Northwic, and entirely wasted and burned that city, upon which, Ulfkytel (Earl of the EastAngles) called a council of the East-Anglian nobles, (at Thetford,) who resolved to purchase peace of the Pagans (i. e. the Danes) before they damaged those parts, being obliged to it by their sudden approach, and coming upon them unawares, which gave them no time to raise their forces; but notwithstanding the peace thus made, the Danes privately withdrew from their ships (at Norwich) and went towards Theodford; as soon then as Ulfketel understood it, he sent a messenger directly to the neighbouring country, and commanded them to burn their ships, but they neglected to perform that command; in the mean time he got his forces together as soon as he possibly could; three weeks then alter they had destroyed Northwic or Norwich, they came to Theodford or Thetford, and staying there one night only, they burnt and destroyed that place also; but in the morning, as they marched back towards their ships, Ulfketel met them with his forces, upon which there followed a sharp engagement, and great slaughter on both sides, many of the East-Anglian nobles being slain, but had the whole (Anglian) forces been joined, the Danes had never returned to their ships, as themselves, as well as the English, acknowledged." Upon this, they betook themselves to their ships, and left Norwich quite desolate, which continued so till 1010, when they returned again and settled here; and in 1011, having entirely subdued the East-Angles, it is reasonable to think, they then refortified this castle, the works or fortifications of which are plainly Danish, as is evident from the rotundity of them, they being exactly like their castle, camp, or fortification (call it which you will) at Thetford; and from this time the present city took it rise, and as it were a refoundation.
[edit] CHAPTER III
OF THE CITY UNDER THE DANES AND DANISH MONARCHS.
Thus the Danes settled here, and fortified themselves against all enemies, about 1011; and the next year, Turkil, or Turketel, a Danish Earl, took possession of all Norfolk, having expelled the English Earl Ulfketel, and held it under Swain to his death, which happened in 1014, upon which the Danish army chose Cnute or Canute, his son, for their king; but upon Swain's death, the English took courage, sent for Etheldred out of Normandy, who returned and drove Canute out, and forced him to go to Denmark for recruits; notwithstanding this, Turkil continued still governour of the East-Angles, by Ethelred's consent, and being trusted by the King, with his fleet of 40 ships, he sailed with 9 of them into Denmark, and persuaded Cnute to return, who with the assistance of his brother Harold, then King of Denmark, brought a navy of 160 ships, and landed at Sandwich in 1016, and immediately sent Turkil against the English, which he soon conquered, their King being then sick of his last illness, for he died on St. George's day in this year, and the Londoners crowned
Edmund, sirnamed Ironside, for their King, between whom and Cnute were fought many battles; but at last the affair was decided between them by a single combat, both the Kings by agreement entered a small island in the Severne, called Alney, and there they fought, first on horseback and then on foot, with great courage on both sides, till Canute received a wound, upon which he called for a compromise, and Edmund agreeing thereto, they divided the kingdom between them; but little while did Edmund enjoy his part, for being murdered by the traitorous Earl Edric, he died about St. Andrew in this very year, having reigned seven months only, and consequently
Canute became sole monarch of all England; and in 1017, assigned all Norfolk to Earl Turkil, who had enjoyed it ever since the expulsion of Earl Ulfketel, "and committed to him the custody of Cnute, which his father Swain burnt and destroyed; and to keep the East-Angles secure to him, he (Canute) was most like to be the builder of the present stone castle of Norwich; for when, by compact with the English nobles, the law called Engleshire was made with universal consent, for the safety of the Danes that were by agreement to remain in England, Canute sent home to Denmark his mercenary army of Danes; but in great caution built several strong forts and castles, garrisoning them with such Danes as had been settled in England before his time, intermixed with some such English as he had a confidence in," as the author of that ingenious Essay of the Antiquity of the Castle of Norwich has it, at page 18; and indeed I cannot say but that he produces arguments sufficient to show, that here was a building in the fortifications in Canute's time, and as I take it, had been, ever since King Alfred's time, though Canute might repair if not rebuild it; but as to the present building, I cannot imagine it older than Henry I. it being so like Rising castle and others, none of which exceed, if any comes near, the time of the Conquest, and therefore I suppose it was built by Roger Bigot, and much repaired by Thomas de Brotherton, in Edward the Second's time, as his arms, still on the stonework, plainly prove; and I doubt not but it was at this time, that it took the name of Blanchflower, as Sir Edw. Coke affirms it was called, and that from the whiteness of the stones, then new mended and rubbed over.
From this time to 1021, Earl Turkil was governour here, but when he and Iric Earl of Northumberland began to be too powerful, the King banished them both, and took this county into his own hands, and gave it to
Harold, who was King at Cnute's death in 1036, and dying in 1059,
Hardicnute succeeded, who died at Lambhithe in June, 1041, being the last prince of the Danish blood that ever sat on the English throne.
Certain it is, that from the time of Swain's settling here in 1010, this city, by the Danes swarming hither, rose almost at once to great maturity, as will appear from the Confessor's survey in the following chapter, it having about 50 years only to grow to this magnitude in, which Mr. Kirkpatrick imagines to be an argument showing Norwich to be much ancienter than we think, it being unlikely, or, as he says, almost incredible, to raise so large a city in few more than 50 years, for it could not exceed 60 from its Danish destruction: but this is not only possible but highly probable, and if we will credit the best of authorities, (I mean the Saxon Chronicle,) it is certainly true, that it did rise from its ruins to this magnitude, in so little time: the Danes settling here, without doubt they immediately repaired the burnt city, for I agree with him that it was a considerable place in the Saxon times, but as to its being a place of remark under the Romans, (as he insinuates, from a few coins found here,) I have no reason to think it so; perhaps Castor being so near, there might settle some few, before its total desertion, here; and that may account for such coins as are rarely found in this place: but why do we wonder at a city repaired and increased so much, in so few years, when we have so late an example as the great city of Petersburgh in Russia, first founded by Peter the great Czar, in 1703, who had 30,000 houses erected in one year's time, as I find in the life of that hero, at page 89, which is become in much less time than this did, one of the largest cities of Europe.
[edit] CHAPTER IV
OF THE CITY IN THE CONFESSOR'S TIME.
Edward the Confessor, being now on the throne, this earldom was given to Harold, son of Earl Godwin, who was afterwards King of England, and on his rebellion was seized by the King, and given to Algar, son of Leofrick Earl of Chester, who resigned it again to Harold at his return; and in 1052, on the death of Earl Godwin, Harold, in recompense for his generosity, gave Algar his earldom again; but he being banished in 1055, it came to the King, who pardoned him at Harold's request, and restored him, so that he enjoyed it to his death, and then it came to the King, in whose hands it was when he took the general survey of his land, which was after called Domesday Book, that being the record which gave the [dome] or final judgment, concerning the lands, taxes, and revenues, of the whole kingdom; and from thence we learn the state of the city in his time, which was exceeding grand, if we consider the few years it must be done in, for in Domesday page 13, we have the following account of it.
Rex. H. de Norwic.
Jn Noruic erant. t. r. e. Mcccxx. Burgenses, quocum mus eratita dominicus regis ut non posset recedere, nec homagium facere sine Licencia ipsius, cui erat Nomen Edstan, hic habebat xviii. Acras terra t xii. prati, t ii. Ecclesias in Burgo, t sertam partem tercie, et nni Ecclesie pertinebat una Mansura in Burgo, t vi. Acras prati, hoc tenet Rogerus Bigot de dono Regis. t de Mccxxxviii. habevant Rex et Comes, Soca, et Sacam, t Consuetudinem, et super 1. habebat Stigandus, Socam t Sacam t Commendationem. t super xxxii. habebat Heroldus, Socam t Sacam t Commendationem, quorum unus erat ita ei Dominicus, ut non posset recedere nec Momagium facere sine Licencia ipsius, inter totum habebant omnes lxxx. Acras terre, t xx. Acras t dimidium prati, et de istis erat una Mulier soror Stigandi xxxii. Acr. terre, t inter eos omnes habebant dimidium Mo- lendini, et quartam partem unius molini, et adhuc habent t adhuc xii. Acr. t dimid. prati, quas tulit cis Wihenoc, modo habet Rainaldus Filius I vonis, t adhuc ii. Acr. prati que iacehant ad Ecolesiam omnium Sanctorum, illas etiam tulit Wihenoc, t modo habet Rainaldus. Est etiam in Burgo quedam Ecclesia Sancti Martini quam tenuit Stigandus t. r. e. cum xii. Acris terre, eam habet modo Willius de Noiers ad Feudum Stigandi, tenebat etiam Stigandus unam Eoclesiam Sancti Michaelis, cui adiacent cxii. Acr. terre, t vi. prati t i. Carucata, hoc tenet Willus: Episcopus, sed non de Episcopatu, t Burgenses tenebant xv. Ecclesias, quibus pertinebant in Elemosinam clxxxi. Acr. terre t prati, et Ecclesiam Sancte Trinitatis tenebant t. r. e. xii. Burgenses, modo Episcopus de dono Regis Willi: Rex et Comes habebant clxxx. Acras terre, Abbas habuit Medietatem Ecclesie Sancti Laurentij t i. Domum de Sancto Edmundo. Doc erat Cotum tempore Regis Edwardi.
Et tota hec Willa reddebat t. r. e. xx. Libr. Regi, t Comiti x. Libr. rt preter hoc xxi. Sol. et iiii. den. Prebendarios, t vi. Sertarios mellis, et i. Ursum t vi. Canes ad ursum.
Et Wicman tenuit t. r. e. i. Car. terre t dim: t xvi. Acr. de Pas- tura, t vii. Acr. prati sub. Stigando modo Rainaldus Filius Ivonis, tunc et post i. Car. Modo ii. semper balet xxx. Sol.
Hundred of Norwic. The King's [Land.] In Norwic in the time of King Edward were 1320 burgesses, of whom one was so much the King's vassal, that he might not depart or do homage (to any other) without his license, this man's name was Edstan, he had 18 acres of land and 12 of meadow, and two churches in the burgh, and a 6th part of a third, and to one (of these) churches there belonged one mansion in the borough, and 6 acres of meadow; this Roger Bigot holds by the King's gift. And of 1238 (of the said burgesses) the King and the Earl had the soc, sac, and customs, and of 50 Stigand had the soc, sac, and patronage, and of 32 Herold had the soc, sac, and patronage, of whom one was so much his vassal, that he might not depart nor do homage (to any other) without his license; in the whole, they all had 80 acres of land, and 20 acres and an half of meadow, and of these one was a woman, sister of Stigand, (who had) 32 acres of land; and among them all they had the half of (one) mill, and the fourth part of (another) mill, and still have. And besides this, they had 12 acres and an half of meadow, which Wihenoc took away from them, but now Rainold, the son of Ivo, hath it; and there are 2 acres of meadow, which did belong to the church of AllSaints; these, Wihenoc took away also, but now the said Ruinald hath them.
There is also in the borough, a certain church of St. Martin, which Stigand held in the time of King Edward, with 12 acres of land, (and) now (in the Conqueror's time) William de Noiers hath it, (belonging) to (or with) the fee of Stigand. Stigand held also, one church of St. Michael, to which there belong 112 acres of land, and 6 of meadow, and (these are, or were accounted for) one carucate, this William the Bishop holds, but not (in right) of his bishoprick. And the burgesses held 15 churches, to which there belonged in alms, 181 acres of land and meadow. And 12 burgesses held the church of the Holy Trinity in the time of King Edward, (and) now the Bishop (hath it) of the gift of King William. The King and the Earl had 180 acres of land. The Abbot of St. Edmund had one house, and the mediety of the church of St. Laurence, (and) this was the whole in the time of King Edward. And this whole town in the time of King Edward, paid 20l. to the King, and 10l. to the Earl; and be sides this, 1l. 1s. 4d. (for) prebendaries, and 6 sextaries of honey, and one bear, and 6 bear-dogs.
And Wicman held in the time of King Edward, one carucate and an half of land, and 16 acres of pasture, and 7 acres of meadow, under Stigand; now Rainald the son of Ivo holds the same, then and afterwards (it was reckoned) one carucate, now two, (and) it was always worth 30 shilling; and further, Ecclesiam Sanctorum Simonis et Jude, tenuit Almarius Episcoupus t. r. e. post Erfastus, modo Willus. huie adiacent tres patres unius motendini et dimidium Acc. prati A. i mansura A non est de Episcopatu, sed de Patrimonia Almari Episcopi in Burgo hab. ii. Arr. prati de Episcopatu; A bal. xx. Sol. That is, Bishop Almar held the church of St. Simon and Jude in the time of King Edward, afterwards (Bishop) Erfast, (and) now (Bishop) William; to this belong three parts of a mill, and half an acre of meadow, and one mansion, and is not (part) of the bishoprick, but of the patrimony of Bishop Almar. In the burgh he had 2 acres of meadow belonging to the bishoprick, and (the whole) is worth 20 shillings.
From all which it appears, that at that time this city had 25 parochial churches, if not more; that the number of burgesses exceeded Lincoln, Ipswich, Yarmouth, Cambridge, Canterbury, and the chief places in England, and it is plain that York only could pretend to exceed Norwich at this time, none of the rest coming near it; and it is not certain that that exceeded it, for it is said that there were 1628 mansions inhabited in York, but in Norwich the burgesses only are named: now because there were more houses and householders in a city than burgesses, it is likely Norwich might have as many, if not more, houses than York; for it appears from the account of Lincoln, that there were 1070 houses inhabited, and only 900 burgesses, and the bordarij or bordars, which were in Norwich in the Conqueror's time, (300 of which, it is very probabe, might be here in the Confessor's time,) had their houses here, which are not mentioned in the survey, which is not so minute and exact as the Conqueror's.
Such was the magnitude of Norwich near 700 years ago, being then a Hundred by itself, containing 883 acres of land and meadow, with a sheep's walk within its jurisdiction, so that it seems to have extended then about a mile beyond the present walls: but it did not continue long in this state, but daily increased, in the peaceable reign of this King, as well as in the short one of his successour,
King Harold, who was Earl and Governour here.
First, 1238 of them dwelt in the part whereof the King and the Earl had the soc, sac, and custom, that is the entire jurisdiction, for soc is the power that any one hath to hold courts, wherein all that dwelt on his land, or in his jurisdiction, are answerable to do suit and service, and sac is the right of having all the amerciaments and forfeitures of all such suitors; and custom, includes all other profits, as landgable or tax, tolls, heriots, and other customs, which differed according as they were used in divers places, but every where the division between the King and an Earl, was two parts to the King, and a third to the Earl, in right of an earldom.
In the second part dwelt 50 of these Burgesses, and they belonged to Stigand's court, who had their amerciaments, protection or patronage; that is, (to speak after the old Roman manner,) he was their patron, and they his clients; but it is not said that he had the customs of these burgesses, which makes me think they belonged to the King and the Earl, for the soc was sometimes one person's, and the customs another: this Stigand was Bishop of the diocese, and after Archbishop of Canterbury, in King Edward's time; and this was part of the city, now St. Martin's on the Plain, and Tombland where St. Michael's stood.
The other 32 of the 1320, dwelt in that part which was Herold the Earl's land, who had therefore the jurisdiction of court over them, received their amerciaments, and was their patron; he was son of Earl Godwin of Kent, and after the Confessor's death, King of England.
[edit] CHAPTER V
Of The City In The Conqueror's Time.
In the beginning of the reign of
William the Conqueror, it daily increased, till the year 1075, when the King gave the earldom, city, and castle, to Ralf de Waiet, Waher, or Guader, a Norfolk man born, son of Ralf, an Englishman, by a Welsh woman; this Ralf, while the King was in Normandy, and against his command, as some historians say, but, as the Saxon Chronicle says, with his leave and approbation, married Emma, daughter of William Fitz-Osborn or Osbert, sister to Roger Earl of Hereford, cousin to the Conqueror, and celebrated his nuptials with great pomp at this city; Waltheof, the great Earl of Northumberland, Roger Earl of Hereford, and many other bishops, abbots, and barons, being present at the solemnity; such was the pride raised in the Earl by this affinity, that on his very wedding-day, (when wine had intoxicated his brain,) he persuaded his guests to join with him in a rebellion, to which they all consented, and immediately entered into a conspiracy against the the absent King; but Earl Waltheof having consulted his pillow, and perceiving the danger, went the next day to Archbishop Lanfrank, who was guardian of the realm in the King's absence, and discovered the whole to him, by whose advice he went over into Normandy, and with submissive repentance showed the whole to the King: the Earls therefore of Norfolk and Hereford, (whose state now lay open to chance,) as desperate men, took themselves to arms, and endeavoured to join their forces; this sudden noise of war immediately roused the King's subjects, so that Wolstan Bishop of Worcester, and others, raised forces in Worcestershire, and hindered Earl Roger's passing the Severne, and joining Earl Ralf, and at the same time, Odo Bishop of Bajeux, and Jeffry Bishop of Constance, who had assembled a mighty power of English and Normans, went directly against him, and forced him to retire to Norwich; but when he was there, seeing that neither the keepers of the several castles, nor the people, joined him, in such numbers as he expected, he took shipping at his castle at Norwich, and fled into Little-Britain with the chief of his followers, leaving his wife to keep the castle, against which the King immediately sent an army, and besieged the same, till through famine, she was forced to yield, but upon composition that the besieged should depart the realm, as persons abjured and banished for ever; and then she and her adherents followed her husband; and so this castle, city, and earldom, came again into the Conqueror's hands, and became part of the royal demeans of England. In this siege the city suffered much, as we learn from Domesday; many of the citizens who took the Earl's part fled away, and so forfeited all they had, others were forced to go away, because Waleram, under pretence that they joined the Earl, whether they did or no, invaded and seized their inheritances, and a greater part were forced to look out for themselves, the chief of the city being burned down at the siege, so that they had no places of residence, and others were so heavily fined and taxed by the King, that they were forced to fly; and thus by this one conspiracy, the city received prodigious damage every way. Things being thus appeased, the King kept his Christmas at Westminster, and then punished all the English that were at Earl Ralph's wedding at Norwich, some of which were condemned to have their eyes put out, others to be banished, and others to forfeit all they had; and thus ended this rebellion in England, but the King did not forget him, but the next year went into Brittanny, and besieged Earl Ralph in his castle of Dol or Dolence, to whose assistance Philip the French King came with a powerful army, and constrained King William, who wanted provisions for his army, to raise the siege, with so great loss of men, horses, and money, that the next year he was glad to make peace with him; and thus ended the whole affair, in the year 1077.
The whole of the castle, earldom, and city, being in the Conqueror's hands, he made Roger Bigot constable of the castle, who was the King's bailiff also, to gather all the rents arising from the borough of the castle, city, and earldom.
In the year 1085, the Saxon Chronicle says, the King sent messengers into every county to take an exact account of every hide of land, and the several owners thereof, how much rent, cattle, &c. every one had, in short, the substance of every man in England, whether in land, cattle, or money, was set down; so that neither ox, cow, or hog, was omitted: and from this record we have the exact account of this city in the year 1086.
Rex. M. de Norwic.
In Nowic erant t. r. e. tc. as before; ¶ modo sunt in Burgo MDLXV. Burgenses Anglici et Consuetudines reddunt, et cccclxxx. Bordarij, qui propter pauperiem nullam reddunt Consuetudinem, et in illa terra quam tenebat Stigandus tempore Regis Edwardi manent modo er illis Superioribus xxxviiii. Burgenses et in eadem sunt ix. Mansure vacue. Et in illa terra, de qua Heroldus habebat Socam Sunt xv. Burgenses, et xvii. Mansure vacue que Sunt in Occupatione Castelli, et in Burgo clxxxx. Mansure vacue in hoc quod erat in Soca Regis et Comitis, et lxxxi. in Occupatione Castelli, et in Burgo Sunt adhuc L Dom. de quibus non habet Rex suam Consuetudinem, et his habet Rainaldus homo Rogeri Bigot ii. Domus et ii. Mansuras et Robertus Baro ii. Domos, et Abba i. dom. t Rabel ii. domos, et ii. Mansure, et ii. Mansure quas ten. ii. femine, et Ascolf Unglicus [Anglicus] i dom. et homo Teodbald Abbatis Sri. Edmundi i. dom. rt Burghard i. dom. et Wala i. Dom. et Wills. homo Hervi. B. i. Dom. et. meinardus vigil i Dom. et Meinburgenses {Mein Burgensis} i. Dom. t Hervius Deb. [Herveus} i dom. et Rad. Arbalistarius ii. Dom. t i Mansura t Hereberd Fossator iii. dom. t Rogerus Pete- vinus i. Dom. et Meinardus homo Abbatis de Sco. Benedicto i. Do- mus. et Petrus homo Abbatis Sri. Edmundi i, Mans. Everwinus Burgensis i. Dom, et Baldeuuinus i. Dom, t Wills. i. Anglicus i. Dom, t Gerardus vigil i. Dom. Rodbertus Lorimarus i Mansura t Hildebrand Lorimarus i. Domus t Godwinus Burgensis i. Dom. et Wills. homo Hermeri i. Dom. t Gislebertus Vigil i. dom. et Fulbertus quidam sacerdos Hermeri i. Dom. t Walterus i. dom. t Reinoldus Filius Ivonis i. Dom. et Richardus de Sentebor (potius Sent-cler) i dom. et Hugo homo Willi. de Scoies i. dom.
Et homines Episcopi x. Do,. et in propria Curia Episcopi xiiii. Mansure, quas dedit Wills. Rex. Æ. (Ærfasto) ad principalem sedem Episcopatus, et Gislebertus Arbalistarius i. Dom. et ii. Mansure, et Wills. de Scoies i. Dom, et Meinardus i. Dom. Abbas de Eli i. Man- sura. Et in Burgo tenent Burgenses xliii. Capellas, et tota hee Willa reddibat t. r. e. tc. as before.
Et modo lxx. Lib. pensum Regis, t c. Sol. ad numerum de Gersu- ma Regine, et i. Asturconem; et xx. Lib. Blancas comiti, et xx. Sol. Bersuma ad numerum G. [sc. Godrico.]
Et Ecclesiam Sanctorum Simonis t Jude tc as before.
De Burgensibus qui manserunt in Norwic. abierunt t manent in Beccles, villa abbatis Sancti Burgum. et in Torp regis i. et in terra Rogeri Bigot i. et sub Willo de Noiers i. et Ricus de Sent-cler i. Jiti fugientes et alii remanentes omnino sunt vastati, partim propter foris- farturas Radi Comitis, partim propter Arsuram, partim propter Gel- tum Regis, partim per Walerannum.
In hoc Burgo, si bult Episcopus, potest habere i. Monetarium.
In Burgo erat quedam basta Domus, hanc accepit Ranulfus filius Walteri de dono Regis, et Walterus Diaconus i. Dom, in Burgo, sed non euit t. r. e. et ii. Acc. prati de Sancto Sepulchro, abstulere ii. ha mines Radi. Comitis, post rebabuit Presbiter concessu bicecomitis. Radulfus Comes tenuit xiv. Acr. terre t i. Acr. t dim. prati, post tenuit Alunard de Niwetuna.
Terra Burgenisum in Hundret de Humiliat. semper lxxx. Acr. t. xiii. Bord. t i. Car. et iii. Acr. yroti, et val. xiii. s. iiij. d
Franci de Norwic. in Nouo Burgo xxxvi. Burgenses, et vi. Anglici, et er annua Consuetudine reddebat unusqufsque i.d. preter fortisfactu- ras, de hoc toto habebat Rex.ii Pactes et tertiam, modo xli. Burgenses Franci, in dominio et Comitis, t Roger Bigot habet L. et Radulfus Bellafago xiiii. t Hermerus viii. et Robertus Arbalis- tarius v. Fulcherus homo Abbatis i. t Isac i. et Rad. Visus Lupi i. et in habet et man- suram bastam. Tota hec terra Burgensium erat in Dominio Tomitis Radi. et concessit eam Gegi in Tommune ad faciendum Burgum inter se et Gegem, ut testatur Vicecomes et omnes terre iste tam Militum quam Burgensium reddunt Gegi suam Consuetudinem.
Est etiam in Novo Burgo quedam Ecclesia quam fecit Radus. Comes et eam dedit suis capellanis, modo eam tenet quidam sacerdos Vice-Comitis, de dono Regis nomine Wala, et bal. lx. Sol. et quamdiu Rob. Blundus Comitaum tenuit, habuit inde unoquoque anno i. unciam auri.
The Hundred of Norwich is the King's land.
In Norwich, in the time of the Confessor, were 1320 burgesses, &c. Now Roger Bigot holds of the King's gift, Edstan the burgess and his land, churches, &c. and Wihenoc hath also 12 acres and an half taken from the burgesses, which now belong to Rainald son of Ivo, St. Martin's church also, with 12 acres of land, which Stigand had in King Edward's time, belonged now to William de Noiers, who owned part of the fee, that belonged to Stigand; St. Michael's church on Tombland, was Bishop William's, of his own inheritance, and the church of the Holy Trinity, or St. John's Maddermarket, which belonged to 12 burgesses in the Confessor's time, was the Bishop's also by the King's gift.
Now at the time of the survey, there were in the borough 665 burgesses, Englishmen, and they pay the customs, and there are 480 bordars, who, because of poverty, pay no custom, and in that land which Stigand held in the time of King Edward, there now remain 39 burgesses of those above mentioned, and in the same there are 9 mansions void.
And in that land of which Harold had the soc, there are 15 burgesses, and 17 mansions void, which are in the occupation of the castle, and in the borough 190 mansions are void, in that which was the soc of the King and the Earl, and 81 in the occupation of the castle.
In the Borough there are moreover 50 houses, of which the King hath not his custom. Of these Rainald, a man or tenant of Roger Bigot, hath 2 houses, and 2 mansions, and Robert the Baron 2 houses, and the Abbot (of St. Edmund) 1 house, and Rabel 2 houses and 2 mansions, and 2 mansions which 2 women hold, and Ascolf an Englishman 1 house, and Teodbald a man or tenant of the Abbot (of St. Edmund) 1 house, and Burghard 1 house, and Wala 1 house, and William a man or tenant of Hervy the burgess 1 house, and Meinnard the watchman 1 house, and Mein the burgess 1 house, and Hervi the invalid 1 house, and Ralph the arbalister 2 houses and 1 mansion, and Hereberd the ditcher 3 houses, and Roger the Pictavian 2 houses, and Meinard, a man (or tenant) of the Abbot of St. Bennet, 1 house, and Peter a man of the Abbot of St. Edmund, 1 mansion, and Everwin a burgess 1 house, and Baldewin 1 house, and William 1 house, Englishman 1 house, and Gerard the watchman 1 house, and Robert the lorimer 1 mansion, and Hildebrand the lorimer 1 house, and Godwin a burgess 1 house, and William, a man of Hermer, 1 house, and Gislebert the watchman 1 house, and Fulbert, a certain priest of Hermer, 1 house, and Walter 1 house, and Reinold the son of Ivo 1 house, and Richard de Sentbor 1 house, and Hugh, a man of William de Scoies, (Le Escois or the Scot,) 1 house, and the men (or tenants) of the bishop 10 houses, and in the bishop's own court (or palace) 14 mansions, which King William gave to Ærfast, for the principal seat of the bishoprick, and Gislebert the arbalister 1 house and 2 mansions, and William de Scoies 1 house, and Meinard 1 house, and the Abbot of Ely 1 mansion.
And the burgesses held 43 chapels in the borough.
And this whole town, in the time of King Edward paid, as before.
And now it pays 70l. by weight to the King, and a hundred shillings by tale, as a free gift to the Queen, and an ambling palfrey, and twenty pounds blanch, or silver uncoined to the Earl, and 20s. by tale, as a free gift to Godric.
St. Simon and Jude's church was now held by Bishop William, and Wicman's land was held by Rainald the son of Ivo, &c. as under the Confessor's reign.
Of the burgesses who dwelt in Norwich, 22 are gone away, and dwell in Beccles, a town of the Abbot of St. Edmund, and 6 in Humilgar or (Humbleyard) hundred, and have forsaken the Burgh, and in King's Torp or Thorp 1, and in the land of Roger Bigot 1, and under Will. de Noiers 1, and Richard de Sentcler 1.
Those who fled, and those remaining, are altogether wasted or impoverished, partly through Earl Ralph's forfeitures, partly through fire, partly by the King's tribute, and partly by Waleran.
In this borough, if the Bishop will, he may have one monyer. (mintmaster, or man to coin money, and consequently a mint.)
In the burgh there was a certain decayed house, which Ralf the son of Walter had of the King's gift, and Walter the Deacon hath one house in the burgh, but it was not in the time of King Edward. And 2 men took away from St. Sepulcher 2 acres of meadow, which afterwards the priest had again, by the grant of the sheriff.
Earl Ralph held 14 acres of land, and one acre and an half of meadow, which afterwards Alward de Nieweton (or Newton) held.
The land of the burgesses in the hundred of Humilait, was always 80 acres, and there were 13 bordars, and it is reckoned or valued at one carucate, and there is of meadow 3 acres, and it is worth, that is the whole paid, 13s. and 4d.
Frenchmen of Norwic.
In the New-Burgh there were 36 burgesses Frenchmen, and 6 English, and by a yearly custom, every one paid 1d. besides forfeitures; of all this, the King had 2 parts, and the Earl the third. Now there are 51 French burgesses, in the demean of the King and the Earl, and Roger Bigot hath 50, and Ralf de Bellafago or Beaufo 14, and Hermer 8, and Robert the arbalister 5, and Fulcher, a man of the Abbat 1, and Isac 1, and Ralf Vice de Lieu 1, and in the Earl's bakehouse, Rob. Blund hath 3, and Wimer hath one decayed mansion.
All this land of the burgesses was in the demean of Earl Ralf, and he granted it to the King, in common to make a new-borough, between himself and the King; and all these lands, as well of the knights (or soldiers) as of the burgesses, pay to the King his custom.
There is also in the new-borough, a certain church which Earl Ralph made, and gave it to his chaplains, now, a certain priest of the sheriff, by name Wala, holds it by the King's gift, and it is worth 60 shillings, and so long as Rob. Blund held the county, he had thence every year, one ounce of gold.
And thus we see, that in the Confessor's time, there were 25 churches, and in the Conqueror's time we find 54 churches and chapels here, so that the chapels belonging to the burgesses, seem to be built since the Confessor, they being not mentioned in his survey.
There were no Jews in England before this King's reign, who brought many from Roan in Normandy, and settled them in London, Norwich, Cambridge, &c. In what capacity they came over, says Fuller in his Church History, p. 9, I do not find, perchance as plunderers, to buy such oppressed Englishmen's goods as Christians would not meddle with; sufficeth it us to know, that an invasion by conquest (such as King William then made) is like an inn, entertaining all adventurers; and it may be, these Jewish bankers assisted the Conqueror with their wealth. These Jews (though forbidden to buy land in England) grew rich by usury, (their consciences being so wide, that they were none at all,) so that in the barest pasture in which a Christian would starve, a Jew would grow fat, he bites so close unto the ground. And ever bow down their backs, is part of God's curse upon the Jews, and crook-back'd men, as they eye the earth, the centre of wealth, so they quickly see what straight persons pass by, and easily stoop to take up that they find thereon; and therefore no wonder if the Jewish nation, whose souls are bowed down with covetousness, quickly wax wealthy therewith. King William favoured them very much, and Rufus his son much more; especially if that report of him be true, that he should swear by St. Luke's face, his common oath, If the Jews could overcome the Christians, he himself would become one of their sect.
On Thursday the 9th of September, 1087, died this Great Conqueror, and the city fell to his son and successour, William Rufus.
[edit] Chapter VI
OF THE CITY IN WILLIAM RUFUS'S TIME.
Upon William Rufus's succession to the crown, Roger Bigod, who held the castle under the Conqueror, seized it, or rather retained it, which, as it happened, was unfortunate for the city, he being in the interest of Rob. Curthose Duke of Normandy, elder brother to Rufus, whom he assisted to the utmost of his power by garrisoning the castle, wasting the city and adjacent country, and spoiling such as would not join with him. The Essay on the Antiquity of the Castle, p. 21, says, that Roger Bigot had the custody of it committed to him; and quotes the Baronage, fo. 132, for this purpose; but there we find nothing of its being committed to his custody, but on the contrary, that "adhering to those great men, who put themselves in arms against the King, he fortified the castle of Norwich, on the behalf of Robert Curthose, and wasted the country thereabouts." Sure I am, that Roger was of them (meaning that favoured Curthose) who seized or garrisoned the castle at Norwich, and wasted all that land or country: and accordingly Holingshed tells us, in the reign of this King, that in the year 1088, "Roger de Bigod departing from Norwich, with great forreys (or foragers) over-rode and robbed all the countreys about, and conveyed such riches as he had gotten, into the said city." But these troubles being appeased by the King's making large promises to the English, that he would restore them such favourable lawes as they wished and desired, and upon his commanding all unjust imposts, tolls, and tollages, to be laid down, and granting freehunting in the woods, chases, and forests, to his subjects, which he knew was a thing very agreeable, and much desired, he had respite from the insurrections, but yet the whole was not settled till 1091, when there was peace made between the King and his brother Robert Duke of Normandy, one article of which was, that the lands and inheritances of all such as had assisted Robert should be restored; by virtue of which, this castle, &c. was in the custody of Roger Bygot, by the King's consent, who it seems dwelt peaceably the rest of this King's reign, and answered the King his part of the profits, of the castle, city, &c. as is evident by his never being complained of for want of so doing; and from this time the city began to recover itself, which Herbert Losinga, then Bishop of Thetford, perceiving, having been quite disappointed, as well as his predecessors, as to settling the see at Bury, he determined to translate it hither, and that contributed very much to raise the city to that degree that it soon rose unto in these times; and it is plain that Roger had a great hand in this translation, it being said in the King's charters and grants made to the Bishop, that he did it at Roger's request, who seemingly had a mind to bring the see to his chief mansion, which was the Castle here; and so the see, as all agree, was by Herbert translated and fixed here Apr. 9, Ao. 1094, and in the year 1096, he laid the first stone of the cathedral church. And this confirmed the flourishing state of the city, which from this time daily increased in wealth, trade, and buildings.
At this time Alsi, Abbot of Ramsey, owned several tenements here, for the King directed his writ to Bishop Herbert, to let him have soc, sac, toll, theam, infangenthef, and all customs that his ancestors had.
Speed, fo. 437, exhibits a coin of this King coined here, round the head is [w]illem rex anglorum, and on the reverse godric MOnetarius nor[thwi]c. i.e. William King of the Englishmen, and Godric Mintmaster of Norwich.
More I find not of this King, nor any thing in reference to this place in his time, only make no doubt but that the number of Jews here much increased, as well as elsewhere, he being such a favourer of that people, who (we are not to imagine) had it for nothing. He died in the year 1100, being accidentally killed as he hunted in NewForest, by Sir Walter Tirrell, who shot at a stag, and the arrow glanced from a tree into the King's breast, so deep that he died immediately.
[edit] CHAPTER VII
OF THE CITY IN HENRY THE FIRST'S TIME.
This King at his coming to the crown, met with opposition from several of the great men of the kingdom, who favoured Robert Duke of Normandy, his elder brother, who was then engaged in the Holy War; upon this, Roger Bigot stood true to the King, and so became a great favourite, for he was one of his witnesses to his laws, and in the first year of his reign, had Framlingham in Suffolk of the King's gift, and was constable of the castle to his death: in 1104, or some say in 1103, at the request of the King and Queen, the Bishop, and his own wife, he founded the priory or abbey at Thetford, and at his death was buried in the cathedral, being succeeded by
William Bygod, his son, who was also constable of this castle, and as such, sole governour of the city, steward of the King's household, and a great favourite: he was drowned in going to Normandy with the King's children, in the twentieth year of this King's reign, and was succeded in honour and estate by
Hugh Bigot, his brother, who was also steward of the household to King Henry I. constable of the castle, and sole governour of the city, and so continued till 1122, in which year the King came to Norwich, and kept his Christmas there; and it is plain he much liked the accommodation and treatment of the citizens, for he then granted them by charter the same franchises and liberties as the city of London then had. And from this time they were governed by a Præpositus, Provost, or Portreve, chosen by the King, who was to collect all the King's duties, and govern the city; and this was the first grant or charter the city had, by which the government of it was severed from the castle, the constable of which till now, was always sole governour, and answered the King his two parts of the profits, and kept the third to himself; and the sheriff, who was then under him, was the officer that collected it; but now the third part of the profits remained to the castle, and was the King's liberty belonging to the castle, which belonged to the constable thereof, who governed it by the sheriff,
And the king's two parts became the citizens, who by this charter exercised all jurisdictions that the King did, in reference to those parts, and returned their fee-farm or annual profits, by the hands of their Provost, who accounted yearly for them to the King: whether this officer was recommended by the citizens to the King, which is most likely, it being annual, or whether the King named without any such recommendation, I cannot find; neither have I met with any copy of this charter, though the truth of it is confirmed not only from many evidences, but by the charter of Henry II. which mentions it.
Daniel, fo. 56, tells us that this King, "had an especial regard to the due administration of justice, that no corruption or oppression might disease his people, whereby things were carried to that eveness, between the great men and commons, as gave all satisfaction; he made divers progresses into remote parts of the land, to see how the state was ordered, and for that purpose, whensoever he was in England, he kept no certain residence, but solemnized the great festivals in several and far distant places of the kingdom, that all might partake of him." A laudable and good example, worthy the learning of this King, who deservedly had the name of Beauclerk, or the fine scholar; for Fuller says, "he was one that crossed the common proverb, the greatest clerks are not the wisest men, being one of the most profound scholars, and most politick princes in his generation."
It appears from the record called Testa de Nevil, that at this time felons were imprisoned in the castle, for it is said that the lands of Bunde son of Harvy Gamel, a resident in North Erpingham hundred, who was imprisoned at Norwich on account of his wife's death, and was acquitted by Harvy Belet, were in the King's hands, but were to be restored.
To say exactly what were the liberties granted, and exercised by, the city in this King's reign, for want of copies of the records, no one can; but whatever they were, they enjoyed them peaceably to his death, in 1135.
[edit] Chapter VIII
OF THE CITY IN THE TIME OF KING STEPHEN.
In the year 1135, at the death of King Henry,
Stephen de Blais, or Blois, was crowned King of England, who immediately confirmed
Hugh Bigot in the custody of this castle, the said Hugh being in great favour, (for he was one of the principal persons that advanced Stephen to the crown,) by coming directly from Normandy, where Henry I. died, and averring that he on his deathbed, upon some dislike to his daughter Maud, the Empress, did disinherit her, and appoint Stephen Earl of Boloign to be his heir.
The citizens therefore taking this opportunity, made what interest they could with the King, to have a new charter, and to be governed by coroners and bailiffs, instead of their provost or port-reeve, but the affair took a contrary turn to what they expected, for before the close of this year, the King fell into a lethargy, which occasioned a report that he was dead, upon which Hugh came to his castle here, and refused to render it up to any but the King only: the bottom of it was, he found that William de Blois, natural son to King Stephen, was about supplanting him, and getting the castle for himself, so that instead of being able to carry the point for the citizens, who had an absolute refusal, he could not long hold out his own, for under pretence of Hugh's holding it in this manner, he seized the castle, and all that belonged to it, and all the liberties of the city from the citizens, and took them into his own hands; and soon after he granted to his natural son,
William, for an appennage or increase of inheritance, the town and borough of the city of Norwich, in which there were 1238 burgesses, that held of the King in burgage tenure, and also the castle and burgh thereof, in which there were 123 burgesses, that held of the King in burgage, the whole rents of the city of Norwich were then 700l. per annum, (the rent of fee-farm of the citizens being included,) and also all the royal revenue of the whole county of Norfolk, unless what was granted to, and then belonged to, the bishoprick, religious houses, and other earls, and especially excepting the tertium denarium, or third penny, of the profits, by reason whereof Hugh Bigot was Earl.
Whence it appears, that to satisfy Hugh, the King made him Earl of the East-Angles or Norfolk, and granted the third part of the profits of the county to him in inheritance, and the two parts which always belonged to the Crown, to his son William and his heirs; this was done in 1140, the 6th of King Stephen.
During this time, namely in the 4th of King Stephen, Ao 1138, the citizens sued earnestly to the King for a regrant of their liberties, and neither William nor Hugh, both whose interest it then was to favour them, gainsaying it, they had their ancient liberties granted them, but were to be governed by a prevost or port-reve, as heretofore.
In 1139, the citizens paid into the hands of the sheriff 25l. as a composition aid to the King, for their pardon and restoration of their liberties.
In 1140, Baker in his Chronicle says, that "the King gave license to the city of Norwich to have coroners and bailiffs, before which time, they had only a serjeant for the King, to keep courts." But I know no authority for it, for the tenour of every thing that I have seen is against it; not so much as finding mention of any such office as a serjeant, but that the provosts always from their first establishment had the sole management of the affairs of the city; but they enjoyed their liberties a very little while, for Hugh Bigot, this very year, being much displeased with the loss of the castle, and not thinking his being made an earl was a sufficient recompense, declared for Maud the Empress; and upon his being summoned by the King to yield up his castle at Bungay, which he then kept in favour of her, and absolutely refusing, the King came with his army and took it: and upon this revolt the liberties of Norwich were seized again; but it is plain they were accorded soon after the taking of this castle, for Hugh Bigod, in 1141, was in the battle on the King's side, against the Empress, in which the King was taken; and after that it seems he was one of those that deserted him; however, we find in 1145, he was reconciled again, being then witness to the King's laws, and continued some time in favour, for in the 17th year of King Stephen, 1152, by his interest with the King, the citizens were restored to all their liberties, and had a new charter granted them, but I imagine had no enlargement of privileges, for they were now governed by a Provost as heretofore: and now the city flourished again so much, that Cambden says (fol. 387,) that Norwich was built anew, was a populous "town, and made a corporation." And in the following year, Hugh was so strenuous for Stephen, that he held the castle of Ipswich for him, against Henry Duke of Normandy, son to Maud the Empress, and afterwards King of England; but Stephen not sending him relief in time, he was forced to yield it up, and then he became one of Henry's party; but yet I do not find the city was affected by it, but that their provost paying the yearly fee-farm to the King, they peaceably enjoyed all their liberties to his death.
In this King's reign, the Jews, who dwelt here, upon Easter-Even crucified a child named William, in this city: Weever, fo. 377, says, that "the Jews inhabiting within the prime cities of the kingdom, did use sometimes to steale away, circumcise, crown with thornes, whip, torture, and crucifie, some one of their neighbours male children, in mockery, dispite, scorn, and derision, of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, crucified by the Jews in Jerusalem." Most historians say, it was done in 1144, but the Saxon Chronicle, p. 240, places it in 1137, and gives us this account of it, "at this time the Jewes at Norwich, before Easter, bought a Christian child, and tormented him in the same manner our Lord was, and to shew what sort of love and respect they had for our Lord, on GoodFriday they hung him on the cross, and afterwards buried him, and hoped to conceal it, but our Lord declared that holy martyr, and the monks took him and buried him honourably in the precinct of their monastry, and by our Lord's grace, he works many great miracles, and is called St. William." He was about 12 years old, as I find in several kalendars, where the day of his passion is noted to be kept holy, which was the 24th of March. The mistake of historians as to the year seems to be this, he was martyred in 1137, according to the Saxon Chronicle, the author of which was alive at that time; in 1144 being found, he was removed into the cathedral churchyard, and, as Cotton the monk of Norwich says, in 1150 was translated from the churchyard into the choir, or chapterhouse.
In the New-Legend, printed at London 1516, fo. 309, we have the Life of St. William the Boy and Martyr, the substance of which (omitting the miraculous part of it) in English is, that he was son of Wenstan, and Elwina, daughter of Wlward the priest, who lived in the adjacent country, and was bound to a tanner at Norwich, and soon after, about Easter, the Jews that dwelt near him enticed him to their houses, and seizing him, gagged him, bound, mocked, and crucified him with great torment, wounding him on his left side; and on Easter-Day they put the body into a sack, and carried it to Thorp Wood to bury it, but as they entered the wood, Eilward, a burgess of Norwich, saw them, and went silently after them, out of curiosity to know what they had got, and coming near, he perceived it was a human body; but they discovering him and fearing they should be taken, fled into the thickest part of the wood, and there hung up the body on a tree; and returning home, took counsel with the rest of the Jews, and went to the sheriff, and promised him an hundred marks if he would free them from this danger; the sheriff immediately sent for Eilward, and forced him to swear, that as long as he or the sheriff lived, he would never accuse the Jews, or discover the fact, but above five years after, when he laid on his death-bed, affrighted with the imagination of seeing the boy, he discovered the whole matter; and the body being found in the wood, it was taken and buried in the churchyard of the monks, but many miracles being wrought by it there, it was in the year 1150 removed and enshrined in the church, and this boy-saint became so famous for the many miracles said to be wrought here, that Thomas, a monk of Monmouth, who was by his abbot assigned to write history, pitched upon this fact, it being done in his own time, and accordingly he wrote seven books "about William the Boy and Martyr," and one about "the Miracles done by him," and dedicated them to William Turb Bishop of Norwich.
How the Jews came off as to this fact I cannot say, but many forfeited their fortunes, both money and houses, many of which, and some of the principal ones in this city, belonged to them, though I do not find they had any lands, and but very few were executed, they understanding how to buy peace of the King, by giving large sums of money for that purpose. John Bale, in his "Actes of English Votaryes," speaking of the injustice of the law which hindered the marriage of priests at that time, and to show that it was an innovation, priests being anciently allowed to marry, hath this that follows in proof of it, "Saint William of Norwyche a martyr, whych was ther shryned in Christes Church Abbeye in the yeare of our lorde, a M. a. C. and xliiii. (1144,) was crucifyed of the Jewes, dwellyng than in a place called Abrahams-Hawle, (Abraham's-Hall,) Elwina thys S. Wyllyam's mother, had a prest to her father, whose name was called Wulwarde, whyche was a man famouse, the storye sayth, both in good lyfe and learnynge, plentuously havinge the gyft of expowning secrete misteryes, her other syster Livina, beynge also this prestes daughter, was joyned in lawful marryage to an other preste, called Godwin; this prest had a son called Alexandre, whych was a married deacon, and loked after the decease of his father to enjoy his benefyce, by inherytaunce: either must thys Legende of S. William, written of Thomas Monmouth, a monk of the same abbeye, be a wycked thyage, for allowynge these two prestes marryages, eyther els that cytie of Norwyche hath had most wycked and tyrannouse rulers in thys our tyme, &c."
About the year 1150, the King sent William Martel, his sewer or steward, to Norwich, as his deputy and judge, who summoned the chief of the two counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, to come to him there, to discuss certain affairs, for the benefit of the kingdom; who came accordingly, and at the appointed day met in council in the Bishop's garden, the said William sitting as judge, William Turb Bishop of Norwich, Nigel Bishop of Ely, Ording Abbot of St. Edmund, Daniel Abbot of Holm, with most of the barons of the two counties, viz. Walter Fitz-Robert the King's Sewer, Rob. de Vere the King's Constable, Reginald de Warren, Fulk De'olly, Hugh son of Eudo, Will. de Chetney son of Robert, Henry de Rhye, and others, being present. Upon which, Jordan de Blossevile, and Rich. de Waldar, two gentlemen of the court, introduced a certain youth called Herbert, and placed him in the midst of the assembly, telling them, that the youth there present had intimated to the King, that last year he was servant to Sir Robert Fitz-Gilbert, who, (as he says,) when the King went against his enemies that held Bedford castle against him, at the time he talked with his barons in a meadow near that city, was in the army there, and did then join with Sir Adam de Hornyngesherth, who was also in the said army, and held correspondence with Ralph de Alsted and Roger his brother, who were the King's enemies, and with them conspired to deliver up the King to his enemies, or murder him, and that the said Ralph and Roger came privately out of the city into the King's army, and changed horses, shields, and saddles, with the said Robert and Adam, in order, under colour thereof, to come at any time into the King's army, to put in execution whatever should be agreed upon, and that this youth was there ready to prove it, for which reason the King had sent him down to hear the matter, that the two knights might be lawfully heard and judged by their country. As soon as the Abbot of St. Edmund heard this, he stood up, and made a speech; in which he told them, that these were two of his knights, that were men of the blessed martyr St. Edmund, and therefore could not be brought or made to answer in this place or city, the liberty of St. Edmund being such, that no man belonging to it could be forced to answer to any one, in any place, but in the court of St. Edmund at Bury, and for the truth of it, he appealed to all the bishops, abbots, barons, knights, and gentlemen, there present, for which reason he demanded respite of judgment, till he could talk with the King; which was granted, and the Abbot with his barons, monks, and friends, went directly to the King, and showed his Majesty their charters and privileges, upon which the King said, that all justice originally belonged to the county and court there, and therefore he sent them back again to the county and council they came from, and whatever they did, as to allowing the liberties or not, he would stand by it: returning therefore to Norwich, they produced their charters and liberties to the shire-mote of the county, or county-court, upon which, Sir Hervy de Glanvil rose and made a speech in the assembly, telling them he was a very old man, having constantly attended the county and hundred court, for above 50 years, with his father, before and after he was knighted, as they all knew, and he assured them, that in the time of King Henry (sc. I.) when justice and equity, peace and fidelity, flourished in England, though now, alas! war silenced justice and the law, he remembered that a question of the like nature, concerning the liberties of St. Edmund, and the eight hundreds and an half, arose then in the shiremote or county-court, and the Abbot had it then allowed, that all pleas, suits, and actions of what nature soever, concerning any person in the liberties of St. Edmund, except the pleas of murder, or treasure found, belonged to the court of St. Edmund, and were to be tried either by the Abbot, his steward, or other officer: upon which the bishops and barons present, with the consent of Roger Gulafer and Will. Frechnei, then sheriffs, and of Hervei son of Hervei, and Robert de Glanvil, and many others, of the honours of Warren, of Earl Hugh Bygod, and of Eye, presented the liberties to be good, and delivered their testimonies of it to William Martel, the King's justice, who notified it to the King, who immediately confirmed it, and ordered the Abbot's to appoint a day, that he might have justice done him in the Abbot's court, which the Abbot did: immediately after this, Walter Fitz-Robert, the King's sewer, came into the court, and demanded justice against William de Howe, who had entered his liberty of warren in his manor of Hemenhale, as he proved by producing the nets taken upon the men of the said William, in the manor; which cause the Abbot also claimed to belong to his court, for the same reason as before, and it was allowed him; and a very little while after, the King came to Bury, and there, by the mediation of the barons of the church, and the King's barons, the said knights and William de Howe were pardoned by the King, and so the matter ended: which is worth observation, as it shows us how speedily and well justice was administered even in those troublesome times, as well as the authority of the shire-motes, county and hundred courts, which were the fountains of all justice, and so much valued, that the King himself referred justice to them, the principal of the county, both spiritual and temporal, sitting there to do justice, the sheriff as judge, representing the King, pronounced the sentence the court gave.
[edit] CHAPTER IX
OF THE CITY IN HENRY THE SECOND'S TIME.
As soon as Henry, son of Maud the Empress, was crowned, he began to set aside many that were relations, or had been friends to Stephen, and in the very first year of his reign, resumed into his hands, from William, the bastard son of King Stephen, Earl of Moreton and Warren, this city, castle, and liberties, but restored all those lands to him which his father held in the reign of King Henry I. as a recompense for it, and so it came into Henry the Second's hands, who this very year prevailed with Hugh Bigot to yield up all his castles to him which he did accordingly, by which the whole right vested in the Crown, and the King governed the city by the sheriff for some time, who paid the profits and aids accruing from it, into the Exchequer; and this year, viz. 1155, William de Nova Villa, or Nevil, sheriff of Norfolk, paid 50 marks for the aid due from the city.
In 1158, the city gave the King 414l. 13s. 4d. for the second scutage of Wales; it is called a donum or gift, and it appears they levied it among themselves, but paid it into the Exchequer by the hands of John, then sheriff of Norfolk; and in 1160, the sheriff accounted for 200l. for the tallage of the city for that year.
In 1163, Pope Alexander III. confirmed to Bernard the Prior, and monks of Horsham St. Faith's, all their lands and houses in Norwich and Yarmouth, which were given them in alms.
About this time, Hugh Bigod came again into favour with the King, by means of Henry the King's son, who did him what service he could, in order to draw him over to his party, whenever he should put in execution the design he had of wresting the crown from his father; yea so much was he in the King's good graces, that he advanced him anew to the dignity and title of Earl of Norfolk, as by his charter, dated at Northampton, appeareth, by which charter also he had a grant of the office of steward of the King's household, to hold and enjoy it in as ample a manner as Roger Bigod his father held the same in time of Henry I.; and at the same time he was made Constable of the castle of Norwich, and the city, being in the king's hands, he became sole governour of it, the sheriff from this time acting under him as to the city.
In 1165, the 26th day of January was a great earthquake here, and all over Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire, so that many could not keep themselves on their feet, and the bells rang in several steeples with the shock of it.
This year Willium de Norwich certified into the Exchequer, that he held a whole knight's fee of old feoffment in Suffolk, of Nigel Bishop of Ely, for which he now paid one mark to the fifth scutage, being the aid for marrying Maud, the King's eldest daughter, to Henry Duke of Saxony; and in 1171, he paid 20s. to the sixth scutage for the army in Ireland: which shews us that this ancient family, that took its surname from this city, was of good repute and estate in Henry the First's time, being then infeoffed in this fee in Suffolk.
In 1167, the burgesses of Norwich paid 200l. towards the aid (or portion) for marrying the King's daughter, and the mintmasters at Norwich paid 10 marks, according to the writ directed for that purpose.
In 1170, the desire of the King was such, that though he had caused all the kingdom to be twice sworn to his son Henry, he was not satisfied, but had him crowned with all usual solemnities, by Robert, Archbishop of York, on the 14th (or as Mat. Paris says, on the 18th) day of June: the generality of historians attribute this unprecedented example wholly to the great affection he had for his son; but I think it might proceed from another motive: the King well knew he was a young man of a great spirit, and desirous of rule, and, I make no doubt, saw that many of the principal nobles of the land, as Bigot and others, were entirely at his command, and finding he should be busied in Normandy and other places beyond sea, where his lands lay, he invested him with the full regal authority, that he might not rebel, under hopes of getting it in his absence, but might exercise it at that time, to his own, and the nation's advantage, so that though it hath been looked upon as a foolish act, it might not be done so weakly as may at first sight be imagined; but yet so much is the desire of rule in some, as was seen by this young King's conduct, that they cannot bear a superiour, nor even an equal to themselves in power, for being with his father-in-law, the French King, in France, in 1172, it is thought he spirited him up against his father; for the next year he fled to him, and raised war in the King's dominions beyond sea, against him: Roger Mowbry, Hugh Bigot, and divers others of the young King's accomplices, for joining him against his father, took care to get under his seal, charters, confirmations, &c. of lands and revenues for their services, among which Hugh Bigot got this castle, city, honour of Eye, &c. confirmed to him and his heirs; all this was done at Paris, and immediately after, they waged war against the old King, and got the King of Scots to enter England, on behalf of the young King, at once to harass the father with foreign and domestic war.
In 1173, Robert de Bello-mont, surnamed Blanchmains, Earl of Leicester, who took part with the young King, assembled a great army at Leicester, but was immediately beaten by the old King's party, and forced to fly into France, and was present at the interview between the old King, and Lewis the French King, between Grisors and Trie, where the King made such large offers for peace sake, to his sons, that had it not been for this wicked Earl, (who then offered to strike his sovereign,) and such others like himself, there had been a final accord then made; but that not happening, the Earl of Leicester in a few days passed over into England with a great army of Flemings and others, to join Hugh Bygod, that they might, as well by force as fair means, bring the whole realm under the obedience of King Henry the son; on the 21st of September, he landed at Walton in Suffolk, and went to Framingham castle, where Hugh Bigot received him, and there they tarried till another fleet of Flemings came to their assistance, and then marched to Ipswich, and staid a few days, till they augmented their forces with some band of soldiers that belonged to Hugh Bigot, and thence went directly to the castle of Haghenet, (or Haughley in Suffolk,) which then belonged unto Ralph Broc, who adhered to the old King, which they took, spoiled, and burnt, and then returned to Framlingham, where hearing that the Countess of Leicester, his wife, was arrived at Oxford with another power of Flemings, having now a strong army, he took leave of Earl Bigot at Framlingham, and went to succour his friends in Leicestershire, but he was got no further in his march than a village called Fornham, near St. Edmund's Bury, before Sir Richard de Lucy and Humfry de Bohun came out of that town, and overcame him in a pitched battle, on the 27th of October, and took him and his Countess prisoners, and put to the sword above 10,000 Flemings; after this, the nobles immediately sent the Earl of Leicester and his wife prisoners to the King in Normandy, and went directly against Earl Hugh, on purpose to abate his pride, and might have easily done it by taking him prisoner, but by reason of such sums of money as he bribed them with, peace was granted him till Whitsuntide following, and so his castle at Framlingham was not taken; soon after this, having gotten together 14,000 Flemings, he went through Essex to Dover, and so to France.
The next year, being 1174, Philip Earl of Flanders, on the behalf of King Henry the son, swore that he would enter England within 15 days after the Feast of St. John, upon trust of which the young King came down to Whitsand, the 14th day of July, that he might the more conveniently send his soldiers into England; but before this, the Earl of Flanders had sent over Ralf de La Haie, and 318 knights, or men of arms, who arrived at Orwell in Essex the 14th of June, and finding their associates dispersed, and for the more part subdued, they took with them Earl Hugh, and marched to Norwich, which the Earl thought would have willingly received him; but the citizens stood firm in their loyalty to the old King, and resisted him in the best manner they could: the Earl hasting thither with all speed, reached the city on the 18th of June, and not being immediately received into it as he expected, he assaulted it directly and won it, they having had no time to consult upon the best way of defending it, and being very wrath with the citizens for endeavouring to resist him, he burnt the city, got all the riches he could, took all the principal persons prisoners, and made them fine and ransome themselves at his pleasure; and entering the castle, fortified it, by deepening the ditches in the strongest manner he could, and then received into it as many French and Flemings as it would contain; Holingshed, fo. 91, says, that Will. Parvus (or Petit) writeth "that the city of Norwich was taken by the Flemings that came over with the Earl of Leicester in the year last past, and that after he had taken that citie, being accompanied with Earl Bigot, he led those Flemings unto Dunwich, to win and sack that town also, but the inhabitants being better provided against the coming of their enemies than they of Norwich were, shewed such countenance of defence, that they preserved their town from that danger, so that the two Earles with the Flemings, were constrained to depart without atchieving their purpose; but whither this attempt against Dunwich was made by the Earl of Leicester, (before his taking ) in companie of Earl Bigot, I have not to avouch: but verelie for the winning of Norwich, William Parvus I suppose mistaketh the time, except we shall saie, that it was twise taken, as first by the Earl of Leicester in the yeare 1173, for it is certain by consent of most writers, and especiallie those that have recorded particularlie the incidents that chaunced here in this land, during these troubles, betwixt the king and his son, that it was taken now this year 1174, by Earl Bigot."
The king was advised how Earl Bigot and Roger Mowbray strengthened themselves against him, and began to prepare accordingly, but his party soon after prevailing, and taking the King of Scots prisoner, gave such a turn to affairs, that when Bigot heard the old King was mustering an army against him at Bury, he began to be afraid, and was more so when he found that he had taken his castle at Walton in Suffolk, and demolished it, and was coming to his other castles of Framlingham and Bungeye, wherein having no more than 500 soldiers, (many of which discerning their danger, fled away,) dispairing also of any further supply, he was forced to buy his peace of the King for 1000 marks, and yield up all his castles, having with difficulty obtained leave, that all the Flemings with him at Norwich, and elsewhere, upon taking an oath never to come into England as enemies again, might return into their own country, as well as all the soldiers that came with Ralf de La Haie: this agreement was made on July 25, and immediately the King ordered the castle of Bungeye to be demolished, and took this castle, city, and all that belonged to them, into his own hands; Earl Hugh going soon after into the Holy Land, where he died.
By this means the city was very much damaged, but the citizens were henceforward much valued by the King for withstanding his enemies, and showing their loyalty to him, upon which account to make them some amends, they were allotted to pay the King in the year 1175 only 16l. for the whole profits of their city.
Daniel, fo. 88, under the year 1176, says that the King in his parliament then assembled at Notingham, caused the kingdom to be divided into six parts, (now called circuits,) and constituted for every part three justices itinerants to try assizes of murder, theft, &c. But I find itinerant justices trying assizes here before this year; for in 1168, the Archdeacon of Poictou, Wido the Dean, and Will. Basset, were itinerant justices here: in 1173, Ralf de Glanvill and Hugh de Cressi, Robert Mancel, Adam de Gernemue, (or Yarmouth,) &c. Hugh de Cressi, Walter Fitz-Robert, and Robert Mantel, were deputed for Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex, and Hertfordshire; so that it seems the circuits only were now first fixed.
From this time the city began to recover itself by the King's clemency and encouragement, the whole being in his Majesty's hands till 1182, and then the citizens petitioned the King for their liberties to be restored, to which he consented for a fine of 80 marks, and granted them a charter of the same liberties as they enjoyed in the time of Henry I. his grandfather, and in the time of King Stephen.
The original Charter is now extant among the city evidences in the Gild-Hall at Norwich, and is very fair and clean, part of the seal still remaining; it is the oldest original Charter that I have seen, belonging to any corporation, and by much the oldest of any in this county, for which reason I shall give it you, word for word, as in the original:
Henricus Rex Anglie, et Dux Normannie, et Aquitanie, et Comes Andegavie, ombibus Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciarijs, Vicecomitibus, Ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis, salutem. Sciatis me concessisse, et presenti carta confirmasse burgensibus meis de Norwico, omnes consuetudines et libertates et quietencias quas habebant tempore Henrici Regis avi mei, ita plene et honorifice et quiete sicut ipsi eas plenius et honorabilius et quietius habuerunt tempore Regis Henrici avi mei. Quare volo et firmiter precipio, quod omnes illas habeant, plene et honorifice sicut eas tunc habuerunt, tam consuetudines suas, quam etiam responsa sua, tempore meo, et temporibus heredum meorum, et si aliquis post mortem Regis Henrici avi mei, in tempore Regis Stephani, a consuetudinibus eorum et scottis se foras misit, precipio quod ad eorum societatem et consuetudinem revertatur, et scottum ipsorum sequatur, quia nullum ex eis inde quietum, clamo. Testibus, Willielmo fratre Regis, Henrico de Essexia, Constabulario. Ricardo de Humes, Constabulario, manasse Biset Dapifero, Warino filio Geroldi, Camerario; apud Westmonasterium.
Henry King of England, and Duke of Normandy and Acquitain, and Earl of Anjou, to all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Barons, Justices, Sheriffs, Officers, and other his faithful subjects, both French and English, greeting. Know ye that I have given, and by this present Charter confirmed to my burgesses of Norwich, all customs and liberties, and acquittances, which they had in the time of King Henry, my grandfather, as fully and honourably, and quietly, as they had them fully, and honourably, and quietly, in the time of King Henry, my grandfather; wherefore I will and firmly command, that they have them all, fully and honouraby as they then had them, as well their own customs, as those they are answerable for, in my time, and in the times of my heirs, and if any one after the death of Henry, my grandfather, in the time of King Stephen, hath absented (or withdrawn) himself from their customs and scots, I command that he shall be forced to return to their society (or company) and custom, and shall be forced to pay the same scot as they do, because I claim no one of them free therefrom. These being witnesses, William the King's brother, Henry of Essex the Constable, Richard de Humes the Constable, Manasses Biset (Steward) or Sewer, Warine Fitz-Gerold the Chamberlain: (given) at Westminster.
There being no date, to show at what time this was granted, if the evidence before quoted had not helped us out, we should have been at a loss to have known it, as we now are, as to the precise time of the year, though by its being granted when the King was at Westminster, it must be about August time.
It is plain the citizens were much pleased with their regained liberties, and put them very exactly in execution; and indeed in 1184, they carried the matter too far, for when some citizens were warned to serve as jurymen, either at the views of frankpledge or court leets, belonging to the King's castle, or at the leets belonging to the others, though it was within the city, they refused serving, and pretended exemption from so doing, by this charter; but the affair being tried, they were cast, and paid a fine of 9 marks to the King, and were commanded to serve for the future, in that leet or view wherein they dwelt.
This King died in 1189, and was succeeded by Richard, his second son; Henry, his eldest, who was crowned King, dying long before him; and happy had it been for this city, if he had never been crowned at all.
[edit] CHAPTER X
OF THE CITY IN RICHARD THE FIRST'S TIME.
Richard the First, sirnamed Cæur de Lion, or the Lion's Heart, from his great valour, was not only a valiant, but a wise, liberal, just, merciful, and religious prince; he was crowned at Westminster, September 3, 1189, and not having the same value for the Jews that his predecessors had, gave strict commandment that no Jew, whether man or woman, should presume to be present at his coronation; notwithstanding which, the chief of them came to make him an honourable present, and declare their joy at his advancement, and to procure friendship to have the charters and liberties of his predecessors confirmed to them; but he commanded that none of them should enter the church during his coronation, nor the hall at dinner, which one of them attempting to do, was stricken by a Christian, and driven back, who declared he had the King's command for so doing, which was no sooner known by the populare, but they fell upon the Jews, and chased them to their houses, which they robbed and fired, burning and killing many of them; and though the King sent Ralf de Glanvil, his chief justice, to quell them, he could not do it till 2 o'clock the next day; and it being rumoured about the nation, that the King did not favour them, by this example, the populace of Bury, Linn, and Norwich, rose against them, and robbed and spoiled abundance of them.
On the 27th of November following, the King, by charter dated at Westminster, created Roger, son of Hugh Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, and Steward of his Household: who being in such favour as to be made Earl of the county, may be allowed to be constable of the castle, seeing history mention no other as constable at that time; earls in favour were mostly constables of the royal castles of their counties; and when they were not in favour, the sheriffs of the counties had the custody of such castles, along with their farm of the county; and by his means it was, he being always a great favourite of this King's, that the citizens afterwards obtained as ample a charter as the city of London then had: which city, upon his expedition for the Holy War, presented him with a large sum, in requital of which, he granted them many privileges, and ordained that they should be ruled by two head officers, called Boiliffs, which they should choose among themselves every year; and in like manner, in 1193, being the 5th year of his reign, in consideration of 200 marks to be paid into the Exchequer by the citizens of Norwich the year following, he granted the city in fee-farm to them and their heirs, paying into the Exchequer the fee-farm rent of 108l. a year, out of which, they had an annual discount of 25s. for lands and meadows in the suburbs, which King Stephen had granted to his nuns at Carrowe, and this fee-farm exceeded all profits that the Kings ever received annually from the city, by above 40l. a year; the tenour of which Charter here follows, as I transcribed it from the original in the gild-hall, which is very fair, and hath a perfect broad seal of red wax of this King's hanging to it.
Ricardus Dei gratia Rex Anglie, Dux Normanie, Aquitanie, Comes Andigavie, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciarijs, Vicecomitibus, Ballivis, Ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis, salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse civibus nostris Norwicensibus, quod nullus eorum placitet extra civitatem Norwicensem, de nullo placito preter placita de tenuris exterioribus, exceptis monetarijs et ministris nostris. Concessimus etiam eis quietanciam murdri, et gawitam infra civitatem, et quod nullus eorum faciat duellum, et quod de placitis ad coronam pertinentibus se possint disrationare, secundum consuetudinem civitatis Londonie, et quod infra civitatem illam nemo hospitetur, vel capiat quicquam per vim, hoc etiam eis concessimus, quod omnes cives Norwicenses sint quieti de thelonio et lastagio, per totam Angliam, et per portus maris, et quod nullus de miserecordia pecunie judicetur, nisi secundum legem quam habent cives nostri Londinenses, et quod in civitate illa in nullo placito sit meskenninga, et quod hustinga semel in ebdomada tantum teneatur, et quod terras suas, et tenuras, et vadia sua, et debita sua omnia juste habeant, quicunque eis debeat, et de terris suis, et tenuris que infra civitatem sunt, rectum eis teneatur, secundum consuetudinem civitatis, et de omnibus debitis suis que accomodata fuerint apud Norwicum, et de vadijs ibidem factis, placita apud Norwicum teneantur, et si quis in tota Anglia, theloneum vel consuetudinem ab homnibus Norwicensibus ceperit, postquam ipse a recto defecent, Prepositus Norwici namium inde apud Norwicum capiat, has predictas consuetudines eis concessimus, et omnes alias libertates et liberas consuetudines, quas habuerunt vel habent cives nostri Londinenses, quando meliores vel liberiores habuerunt, secundum libertates Londini, et leges civitatis Norwici. Quare Volumus et firmiter Precipimus, quod ipsi cives et heredes eorum hec omnia predicta cum civitate et pertinentijs ejus hereditarie habeant et teneant de nobis et de heredibas nostris, reddendo per annum centum et octo libras Esterlingorum, numero, de civitate Norwici, per manus Prepositi Norwici, ad Scaccarium nostrum, in termino Sancti Michaelis, et cives Norwici faciant Prepositos de se, per annum, qui sint idonei nobis et eis. Hijs testibus, Hen. Sar. electo, W. de Sancte Ma. ecclesia, Decano Moreton. Magistro Eustach. Decano Sa. Magistro Ph. Comite W. Sa. Gauf. filio Pet. Rob. filio Rog. Rob. de Tregos, Dapifero, W. de Mallion, W. de Stagno. Data apud Potesmutam, per manus W. de Longo-campo, Elyen. Episcopi, Cancellarij nostri, quinto die Maij, regni nostri anno quinto.
Richard by the grace of God King of England, Duke of Normandy, and Acquitain, and Earl of Anjou, to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Barons, Justices, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and to all his faithful subjects, French and English, greeting. Know ye, that we have granted to our citizens of Norwich, that none of them shall be forced to answer to any plea (or action) out of Norwich, unless it be to pleas concerning foreign tenures, except the mintmasters, and our own officers; we have also granted them acquittance of murder, and gavelet within their city, and that none of them shall be forced to duel, (or combat,) and that they may try all pleas of the Crown among themselves, according to the custom of the city of London; and that nobody, (that is a stranger) shall lodge (or be received) into the city, or take any thing by force; we have also granted this to them, that all the citizens of Norwich shall be free from toll and lastage, throughout all England, and in all the sea ports; and that no one of them shall be condemned or amerced in any sum of money, unless it be according to the law, that our citizens of London have; and that also in that city (of Norwich) there shall be no plea of mikenning, and that they shall hold their husting but once in a week, and that they shall justly have their lands and tenures, and their securities, and all their debts that any one shall owe them; and as to their lands and tenures, which are within the city, the writ of right shall be tried by them according to the custom of the city, and as to all their debts which shall be lent at Norwich, and as to all securities there made, the pleas (or actions relating to them) shall be tried at Norwich: and if any one in all England shall take toll or custom from the men of Norwich, and afterwards that person shall desist (and not prosecute) his writ of right (for so doing) the Provost of Norwich shall take out the writ of naam (or withernam) for so doing, at Norwich: all these aforesaid customs we have granted them, and all other liberties and free customs which our citizens of London have had, or now have, or others, if ever they had any better, or more free, according to the liberties of London, and the laws of the city of Norwich. Wherefore we will and firmly command, that the citizens themselves, and their heirs, all the aforesaid things, with the city and its appurtenances, shall have and hold of us and our heirs, to them and their heirs, paying yearly one hundred and eight pounds of esterlings, by tale, from (out of, or for,) the city of Norwich, by the hands of the Provost of Norwich, at our Exchequer, every Michaelmas day, and the citizens of Norwich shall yearly choose such Provosts out of themselves (or their own body) as shall be agreeable to us and them; these being witnesses, Henry Bishop elect of Salisbury, William Dean of St. Marie's church at Moreton, Master Eustace Dean of Salisbury, Master Philip, William Earl of Salisbury, Jeffry Fitz-Peter, Robert FitzRoger, Robert de Tregos the Sewer, William de Mallion, William de Stagno, or De la Pool; (dated or given) at Potesmouth, by the hands of William de Longchamp Bishop of Ely, our Chancellor, the fifth day of May in the fifth year of our reign.
In this King's reign it seems there were abundance of Danes and Irishmen settled here, if we may credit the following verses of this age:
Eboracum silvis, Excestria clara metallis, Norwicum Dacis, Hibernis, Caestria Gallis.
For Danes and Irish, Norwich much is fam'd, Chester for French, for mines Excester's nam'd, Yorkshire for woods, &c.
This King was killed with an arrow, April 6, 1199, and was succeeded by his brother, John.
[edit] CHAPTER XI
OF THE CITY IN KING JOHN'S TIME.
John, after the death of his brother Richard, was proclaimed King of England, in April 1199, and was crowned in May following; and upon the French King's invading Normandy, he soon after went thither; but though he was out of the realm, the citizens found means to apply to him, by the interest of John de Grey, a Norfolk man born, who the year following was made Bishop of Norwich, who promising the King 300 marks to be paid by the citizens, which was accordingly performed the next year, obtained a confirmation of all their liberties, which charter is still extant in the gild-hall at Norwich, with his broad seal of green wax still appendant thereto; it bears date at Caen in Normandy, September 28, Ao Domini 1199, and was passed or sealed by the hands of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, the King's Chancellor, Henry Bishop of Salisbury, Simon Archdeacon of Welles, John de Grey aforesaid, John de Brauncester, Ralph Earl of Chester, William Earl of Arundel, Robert Earl of Leicester, Philip Fitz-Robert, and Will. de Huntingfeld, being witnesses. It is word for word the same as the charter of Richard I. only in the style, the King hath the additional title of "Lord of Irland," and in the direction, these words, "to all Provosts and Bailiffs," are added; and in the reservation of the fee-farm, instead of the words "esterlings by tale" it is, "sterling blanch," that is, white or silver money.
In 1202, the ordinance for the assize of bread was proclaimed throughout the whole realm, as most necessary and profitable for the commonwealth, which assize was approved and assessed by the baker of Jeffry Fitz-Peter, Lord Chief Justice of England. And all were to obey it, under penalty of the pillory.
In 1203, the citizens tried, convicted, and hung, several assayers or triers of money, that were arrested in this city, under pretence of their charter; but it appearing, that all persons belonging to the mint, were excepted out of their jurisdiction by the very words of their charter, in 1205, the King seized all their liberties for this offence, by the hand of the sheriff of Norfolk.
In 1210, the Jews all over England were grievously taxed, and many, for want of payment thereof, vexed and imprisoned, but most of those of this city met with but little difficulty, they paying without any trouble.
In 1213, Alfrid of Norwich, clerk, one of a noble or good family, who pleaded and produced the Pope's bull in a certain cause in the Exchequer, was called to an account for that presumptuous action by the King, he having commanded the contrary, and was imprisoned for it at Notingham, and so loaded with fetters that he died.
In 1212, Roger Bigot Earl of Norfolk attended the King into Poictou; but afterwards, in 1215, he sided with the rebellious Barons, against their prince, upon which the castle was seized, and William Marshall Earl of Pembrook, being then associated with John FitzRobert in the sheriffalty of Norfolk and Suffolk, were by patent made constables of the castles of Norwich and Orford in Suffolk, but were soon discharged of those trusts; for on the 19th of July, in the same year, Hubert de Burgh, a Norfolk man born, and afterwards Earl of Kent, was made governour of the castles of Norwich and Orford: in this same year, King John retiring from his Barons into the isle of Wight, dispatched the Bishops of Norwich and Worcester beyond sea, to raise him forces, and meet him about Michaelmas at Dover, which they did, with such forces as they had got out of Poictou and elsewhere, and had not Hugh de Boves (to whom the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk were allotted for services to be done) setting out from Calice with 40,000 more, (men, women, and children) been by a sudden tempest drowned in the sea, he had made a universal conquest of his kingdom, for with those he had, in half a year's time he recovered all his castles, which forced the Barons, in the year 1216, to solicit Lewis, the French King's son, to come and take upon him the crown of England, who landed at Sandwich in Kent, May 21, with 680 vessels, upon which, King John (who at first designed to give him battle) withdrew, and fled towards Gilford: Lewis went to Canterbury, which, with all Kent, submitted to him; thence he came to London, and was honourably received of the citizens, who did homage to him; then taking divers castles, he hasted to Winchester, to give the King battle, which when King John heard, he fled: the city submitted to Lewis, and there almost all the Earls and Barons of the realm met him; then taking the castle of Odiham, and the tower of London, he returned into Kent, and on the 22d of July, besieged Hubert de Burgh, till Oct. 14, in his castle of Dover, who being not able to abide the assault any longer, obtained truce to send to King John for succour, who all this while went about the land, wasting with fire and sword the possessions of his barons, and so marching through Norfolk and Suffolk, he came to Linn, where the townsmen received him with great joy, and honoured him with large gifts, and passing from thence over the marshes, he came to Swynested abbey, thence to Newark-Castle, where he died, Oct. 19, 1216. This King, to raise money, as also to gain the affections of his people of the principal places of his realm, granted a great number of charters of privileges, so that he made more corporations than any one of his predecessors or successours; he incorporated Linn, Eye, Dunwich, Ipswich, Yarmouth, &c. in Norfolk and Suffolk, and first granted the citizens of London to have a mayor.
In this King's time, the contest between the monks and citizens began, concerning their right of commoning, with the prior's tenants, on the lands between Eaton, Lakenham, Herford-Bridges, and Norwich, but at last the matter was adjusted by fine levied in the King's court.
[edit] CHAPTER XII
OF THE CITY IN HENRY THE THIRD'S TIME.
King John being dead, Henry, his eldest son, was proclaimed King, and was crowned at Gloucester the 28th of October following. Lewis and the Barons in the mean time being not able to win Dover castle, removed their seige, and came to London the 6th of Nov. following, determining to subdue the smaller castles first; and accordingly they went to Hartford castle, and beseiged it Nov. 12, and it was yielded to them Dec. 6, in the mean time, Lewis's men had won all Ely Isle, except one fortress, in which the King's people were enclosed, and so went from place to place, conquering all as they went, till after Christmas, and then the said Lewis called all his favourers to a council at Cambridge, and no peace being made there, he made a great cavalcade or military progress into Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk, and miserably wasted those counties, taking the castles of Heningham and Orford: as soon as Hubert de Burgh found he marched this way, he sent to Thomas de Burgh, his brother, who was chatelain or keeper of this castle under him, to defend it as well as he could, but he was not in a condition to resist, for want of forces, and therefore upon the approach of the Frenchmen to the city, he fled out, in hope to escape, but was taken prisoner, and put under safe keeping; and Lewis seizing the castle, put a garrison into it, and made William de Bellomont or Beaumont, his Marshal, constable thereof, plundered the citizens, and reduced the city to a poor condition. But being afterwards forced to quit the realm, in 1217, Hubert de Burgh, who was constable of the castle, and sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk from the first to the ninth year of his reign, took possession of the castle upon Lewis's departure to France, and the King being reconciled, Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk, was then made constable thereof, and indeed the constables and lords of castles in the seignories or liberties thereto belonginging, exercised more arbitrary regality over their vassals, than the kings themselves, so that Mat. Paris and others say of them, "quot domini castellorum, tot tyranni, as many constables of castles as there were, there were so many tyrants.
In this year the King talliated or taxed his royal demeans, and the citizens paid a hundred pounds towards it, Yarmouth burgesses 60 marks, Dunwich 100 marks, which shows that town to have been in a most flourishing condition, Ipswich 30, and Orford 15 marks.
In 1220, died Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk, and constable of the castle, and
Hugh his son inherited all his lands and honours.
In 1221, Hubert de Burgh, the King's Chief Justice, Martin de Patteshul, Stephen de Segrave, Tho. de Heydon, Hugh Rufus or Rous, and Fulk Bainard, were justices itinerants here. And this year died Hugh Bigod Earl of Norfolk, and constable of the castle, and the King appointed.
Hubert de Burgh his Chief Justice, to have the custody of all his castles, lands, and honours: he left
Hugh Bigod, his son, his heir.
In 1223, the government of this city, was changed into four Bailiffs, instead of a Provost, by the King's Approbation, upon suit made for that purpose by the citizens, but the charter or license, if there was any granted this year, I have not seen.
In 1224, the Earl of Chester, and all the earls and barons of his faction, were forced to surrender up all their royal castles they had in their custody, into the King's hands, and then Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk, and constable of this castle, surrendered it up.
In 1226, the King sent his writ to Herbert de Alencun and Alex. de Bassingbourn, acquainting them, that though the tallage or tax of Norwich, which was now granted on all ancient royal demeans, amounted to 460 marks, yet for the value he had for the citizens, he had pardoned it down to 200 marks.
In 1228, the citizens petitioned the King for a new charter, with confirmation of all their old privileges, and addition of new ones, and in particular to have the power of trying all writs of novel disseisin, which was granted them for a fine of 80 marks, and six palfreys, paid to the King. This charter is still extant in the gild-hall, and hath a seal of green wax fixed to it; it is marked, Carta quarta, or the Fourth Charter, and is the same, word for word, as the preceeding charters of King Richard and King John, with this addition:
Concessimus etiam eisdem civibus, et precipimus, quod omnes hij qui residentiam habent in civitate Norwici, et qui communicaverint libertatibus, quas concessimus eisdem civibus Norwici, tallientur, et auxilium dent, sicut predicti cives Norwici, quando tallagia, et auxilia super eos posita fuerint. Concessimus etiam eis, pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod si aliquis a consuetudinibus eorum, et scottis se foras miserit, ad eorum societatem et consuetudinem revertatur, et scottum ipsorum sequatur, ita quod nullus inde sit quietus. Hijs testibus, J. Bathoniensi, R. Dunolmensi, W. Karleol, Episcopis, Hugone de Burgo Comite Kancie, Justiciario Anglie, Stephano de Segrave, Phil. de Albaniaco, Nicholao, de Molis, Johanne filio Philippi, Ricardo filio Hugonis, et alijs. Data per manum venerabilis patris R. Cicestrensis Episcopi, Cancellarij nostri, apud Westmonasterium, xiijo die Februarij, anno regni nostri tertio decimo.
That is to say,
We have also granted to our said citizens, and do command, that all persons who dwell in the city of Norwich, and partake of the liberties which we have granted to the same citizens of Norwich, shall be talliated, (or taxed,) and shall pay aid, as the aforesaid citizens of Norwich do, when tollages and aids shall be laid upon them. We have also granted to them, for us and our heirs, that if any one hath withdrawn himself from (paying) their customs and scots, he shall be forced to return to their company and custom, and shall be obliged to pay the same scot (or portion of tax) as they do, so that no person shall be acquitted thereof. These being witnesses, Joceline (de Welles) Bishop of Bath, Richard (Poore) Bishop of Durham, Walter (Malclerk) Bishop of Carlisle, Hugh de Burgh Earl of Kent, Justice of England, Stephen de Segrave, Philip de Albany, Nicholas de Molis, John son of Philip, Richard Fitz Hugh, and others; dated at Westminster, by the hand of the venerable father Ralph (Nevile) Bishop of Chichester, our Chancellor, the 13th of February, in the 13th year of our reign.
In the 18th year of this King, viz. 1283, Benedict the Phisitian brough an appeal against James, a Jew of Norwich, setting forth, that whereas Odard, son of the said Benedict, a boy of five years old, went into the street to play, about four years before, the said Jew took him, carried him to his house, and circumcised him in his member, and would have made him a Jew, keeping him a day and a night in his house, till it was common report that he was there, upon which the neighbours came in a body, and found him in the Jew's house, and immediately showed the boy to the Official, the Archdeacon, and Coroners, who were all present in court, and attested the same; and further, that they saw the boy was circumcised, his member being much swelled, and that he called him Jurnepin, all which he did maliciously, and feloniously, in disparagement of the cross and Christianity, &c. and he appealed several other Jews by name, of assisting and counselling the said James; and the boy then present, and of the age of 9 years, being asked how they circumcised him? answered, that some held him, and some shut his eyes, and another cut his member; and the coroners of the liberties of Norwich city, and 36 men of Norwich, were of the jury, and found that the boy was circumcised; and that all the Jews of Norwich were consenting thereto, except one, called Moses Ben Solomon, and the same was attested by Richard de Fressingfeld, constable of Norwich, and others; whereupon the King, and the major part of his council, viz. the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the major part of the Bishops, Earls, and Barons of England, because the like cause never happened before in the King's court, and because such a fact properly belonged to God and holy church, because circumcision and baptism belong to faith, and likewise for that there was no felony in the case, loss of member, maheme, mortal wound, or other laick felony, to damnify a man, without the command of holy church, it was resolved by the court, that the fact should be first considered by holy church, and the Ordinary: and there being a mark of gold offered, that the boy might be seen by the justices, whether he was circumcised or not, it was accepted, and they saw the boy, and his mother uncovered of the skin at the head, and pronounced him circumcised, and the boy was delivered to his father, to show to the ecclesiastical judges, and the Jews were still to remain in prison.
This is the true record of this affair, which Rabbi Manasseh Ben Israel, in his Vindiciæ Judæorum, or Vindication of the Jews, printed in the Phenix, vol. ii. p. 396, would make us believe is a mere fiction, in these words, "Mathew Paris, p. 532 writes, that in the year 1240, the Jews circumcised a Christian child at Norwich, and gave him the name of Jurnin, and reserved him to be crucified, for which cause many of them were most cruelly put to death, the truth of this story will evidently appear, upon the consideration of its circumstances. He was circumcised, and this perfectly constitutes him a Jew. Now for a Jew to embrace a Christian in his arms, and foster him in his bosom, is a testimony of great love and affection. But if it was intended that shortly after, this child should be crucified, to what end was he first circumcised? if it shall be said it was out of hatred to the Christians, it appears rather to the contrary, that it proceeded from detestation of the Jews, or of them who had newly become proselytes, to embrace the Jew's religion. Surely this supposed prank (storied to be done in Popish times) looks more like a piece of the real scene of the Popish Spaniards piety, who first baptized the poor Indians, and afterwards, out of cruel pity to their souls, inhumanly butchered them; than of strict law-observing Jews, who dare not make a sport of one of the seals of their covenant."
I fancy this rabbi never saw the record before quoted, and was as willing to pass by the foregoing example of St. William, who was not only circumcised, but crucified, and if we may judge by example, and the appearance of things, what reason could there be else for concealing this boy, after his circumcision.
Upon this, the King caused the sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk to make proclamation in the city of Norwich, that no Christian woman for the future should ever be servant to a Jew, either to nurse or take care of their children, or to serve them in any other capacity.
Fabian, in the seventh part of his Chronicle, fo. 43, says, that "in the xviij. yeare of Kynge Henrye, the Jewes dwellynge at Norwich were broughte before the Kynge at Westmynster, to answere to a complante made agayn them, by one called John Toly of the sayde towne of Norwyche, that they shuld stele a chyld, and it cyrcumcised of the age of a yere, and after kept the same chyld secret to the intent to crucyfye it, in dispyte of Christes relygion. But how the matter was folowed, or howso the Jewes acquyted themselves by their answer, truth it is, that they returned unpunished."
Holingshed, fo. 219, under the 19th of Henry III. 1235, says, that the King being at London, there was brought before him by one Tolie, a complaint exhibited against the Jews at Norwich, which had stolen a child being not past a twelve moneths old, and secretlie kept him an whole yeare togither, to the end that he might (when Easter came) crucifie him in dispite of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and the Christian religion, the matter as it happened, fell out well for the lad, for within a few daies before those cursed murtherers purposed to have shed this innocent's blood, they were accused, convicted, and punished, whereby he escaped their cruel hands."
Speed, fo. 532, tells us, that there were seven Jews brought before the King, &c. and relates the fact as before; and Stow, fo. 183, gives us the same account, and adds, that they designed to have crucified him at Easter, "as themselves confessed before the King, and were "convicted thereof, wherefore their bodies and goods were at the King's pleasure;" and in 1246, being still in prison, they were forced to give the King 100 marks for respite of judgment.
About this time, the animosities that had subsisted for many years between the monks and citizens now grew to a great height, the monks having charters of liberties older than the citizens, were uneasy with the liberties granted to the city by Richard the First, and his successours, they interfering with their ancient liberties, all which they stretched to the utmost, on their part, as well as the citizens theirs; so that both parties being resolute, the monks determining to stand out to the utmost, so far enraged the populace, that the commons of the city rose against them, entered the convent, robbed and burnt part of it; the King being then at Bromholm in Norfolk, hearing of it, sent the sheriff of Norfolk to take an inquisition of the burnings and depredations, but the burgesses would not suffer them so to do, nor make inqusition themselves, as they were bound to do; upon which, in the 19th year of his reign, Ao 1234, he seized all their liberties into his own hands; but upon their submission, released that seizure very soon; and in 1236, directed his writ to the sheriff of Norfolk, acquainting him, that according to their liberties, every one that merchandised in Norwich with the citizens should pay tollages, taxes, and aids, with them, and therefore, his tenants in the fee of his castle were obliged to pay with them, as citizens; they having recovered that liberty against him and his tenants, in his own court.
In 1239, Ralf Abbot of Ramseye, William of York Provost of Beverley, Hen. de Bath, Roger Thirkelby, Jeremy de Caxton, and Gilbert de Preston, were itinerant justices here, to settle matters between the convent and city, but that not being done, the King himself came hither, for on the 21st of March, in the 26th year of his reign, the King was at Norwich, for from hence he dated his writ to the sheriff of Cornwall, to command him to distrain all them who had 20l. a year in land, or more, either held by knight's service or soccage, or a whole knight's fee in demean, to oblige them to be knighted.
It seems he made an agreement between the citizens and convent; for finding the original of the dispute was by reason of their liberties, the monks claiming to exercise all their liberties in their own jurisdiction and lands, and the citizens claiming to exercise their liberties in the site of the monastery, and lands of the monks, they being not excepted in the city charter; it being impossible that both could be exercised in the same place quietly, and it appearing plainly that the monks had their liberties before the citizens, and consequently the city charter had no occasion to except them, it not being in the King's power to grant any thing that was another's property, by his own and predecessor's grants before; he commanded that the citizens should use all their liberties in their own jurisdiction, but should not pretend to molest the monks in the lands or places belonging to their convent, but that they should in all such places use their own liberties as heretofore; and accordingly, in 1244, when the tallage was laid, the city of Norwich was talliated or taxed to raise 100l. but was pardoned their part; but the men or tenants of the Prior of Norwich, who dwelt in Norwich, and held of the King lands and tenements in Norwich, by reason they have and enjoy all the same liberties as the citizens do, were now talliated at 20l. part of the said 100l. for the tax of the city, which they were forced to pay, so that though the Prior carried his point, the citizens carried theirs so far, as to make the Prior and his tenants pay the fifth part of the tax of the city, for enjoying the same liberties as they did. And thus the matter rested for some time, though this was the original of the rancour and malice that always subsisted between the convent and city.
In 1240, it was commanded, that the sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk should have the custody of the castles of Norwich and Orford; and that he should maintain them at his own charge: and accordingly the year after, the said counties and castles were committed to Hamon Passelew, during the King's pleasure, under the same form, and with the same authority, that Henry de Neckton, late sheriff, held them. About this time, the royal castles were frequently committed to the sheriff, who was always called the custos or keeper of the castle, but the earls, barons, &c. were always called constables of the castles, and exercised royal power within the jurisdiction of their castles, which the sheriffs did not, without special writ for so doing.
In 1247, the coin was so clipped, that it was thought convenient to change the same, and make it baser; whereupon new stamps were cut, and sent down to all the mints in different places in England, with a command to the mintmasters of those places, to use no other stamp than that of the mint of London, and all the old stamps were called in,
In 1249, the citizens sued the burgesses of Yarmouth for not permitting their ships (or keels) to come laden with their goods and merchandises to the city, as they always did in time past, and for detaining them there.
In the same year, the Prior of Norwich was sued for hindering the King's bailiffs from excecuting writs in his lands, and not suffering them to distrain any of his tenants, though they had warrants so to do, and though it was for the King's own debt, and in particular for suffering no officer but his own to enter his lands of Newgate, Pokethorp, Spitelond, (or St. Paul's parish, where Norman's spitel, or hospital, was,) and Holme-street in Norwich; and the steward of the Prior's lands, &c. appeared, and justified the action, by producing the King's charters for such liberties.
In this year also, Odo de Beccles was prosecuted and fined for encroaching on the King's ditch, belonging to his castle.
William Ribold, a felon, appealed William Noche of Norwich for harbouring thieves, receiving stolen goods, and killing a man named Joceline, in his presence, in his own house, which man when dead, the said Ribold carried out of the city, and laid him in Thorp-Wood, all which he offered to prove by duel, in case of appeal, body against body, according to the law of the land; upon which Noche appeared to justify himself, and pleaded that he was a citizen of Norwich, and not bound to the common law of the land, as to duel, but was ready to justify himself according to the custom of the city of London, which is, (that in case of suspicion of murder or man-slaughter,) there shall be 18 jurors returned from the part of Walbrook, and 18 more for the other part of the city, and then the party suspected shall come before the King's itinerant justices, and shall swear, that the person whose death he is suspected to be accessary to, was never the further or nearer to death, any way by him or any of his accomplices, friends, or relations, by his knowledge; and then if the 36 men so warned, shall voluntarily swear, that they believe his oath to be true, he shall be acquitted, but if any one of them refuses voluntarily to swear that, he shall be condemned: this being allowed, he pleaded, that as a citizen of Norwich he had the same privilege, and it was granted him, and 18 jurors were accordingly summoned from the part of Norwich beyond the water, (or river,) and 18 more for the part on this side the water, and the said Noche came before the justices, with 36 jurors, and took his oath as aforesaid, and all the 36 did the same voluntarily, upon which he was acquitted of the death of the said Joceline, and then being asked how he would acquit himself of the felony in receiving stolen goods, and accompanying and harbouring thieves, he answered he would be tried by a common jury of 12 of the citizens, and was so; who not only acquitted him, but returned their verdict, that they found him guilty of no crime whatever: and so he was discharded.
At the same assizes, the Dean of Norwich city was prosecuted for taking haliday-toll of the citizens, viz. of all bakers and others, and he pleaded that it always was a custom in the city, and his predecessors immemorially enjoyed such toll, and therefore he was discharged.
At the same time also, the citizens of Norwich were prosecuted with the burgesses of Yarmouth, and the people of Acle, for selling in unsealed bushels, and the citizens for taking toll of every bushel of corn, which they never used to do, and were fined for so doing; and the city liberties were seized, and Sir John de Lessington, Sir Betram de Crioyll, and Sir Robert Walerand, were deputed stewards of the King's liberties there; as is evident from several deeds inrolled before them in 1251, Master Hugh being then the common or town-clerk.
The city of Norwich also, according to the summons from the justices itinerant, appeared by their jury of 12 men, who were to try an assize, concerning one Gerard Godfolche, who was drowned in the city, in the river Wensum, by falling out of a boat, valued at 5s. which was to be answered to the King, and the jury being demanded, why their city coroner did not take an inquest at his death, answered, that the body was found within their city indeed, but on the fee of the Prior of Norwich, where their coroner could not enter, by reason of the Prior's liberty, which was exempt from the city; which being proved, the city was acquitted, and Will. de Hakeford, steward of the liberty, was called, who justified the exemption, and went so far as to say, that the Prior was not answerable for any thing, neither to the city nor to the King's justices itinerants themselves, neither could the city coroner enter the liberty upon any extraordinary case whatever: upon which, the justices demanded of him, whether the Prior's soc or liberty answered the King, with the hundreds they were in, or with the city? the steward answered, with neither, but by himself, their steward: but it being found upon trial, that he had not answered the King, (his deodand,) neither by himself nor by the justices, nor by the city, nor by the hundred, all the soc and liberty was fined at the King's pleasure.
In 1251, the night after Christmas day, there was a very great tempest throughout all Norfolk and Suffolk, to the great wonder and astonishment of the people, both on account of its violence, as well as the season of the year: this was thought, says Holingshed, a token of some evil to follow.
In 1252, was an exceeding great drought, so that the grass was burnt up in the pastures, that the cattle were near starved, and this produced many diseases among the people; but in the harvest time there fell a great death and murrain amongst cattle, and especially in Norfolk, in the fens, and in other parts of the south. Such was the infection, that dogs and ravens, which fed on the dead carcasses, swelled and died; so that the people dared eat no beef: this also was noted not without great wonder, that young heifers and bullocks followed the cows, and sucked them as if they had been calves, and apple and pear trees, after their fruit was ripe, began to blossom again, as if it had been April: the cause of this murrain was thought to proceed from the abundance of grass the earth threw out after the drought, and the greediness of the half-starved cattle feeding thereon.
In this year, being the 37th of Henry III. the King granted his royal license to the citizens to enclose their city with a large ditch, they being then in possession of all their liberties.
In 1255, the King granted a second Charter to the citizens, the original of which is now in the gild-hall, with the broad seal of green wax, very fair: in this he grants
(Dilectis civibus de Norwico, quod ipsi et eorum heredes, in perpetuum habeant hanc libertatem, per totam terram et potestatem nostram, viz. quod ipsi, vel eorum bona quocunque locorum in potestate nostra inventa, non arrestentur pro aliquo debito, de quo fidejussores, aut principales debitores non extiterint; nisi forte ipsi debitores, de eorum sint communa, et potestate, habentes, unde de debitis suis, in toto, vel in parte, satisfacere possint, et dicti cives creditoribus eorundem debitorum in justicia defuerint et de hoc rationabiliter constare possit, et prohibemus super forisfacturam nostram decem librarum, ne quis eos contra libertatem predictam in aliquo injuste vexet, disturbet, vel inquietet. Hijs testibus venerabilibus pratribus Fulcone Londoniensi, Waltero Wygorniensi Episcopis, Johanne de Plessetis Comite Warrewyk, Johanne Maunsel Preposito Beverlaci, Henrico de Bathonio, Henrico de Bretton, Willielmo de Grey, Imberto Pogeis, Willielmo de Sancta Ermin: Petro Everard, et alijs, data per manum nostram apud Wodestok, tercio die Junij, anno regni nostri tricesimo nono.)
To his beloved citizens of Norwich, that they and their heirs, for ever, shall have this liberty (or privilege) throughout all his realm, and jurisdiction, viz. that neither they themselves nor their goods, in whatever place they be found in his jurisdiction, shall not be arrested (or seized) for any debt, which they shall not be bondsmen for, or principal debtors themselves, unless it happens that the debtors themselves be of their society (or company) and jurisdiction, and have sufficient to pay part or all their debts, and the aforesaid citizens shall neglect (or refuse) to do justice to the creditors of the said debtors, so that they can plainly prove it to be so, and we forbid, under penalty of ten pounds to be forfeited to us, any one unjustly to vex, disturb, or molest them in any case, contrary to the aforesaid liberty these being witnesses, the venerable fathers Fulk Bishop of London, and Walter Bishop of Worcester, John de Plesset Earl of Warwick, John Maunsel Provost of Berverley, Henry de Bath, Henry de Bretton, William de Grey, Imbert Pogeis, Will. Sanctermin, Peter Everard, and others: given by my own hand at Wodstock, the 3d day of June, in the 39th year of our reign.
The next year his Majesty came to this city; for the charter of liberties by him granted to the port of Yarmouth is dated March 25, 1256, by the King at Norwich, being the same day that he granted his third Charter to this city which is now extant in the gild-hall, with the broad seal of green wax hanging thereto; by this charter he granted
(Quod ipsi in perpetuum habeant returnum omnium brevium nostrorum lam de summonicionibus Scaccarij nostri, quam de alijs, civitatem nostram de Norwico et libertatem ejusdem civitatis tangentibus, et quod ijdem cives respondeant ad Scaccarium nostrum par manus suas proprias, de omnibus debitis et demandis ipsos, cives contingentibus, et quod nullus vicecomes aut alius ballivus noster, de cetero intret civitatem predictam ad districtiones faciendas pro aliquibus debitis, nisi sit pro defectu civium predictorum, et quod nullus eorum compellatur ad placitandum extra civitatem predictam, pro aliquibus transgressionibus in civitate illa factis, contra tenorem cartarum suarum, et contra libertates suas, et quod singuli mercutores communicantes libertatibus suis et mercandisis, sint ad lottum et scottum eorundem civium, et ad auxilia prestanda ubicunque fecerint residentiam, sicut esse debent et solent, et quod nulla gilda de cetero teneatur in civitate predicta ad detrimentum ejusdem civitatis. Et prohibemus super forisfacturam nostram, ne quis contra hanc libertatem et concessionem nostram ipsos inquietare, molestare, vel gravare presumat. Hijs testibus, venerabili patre W. Norwicensi Episcopo, Guidone de Lesignijs et Willielmo de Valencia, fratribus nostris, Rogero de Thirkilby, Magistro Simone de Wonton, Willielmo de Grey, Guidone de Rocheford, Petro Everard, Bartholomeo le Bigot, Willielmo Gernun, et alijs; data per manum nostram apud Norwicum, vicesimo quinto die Martij, anno regni nostri quadragesimo.)
That they for ever should have the return of all our writs, as well of summons out of our Exchequer, as all other things, relating to our city of Norwich, and the liberty of the said city, and that the said citizens shall answer all debts and demands belonging to them, at our Exchequer, by their own hands, and that no sheriff, or other bailiff of ours for the future, shall enter the city aforesaid, to take distresses for any debts, unless it be for want (or neglect) of the city's doing it; (by their own officers;) and that none of them shall be forced to plead out of the aforesaid city, for any offences committed in that city, it being contrary to the tenour of their charters and liberties, and that all merchants enjoying their liberties and merchandising with them, shall pay to the lot, scot, and aids, of the aforesaid citizens, wherever they dwell, as they ought and used to do: and for the future, no gild (or fraternity of merchants) shall be held in the aforesaid city, to the damage of the said city. And we enjoin on pain of our forfeiture, that no one presume to disturb, molest, or trouble them, contrary to this liberty and grant. These being witnesses, the venerable father Walter Bishop of Norwich, Guy de Lesiguian and Will. de Valence, our brothers; Roger de Thirkilby, Master Simon de Wanton, William de Grey, Guy de Rocheford, Peter Everard, Bartholomew le Bigot, Will. Gernun, and others; given by our hands at Norwich, the 25th day of March, in the 40th year of our reign.
This same year, several goods belonging to the freemen were arrested and stopped for the debts of others that were not free, at Boston fair, as they had formerly been, but the city stood a trial and got it, by producing their charter, which they had lately obtained for this purpose.
At the same time, the citizens complained of the Prior, for taking of landgable of the citizens in the afternoon, when the bailiffs of the city had taken it in the morning: and this was the beginning of another insurrection between the commons and monks, for the Prior proving he took it only in Holm-street and other places exempt from the city, he recovered the action, which the citizens could not bear without much resentment.
This year it was proclaimed in this city, and throughout the realm, that every man of 15l. a year in land, held by knight's service, should either be made a knight, or pay the king a mark of gold every year.
At this time also, the bailiffs of the city were called upon to show how they dare enter the liberty of the King's castle at Norwich, but on submission were pardoned.
In 1261, Philip Marmion of Tamworth castle, whom the King had great confidence in, was made constable of Norwich and Orford castles.
In 1263, one Will. Cope was killed at Lakenham, in a gravel-pit; but the city coroners did not sit upon him, because of the approaching war, and fear of future danger: and being called upon by the justices, they assigned this is a reason, and were excused: and a good reason it was, for so tumultuous was the city, that I meet with many prosecutions of the citizens for firing one another's houses by night, cutting the bell-ropes off, that they should not ring when they had fired the houses, and such like: the whole being divided into various factions, one part sided with the King against the barons that were in arms against him, another with the barons; the bishop and clergy were for the barons, the city bailiffs and commons (with those of the castle-fee) were for the King; and in short, the old grudges between the monks and the citizens, that dwelt in their exempt jurisdiction, and those that dwelt in the King's jurisdiction belonging to his castle, and the bailiffs, and corporation, and their citizens, were now renewed, and got to such a height, that it was a dangerous time to live in: many of the citizens were killed and found dead; if they were not of the city party, the monks and their party would not suffer the city coroners to take inquests; if they were of the monk's party, then the citizens would not suffer the Prior's coroner to take any inquests; and thus every thing was in confusion.
In 1265, Simon Mundford, and the barons his adherents, seized all the King's castles, and divided them amongst themselves, and the King being then in their power, they forced him to send circular letters or proclamations to the sheriffs of the several counties, and particulary to Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk, and constable of the castle of Norwich, to hinder all attemps made against the provisions of Oxford, and the ordinances made at London, in his counties of Norfolk, and Suffolk. But the King's fortune being changed, after the overthrow of his barons at Evesham, he removed all the constables of the castles that Monford Earl of Leicester, and the confederate barons, had constituted, of which number Roger Bigod was one; and John de Vallibus, or Vaux, was made constable of this castle, and sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk; and there were so many things done without punishment, that non omittas writs were directed to the sheriff to authorise him to enter the city, notwithstanding their liberties.
In 1266, about the middle of December, the disinherited barons came from the Isle of Ely to sack Norwich, and the citizens prepared to resist them, but the barons be ng courageous and skilled in war, and men of judgment, presently took it, Sir John de Evile or Eyville being their leader, and entering the city, they killed very many, others they imprisoned, and all that day and night, till eleven o'clock the next day, robbed and plundered the town, and carried away captive with them many of the wealthiest citizens, to the isle, to which they returned in triumph.
Soon after, in this very year, there was a jury summoned out of the parishes of St. John of Burgh-street, and others, to try Thomas de Karleton, one of the constables for the King's peace, for the murder of Walter de Sterston, one of the city serjeants; but he was acquitted; it appearing that the constable being forewarned of the barons coming to sack the town, caused it be proclaimed through the whole city, that the citizens might be provided to defend themselves, and that by virtue of his office he desired the serjeant, according to his duty, to cite the citizens in his ward to join the constable to defend the city; which he not only refused, but gave him base language for his loyalty to his prince, and endeavours to save the city: upon which, the constable having a sword drawn in his hand, gave him a stroke under the breast with it, of which the serjeant died.
In 1267, the bailiffs were summoned to answer for the many murders and disorders committed in the city, but they contemptuously departed the court without license, for which the King seized the city, and kept it in his hands.
In 1271, a commission was issued directed to Hugh Peeche, to enquire the value of the citizens goods which were forfeited to the King for their contempt.
This year, on St. Peter and Paul's day, as the monks were were at prime, the lightning struck the cathedral steeple so violently, that it cast down certain large stones of two of the pillars, with such violence, that they sunk far into the ground, and all the monks fled for fear out of the quire, except three, one of which fell flat on the ground, and the other two held fast on the stalls, and so were saved; the quire being full of stench and smoak.
There was also a very great flood, which did much damage to the city and adjacent country.
In 1272, on the ninth day of August, the citizens assaulted the precinct of the monastery on all sides; but William de Brunham or Burnham, then Prior, with armed men, took upon him to keep it by force against them, upon which they fired the great gates with reed and dry wood, and burnt them down, with St. Albert's church, which stood near them, and all the books, &c. in it; at the same time they fired the great almonry and the church doors, and great tower, all which were presently burnt. Others got upon St. George's steeple, and threw fire with slings, and fired the great belfry beyond the quire, so that the whole church was burnt, all but the Virgin Mary's chapel, which was miraculously preserved; they burnt also the dormitory refectory, entertaining hall, and the infirmary, with the chapel belonging to it; and almost all the buildings in the court were quite consumed: many of the monastery, some sub-deacons, others, clerks, and some laymen, were killed in the cloister and precinct of the monastery; others were carried out and killed in the city, and others imprisoned. After which, they entered the monastery, and plundered it of all the gold, silver, holy vessels, books, vestments, and whatever they found not consumed by the fire, all the monks except two or three, who were aged, being fled: not satisfied with this, they continued three days together, slaying, burning, and robbing the tenants and favourers of the church: the Prior himself fled to Yarmouth, and instead of endeavouring to settle the mischief he first began, got together a company of armed men, and came and entered Norwich, with trumpet blown, and sword in hand, and fell upon the citizens with fire and sword, wounding, killing, and destroying many of them and their houses: which things, when the King was by special messengers informed of, he was very wroth and much grieved, and immediately dispatched messengers to all his ports in England and France, commanding them, that if any Norwich men came thither they should seize and imprison them, till he gave further orders; at the same time also, he directed letters to all the bishops and nobles of England, commanding them to meet him, on St. Giles's day, at Bury, there to enter into council and advise him how to proceed against the citizens for these heinous transgressions.
At the same time also, Roger de Skerning Bishop of Norwich called together all his clergy, on the 30th day of August at Eye in Suffolk, and there by joint consent, an excommunication was published against all that were concerned in these facts, in general, and several that were particularly named, and the whole city was put under a general interdict.
On St. Giles's day the King held his parliament at Bury, and by their advice, came himself to Norwich, to inflict condign punishment for these crimes. He entered the city on the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, being Sept. 14, and at his request, the Bishop took off the interdict from the city, and the King's justices caused some of the offenders (34 in number, as the old roll says) to be drawn with horses about the streets till they died; others were carried to the gallows, and there hanged, drawn, and quartered, and their bodies afterwards burnt; the woman that first set fire to the gates, was burnt alive, and others, to the number of 12 persons forfeited their goods to the King; which the rich men seeing, (as this monk says, who is not to be credited in the affair,) they bribed the justices, the freemen of the country, the King's counsel, and even a jury of 48 knignts, and so no more coporal judgment was inflicted on any; and all of them falsely and maliciously (as he says, but it was justly enough,) accused Will. de Brunham, then Prior, of being in a great measure the occasion of things coming to this extremity, and proved it so much to the King's satisfaction, that he committed him to the Bishop's prison, and seized all the manors and whatever belonged to the priory into his own hands.
He then also seized the city and all the liberties that were ever granted to it, and assigned custoses or keepers, to keep the city in his own name.
Many of the citizens, at the King's coming, fled for fear, and returned after he was gone: but what was most surprising, (says the monk,) was, that many of the country and city clergy were on the citizens side, which is a plain argument of the arrogant oppression of the monks, both to them and the citizens; he wonders much that the jury of knights should return, that the church might be burnt by fire not well taken care of, though at the same time he acknowledges, that as to the fact their verdict was true, for they said, that the citizens attacked and fired the gates and other places of the monastery.
The King, after the seizure, made the Prior of Binham custos of all the manors, lands, goods and revenues belonging to the convent, commanding him to find the convent all necessaries, and keep the overplus without waste, till he had further orders from him; but the revenues of the officers of the monastery were not seized from any of them.
On 27th of Sept. the King left Norwich, and the day after, William de Brunham the Prior voluntarily and freely resigned the priory into the Bishop's hands, who was then ill at Thorp by Norwich: which shows as if he was sensible enough of his ill management, and Will. de Kirkeby was elected in his place the 1st of Oct. and confirmed at Thorp, and installed Oct. 2, who immediately applied to the King, and had the revenues and goods of his monastery delivered to him.
Notwithstanding the Bishop's illness, which came probably from these vexatious affairs, great part of which seems to be owing to his own haughty spirit; yet on the 18th day of the same month, the citizens having refused to pay the sum demanded of them for damages, he interdicted the city again; and on the 16th day of November, in the same year, the King died at Westminster, in the 66th year of his age, and 57th year of his reign; being then in possession of the castle, city, and all its liberties.
Holinshed, Fabian, Mat. Paris, and Mat. of Westminster, all of them mention this affair particularly, and from them Nevile, Bishop Godwin, and the records I have seen, compared together, we may find the truth of the matter, which is not to be had from the foregoing account of Cotton's; which seems to lay the fault upon the citizens, when in truth it was owing to the Prior and convent, who "was well inough borne out and defended by the Bishop of Norwich, named Roger, who (as it is likelie) was the maister of the mischeefe, though hands were not laid upon him, nor his adherents; perhaps for feare, peradventure for favour: and no marvell though the lesse faultie lost their lives as most guiltie:" for no less than 30 young men of the city were condemned, hanged, and burnt, to the great grief of the other citizens, who thought the Prior was the occasion of all the mischief, by getting together armed men, and taking upon him to keep the belfry and church by force of arms.
Speed, fo. 550, says, that when the King heard it, he first dispatched away, "Sir Thomas Trivet, his justice, (before whom a great multitude were found guilty, and were condemned to be drawn and hanged,) the King himself having in his company one Bishop, and the Earl of Gloucester, followed, where beholding the deformed ruins, he could hardly refrain from tears; the Bishop of Rochester therefore excommunicated the nocent, and the King condemned the town in 3000 marks, towards the re-edification of that church, as also to pay one hundreth pounds for a cup weighing ten pounds in gold." But the city not complying to pay these fines, caused things to be carried still on to a great height, between them and the Bishop.
But in order to find the first aggressors, we must look into the beginning of this fray, which was occasioned in this manner:
At a fair, which was then kept on Tombland, before the monastery gates, there arose a quarrel, between the servants of the monastery, and citizens, which coming to blows, the servants killed some of the citizens, upon which, the city coroner comes and takes an inquest, and finds them guilty, and issues out warrants to take the murderers wherever they should be found; this was fact, and the whole that could appear to the historians, that have given us the account of it; but it appears by the evidences both of the church and city, that the servants of the monastery, and the populace of the city, really fought their master's old cause. This fair was held on Tombland, and being granted to the church by charter, the monks said the citizens had nothing to do there, and that Tombland, Holmstreet, and Spitelond, in Norwich, were exempt jurisdisctions from the city magistrates; the citizens, on the other hand, insisted that the whole city was in their jurisdiction, no part whatever being exempted out of their charter, which contradiction the monks would not bear, and so took upon them to be the first aggressors, their servants beginning the fray, which does not seem to be accidental, the Prior having provided a sufficient posse (as he thought) of armed men to guard him and his monastery; but the coroner of the city taking an inquisition in their exempt jurisdiction, where they said their own coroner only had power to do it, so enraged them, that they first excommunicated the citizens, and endeavoured to do what damage they could to the city, and shutting up their gates, not only prepared to defend themselves, but began to offend others, and having got more weapons and strength, they began to shoot first at the citizens as they went by the gates, and wounded several: but on Sunday before St. Laurence's day, they issued out of their gates as enemies, with a great noise, and all that day and night went in a raging manner about the city, committing many extravagant insolences, killing several merchants and citizens, and plundering their houses; at last breaking into a tavern kept by one Hugh de Bromholm, they drank up what wine they could, and let all the rest out of the casks; the citizens perceiving these things, and seeing no speedy end likely to ensue, the magistrates assembled, and immediately sent letters to his Majesty, to acquaint him with it, complaining much of the prior and monks, and in the mean time prepared to defend their city, by ordering the citizens to assemble in the marketplace at 10 of the clock the next day, at which time so great a multitude appeared, that it looked like a large army: but in this the magistrates were deceived, and so undesignedly occasioned the mischief that followed, for the populace in the utmost rage, (as they well might, at such treatment as they had met with,) contrary to their will and inclination, went to the priory gates, fired them and the monastery in divers places, and committed all those exorbitant outrages before mentioned.
[edit] Provosts of Norwich
- 1216, Joceline Rocelin.
- 1217, William de Norwico or Norwich.
- 1218, Theobald D'escois, L'escois, or the Scot.
- 1219, Robert Ascolf.
- 1220, Herbert de Alencun.
- 1221, Alexander de Bassingbourn.
- 1222.
[edit] Bailiffs Of Norwich
- 1223, Henry Fitz-Eustace. R. le Munk. W. Sermonsuche. Ralph L'estrencie or L'esturmy.
- 1224.
- 1225.
- 1226, Alured de Hemlington. Nic. de Campania or Campain. Henry de Senges. Eustace de Hethill.
- 1227, Adam de Tofts. Nic. de Ely. Roger de Swerdeston, or Swarston. Nic. de Eaton.
- 1228.
- 1229.
- 1230, Roger le Resh or Rash. Herbert le Chapter. John de Lenn. Richer de Refham.
- 1231.
- 1232, Nigel le Wimer. Will le Waller. John de Sibton. Ivo de Gadbi, Gavier, Gavij, or Gayter.
- 1233.
- 1234.
- 1235, Walter Gamage. Adam le Graunt. Tho. de Senges.
- 1235, Rich. le Calue.
- 1236.
- 1237, Alan Fitz-Benedict, Benedicite, or Bennet. Adam de Frechenei. Edm. le Tonder. Henry Gust.
- 1238, The same as in 1235.
- 1239, Aug. Argentein. Gervase Lorimarius, or Sadler. Frederick Alward. Ralf le Pecimer.
- 1240, The same as in 1237.
- 1241.
- 1242.
- 1243, Isaac de Catton. Godwin Aurifaber, or Goldsmith. Roger de Berwick. Nic. de Chapele or Chapter.
- 1244.
- 1245, Andrew Minny. Will. de Depeham. Ralf le Pecimer. Tho. de Limer.
- 1246, Odo de Beccles. Will. le Clerk. James de Colchester. Seaman Wrinell.
- 1247, Jvo de Gavier. Hugh de Swathfield. John de Sibton. Nic. le Chapelle.
- 1248, Rog. de Berwick. Simon de Metingham. Hervy de Vallibus or Vaux. Henry de Gust.
- 1249, Henry de Senges. Tho. Paine. John de Attlebridge. Ivo le Gavij or Gayter.
- 1250, Peter Civis, or the Citizen. Rob. de Catton. Otto le Texter, or the Weaver. Hugh de Swathfield.
- 1251, Ric. Lindernell. Adam de Alby. James Colchester. Nic. Costinoble.
[Sir John de Lessington, Sir Bertram de Crioyll, Sir Robert Walerand, were stewards for the King in this city; and master Hugh was town-clerk.]
- 1252, John de Sibton. Andrew Matt. Hugh Wrincle. Rob. le Plomer.
- 1253, Hugh le Clerke. Walter le Clerke. John le Graunt. Simon Nicholas.
- 1254, Hervy de Erlham. Peter Bois or de Bosco. John de Hildolfeston or Hilderston. Tho. Limer.
- 1255, Will. Warrin. Henry de Catton. Warine de Hethill. Tho. de Turkelee.
- 1256, Will. de Lyncolne. Rob. de Smallburgh. Will. Tunder. Leonard Lesson.
- 1257, Rob. de Bosco or Bois. Reginald Fitz-Roberts. Reinald de Elingham. Will. Fillerstone.
- 1258, Will. de Refham. Walter Knot. Paul de Pagrave. Roger de Tudenham.
- 1259, Tho. de Carleton.
- 1259, Adam le Spicer. Will. de Pessenhall. Nic. le Gris or Grice.
- 1260, Roger de Tudenham. Will. Butts. Ric. de Felmingham. Tho. de Heningham.
- 1261, Hugh le Clerke. Peter Butt. Henry de Heylesden. Roger de Swerdeston.
- 1262, Alex. de Refham. Hubert le Taverner. Jeffry Verlie. John Naids.
- 1263, John de Newbrigge. Walter le Clerk. Nic. de Hacford. Gerard Knot.
- 1264, Nic. Clement. Walter Knot. Ethelbert Chesse. Simon de Berestrete.
- 1265, Adam le Clerk. Ralf de Newbrigge. Adam le Taverner. John de Catton.
- 1266, Roger de Morley. Roger de Tudenham. William de Redeham. Walter Knott.
- 1267, Adam de Toftes. Rog. de Swerdeston. Nic. de Ely. Nic. de Eaton. [Will. le Cunte was the King's bailiff, when the liberties were seized.]
- 1268, Hugh Clerke. Peter But. Roger de Swerdeston. Peter Heylesden.
- 1269, Peter Butt. Nic. de Ely. Nic. de Ingham. Walt. Gurdon.
- 1270, Nic. de Ely. Will. Paine. Will. Cauz. Adam de Toftes;
- 1271, Henry Clerk. Adam le Spicer.
- 1271, Will. Paine. Roger de Swerdeston.
- 1272, Nic. de Ely. Rog. de Swerdeston. Will. de Dunwich. Adam le Spicer.
[The liberties were seized by the King, who nominated custoses or keepers of the city, viz.
Hugh Peche. Adam de Toftes. Henry de Hellesden. Herman de Stanhow.
[edit] CHAPTER XIII
OF THE CITY IN EDWARD THE FIRST'S TIME.
Edward, son of King Henry III. at his father's death, was about 35 years of age, and was then on his journey homeward from the Holy Land, where he had behaved gallantly in those wars: he was proclaimed King in his absence, the 22d day of November, and was crowned with his Queen, Eleanor, Aug. 19, 1274, in the second year of his reign. The city, castle, and all the liberties, were in his hands when he ascended the throne, but in 1273, Roger Bigot Earl of Norfolk, had the custody of the castle and liberties granted to him, and Will. Giffard was made sheriff of the county.
The interdict laid on the city by the Bishop, Oct. 18, 1272, continued till the day before Christmas Day, and then was taken off till the day after the Epiphany, and then renewed again; and in the same year, at the request of Robert de Kilwarby Archbishop elect of Canterbury, it was taken off till the octaves of Easter, and then was renewed the third time.
In 1274, matters were still unsettled between the Bishop, monks, and citizens, of whom the Prior and convent demanded no less than 4000 marks for damage; but not finding themselves born out so much as they expected by the King, about the beginning of November, they sent Gervase Fordham, celerer, and Richard Brampton, clerk, (two of their monks,) as proctors to Rome, with a relation of the whole affair, drawn up and sealed by four suffragan bishops of the province of Canterbury, to complain of the Norwich citizens, and to cite them to appear and answer in the Pope's court there, who returned the same year, and brought letters by which the Pope delegated the matter to be tried before the Bishops of Ely and London; but just as the suit began, the Bishop of London died, and the Bishop of Ely conventing the parties to Ely before him, by joint consent it was referred to the Pope again; soon after, the proctors being at Rome, the whole, by agreement, was left by the Pope to the sole determination of the King. who at the instigation of Roger Bishop of Norwich, determined in the following manner,
1st, That all parties should be real friends.
2dly, That the citizens should pay 3000 marks to build the church again, in six years time, viz. 500 marks a year.
3dly, That they should give to the use of the church a pix, or cup weighing 10 pounds in gold, and worth an hundred pounds in money, to serve at the sacrament at the high altar in the Cathedral.
4thly, That they might make new gates and entrances into their monastery, and go in and out of them whenever they pleased, into any part of the city, so that they injured no man's private property.
5thly and lastly, that at their own charge, they should send some of the chief of the citizens to Rome, to assure the Pope of the truth of the agreement, and humbly beg his pardon and peace.
And upon the city's complying herewith, the King restored it's ancient dignity; and commanded that as a penalty in perpetual memory of these things, the treasurer should pay yearly into his Exchequer 40s. besides their old fee-farm.
And thus the unjustifiable rashness of the citizens was severely punished, when the Prior and monks, that were authors and promoters of these offences, by the favour of the Pope and their bishop, avoided as just punishment: the monks themselves, that went with the Prior to Yarmouth, and harassed the city in an hostile manner, as well as those that did so, before ever the citizens rose at all, being all discharged: and thus ended this great riot, which was so injurious to all concerned, that one would have thought this example had been sufficient to deter both parties from any such attempts for the future; and it had been well if it had proved so.
This is the account we have from the different historians, but the old roll in the Book of Charters, fo. 127, gives us the following account of the beginning of this quarrel:
At the fair then held on Trinity Sunday before the monastery gates, in a certain void place late a churchyard, the same day after dinner, came the young men of the town, on horseback, as they used to do, and ran with their spears at the quintyne; and there, for the truncheons of the spears, arose a contention between the Prior's men, and the men of the town, so that many of the townsmen were killed in the fray, wherefore the coroners of the city took an inquest, and found the Prior's men guilty, and made out a precept to take them, if they came within the liberty of the town; and not long after, two were taken in the city liberties, whereupon arose this great envy and discord between the Prior and townsmen.
For this inquest the Prior got the citizens excommunicated, pretending it a breach of his privivileges, which increased the malice between them till August, so that the Prior's men shut up their gates, and hung out over them, scutcheons, targets, bucklers, and crossbows, with which they wounded many that went by; and on Sunday before St. Laurence, the Prior's men came out by night, armed, and robbed a merchant called Alfrid Cutler to 20l. value and more, and then broke open Hugh Bromholm's tavern, and proceeded in the manner as is before related.
But matters being thus settled, the Bishop took off the interdict, Nov. 1, 1275, and the King restored the city liberties; and in 1276 the Pope's general absolution came from Rome, and was published about Palm-Sunday, by the Priors of the Minorites and Dominicans of Norwich, by order of the Archbishop of Canterbury.
Immediately after this, in 1275, there was a patent granted to the Prior, to make what gates he pleased out of the monastery, and to open and shut them, and keep them locked up at his pleasure; and also to erect a gate with a bridge 20 foot broad thereto adjoining, which I take to be Bishop's-gate and Bridge.
In 1276, the King's tenants in the fee of his castle enjoyed the benefit of free trade and commerce in the city, in the same manner as the other citizens, and refused paying to the tallages and other aids, demandable of the citizens; but the case being tried before the Barons of the Exchequer, it was given in favour of the citizens, and the tenants of the burgh of the castle were adjudged to contribute with the citizens to all tallages and aids.
At this time, Thomas Spigurnell was constable of the castle, who had it in 1274, in which year Peter de Wytefeld quitted it.
In 1277, the King himself led an army towards Suffolk and Norfolk, and kept his Easter at Norwich, and returned from thence to London by the sea-coast of Suffolk and Essex, making this military progress to see his castles and forts put in good order, and well provided with all necessary stores.
In 1278, on Advent Sunday, William de Middleton was inthroned Bishop of Norwich, and the same day the cathedral being quite finished since it was burnt, was consecrated by him, at which solemnity the King himself, and Eleanor his Queen, John de Chisil Bishop of London, Tho. de Cantelupe Bishop of Hereford, Stephen Bishop of Waterford, and many other earls, barons, and nobles, were present.
In 1279, the statute of mortmain was made, which hindered the religious from buying or receiving by gift any lands, tenements, &c. without license from the King, and the chief lord of the fee.
And the same year, the penny which used to have a double cross, in such manner that it might easily be clipped or broke in the mddle, or into quarters, and so be made into halfpence or farthings, according to the order made in 7th Henry I. 1106, was not forbidden to go, either whole or in such pieces, but it was ordained that orders should be given to all the mints in England, that for the future all pence, halfpence, and farthings should be coined round, and that the King's head and name should be on one side, and the name of the city it was coined in, on the other; and accordingly the money we meet with coined here since this order, hath always [CIVITAS NORWIC], i. e. the City of Norwich, on the reverse: then also were the first groats coined, which contained four-pence each; of this Robert Brun writes thus,
Edward did smite the round penny, halfe-penny, farthing, The cross passed the bond of all, right through the ring, On the king's side was his head, and his name written, On the cross side, what city 'twas coined in, and smitten, &c.
In 1280, there were great tempests and inundations, which did much damage to this city and country, and many other parts.
In 1281, the King seized the liberties, because the bailiffs were not at the Exchequer at the appointed time, to answer the city debts, and pay their fee-farm, but upon their appearance and payment, they had restitution of them.
At Christmas there was such a frost and snow, as no man living could remember the like, by which the bridges received much damage; it continued till Candlemas so very extreme that the birds died in the woods through cold and want of food.
In 1284, the King was in Norfolk all Lent, and at Easter the liberties were seized, for taking up and executing divers persons without the King's warrant, for facts committed out of the jurisdiction, one of which, though he was hanged, came to life again, and obtained the King's pardon; but at St. Peter's day they had them restored, upon their accounting with the King in his Exchequer, and paying all arrears, except 191l. 10s. 1d. ob. before which, they owed 564l. 16s. on the account, they were allowed 25s. paid yearly to the Prioress of Carhow, 6l. for the deficiency of four mintmasters, &c. and the next year they obtained a Charter, which is dated at Westminster the 7th day of May, 1285, in which all the former Charters are recited and confirmed, but no new liberties granted; the seal still hangs to it, and is of green wax, and the following persons are witnesses, viz. Robert Bishop of Bath and Wells, Anthony Bishop of Durham, and Thomas Bishop of St. Asaph, Edmund the King's brother, Will. de Valence, his uncle, Edmund Earl of Cornwall, Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, Roger le Bygod Earl of Norfolk, and Marshal of England, John de Warren Earl of Surrey, Henry de Lacy Earl of Lincoln, Will. de Beauchamp Earl of Warrewyk, Rich. de Burgh Earl of Ulster, John de Vescy, Reginald de Grey, Rob. Tybetot, Tho. de Weylaund, and John de Lovetot:
And at this time, many of those citizens returned, that fled for burning the priory, and pleaded the King's pardon.
In 1286, on the second of May, all the Jews in England were apprehended, and at this time their synagogue in Norwich was destroyed, though they remained here and in other cities, till 1290, in which year they were all banished, to the number of above 15,000 souls, for usury, and clipping and debasing the King's coin, since which time they have had no settlement in this city, and their goods and houses were forfeited to the King, which he sold, and so raised a great sum of money.
In 1288 the citizens being summoned to appear to several causes out of the jurisdiction of the city, refused to appear and plead to them, and had a trial for it, and recovered, by producing their Charter of exemption, which justified them in so doing.
This year the extreme heat and drought was so great in these parts, that many persons died thereof, and the price of corn was so much advanced by the following scarcity, that wheat was sold in London for 40 pence a quarter, an extravagant price at that time.
In 1289, the Prior of Norwich was prosecuted by the King, for not suffering his bailiffs to enter Newgate and Holmstrete to take distresses, &c. upon trial of which, Newgate was recovered by the King, and Holmstrete by the Prior.
The same year, in June, the liberties were seized, and Walter de Redham, and Richard de Belhus, were appointed custoses, upon which the citizens petitioned the parliament, and were answered, that they should agree with the King for the fine for their transgressions, and have the whole debt levied upon them, and then his Majesty would do them justice in making them all proper allowances at his Exchequer; by which it appears, that the seizure was made for not paying the fee farm, and insisting on more than common deductions out of it; and in particular the King acquainted the custos, that when he seized the liberties in 1284, and restored them, and confirmed their charter in 1285, he reserved the old fee farm, and added a new one of 40s. per annum, as an increase to be paid by the bailiffs, which hitherto had not been done, though they agreed to it: but upon their acquiescing, and paying their arrears, soon after Michaelmas they were restored to their privileges again. At this time also, the dispute between the prioress and nuns of Carrow was settled between them and the city, by joint agreement. Amabilia, then Prioress, surrrendered all her right of view of frankpledge of all her tenants in Newgate, and all her other tenants in the city, and all her right of toll of all corn sold in the city, on the day before, day, and day after, the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin: and they agreed that the bailiffs should yearly pay on the day of the nativity aforesaid, to the Prioress, half a comb of the best wheat, and that the city should not take any toll, or molest the Prioress, during the time her fair is held at Carrow.
This year, the King and Queen, on the fifth of August, landed at Dover, having been beyond sea three years two months and odd days, and staying a while in Kent, went to Essex, and came to St. Edmund's Bury in Suffolk, and from thence went a pilgrimage into Norfolk, to the Blessed Virgin at Walsingham, and stayed in those parts some time, and during his being here, granted the citizens another Charter, confining all business belonging to the county, to be held in the old shire-house, which stood in the castle ditches, and is now quite demolished.
Cum dilecti nobis cives civitatis nostre Norwyci, teneant de nobis civitatem predictam ad feodi firmam, et ijdem cives nobis dederunt intelligi, quod per frequentes adventus justiciariorum nostrorum, ad assissas, juratas, et certificationes, ac ad inquisitiones de felonijs et transgressionibus capiendas, nec non ad gaolas nostras deliberandas, assignatorum, qui in diversis locis infra libertatem civitatis predicte, ad placita in eadem civitate emergencia, par ballivos ejusdem civitatis tenenda, deputatis, unde magna pars firme predicte provenit, sessiones suas fecerunt, et ipsos ballivos, quo minus placita illa tenere possent, perturbarunt, impediti fuerunt multipliciter, in collectione et levatione firme sue predicte, in ipsorum civium grave dampnum, et nobis supplicaverunt, ut pro ipsorum indempnitate in hac parte ordinare velimus et precipere, quod sessiones hujusmodi, in domo nostra que vocatur Shirehous, et que est in feodo castri nostri civitatis predicte, fiant tantummodo, et non alibi infra libertatem civitatis predicte; nos ipsorum supplicationi in premissis favorabiliter annuentes, volumus et firmiter precipimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod de cetero, justiciarij, inquisitores, et alij ministri nostri et heredum nostrorum, quicunque ad assissas, juratas, certificationes, et inquisitiones quascunque capiendas, aut ad gaolas nostras deliberandas, assignati seu in posterum assignandi, sedeant, et sessiones suas teneant, in domo nostra predicta que vocatur Shirehous, et non alibi infra libertatem civitatis supradicte; per hoc tamen, prejudicium fieri nolumus Cancellario, Capitali, Justiciario, vel Justiciarijs Itinerantibus, seu Senescallo et Marescallis Hospicij nostri vel heredum nostrorum, quin ipsi, et eorum quilibet, cum ad civitatem predictam declinaverint vel declinaverit, infra libertatem predictam sedere, et ea que ad ipsos vel eorum aliquem pertinent, facere et exercere possint vel possit, ubi et quando sibi visum fuerit expedire. In cujus rei testimonium has litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes, teste meipso apud Walsingham, secundo die Februarij anno regni nostri decimo nono.
Per ipsum Regem.
Whereas, our beloved citizens of the city Norwich, hold the said city of us in fee farm, and the said citizens have given us to understand, that by the often coming of our justices assigned to hold assizes, and goal delivery, warn juries, make certificates, and take inquisitions, of felonies and other transgressions, and by their holding their sessions in divers places within the liberty of the city aforesaid, which are deputed to hold the pleas belonging to the city before the city bailiffs, in and from which places great part of the fee farm aforesaid is issuing, by which means the bailiffs themselves are not only hindered from holding their pleas, but also greatly damaged in collecting and levying their fee farm aforesaid, they have supplicated us, to ordain and command for their indemnity, that all such session shall be held only in our house called the Shire-house, which is in the fee of the castle of our city aforesaid, and no where else within the liberty of the city aforesaid, to which we have favourably consented, and do will and firmly command, for us and our heirs, that for the future, the justices, inquisitors, and all other officers, of us and our heirs, which are or ever shall be impowered to hold assizes or gaol delivery, warn juries, make certificates, and take inquisitions, shall sit and hold their sessions in our house aforesaid, called the Shirehouse, and nowhere else within the liberty of the city aforesaid; provided nevertheless, that this shall not be prejudicial to our chancellor, treasurer, chief justice, or justices itinerants, or to the steward or marshals of the household of us or our heirs, but that they, and every one of them, when he or they come to the city aforesaid, may sit in the liberty aforesaid, and may exercise and do all things belonging to them or any one of them, where and when they think fit or convenient. In witness of which, we have caused our letters to be made patents Witness our self at Walsingham, the second day of February, in the nineteenth year of our reign.
By the King himself.
- 1290, on Wednesday after the Feast of the Epiphany, was a great flood, which did much damage to the city; the water came down in such abundance, that it went over St. Martin's bridge, and ran even to the gates of St. Giles's hospital, and washed down many houses by its violence.
In 1291, there was a suit between the Prior and City, concerning the leet of Newgate; the Prior pleaded that it belonged to Blofield hundred, and that the bailiffs of that hundred exercised their office there, and that it was given by King Henry II. to his church, it being then called Thedwardes-Croft, together with the Bishop's land from St. Martin's bridge to the water, now called Holmestreet, with soc, sac, and all liberties: the citizens pleaded, that it could not belong to Blofield hundred, because no part of the city is found in that hundred in Domesday Book, but as to the rest they admitted it to be true, but recovered, by proving that the Prior's predecessor in the 41st Henry III. relinquished all right in Newgate.
This year the liberties fell into the King's hands, and Richard de Belhouse was appointed custos; but they were soon restored.
In 1292, the King made a progress through Norfolk and Suffolk; but I cannot say whether he was here or no.
In 1293, Roger Bigod had license to imbattle his mansion-house at Bungeye, where there had formerly been a castle, which was-erased by order of Henry II. at which time he was a great favourite of the King's, and as Earl of the county, was constable of the castle of Norwich, where the sheriff of the county was to keep criminals in safe custody, till the coming of the justices itinerant and jail delivery.
In 1294, the walls of the city of Norwich were first began, and a murage granted, which expired in 1297, and then there was a patent passed for another murage; and the same year, William de Carleton, Baron of the Exchequer, was appointed by the King to survey the works of Norwich castle, and certify what repairs were necessary to put it in good condition of defence.
In the year 1300, Roger Bigod resigned and gave up into the King's hand's, his Earldom of Norfolk, his marshal's staff, his constableship of Norwich castle, his demean castles, honours, manors, and lands, to redeem his life, that he had forfeited for conspiring against the King, and the year following, having made his peace, he had a re-grant of them all, in tail special, to himself for life, and to his heirs by Alice his wife, with remainder to the King; and accordingly at his death in the 35th of this King's reign, without issue by Alice, all that he had surrendered fell to the King, and none descended to John Bigod, his brother, but Stockton in Norfolk, Setterington in Yorkshire, and a few more estates that were never surrendered, and so descended in fee.
In 1302, Tombland and Ratton-rowe were determined to be out of the liberty of the city, and in the King's hundred of Blofield; and in 1303, there was a commission directed to Will. Howard and John le Breton, to call the bailiffs of Norwich to answer the King, how they could justify their forcibly hindering Roger de Hales, his coroner, from exercising his office in Tombland and Ratton-rowe: but on their submission the matter was made up.
At this time also, the King caused a tallage to be assessed by commissioners in all cities and burghs, and gave particular direction that the tallage of Norwich should be assessed at 400l.
In 1304, they petitioned the King in parliament, to have a grant of the leet of Great Newgate, which he recovered against the Prior, to hold it at a certain rent; and were answered that they should make application to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer, and if it was found to be for the King's profit, they should have it; and it being found to be so, the King not only granted them the leet, but for a fine paid, and an annual rent of 10l. added to their old fee farm by way of increment or increase, he confirmed all their former Charters, and granted them the following liberties and privileges more than they had before, by a new Charter.
Sciatis, nos per finem, quem cives nostri civitatis nostre Norwyci fecerunt nobiscum, coram consilio nostro, necnon pro decem libris annuis, quas ijdem cives et successores sui, cives ejusdem civitatis, solvent nobis et heredibus nostris, singulis annis in perpetuum, ad Scaccarium nostrum et heredum nostrorum, in augmentationem firme sue civitatis predicte, Concessisse, et hec Carta nostra confirmasse, eisdem civibus, et successoribus suis predictis, pro nobis et heredibus nostris,
Quod nullus eorum, placitet vel implacitetur, extra dictam civitatem Norwicensem, de aliquibus placitis, assissis, seu querelis de tenuris aliquibus, infra eandem civitatem existentibus, nec de transgressionibus, seu contractibus aliquibus, in civitate illa factis, nisi res ipsa nos vel heredes nostros specialiter tangat,
Et quod cives illi, vel successores sui predicti, super aliquibus appellis, rectis, calumpnijs, transgressionibus, contractibus, aut demandis intrinsecis, per aliquos forinsecos, minime convincantur, set solummodo per concives suos, nisi factum illud tangat nos, vel heredes nostros, seu totam communitatem ejusdem civitatis,
Et etiam, quod non summoneantur, nec ponantur in assisis, juratis, vel inquisitionibus aliquibus, de tenuris intrinsecis, seu super quocunque facto, contractu, calumpnia, sen querela, in dicta civitate aliqualiter emergentibus, nec recognitiones aliquas, in assisis, vel juratis illis faciant, extra civitatem predictam, nisi factum illud, nos, vel heredes nostros, specialiter tangat,
Concessimus insuper eisdem civibus, pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod ipse et successores sui predicti, in perpetuum sint quieti, de theolonio, pontagio, passagio, muragio, pavagio, lastagio, cariagio, picagio, cayagio, et rivagio, per totum reguum nostrum, et protestatem nostram,
Et quod nullus de civitate predicta, vel alius in eadem, civitate indictatus, vel arrestatus, pro quocunque delicto vel causa fuerit, alibi quam in prisona nostra ejusdem civitatis imprisonetur; set omnes ibidem indictati, vel arrestati, in prisona illa detineantur, et per ballivos nostros ejusdem civitatis custodiantur, quosque inde deliberentur, secundum legem et consuetudinem regni nostri, nisi exinde amoveantur per speciale preceptum nostrum, vel heredum nostrorum, vel eciam per preceptum justiciarij nostri de foresta, qui pro tempore fuerit, si fortassis, de aliqua transgressione fereste indictati fuerint, et ea occasione capti et detenti,
Et quod summonitiones, districtiones, et attachiamenta, ac alia officia regalia quecunque, que infra eandem civitatem, vel suburbium ejusdem emerserint, facienda fiant per ballivos nostros ejusdem civitatis,
Ita quod nullus vicecomes, coronator, aut alius ballivus, vel minister noster forinsecus, aliquod officium regale in civitate predicta, videlicet, infra fossata ejusdem civitatis et ripariam de Wensum, vel in suburbio predicto, exerceat, seu aliqualiter exequatur, nisi in defectum ballivorum nostrorum, civitatis ejusdem,
Et liceat, ballivis nostris civitatis illius, qui pro tempore fuerint, tallagia, et alia auxilia racionabilia, super communitatem dicte civitatis, per assensum tocius communitatis illius, vel majoris partis ejusdem, pro tuitione, et communi utilitate civitatis illius, intra se, quociens opus fuerit, assidere, et pro tallagijs, et auxilijs illis levandis, racionabiles facere districtiones, sicut hactenus in casu hujusmodi, in alijs civitatibus racionabiliter fieri consuevit,
Et Concessimus eis, pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod ipsi, et successores sui predicti, letam nostram de Neugate in eadem civitate, quam versus Priorem Sancte Trinitatis Norwycensem, in curia nostra, coram nobis, per consideracionem ejusdem curie nuper recuperavimus, et que ad duos solidos extenditur per annum, habeant, et teneant, et percipiant amerciamenta, et omnia alia proficua, inde proveniencia quoquo modo in perpetuum.
Et si fortassis cives illi, aliquibus libertatum sibi, vel antecessoribus suis, civibus dicte civitatis, per Cartas nostras, vel progenitorum nostrorum quondam regum Anglie, prius concessarum, hactenus plene usi non fuerint, volumus et concedimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod ipsi, et successores sui predicti, libertatibus illis, quocunque tempore casus ex nunc contigerit, quod eis uti possint, plene et absque impedimento, nostri vel heredum nostrorum, aut ministrorum nostrorum quorumcunque, gaudeant racionabiliter, et utantur,
Hijs testibus, ven. patribus R. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo tocius Anglie Primate, A. Dunelmensi Episcopo, Humfrido de Bohun Comite Hertford et Essex, Guidone de Bellocampo Comite Warrewyk, Johanne de Britania, juniore, Rob. de Clifford, Willo de Brewosa, Willo de Leyburne, Thoma de Bykenore, et alijs.
Data per manum nostram, apud Cantuariam, octavo die Julij, anno regni nostri tricesimo tercio.
Know ye, that we for a fine paid us by the citizens of our city of Norwich, before our council, and also for ten pounds yearly to be paid by the citizens and their successors into our Exchequer, as an augmentation of the fee farm of the city aforesaid, yearly and for ever, have given and by this our Charter confirmed, to the said citizens and their successours aforesaid, for us and our heirs,
That none of them shall plead or be impleaded out of our said city of Norwich, in any pleas, assizes, or plaints, concerning any tenures whatsoever within the said city, nor concerning offences or any contracts made in the said city, unless it be a matter that concerns us or our heirs in particular.
And that the citizens and their successours aforesaid, shall not be convicted before any foreign officers, in any appeals, writs of right, claims, offences, contracts, or demands, arising among themselves, but by their fellow citizens only, unless it shall be for such a fact as concerns us or our heirs, or the whole community of the said city,
And also that they shall not be summoned to assizes, nor empanneled on juries, or any inquisitions concerning tenures in the city, or concerning any fact, contract, claim, or plaint, arising by any means in the said city, neither shall they be forced to make any recognizances to serve at assizes, or on juries, out of the aforesaid city, unless the fact particularly concerns us or our heirs,
Furthermore we have granted for us and our heirs, to the said citizens, that they, and their successours aforesaid, shall be for ever free, from toll, pontage, passage, murage, pavage, lastage, car riage, picage, cayage, and rivage, throughout our whole kingdom and our dominion,
And that none of the said city or any other, indicted or arrested in the said city, for any debt, or action, shall be imprisoned any where but in our city goal, and all that shall be so arrested and indicted, shall be detained in that prison, and shall be kept by the bailiffs of our said city, until they be thence delivered according to the law and custom of our realm, unless they be thence removed by the special precept of us and our heirs, or otherwise by the precept of the justice of our forests, for the time being, in case they be indicted, taken and detained, for any offence done in our forests,
And that all summons, distresses, attachments, and other royal offices whatever, arising within the said city or its suburbs, shall be made by our bailiffs of the said city,
And that no sheriff, coroner, or other bailiff, or any other foreign officer of ours, shall any way perform or execute any office royal in the aforesaid city, that is to say, within the ditches of the same city, and the bank of the river Wensum, or in the suburb aforesaid, unless our bailiffs of the same city shall neglect to do it themselves.
And it shall be lawful for our bailiffs of the city for the time being, to assess tallages, and other reasonable aids, upon the community of the said city, by the consent of the whole community or the major part thereof, as often as there shall be occasion so to do, for the defence and profit of the city, and to make reasonable distresses in levying such tallages and aids, as hath been heretofore in like cases reasonably used in other cities,
And we have granted to them for us and our heirs, that they and their successours aforesaid, shall have and hold our leet of Neugate in the said city, which we lately recovered by judgment of our court, against the Prior of the Holy Trinity of Norwich, which is valued yearly at 2s. and that they shall receive the amerciaments and all other profits any way arising therefrom, for ever,
And if by chance the citizens have not heretofore fully used all the liberties granted to them and their ancestors, citizens of the said city, by our Charters, or by the charters of our ancestors, King's of England, formerly granted them, we will and grant for us and our heirs, that they and their successours aforesaid, may reasonably make use of, and enjoy all those liberties, whenever hereafter they shall want to use them, without any impediment from us, our heirs, or any of our officers,
The witnesses are, the venerable fathers, R. Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, A. Bishop or Durham, Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hertford and Essex, Guy de Beauchamp Earl of Warrewyk, John de Brittain the younger, Rob. de Clifford, Will. de Brewse, Will. de Leyburne, Tho. de Bykenore, and others.
Given by our own hand at Canterbury, the 8th day of July, in the 33d year of our reign.
At the latter end of this year, the citizens petitioned the King, to have a new grant for murage, to finish building their walls, their old one being expired, which was granted in parliament at Westminster, for 5 years more, it being the third murage for that purpose; so that they now had been 10 years at work on them, and it is an errour of those who write that they were first begun this year.
In 1305, Simon de Hedirsete, for the good council and advice he had given the city for time past, and should give for the time to come, had an annuity for life of 20s. granted him under the common seal, he having been very serviceable in the affair of procuring the murage and forwarding the walls.
In 1306, the King finding great animosities still subsisting between the church and city, he referred the whole to his privy council, and by their advice made a general
Composition and Agreement, between the Prior and Convent of the cathedral church of the Holy Trinity, on the one part, and the Bailiffs, Citizens, and Commonalty on the other part, by which all discords were adjusted, and their rights settled, and though it is under the broad seal, and is reckoned and numbered among the Charters, it is not a charter, neither is it exemplified in any inspeximus as such.
The dispute was, the Prior and Convent claimed all Tombland to be their demean, (as it really was,) and to have a coroner, and all other officers, which originally belonged to the Crown, to exercise their offices not only in the priory, but in Tombland, Ratton-rowe, Holmestrete, and Spytelond in Norwich, where the tenants of the priory resided, which tenants, they said, could sell all manner of merchandise, and trade in those places, and not contribute to any tallage or other taxes with the other citizens.
On the other hand, the city asserted, that not only in those places, but in the priory itself, all jurisdiction of such offices as originally belonged to the Crown was in them, and that therefore if they traded, they should pay all charges with the rest of the citizens.
Upon the whole, it was settled and agreed, that Tombland should be cleared of all timber, and every thing laid on it, and always kept so, unless at the time of the yearly fair belonging to the Prior and convent held there at Whitsuntide, so that henceforward, neither the church nor city shall use it as formerly, either for a market, or to lay timber on, or make ropes on it for the time to come, unless at such times as the synods are held at Norwich, and every Sunday, when victuals, fruit, &c. may as usual, be sold at the priory gates; and before next Ascension day, it was to be measured, and equally divided by dools into four parts both in length and breadth, and at every fair the citizens were to choose first which half they would have to build their stalls on, for which they were to pay no picage, stallage, toll, or custom: the other half to remain to the Prior, to make what he can of.
That part of the street between the stone cross lately erected and Ratton-rowe, in breadth, and from the cross to the priory wall in length, not to be built on, but to be open for a passage to the priory gates, and for the horses and cattle to stand on for sale as usual, the Prior to have all rights as before, belonging to this fair, and all customs belonging to it, both in the city and suburbs; and his officers are to take distresses, attachments, and all things belonging to the fair, every where in the city and suburbs, in the same manner that the bailiffs and under-bailiffs of the city, exercise their jurisdiction at all times in the year, except in the fair time; and during the fair, all citizens and others may be summoned, attached, distrained, and amerced, in the Prior's fair-court; and when the fair is done, all prisoners imprisoned in the Prior's prison during the fair, shall the day after be sent to the King's city prison, and be delivered to the bailiffs of the city to imprison them, till they be delivered by course of law; but if they be after convicted to loose life or limb, the officers of the Prior shall execute the judgment.
The coroner of the city was to exercise his office in the priory and the other places mentioned, with this restriction in the precincts and in Holmstrete and Spytelond, that the Prior shall name a person to be present and assisting, to see he doth nothing maliciously or contrary to his office; and the jury shall be only the parishioners of those parishes, and no other citizens, and those living in the precinct shall not be compelled to be on any jury or inquisition, out of the precinct, and the coroner shall deliver a transcript indented to the assistant of the Prior, which assistant shall be sworn by the coroner, to discover none of the King's secrets, and no coroner shall enter till he hath given the Prior notice, and demanded an assistant.
The Prior and convent shall hold their leet in Spitelond and Holmstreet, without any bailiff or city officer, and their free or court barons with their leets.
The city was not to intermeddle, as to any pleas or concerns for any lands, houses, or things within the precinct, nor to pretend to exercise any manner of jurisdiction there.
The Prior was to receive none there, that fly from justice from the city officers, unless they be intitled to the privilege of Holy Church.
Such as be taken in Holme-street and Spitel-lond for theft, shall be judged in the Prior's court there, and if any be condemned in the city, and belong to those places, the Prior shall execute such judgment, and the forfeited chattels shall remain in the parishioners' hands, until the King's itinerant justices shall determine, whether they belong to the Prior or city.
All persons presented in the Prior's leets, that regularly belong to the jurisdiction of the city, shall be delivered to the bailiffs, and all persons presented in the King's city leets before the bailiffs, if they belong to Holmstrete or Spitel-lond, shall be delivered to the Prior's officers, the day after the leet.
The city shall not hinder the Prior of the amerciaments of his own men and tenants, nor of the chattels of fugitives and felons, which the King's Charters have granted him,
Neither shall such of the Prior's tenants or farmers, living in Raton-Rowe, Holmestrete, and Spitel-lond, and that serve in the Prior's leets there, be compelled to serve in the King's leet in Norwich; but if they do not belong to the Prior's leet, they shall be subject to the King's leet, but their amerciaments shall belong to the Prior.
None of the Prior's family to merchandise gross wares in the precinct, so as the city lose any toll or custom.
The bailiffs not to distrain or enter into Holmstreet or Spitelond, nor to levy any tolls or customs there for the city, they being excluded merchandising, but if any merchandise there, they are to pay according to their trade or merchandise, all city tolls, customs, &c. to the Prior, who is to answer it to the city bailiffs, and if the Prior will not do it, he may be compelled in the King's superiour court by course of law: and if any break this agreement, the same remedy to be taken.
One part is to be in the hands of the Prior, and one in the custody of the city.
The witnesses to the King's confirmation of this agreement, were, W. Bishop of Coventre and Lichfield, the Treasurer, William de Hamelton, Chancellor, Roger de Brabazon, Ralf de Hengham, Will. Howard, Rog. de Hegham, Peter Malorre, and Will. de Carleton. Dated at Laurecost, 4th Dec. in the 35th year of his reign.
It appears at this time, that the bailiffs paid the fee farm rent of the city, so that oftentimes it was an office of expense, when the rents and tolls did not answer well, for which reason there was a law made, that for the future no man should be compelled to serve the office above once in four years, and that nobody should merchandise above a year and a day in the city without being compelled to take up his freedom, for which he was to pay a fine of 40s. if he was not intitled to it by birth or service.
The bailiffs of the city at their admission into their office every year, took an oath,
"To serve the King faithfully that whole year, in the office of bailiff, and to keep and defend the city, and well, duly, and faithfully, to administer justice equally to rich and poor, the ancient laws, liberties, and customs, used immemorially by the citizens, to preserve inviolate, and also well and faithfully to pay the fee farm of the city, and indemnify the city by so doing, and to execute all judgments by them given, according to the customs of the city, without sparing any one in any way whatever, and to maintain and in all things promote, the constant use of their ancient laws, liberties, and customs, and suffer no one to merchandise above the usual time, without taking up their freedom, and if they refuse so to do, to seize their wares found in the city and detain them, till they submit to the law of the city, and take up their freedom, or leave the place."
In 1307, King Edward departed this life, a prince of great renown, to whose heroick mind, God gave a body answerable in beauty and goodly presence, so that for his virtue, wisdom, and valour, by due desert, he was reputed a fit King for, and a chief honour to, his kingdom; a King to whom this city in a particular manner is obliged, both for the ample liberties that he first gave them, and for that peace and concord that he restored, by settling all their old discords, by which means, great increase, and much prosperity, immediately followed in this place.
[edit] Custoses, or Keepers of The City
- 1273, Roger de Tudenham. William Estormy or Sturmy, custos by commission, during the King's pleasure.
Will. de Refham. Walter Knot. Bartholomew de Acre. - 1274, Walter de Shelfhangel, sheriff of Norfolk, and custos of Norwich, was displaced for extortion, and lecying new customs of the clothiers, fishermen, &c. and Will. Sturmy made custos again.
BAILIFFS, the liberties being restored.
- 1275, Adam le Tofts. Roger de Morley. Gervase Latimer. Tho. Lyncolne. [For the latter part of the year.]
- 1276, Adam de Tofts. John Bate. Will. Yelverton. Roger de Swerdeston.
- 1277, Roger de Tudenham. Will. de Refham. Roger de Swerdeston. Roger de Morley.
- 1278, Roger de Tudenham. Will. de Refham. Roger de Morley. Will. Pigot.
- 1279, The same first three, and William Knot.
- 1280, Adam le Toftes. Roger de Pentney. James Nade. John Bate.
- 1281, Adam le Toftes. Roger de Morley. Rog. de Tudenham. Tho. de Lincolne.
- 1282, Rog. de Tudenham. Will. de Refham. Barth. de Acre or Akers. Walt. Knot.
- 1283, Roger de Tudenham. Walter Scot. Paul Pagrave. Will. de Refham.
- 1284, Adam le Clerk. Will. de Burwood. James Nade. Roger de Wilby. [The liberties seized into the King's hands.]
- 1285, Will. Rockingham, custos. Roger de Tudenham. James Nade. [The liberties restored, the two bailiffs continued to Mich. following.]
- 1286, Adam de Tofts. Jeffry de Bungey. Adam de Saham. John de Blexter.
- 1287, Roger de Tudenham. Will. Butt. Adam de Thurston. Roger de Flemingham.
- 1288, The same first two, and John de Poringland. John de Ely.
- 1289, Adam de Sterston. John de Eaton. Adam de Taverham. R. de Newbrigge. [June 6, the liberties seized, W. de Redham and Rich. de Belhuse, custoses.]
- 1290, Will. Butt. Walter le Tanner. John Holveston. Tho. de Hekingham.
- 1291, Rich. de Belhuse, custos. Will. Butt. Odo de la Boothe. Alex. de Swerdeston. Ralph de Newbrigge. [The liberties restored.]
- 1292, Will But. Jeffry le Clerk. John de Poringland. Odo de la Booth.
- 1293, The same first three, and Will. de Kirby.
- 1294, Roger de Tudenham.
- 1294, Will. Butt. Rich de Felmingham. Rob. de Hickling. Tho. de Erlham, town clerk.
- 1295, The three first as before, and Tho. de Hekingham.
- 1296, Hen. Clerk. Tho. Sparrwe or Sparrow. O. de la Booth. Tho. de Gunthorp.
- 1297, The same.
- 1298, John de Holveston. William le Spicer. Peter de Bumpstede. Ralph de Newbrigge.
- 1299, John de Norwich. Ro. de Tudenham. John de Poringland. Peter de Basingham.
- 1300, Hen. le Clerke. Hen. de Hale. Rog. de Stallon. John de Gunthorp.
- 1301, Will. Butt. Will. Bateman. Peter de Bumpstede. John de Gunthorp.
- 1302, Jeffry Kempe, clerk.
- 1302, Rob. de Lopham. John le Graunt. John de Thurston.
- 1303, John de Morley. Peter de Bumpstede. Will. Butt. John de Thurston.
- 1304, Peter de Bumpstede. Peter Basingham. John de Morley. John de Gunthorp.
- 1305, John de Morley. John Sparwe. John de Gunthorp. Peter de Basingham. Arnold de Stanford, town clerk.
- 1306, Alex. de Santon. Will. Bateman. Jeffry Kemp. John de Wilby.
- 1307, Will. Butt. Henry de Heylesden. John Cosyn. John de Gunthorp. Ralf, son of Thomas de Erlham, town clerk.
The following is an exact List of the Burgesses, that have served in Parliament for this City, taken from the Parliament Rolls, and City Evidences.
A writ was directed to the Bailiffs of Norwich, commanding them to send two of the wisest of their citizens to the King at Shrewsbury, to parliament there, to advise about David son of Griffith, then lately taken prisoner: but I do not find who were returned.
26 Edw. I. Parl. at York, Adam de Toftes and John le Graunt, were returned.
27 Parl. at Lincoln, Rob. de Holveston, Roger de TuDenham.
28 Parl. at Westminster, the same.
30 Parl. at London, Roger de Tudenham, Robert de Weston.
31 Parl. at Westm. John le Graunt, John de Morle.
32 Parl. at Westm. the same.
33 Parl. at Westm. Jeffry de Norwich, clerk, Ralph. de Burewode.
34 Parl. at Carlisle, Will. de Wichingham, Henry Gare.
From this list we may observe, that they sent none but their own fellow-citizens, and that parliaments were then annual, if the King wanted them, and were dissolved as soon as the business they were called for was dispatched.
Irrotulatur in Rotulis Regis (sc. in the King's Bench) coram ipso Rege in termino Pasche Ao regni ipsius Regis Edwardi tricesimo quarto. Rotulo xliiijo.
[edit] CHAPTER XIV
OF THE CITY IN EDWARD THE SECOND'S TIME.
Edward the Second began his reign July the 7th, in the year of our Lord 1307, and reigned 19 years, 6 months, and 15 days, with whom
Walter de Norwich, son of Jeffry de Norwich, was so much in favour, as to be one of the Barons of the Exchequer in 1311, and in 1314 was summoned to parliament as a parliamentary baron, and afterwards made Treasurer of the Exchequer, which office he held several years: he obtained liberty for free-warren in all his demean lands, and a fair to his manor of Ling in Norfolk, on the eve and day of St. Margaret, (July 20,) and two days following; and continued always in great favour to his death.
In 1312, there was information given to the King, that several persons, as they were building the city walls, found large sums of money in the ditches, and in digging the trenches for the foundations, all which were of the coin of King Henry I. upon which the several persons were attached, and delivered up the money to the assay-master of the mint here, and an assay thereof being made, it was found, that one pound of silver of that money was more in value by three pence, or three pennyweights, than a pound of the then current coin.
In this year, Thomas de Brotherton, had a charter of the King in tail general, of the honours of Roger Bigod Marshal of England and Earl of Norfolk, by which he became constable of this castle during the King's pleasure, and it seems by his arms still remaining carved in stone on the walls, that it was he that fitted up the castle in the manner it now stands, for I think by his coat twice cut on the pilasters of the arch of the staircase, that he built that staircase, made that arch, and added the battlements which were on the top, and left the building much as we see it now.
In 1314, the price of provisions rose to a very great height, occasioned partly by the wars between the English and Scots, by reason of which, great part of the land laid waste, partly by the intemperate season, the immoderate rains spoiling the corn in the earth, and almost the whole product of it afterwards, so that people were forced to eat horse-flesh, dogs, cats, mice, and whatever they could get; and to moderate the price of things, there was a parliament called at London, in which it was ordained, that an ox fatted with corn should be sold at 1l. 4s. if fatted with grass, at 16s.; a fat cow at 12s.; another cow at 10s.; a fat mutton fed with corn, and its wool on, at 1s. 8d.; if shorn, at 1s. 2d.; a fat hog of 2 years old at 3s. 4d.; a fat goose at 2d. ob.; a fat capon 2d.; a fat hen at 1d. and 24 eggs at 1d. and whoever sold for more should forfeit his wares to the King: and immediately upon this ordinance, orders were sent to the sheriffs of every county to proclaim it in all publick places in their shires, and to certify it to the chief officers of all cities and towns corporate, and accordingly the order for Norfolk was directed to R. de Refham, then sheriff, and is dated at Westminster, March 14, in the 8th year of King Edward II. and the sheriff immediately sent a transcript thereof to the bailiffs of Norwich, requiring them to put it in execution forthwith, as the King specially commanded. But the scarcity still increasing, this order was obliged to be soon revoked, for such was the price of corn, that the King could scarce get bread to sustain his household. Fox says, that some stole children and eat them, and that many perished for hunger. Baker says, that thieves in prison plucked in pieces those that were newly brought in among them, and eat them half alive. Seldom, says Speed, hath so terrible a famine been heard of here; and what was as bad, the next year, the unwholesomeness of the food that they were forced to eat, occasioned a pestilence of which great numbers died, as also of the bloody-flux and fevers; and such was the murrain among the cattle, that people dared not eat their flesh, so that this plague and famine would have destroyed the greatest part of the people (as was thought) had not the King ordered that no wheat should be malted, a great deal of which in those times was consumed that way; and indeed it was high time to do so, for corn was sold at the then extravagant price of 20s. a comb; and this famine and mortality began in 1314, and lasted to the May in 1316, being above two years.
In 1317, there was another murage granted, by the help of which, the walls were finished in 1319, or 1320.
And this year also, Sir John Howard, son and heir of William Howard, one of the judges of the court of common-pleas, was made sheriff of Norfolk, and custos of this castle, which, in 1321, was in the King's own hands, as appears by a writ directed to the sheriff, commanding him to furnish it with all warlike stores, and the garrison with victuals, and all necessaries; and the year after, William de Rudham was made constable.
In 1326, the King kept his Christmas at St. Edmund's Bury, and being sore afraid of the Queen's return, and of those exiled persons that were with her, he commanded musters to be made in every city, burgh, town corporate, hundred, and wapentake, in all England, to exercise the men in arms, both horse and foot, that so they might be ready whenever they were called; he ordered also that beacons should be erected, in order to raise the people at a distance whenever they were fired: the order for the array and muster to be made in this city, is dated at Norwich, January 26, by which I conclude the King was then here in person, and went from hence to the Virgin at Walsingham, at which place, his Charter made to this city is dated on the 3d of February following. It is an ample charter, confirming and reciting all former charters by way of inspeximus, but there are no new privileges added: the witnesses were, Thomas de Brotherton Marshal of England, the King's brother, Hugh de Despencer Lord of Glamorgan, Robert de Montealt, Thomas Bardolf, and Tho. le Blount Steward of the Household.
About Michaelmas, Queen Isabel, Roger de Mortimer, Edmund of Wodstock Earl of Kent, the King's brother, Will. Trussell, and many others, landed at Orwell by Harwich in Essex, and soon after came to this city, and thence went to St. Edmund's Bury, where she staid some time to refresh herself, and then prosecuted her wicked designs against the King with such success, that he was deposed the Christmas-day after, and was murdered on the 21st of Sept. following, in he year 1327.
In 1327, there was a great fray between the townsmen and monks of Bury, in which the abbey was damaged to 1000l. value, so that the King sent down forces, which made them submit, and 24 of the chief of the town were imprisoned there, 30 carts full of the townsmen were carried to Norwich, of whom 19 were hanged, and the rest confined.
[edit] Bailiffs of Norwich
- 1308, Alex. Sartene. Will. Bateman Jeffry Kemp. Rob. de Wilby.
- 1309, John de Morley.
Hugh de Dunston. Peter Basingham. Rog. de Stallon.
- 1310, Tho. Ymme. John de Poringland. Peter de Bumpstede. Will. Leke.
- 1311, Rob. de Lopham. Will. Bateman. Will. Butt. Rob. Holveston.
- 1312, The same as in 1310.
- 1313, Will. But.
John Sparrwe or Sparrow. John Cusyne. Hugh de Dunston.
- 1314, John de Morley. Will. Bateman. Tho. Ymme. Will. de Strumpshagh.
- 1315, The same again. Robert de Cawston, town clerk.
- 1316, John de Morley. Will. Bate an. Hugh de Dunston. John de Permond.
- 1317, Rob. de Lopham. Peter de Bumpstede. Will. Butt. Rob. Wilby.
- 1318, The same as in 1316.
- 1319, John de Morley. Tho. de Weston. John Flint. Robert de Wilby.
- 1320, The same again, or as one list hath it, though another hath Tho. de Berry. Tho. de Cockfield. John Permond. John de Strumpeshagh.
- 1321, Tho. de Catfield. Rainold de Bastwick. Will. de Sturmer. Will. de Strumpeshagh.
- 1322, John de Morle. John de la Sale, or de Aula, de la S'aule, or Hall. John de Corpesti.
- 1322, Tho. Ymme. Roger de Cawston, town clerk.
- 1323, Will Bateman. John Flint. R. Burwood. Will. de Strumpeshagh.
- 1324, John de Morlee. Rob. de Aula, de la S'aul, or Hall.
- 1324, John de Corpesty. Tho. Ymme.
- 1325, Will. Bateman. John Cusyn. Hugh de Dunston. John Pyrmound.
- 1326, Will. Bateman. Will. de Dunston. Nic. de Midleton. Will. Butt, junior.
[edit] Burgesses In Parliament
1 Edw. II. Parl. at Northampton, John de Morle, John Sparwe.
1 Parl. at York, Tho. Butt, Tho. de Hakeford.
2 Parl. at Westm. John de Morle, John Benediscite (or Bendish,)
4 Parl. at Westm. John de Morle, John Spárwe.
5 Parl. at Westm. the same again.
6 Parl. at Westm. John de Corpesty, Tho. Butt.
6 Parl. at Westm. Will. de Wichingham, John de Ellingham.
7 Parl. at Westm. the same again.
8 Parl. at York, Roger de St. Austin, John son of Roger de la S'ale, (Salle, S'aule, or Hall.)
8 Parl. at Westm. John Sparwe, (or Sparrow,) Roger Fitz Hugh.
12 Parl. at York, John de Morle, Peter de Scothow.
15 Parl. at London, John Flynt, Tho. de Byntre.
16 Parl. at York, John de Morle, junior, Peter de Hakeford.
19 Parl. at Westm. Will. de Strumpsawe, (or Strumpeshagh,) Will. de Wichingham.
20 Parl. at Westm. Will. Bateman, Will. Butt.
[edit] CHAPTER XV
OF THE CITY IN EDWARD THE THIRD'S TIME.
Edward the Third began his reign, on the 20th day of Jan. in the year 1326, 7, and was crowned five days after at Westminster, by Walter Archbishop of Canterbury, he being then of the age of 14 years; at which solemnity Queen Isabel, his mother, made show of great sorrow and heaviness, but as Daniel observes in his life of this prince, was afterwards pacified by the enlargement of her jointure, which took up three parts of the King's revenues, and among other things, she had an annual pension of a hundred pounds paid her by the bailiffs of this city out of the fee farm rent thereof; which at this time amounted in the whole to 126l. 11s. 5d. and the other 26l. were assigned to Sir John de Montgomery, so that the city were responsible for 11s. 5d. a year only, out of their whole fee farm to the Exchequer.
This King in his first Parliament at Westminster, had an act passed, by which, all cities, boroughs, and franchised towns, were to enjoy their franchises, customs, and usages, as they ought and were wont to do.
At this time also, the King by charter, confirmed to Thomas de Brotherton, in tail general, all the estates and honours granted him in the 6th Edw. II. so that he was continued constable of the castle.
In 1328, there was a statute made, by which all the stables both beyond and on this side the sea, ordained by Kings in times past, were to cease, and all merchants whatever had liberty of coming into, and going out of England; and writs were sent to all sheriffs, mayors, and bailiffs, of good towns, to inform them of it; and among others, there was one sent to this city. It appears that the King was very disirous to encourage the trade of his subjects in all respects, for I find that his mother, Queen Isabel, had obtained a patent to be passed, with consent of Edward II. her husband, to one John Pecock; senior, by which he had the assay or measuring of every piece of worsted made in Norwich or Norfolk, so that till they had paid him for so doing and had his seal on each piece, no maker could sell a single piece; and this office was assigned by the said John, with the King's consent, to Robert de Poleye; but upon the citizens representation how injurious it was to their trade, as well as expensive, their burgesses having complained of it in parliament, the patent was recalled, the assay taken of, and free trade for all worsteds granted; from which we may learn what a great manufacture was carried on in this branch of business, in Edward Second and Edward Third's time, to which the prodigious increase and popularity of the city was then owing.
In 1329, Simon de Berford, the King's escheator on this side Trent, gave the city much trouble concerning a great number of houses, shops, and tenements, lately erected by grant of the city, on the waste grounds of the said city, on pretence that all the waste belonged to the King and not to the citizens, and that the rents of all such buildings, should belong to the Crown, by which means, great part of the city rents, namely all the rents de novo incremento, or new increased rents, would have been lost from the city to the value of 9l. 11s. 8d. a year, by which we may calculate the surprising increase of the inhabitants of this place, from the beginning of Edward II. to this time. The small rents or old rents of houses erected upon the city waste from its original to Edward the Second's time, amounted to but 9s. 2d. so that if we compare the new increased rents with the old ones, we shall find in about 30 years time, 19 times as many houses erected upon the waste as there were before; an argument sufficiently showing how populous it grew by its flourishing trade, and indeed its increase continued as surprisingly, till that fatal pestilence in 1349. To remedy this imposition, the citizens sent to Thomas Butt and John Ymme, their burgesses in parliament, then held at Winchester, to complain of the usage to the King and parliament; upon which, the King afterwards directed his writ to the said Simon, certifying him, that by the grants of his progenitors Kings of England, the citizens held the city and all the waste ground, by fee farm, in inheritance, and that therefore he had nothing to do to molest them in letting out such void grounds to be built upon, for their profit and advantage, towards paying their fee farm. This writ bears date at Reding, March 25, in the 4th year of his reign.
In 1329, it was accorded in parliament, that a parliament should be holden every year once, and more often, if need be.
In 1330, another dispute arose between the Prior and city, but it was amicably accorded by agreement, dated June 6, in which the Prior releases all his right to the ground on which the citizens had built their walls between Barr-gate, and Fibrigge-gate; and the citizens released to the Prior all the land against the site of his monastery, between the precinct wall and the river Wensum; and also agreed that the Prior might build houses on each side of Bishop'sBridge, so that a sufficient passage should be left on both sides of the bridge by arches or otherwise, for watering of horses, and lading and unlading goods, and that he might build upon the bridge and make gates to be inhabited as the other city gates, and should have the sole profit of them, on condition the citizens and their successours have the keeping of those gates.
This year, Roger de Kerdeston was sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, and governour of the castle.
In 1331, the King appointed divers staples for wool and sheep skins, and other commodities, among which, Norwich was appointed the only one in Norfolk and Suffolk: they were so called from the Saxon word [stapel], which signifies the stay or hold of any thing, because by common order and command, the merchants of England were obliged to carry their wools, wool-fells, clothes, &c. thither, for the sale of them by the great, or (as we now speak) by wholesale, no one daring to sell such commodities but in such staple towns, by which means all trading places were very desirous of being staples, both for the convenience of carrying on, as well as increasing trade among them.
This year was a suit renewed between the citizens and the burgesses of the port of Yarmouth, which was commenced in 1327, when the citizens petitioned the King against the burgesses, for taking toll and other customs against the liberties of the city charters, all which the city produced: in answer to which, the burgesses of Yarmouth alleged, that they did so, by virtue of the charter of King Edward I. by which they were created a Port, upon which they had a day assigned to produce that charter, which they did not, but dropt the suit, as it should seem, because the city charters were older than that, and so could not be injured by it, but now, the burgesses were so angry that the city was made a staple, that they proceeded so far as to stop all ships, vessels, and boats, from coming through their port to the city, which was the original of this grand suit between them, upon which the burgesses produced the charter of King Edward I. which made them a port, and granted them divers privileges, and pleaded, that their town stood on an arm of the sea, which was the King's port, and that no one could merchandise, pass, or repass, contrary to their charter. To this the citizens pleaded that Norwich was a mercantile and trading town, and one of the royal cities of England, situate on the bank of a water and arm of the sea, which extended from thence to the main ocean, upon which, ships, boats, and other vessels have immemorially come to their market, which is held every day in the week, and to their publick marts or fairs, which are held twice in the year, with all manner of merchandise, as well foreigners and strangers, as Englishmen and denizens; and all this, long before Yarmouth was in being, even when the place which that now stands upon, was main sea; and that ever since to this time, they have used this their right, having always sold and bought, laded and unladed, all their goods and merchandise, free from all tolls and customs, not only at YarmouthParva, but any where on the arm of the sea, which they now call Yarmouth Port, and all over England, and all foreign merchants paid all their customs at Norwich, which was the then port and in the King's hands, namely 4d. every ship of bulk, and 2d. every boat, and all other customs for their merchandise; all which were due to the Kings of England, in right of that their city and port, till King Henry II. granted the city, and all the tolls, rights, and customs, belonging to it, to the citizens and their heirs for ever, paying to the Exchequer a fee farm rent of 108l. a year; all which have been confirmed by divers kings, and enjoyed by the city to this day, till the men of Yarmouth now began to hinder them in so doing, to their great damage, and to the hinderance of their paying to the King his fee farm, for which reason they petitioned the King to recall Edward the First's charter made to Yarmouth, or not suffer it to be prejudicial to the city; upon which the King directed his writ (by advice of his privy council) commanding the bailiffs of Yarmouth to make proclamation in their town, that if any hindered or any way molested, the merchants vessels of what kind soever, from passing and repassing through the port of Yarmouth, to and from the city of Norwich, that they should forfeit all their goods and chattels forfeitable, for so doing.
In 1333, R. de Ref ham, then sheriff of Norfolk, sent a copy of the King's proclamation to the bailiffs of Norwich, commanding them, to cause proclamation to be made in the city, that no man presume to take more than 24s. for the best living ox fatted with grain, and if not fatted with grain, only 16s.; the best fat cow 12s.; the best fat swine of two years old 4s.; the best fat mutton unclipped 20d.; and if clipped 14d.; a fat goose 2d. ob.; 2 pullets 1d.; 4 pigeons 1d.; a good fat capon 2d.; a fat hen 1d.; and 24 eggs 1d. and if any person shall take any more, he shall incur the King's forfeiture.
This King, in the 11th year of his reign, granted a charter, dated at Westminster on the 4th day of October, in which he recited and confirmed all the former charters granted to this city, but there are no new liberties added. The witnesses are, John Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Master Robert de Stretford Chancellor and Elect of Chichester, Henry de Lancaster Earl of Derby, William de Monteacute Earl of Salisbury, Henry de Ferrers, and John Darcy le Cosyn, Steward of the Household.
And the year following, by his royal prerogative, he granted a toll without an Act of Parliament, for murage to repair the walls of the city.
This year, 1336, is memorable for the great increase of the Flemish stuffs, or worsted manufacture, which proved the most advantageous trade to the nation in general, and this city and county in particular, that ever was introduced among any people, for which reason I cannot omit observing what I have met with, as to its rise and increase.
The inestimable value of our English wool was not unknown to our ancestors, even at the time of the Conquest, as appears from Domesday book, where the sheep of every manor are exactly registered; but yet the manufacturing of it was done by foreigners, and the value then consisted in the goods that were imported in exchange for it; and as far as I can find, it continued so, at least till Henry the First's time, when (as I take it, though Fuller makes a doubt of it) the colony of old Dutch, frighted out of their country by an inundation, came hither, and settled, (as he thinks in Pembrokeshire only) but I am apt to believe, several of them at that time settled at Wursted or Worsted in Norfolk, and so early introduced the art of stuff-weaving there, which, as is natural to suppose, soon made its way into this city; not that I think it grew to be of any great consequence till the latter end of Henry the Third and Edward the First's time, when it much increased, so that in Edward the Second's time, worsted-stuff was famous; and Norwich increased very much by the making of it.
That it was first of all introduced at Worsted, I make no doubt, from its name, which occurs in the most ancient things I meet with, in relation to it, it being as plain that it had that name on that account, as the name of Norwich-stuffs at this day, for the same reason; and it is evident, that those historians who say the Flemings introduced the making of them first in this year, are in an errour, and were led to it by their finding such numbers of that nation introduced here at this time, who indeed did bring that valuable branch with them, namely, the making of what we now call broad-cloth, or the art of clothing.
Their introduction here was owing to the great intercourse between the English and Netherlands, which was increased ever since the King married Phillippa, daughter to William Earl of Hainault; which though it was a match made up hastily by Queen Isabel, his mother, for her own ends, yet a better could never have been made upon deliberation, either for the King or country, for though her parentage was not great, and her portion small, yet her virtue was recompense more than sufficient for those deficiencies, for never had King a better wife, nor subjects a better Queen, neither was there any one with the greatest fortune, that ever did the kingdom such signal service as she did, by the introduction of this art only, from her own country, for till now we may say, though the English had worstedstuffs and such like, yet hitherto they were ignorant in curious clothing: but to give you Fuller's own words, who hath been very large on this subject; "The King and state began now to grow very sensible of the great gain the Netherlands got by our English wool, in memory whereof the Duke of Burgundy not long after, instituted the order of the Golden-Fleece, wherein indeed, the fleece was ours, the golden theirs, so vast their emolument by the trade of clothing. Our King therefore resolved if possible, to reduce the trade to his own country, who as yet were ignorant of that art, as knowing no more what to do with their wool, than the sheep that weare it, as to any artificial and curious drapery, their best cloathes then being no better than freezes, such their courseness for want of skill in their making: but now the intercourse being settled between the English and Netherlands, unsuspected emissaries were employed by our King into those countries, who wrought themselves into familiarity with such Dutchmen as were absolute masters of their trade, but not masters of themselves, as either journymen or apprentices. These bemoaned the slavishness of these poor servants, whom their masters used rather like heathens than Christians, yea rather like horses than men, early up, and late in bed, and all day hard work, and harder fare, (a few herrings and mouldy cheese,) and all to inrich the churles their masters, without any profit to themselves.
But oh! how happy should they be, if they would but come into England, bringing their mystery with them, which would provide their welcome in all places. Here they should feed on fat beef and mutton, till nothing but their fullness should stint their stomacks: yea they should feed on the labours of their own hands, enjoying a proportionable profit of their pains to themselves, their beds should be good, and their bedfellows better, seeing the richest yeomen in England, would not disdain to marry their daughters unto them, and such the English beauties, that the most envious foreigners could not but commend them.
Liberty is a lesson quickly conn'd by heart, men having a principle within themselves to prompt them in case they forget it. Perswaded with the premises, many Dutch servants leave ther masters, and make over for England. Their departure thence (being pickt here and there) made no sensible vacuity, but their meeting here altogether amounted to a considerable fullness; with themselves they brought over their trade and their tools, namely such which could not (as yet) be made in England.
Happy the yeomans house into which one of these Dutchmen did enter, bringing industry and wealth along with them. Such who came in strangers within the doors, soon after went out bridegrooms, and returned sons in laws, having married the daughters of their landlords, who first entertained them, yea those yeomen in whose houses they haboured, soon proceeded gentlemen, gaining great estates to themselves, arms and worship to their estates.
The King having gotten this treasury of foreigners, thought not fit to continue them all in one place, lest on discontent they might imbrace a general resolution to return, but bestowed them thorow all the parts of the land, that cloathing thereby might be the better dispersed. This new generation of Dutch, was now sprinkled every where, though generally (when left to their own choice) they prefer'd a maritime habitation."
And indeed it seems a great many Flemings settled in these parts at first, as at Wursted, Norwich, Lavenham, Sudbury, &c. they landing chiefly at Yarmouth and the adjacent coasts, and it was the number of her countrymen being settled here, as I take it, that made the King and Queen so often visit this city as they did.
The Dutchmen that came over, first found fuller's earth, a precious treasure, of which there is more, if not better, than in all the world besides; a great commodity to the making of good cloth, so that nature (says our author) seems to point out our land for the staple of drapery, if the idleness (or the negligence) of her inhabitants be not the only hindrance thereof.
Soon after this, Norwich in a very few years became the most flourishing city in all England, by means of its great trade in worsteds, fustians, freezes, and other woolen manufactures, for now the English wool being manufactured by English hands, an incredible profit accrued to the people, by its passing through and employing so many, "every one having a fleece, sorters, combers, carders, spinsters, fullers, dyers, pressers, packers, &c." so that many thousands, that before that, could not get their bread, could now by this means live handsomely; and indeed the chief support of this city hath ever since been by the woolen-manufacture, which began to decline about the time of Henry VIII. but revived again in Queen Elizabeth's time, by means of the Dutch who came over then, and not only threw the trade into a different channel, but improved the goods to a much higher perfection, by weaving greater variety of them than heretofore, so that the bloody inquisition of the Duke of Alva, which forced these Dutchmen to flee hither for conscience sake, was the means which raised the trade of this place to that degree, as to vend above the value of 100,000l. a year in Norwich-stuffs only, besides the stocking manufacture, which some years ago, was computed at 60,000l. a year more; and so much hath the government thought this trade worth protecting, that there are no less than fourteen statutes, besides many writs, proclamations, and ordinances established to guard it; which this King did in the most effectual manner that could be, at its first establishment, by prohibiting any wool to be transported unwrought, and commanding that all clothes should be made here, granting habitation, with all privileges and liberties, to such artificers as would come over and inhabit here; at the same time enacting, that none should wear other than English cloth, except the King, Queen, and their children, and that no man should wear any facing of silks or furs, but such as could dispend 100l. a year, and this was the first sumptuary law, that we meet with in history: and indeed if we credit historians, there was then a necessity for such laws, to restrain the extravagance of dress which then prevailed, and to oblige the people to encourage their own manufacture by the use of it; a law worthy this great King, and I cannot but wish that it had been unrepealed at this day.
In the 14th year of this King, the Earls of counties, who had the custody of the royal castles, often refused to suffer the sheriffs to imprison criminals in the castles, though it had been customary so to do; upon which the legislature took it into consideration, and made an Act of Parliament, that gaols which were wont to be in ward of the sheriffs, and annexed to their baliwicks, shall be rejoined to the sheriffs of counties, and that the sheriffs shall have the custody of the same gaols and prisoners there, as heretofore they used to have; and from this very time, this castle hath been the publick gaol of the county of Norfolk, and in the sheriff's custody to keep his prisoners in, as it still continues; though for some time after this the King did nominate a constable to the castle, for to keep it, as to its defence, in his name; for in 1354, 29th Edward III. Roger Clerk was constable of the castle.
In the 15th year of his reign, the King appointed a turnament to be held at Norwich, and at the same time prohibited all turnaments elsewhere, and writs were directed accordingly to all sheriffs in England: this exercise was much in use in ancient times, and is otherwise called justing or tilting; the knights that used this martial sport were armed, and so encountered one another on horseback, with spears or lances, by which they made themselves fit for war, according to the manner of that age, which made use of such weapons; but when guns, bombs, and other offensive ways of warring were universally introduced, the exercise as well as the weapons themselves, became totally neglected: this turnament began in February 1340, and the King, and Queen Phillipa his wife, came in person to this city to see it, and staid some time, for he was at Norwich on Wednesday February 14, being St. Valentine's day, for then Sir Rob. de Bourchier, his Lord Chancellor, came from London to him here, leaving the great seal behind him, and did not return till the third of March following, soon after which, the King, Queen, and court, went from hence, the turnament being over at Easter; and I find by the accounts of the celerers and other officers of the priory, that they lodged in the monastery, for there occur several entries this year of sums given towards bearing the expenses of the King and Queen's household.
In 1342, it appears by the same accounts that the King and Queen were here again.
At this time the gates and towers of the city were fortified, and made up fit to dwell in, (they having been built, but not fitted up ever since the walls were finished,) by Richard Spynk, citizen of Norwich, who for the profit and defence of the city, and adjacent country, and for the honour of the King, gave 30 espringolds, or warlike instruments, to cast great stones with, to be always kept as follows, viz. 2 in Coslany-gate, 2 at St. Austin's-gate, 2 at Fibriggegate, 1 at Bishop's-gate, 2 in the tower by the river by the dungeon, 1 at Consford-gate, 6 in the great Black Tower by Berstrete, 6 at Berstrete-gate, 2 at Nedeham-gate, 2 at St. Giles's-gate, 2 at Westwyck-gate, and 2 at the Tolhous; and to every espringold 1 hundred gogions or balls, lock'd up in a box, with ropes and other accoutrements belonging to them, and also 4 great arblasters or cross-bows, and to each of them a hundred gogeons or balls, and 2 pair of graples to draw up the bows with; and other gogeons and armour: he also gave 200l. 5s. to enlarge and deepen the ditches belonging to the city walls, and laid out much money in repairing a low place between the river and St. Martin's or Coslany-gates, and made the portculice, with all the instruments belonging to it, both bars and chains, and covered and leaded that gate; he also made the stone front of St. Austin's-gate, in which the port-culice hangs, and leaded and covered the gate, and made the port-culice there, and built 45 rods of wall, and 4 towers, between St. Austin's, and Fibrigge or Magdalen-gates, and in a great measure built those gates, and made the chains and port-culice, and built Bishop-gate upon the bridge, and repaired the bridge and its arches, and he made the port-culice, chains, &c. at Berstrete-gates, and covered and leaded those gates, and the same he did at St. Stephen's or Nedham-gate, at St. Gile's gate, and at Westwyck-gate, and he laid out above 100l. more, about the bars, chains, and gate, at Bishop's-Bridge, and in building a stone wall at Roscelines Stath; he built also the tower on the other side of the river, and made two great chains to go cross from tower to tower, so that no vessel could enter the city by the river without leave, which tower now stands over against the city walls by Cunsford-gate, and fixed an instrument to the tower on the west side of the river, to wind the chains upon, and leaded, covered, and fortified, Conesfordgate, and the great Black Tower of Berstrete, and the 2 towers between that and Berstrete-gate; and in the low tower he made chambers of board, and leaded them, and in the high tower he made 2, chambers and covered it, and in the 2 towers beyond Nedham-gate he made chambers and covered them with lead, and covered Heghamgate with lead, and made bars, chains, &c. and the same at Barrgates; and all the gates and towers he whitened, and made their windows; and when he had done this, he offered another hundred pounds, if any would raise as much more, to finish all the towers in the same manner as those he had done; and when no man in the city would undertake to do it in that manner, the said Richard undertook it, and performed it by God's grace; for which, the citizens gave him their common seal to pay him their part, and also, that neither he nor his heirs male, for ever, should be obliged to bear any office, or serve on any juries in the city, without their own consent, and that he and they should be for ever quit and free from all tallages, taxes, &c. in the city, as also from all customs for merchandize bought and sold, and from all murage and pavage whatever: and the city agreed to find constant guards to guard the walls, in the gates and towers, and look after and keep in order the espringolds, and other instruments which he gave them; and if such guards neglected their duty, on complaint made by him or his heirs, the city was to turn them out, and place others; and if the said Richard died without heirs male, his eldest daughter and her eldest heir was to be in the place of his heir male, and if he had no children, his next heir was to enjoy the same privileges, according to the indentures between the city and him, to which, John de Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir William de Claxton, Prior of Norwich, Sir Robert de Ufford Earl of Suffolk, Sir John Bardolf Lord of Wormgeye, Sir John de Norwich, Sir Edward de Cretyng, and Sir Peter de Ty, Knights, were witnesses; they all being at Norwich on the 10th day of December, in the 17th year of the King's reign, when I imagine the King was also here.
The city being by the conduct, generosity, and good management of this worthy citizen, thus finely fortified and guarded, and all the gates, walls, and towers fully finished, at an assembly of the bailiffs and commonalty, held on St. James's day in the 18th Edward III. at the request of the said Richard Spink, whose labours, expenses, and gifts to the city could never be enough recompensed, it was ordered and established, that it should be proclaimed every quarter of a year, street by street, throughout the whole city,
That if any one suffers any beast to enter the city ditches, or throw or lay any thing whatever into them, or into the arches of the city walls, or into any of the gates, that they should be fined for every such offence, by which he proposed to keep them in that good and beautiful order which he had put them in; and the very day after, having now perfected all his great undertakings, he signed a general release to the city, of all debts, actions and demands, to that day, reserving to himself and heirs the liberties aforesaid, which he so much deserved.
In 1343, Oct. 19, on Sunday night was an exceeding great rain and high wind, which came so violently upon the passage-boat then coming from Yarmouth, that it sunk in the river Wensum belonging to the city of Norwich, close by Cantele, and out of 40 persons, two only escaped with their lives; as appears from the inquest of Thomas de Morlee, the city coroner: and the same year the Chronicle in the Gild-hall says, that in March, there happened a great earthquake in many places in England.
In 1344, Richard de Lyng, parson of Redeham, John de Berneye, and John Chevelee, gave the citizens a piece of ground on which the city wall was built, extending from Barr-gates to the river Wensum, to which Sir John de Norwich, Sir William de Kerdeston, Sir Peter de Ty, Sir John Howard, and Sir Bartholomew Bateman, Knights, were witnesses.
This year, their Majesties vouchsafed to honour the city again with their presence, as appears from the accounts of the priory, where they lodged, as also from a license of mortmain granted to the nuns of Blakebergh, which is dated the 27th of Dec. in the 18th year of his reign, witness ourself at Norwich. And at this time the city was so much in favour with the Queen, as to ask her to request the King for a grant of all his royal jurisdiction, belonging to the fee of his castle here, which she did accordingly, and obtained it; for the next year, being the 19th of his reign, John de Berney and Richard Clere were appointed commissioners, before whom a writ of ad quod dampnum was executed, concerning the fee of the castle of Norwich, it being grown doubtful from its long continuance in the Earls of Norfolk, whether it belonged to them or to the King only, and it was adjudged to the King, and that the Earls of Norfolk held it only as the King's constables, upon which the castle itself was confirmed to the sheriff of Norfolk to keep the King's prisoners in safe ward in, and as such continues annexed to the county of Norfolk for a county gaol; but as to the jurisdiction belonging to it, return was made by John Howard, then sheriff of Norfolk, that it would be no damage to the King to grant it to the city, except the loss of 12d. arising from the pleas of the jurisdiction; and at the same time, getting their old friend the Queen to inform his Majesty, that the inhabitants of the castle ditches being in the fee of the castle, were not only not taxable with the city, but exempt from the bailiffs of the city, and out of the city jurisdiction, and that often, when any of the citizens were indicted for felony and other offences, they took refuge there and avoided justice, being screened by the sheriff of the county and his bailiffs of that liberty, and so could not be punished, which encouraged many such felons, and hardened others in their wickedness; the King upon this sealed a Charter dated at Hertford, Aug. 19, in the 19th year of his reign over England, and 6th over France, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, R. Bishop of Chichester, R. Bishop of London, Richard Earl of Arundel, Thomas de Beauchamp Earl of Warwyk, William de Clinton Earl of Huntingdon, Robert de Ufford Earl of Suffolk, Robert de Sadyngton Chancellor and Treasurer, William de Edyngton Treasurer, Richard Talbot Steward of the Household, and others, being witnesses: by which, the better to enable the bailiffs and citizens of Norwich to pay their ancient fee farm rent, he granted,
Quod ipsi, et successores sui, de cetero habeant jurisdictionem, in omnibus placeis, circa fossata castri nostri dicte civitatis inhabitatis, que sunt de feodo dicti castri, existentibus, jam inhabitatis et inhabitandis, et quod placee ille sint de tali natura et condicione, sicut alie placee et tenementa dictorum civium in civitate predicta (domo vocata le Shirehous, ubi communia placita dicti comitatus tenentur duntaxat excepta.)
Et eciam quod habeant plenam cognicionem tam de tenuris dicti feodi, quam de alijs placitis, quibuscunque, infra feodum predictum, per brevia nostra, et returna brevium, et summonicionum de Scaccario nostro ac executionem eorundem, emergentibus, et quod de transgressionibus, felonijs, et receptamentis felonum et fugitivorum, quibuscunque, infra dictum feodum, de cetero contingentibus, inquirere, et inde justiciam facere possint, secundum legem, et consuetudinem civitatis predicte.
Et eciam quod homines in dictis placeis jam morantes, et in posterum moraturi, de cetero sint de lotto et scotto dictorum civium, et ad tallagia, auxilia, et alia onera, dictam civitatem tangeocia, cum hominibus ejusdem civitatis, pro rata porcionis sue contribuant, et ad hoc, si necesse fuerit, per ballivos dicte civitatis compellantur, absque hoc, quod Vicecomes comitatus predicti, qui pro tempore fuerit, vel ministri, se de dictis placeis, vel de residentibus in eisdem, in aliquo intromittant, vel ipsos ballivos et cives, de libero ingressu, ad easdem placeas, et egressu de eisdem, impediant, vel perturbent, ita quod dicti ballivi et cives in quacunque concessione nobis, de decimis et alijs quotis et auxilijs nobis jam facta, vel nobis et heredibus nostris in posterum facienda, nobis ad Scaccarium nostrum, in porcione ad nos, de residentibus in placeis predictis pertinente, ultrà id, quod dicti ballivi et cives nobis reddunt, vel reddere solebant, pro porcione civitatem predictam contingente, respondeant.
Et insuper quod dicti ballivi et cives, heredes et successores sui, omnes redditus de placeis predictis inhabitatis, et inhabitandis, per dictos ballivos colligere et levare valeant. Reddendo inde nobis et heredibus nostris, ad Scaccarium nostrum, et heredum nostrorum, per manus suas proprias, ultra antiquam firmam civitatis predicte, viginti et sex solidos, et decem denarios, pro redditu dictorum placearum jam inhabitatarum, sex solidos et octo denarios pro leta, et novem solidos pro placitis et perquisitis curie ibidem, ad quas summas, redditus dictarum placearum jam inhabitatarum, et proficua lete, ac placitorum predictorum, per annum se extendunt, sicut per inquisitiones pleniùs est compertum, et ultra summas illas, decem solidos, et decem denarios, de incremento, et eciam duodecim denarios, quos de amerciamentis et proficuis placitorum predictorum, occasione presentis concessionis, amisimus, (ut est dictum) necnon redditus, ad quos dictas placeas inhabitandas cum de licencia nostra inhabitate fuerint, contigerit arentari.
Preterea considerantes sumptus et expensas, quos dicti cives circa clausuram civitatis nostre predicte, gratis apposuerunt, volentes quod propter hoc, eis gratam facere respensivam, de gracia nostra speciali, et ad requisitionem, Isabelle Regine Anglie matris nostre carissime, concessimus et hac Carta nostra confirmavimus prefatis ballivis et civibus, quod ipsi, et heredes, et successores sui, in dicta civitate morantes, perpetuis temporibus quieti existant, de jurisdictione clerici mercati hospicij nostri, et heredum nostrorum, ita quod idem clericus seu ministri sui, dictam civitatem, aut feodum predictum, ad assaiam mensurarum, vel ponderum, aut id aliquæ alia, ad dictum officium clerici mercati qualitercunque pertinencia, faciend: et exercend: de cetero, nullatenus ingrediantur, nec idem officium ibidem, in presencia, sive absencia nostra, vel heredum nostrorum, exerceant quovis modo.
That they and their successours for the future, should have the jurisdiction in all places inhabited about the ditches of our castle of our said city, which are of the fee of the said castle, whether they be now, or shall be hereafter inhabited, and that those places be of the same nature and condition, as other places and tenements of the said citizens in the city aforesaid, (the house called the shire-house, where the common pleas of the county are held, only excepted.)
And also that they shall have the full trial, as well concerning the tenures of the said fee, as of all other pleas whatever issuing within the aforesaid fee, by our writs; and shall also have the returns of our writs and summonses of our Exchequer, and the execution thereof, and also power to make enquiry of all manner of transgressions, felonies, concealments of felons and fugitives, hereafter happening within the said fee, and thereupon may do and execute justice according to the law and custom of the city aforesaid.
And also, that the persons now dwelling in the aforesaid places, or that shall hereafter dwell there, shall be of the lot and scot of the said citizens, and shall contribute according to their rated portions, to all tallages, aids, and other burthens belonging to the said city, with the men of the said city; and if there be occasion, they shall be compelled so to do, by the bailiffs of the said city, and neither the sheriff for the time being, nor his officers, shall enter the places aforesaid, nor concern themselves with the residents in them, nor any way hinder or disturb the bailiffs of the city or the citizens, from free ingress and egress, to and from all the said places, provided that the said bailiffs and citizens shall answer to us at our Exchequer in all tenths, taxes, and aids, already made to us or our heirs, all the portion accruing to us and our heirs, from the residents in the said places, over and above the ancient portion which the bailiffs and citizens used to pay, for the portion of their city.
And in order to do this, the said bailiffs and citizens, and their successours, shall have power to collect and levy all such payments of all the persons now inhabiting, or that shall hereafter inhabit in any of the places aforesaid, paying to us and our heirs, at our Exchequer, over and above the old fee farm of the city, the annual sum of 26s. 10d. for the rent of the said inhabited places, and 6s. 8d. for the leet, and 9s. for the pleas and perquisites of the court thereto belonging, at which sums, the annual rents of the said places already inhabited, and the profits of the leet, and of the pleas aforesaid, are valued, as by the inquisitions more fully appear: and an increased rent of 10s. 10d. a year, besides the aforesaid sums, and also the yearly sum of 12d. which by this grant (it is said) will be lost to us by amerciaments and other profits of the pleas aforesaid; and from the rents of the places now inhabited and built upon, and which might accrue by licensing other places to be inhabited and built upon.
Furthermore, considering the costs and charges which the said citizens have been at, in enclosing our city (with walls) without any expense to us, and being willing to make them some agreeable recompense, we of our special favour, and at the request of Isabel Queen of England, our most dear mother, have granted, and by this our Charter confirmed, to the aforesaid bailiffs and citizens, that they and their heirs and suecessours, dwelling in the said city, shall be for ever free from the jurisdiction of the clerk of the market of the household of us and our heirs, so that the said clerk or his officers for the future, shall in no wise enter the said city or the fee aforesaid, to make assay of any measures or weights, or to exercise or do any other things, any way belonging to the said office of clerk of the market, neither shall they in the presence or absence of us or our heirs, exercise the said office in any manner whatever.
So that by virtue of this charter, the city became sole proprietors of all the exempt jurisdiction of the castle, and of all the castle-ditches, and lands belonging to the baliwick of the castle, the site of the castle itself, namely the principal hill on which it stands, and the first ditch round it, to the foot of the principal bridge, which is and always was repaired by the county, and the old shire-house which stood southward of the said bridge being excepted; the latter by this charter, and the former by the statute afore-mentioned, which, as the Essay rightly observes, was confirmed by the succeeding statutes of Richard II. Henry VII. and Edward VI. in all which, though the castle of Norwich is not particularly named, yet it being always a royal castle, it is effectually within those acts, as if it had been mentioned by name, so that being annexed to the county of Norfolk, by authority of King and parliament, for the use of the sheriff of the county for the time being, there to keep in safe custody such persons as by the laws of the land, are to be committed to the county jail: it is not grantabte to any person by patent, charter, or otherwise, neither can any person lease it, assign it, or set it over, to any person whomsoever, nor any way alienate it to any private person; it being now the property of the county, which is obliged to repair and maintain it for the use of the sheriff for the county jail, as is done at this day.
In 1343, the order was renewed in a common assembly, held in the chapel of the Virgin Mary in the Fields in Norwich, which then was the usual place where the most part of the city business was transacted, that no man should be compelled to serve as one of the bailiffs of the city, unless he had not served that office for 4 years last past, but those that were willing, if they were chosen, might serve as often as they pleased.
In 1347, Robert Poleye, one of the King's valets, notwithstanding his patent mentioned at p. 80, was recalled, still exercised the assay and alnage of worsted in Norwich and all Norfolk, and insisted his patent was still good during his life, upon which the worsted-weqvers and merchants prayed a revocation in parliament, and that they might have the grant, and were answered, "It seemeth to the council, that. the same ought to be granted for the common profit of all estates," and so it was revoked, and the bailiffs had a grant of it for a time, but no alnager here was to intermeddle with whole woollen cloths, so that from this time the city had the alnage or measuring and sealing of all worsted-stuffs only.
In 1348, Jan. 1, the plague broke out in this city, from which time, to the first of July following, as our historians assure us, there died no less than 57,104 (or more rightly as others have it, 57,374) persons, in this city only, besides religious and beggars; the great numbers that all historians agreed died here in this mortality, surprise some, who imagine, that because there are not so many now in the whole city, there must be a mistake in the figures, but there is not, for thus saith the best record for this purpose, "In yis Yere was swiche a Dethe in Norwic, [th]at [th]ere died of [th]e Pestlence lviij Mil. iij L. lxxiiij, besyd Relygius [e]t Beggars." and our historian afore quoted, is only mistaken as to the time, it being computed from Jan. 1, 1348, to Jan. 1,1349, namely a whole year. Now at this time, Norwich was in the most flourishing state she ever saw, and more populous than she hath been ever since, for then there were no less than sixty parish churches, besides seven conventual churches within its walls, and the large parishes of Pockthorp and Heigham, besides the conventual chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, without the walls, in the whole, 70 places of divine worship, which being considered, if the decrease of these be calculated, it will appear, that it was then indeed something fuller of people than it now is, but not Dear so much as at first view we may think; for take the parishes one with another as they are at this day, and I believe there will be found upwards of a thousand people for each parish, so that at the time of this pestilence, I believe there was upwards of 70,000 souls in the city and its suburbs; and if the following account be true, as I find it registered in the Book of Pleas, kept in the Gild-hall, I make no doubt but our forefathers were as exact and true in this calculation as they could be, which is thus, "Anno Domini Mo. ccco. xlixo. manus solius Dei omnipotentis,genus humanum quâdam plagâ mortiferâ percussit, que a regionibus australibus incipiens, et ad partes aquilonales pertransiens, omnia regna invasit: hec plaga Christianos, Judeos, et Saracenos, pariter prostravit, confessorem, et confitentem simul extinsit: hec plaga in multis locis, nec quintam partem hominum superstitem reliquit: tantaque pestilencia ante hec tempora, non est visa, nec audita, nee scripture commendata. Creditur enim, multitudinem hominum tarn copiosam, aquis diluvij, quod in diebus Noe evenit, interemptam non fuisse." That is to say, In the year of our Lord 1349, God Almighty visited mankind with a deadly plague, which began in the south parts of the world, and went thorough even the northern parts thereof, attacking all nations of the world; this plague equally destroyed. Christians, Jews, and Saracens, killed the confessor and the confessed: in many places this plague did not leave the fifth part of the people alive, it struck the world with great fear, so great was the pestilence, that the like was never seen, heard, nor read of before, for it was believed, that there was not a greater number of souls destroyed by the flood in the days of Noah, than died by this plague. And this infection did not only extend to mankind, but the cattle perished with the murrain in most places; yea so much did this pestilence rage here and in the diocese, that " in many monasteries and religious houses, there were scarce two of twenty left alive." And it appears from the Institution Book of this time, that in this year there were 863 institutions, the clergy dying so fast that they were obliged to admit numbers of youths that had only devoted themselves for clerks by being shaven, to be rectors of parishes; and I find, that Pope Clement VI. by his bull dated at Avignon, Oct. 13, at the request of William Bateman Bishop of Norwich, dispensed with 60 clerks, though they were only shavelings, and but 21 years of age, to hold rectories and other livings, the bull setting forth, that it was done that divine service might not cease in the diocese, he being acquainted by the Bishop that there had been, and was, no less than a thousand parish churches void of incumbents in this diocese, and it was the want of clergy to supply the cures that prompted that Bishop to found Trinity Hall in Cambridge, for a constant supply of clergy for the diocese, as he himself tells us in his instrument of reservation of the profits of the rectory of Blofield in Norfolk for a term of years, towards the support of the members of that college.
In 1350 was a great turnament held here, on Monday, being the Feast of St. Nicholas the Bishop, and Edward Prince of Wales, commonly called the Black Prince, was present at it, as appears by the treasurer's accounts of this year, he being then treated by the city, with a grand entertainment made for him at the poblick expense, which came to 37l. 4s. 6d. Sir Robert de Ufford, and many other of the nobility being with him; they also treated the Prince's retinue; and it seems from what I have observed from other things, though it is not mentioned in the accounts, that the Queen was then here.
In 1351, there was a general review in this county, complaint being made that they sold by false measures and weights, and many towns' came before the itinerant justices, and fined for such offences, to above 1000l. value, some being fined 5s. some 6s. but great Yarmouth was fined a 100 marks, and the city the same sum, which was raised by a tax upon the citizens, laid by the bailiffs and commonalty.
In 1353, the staples beyond the sea were recalled, and the staples of wools, leather, wool-fells, and lead, were fixed to be perpetually holden at the following places in England, viz. Newcastle upon Tine, York, Lincoln, Norwich, Westminster, Canterbury, Chichester, Winchester, Exeter, and Bristow, and those commodities which shall be carried out of the said realm shall be first brought to the said staples, and there be lawfully weighed by the standard, between merchant and merchant, and the customs of the staple thereof paid, shall be witnessed by bill, sealed with the seal of the Mayor of the staple, and then shall be carried to the ports belonging to the said staples, viz. from Norwich to Great Yarmouth, &c; and according to this statute, the mayor of the staple here had a salary of 20l. per annum, and the two constables of the staple 5l. per annum each, and the mayor and constables took recognizances before them, to which end the King sent a seal to the city, for the use of the mayor of the staple, to seal all such recognizances with, which is now in the Gild-hall, and is an exceeding fine one; it hath a bust of the King with his crown on; on each side of his head is a lion guardant, part of his royal arms, which lion from this time was inserted in the city arms under the castle, as we see it at this day; the circumscription is,
The Seal of Edward King of England for the Recognizances of Debte at Norwich.
No sooner was this staple established, but at the Prior's fair, the mayor, &c. of the staple imprisoned some of the Prior's tenants of St. Paul's parish, and interfered with the toll, assize of bread and ale, and other liberties in the fair time, upon complaint of which, the King directed his writ to the mayor and constables of the staple, dated at Westminster, July 12, commanding them not to molest the Prior in any thing he enjoyed before the staple, but to set free those that were imprisoned, and not to meddle with any thing that the statute of the staple did not authorize them to meddle with; and by the 3d chapter of the statute, it was made felony for any English, Welsh, or Irish merchant to transport wool.
In 1355, it was enacted that all county coroners should be chosen by the freeholders, and that all sheriffs for the future should hold their office but one year.
In 1355, the King having before writ to the bailiffs and commonalty of Norwich to provide him 120 armed men, and to send them to Portsmouth by Sunday in Midlent, to go over with him to France; by another letter he deferred the sending them till ten days after Easter, because his transport ships were dispersed by storms, but commanded they should not fail then, as he had commanded most of his cities and market towns in England so to do.
In 1357, Isabel Queen Dowager of England, mother of the King deceased, by whose death the hundred pounds a year paid out of the fee farm of the city returned to the Crown, and the bailiffs became again answerable to pay it at the Exchequer.
In 1361, was a great dearth and plague, which was called the second pestilence; and this year, on the 15th of January, was a prodigious wind, which blew so vehemently from the south-west, that it did much damage to many high buildings all over England, and to this city in particular, for it blew down the tower of the cathedral, and that beat down great part of the choir; it lasted so violent for 6 or 7 days, that the people were in great fear and danger of their lives; and the following rains were so great, that at hay-seal, and harvest, there were such inundations as did abundance of damage.
In 1364, the King directed his writ to the Londoners, commanding them not to trouble the citizens of Norwich for any tolls, customs, &c. in London, they being free therefrom by the grants and charters of him and his progenitors.
In 1365, the King commanded that Peterpence should be no more paid to Rome, which had been used to be paid there, ever since the year 679, when Ina King of the West-Saxons ordained this payment for the maintenance of a school for English scholars at Rome: it was called the King's alms, and amounted in the whole to 300 marks a year, and every one that had 30 pennyworth of goods of one sort of cattle of their "own, was to pay that 30th penny. Holingshed says, that it was afterwards gathered in some shires of the realm, till the Dissolution in Henry the Eighth's time.
The Chronicle of St. Alban's under this year says, at "that time a Sekenes that man calle the Pockes sleme both men and women thrughe they entectynge." which is the first time that I have met with any account of the small-pox raging in England.
In 1368, at an assembly held in Whitsun week, it was ordained by universal consent of the city, that the bailiffs should be yearly, chosen at Michaelmas, by the bon-gentz, or the commons of the city, who shall also then choose 24 out of themselves, as common-council to represent themselves in all assemblies; the city treasurers shall also be elected at the same time, and the auditors in like manner, who shall audit all accounts yearly within eight days after St. Michael, and no common seal shall be set to any thing without the 24 consenting, and the chief of the commons, neither shall any business of consequence be transacted without them, and all business concerning the city shall be born at the city charge, the keys of the treasury, the chests, gates, and turrets, shall be delivered by the old bailiffs to the new ones, on Michaelmas day, or within four days after at longest, by which we may see how the city was then governed.
This year there came a writ directed to the bailiffs, to come personally to London, to inform the King and his Council, what was best to be done in relation to secure the shipping of the kingdom.
In 1369, was a great dearth and pestilence, called the third plague, which seized the people so suddenly, that many who went to bed well, were found dead in the morning.
And this year the people of Yarmouth had gained so much upon the interest of Norwich citizens, that notwithstanding all their endeavours, Yarmouth was made a staple town, and in
- 1371, the King directed a writ to the bailiffs, good people, or commons of Norwich, commanding them upon their fealty and allegiance, to provide and send him a good barge, well furnished and fit for war, to go against the common enemies of the land, the French and Spaniards; his council having advised him to command the cities and good towns to furnish him with such, to enable him to go against his enemies: at this time also,
The bailiffs and commons granted to Robert Popingeay, their fellow citizen, all their tenement and garden in the parish of St. Mary in the Marsh, abutting on Tombland north, and St. Cuthbert's churchyard south, on a little lane called Seve-cote-row east, and partly on a tenement of the Prior and Convent, and a tenement of the said Robert, west, which tenement was in the parish of Little St. Mary, and is now part of the Popingeay inn.
In 1372, June 9, the King had a parliament at Winchester, which lasted but eight days, it being held on purpose for the merchants of London, Norwich, and divers places of the realm, to answer to the defamation laid upon them, namely, that they would rise and rebel against the King; I find there was no return made from Norwich to this parliament, and only four bishops and four abbots were summoned to attend it, but imagine the merchants cleared themselves, because I meet with nothing more of it.
In the year 1377, on the 21st day of June, died the mighty and victorious King Edward III. in the 64th year of his age, having reigned 50 years, 4 months, and 27 days, being the first that in his title constantly used the words post Conquestum, to distinguish the King Edwards after the Conquest from those before it.
There are several pieces of this King's coin still extant, coined here, with this round his head,
Edwardus dei gratia rex angliœ & franciœ. and on the reverse,
Posvi devm adivtorem mevm, civitas norwici.
At this time the whole fee farm rent of the city was 129l. 5s. 10d. which was annually paid at the Exchequer, of which
For the fee of the castle lately purchased, per annum 2l. 14s. 4d. which was thus accounted for,
The rents of the places inhabited came to 1l. 6s. 10d. the leet 7s. 8d. the pleas and perquisites of the court 9s. the increased rent 10s. 10d. the King's loss yearly 1s.; and because the bailiffs of the city by virtue or their office always paid the whole rent, they were allowed towards it, all the tolls of the bakers, butchers, fullers, tanners, diers, fishermen, the customs of the fiver Wensum, the tolls of the fish-market and beast-market, the rents of the shops, the new increased rents, all the small farms or old rents, the tronage or custom paid for weighing things at the publick beam, in the market, and other rents and customs, but all were not sufficient to answer the sum.
At to. 6 of the Book of Customs, the customs for all merchandise and wares coming to the city by land or water, are exactly entered; as first, every thousand herrings pay 1d. or 10d. a last; every hundred saltfish 2d.; every hundred mackarel one halfpenny; a cart 2d. &c.; and whereas many disputes arose, who should be chargeable with the tax to repair the gates, walls, and towers, which the bailiff's and commons had power to lay as often as occasion required, the King, upon application made, sent his writ, dated at Langley, commanding that all houses in the liberty of Norwich should always pay to it, and at the same time a return was made concerning the walls, which is entered in the Book of Customs at the last leaf, viz.
Be it remembered, that the number of the battlements in the towers, gates, and walls, of the city of Norwich are as follow,
From the river to Coslany or St. Martin at the oak gate, are 112 battlements, and 10 upon the gate, and from thence in the walls and towers to St. Austin's-gate are 69 battlements, and upon that gate 12; from thence to Fibrigge or Magdalen-gate in the walls and towers are 153, and upon that gate 13; and from thence to Barr or Pockthorp-gate in the walls and towers 178, and on that gate 10; (and those from that gate to the river being about 40, are omitted, because I suppose when this return was made, they were not quite finished;) from thence the river passes by the east side of the city, till we come to the Dungeon, or Round Tower, standing cross the river by Conisford gate, which was the old boom, on which Dungeon tower are 12 battlements, and on the tower and wall to Conisford-gate are 26, and on that gate 14; and from thence to Berstrete-gate are 150, and on that gate and the wicket by it are 27; and thence to Nedham or St Steven's-gate in the towers and walls are 307, and on that gate and wicket 38; from thence to St. Giles's gate in the walls and towers are 229, and on St. Giles's-gate and the wicket 15; and thence to Westwick or St. Bennet's-gate are 100, and on the gate and wicket 16; from thence to Heigham-gate in the towers and wall 79, and on that gate 4; thence to the river on the wall and tower 16. The rest of the leaf being cut out, we cannot positively say the reason of it, but think this return was made in order to appropriate the particular parts of the walls, gates, and towers, to the several parishes to maintain and repair them, as I find the constant practice was afterwards so to do.
[edit] Bailiffs of Norwich
- 1327, John Cosyn. Rob. de la Sale. John de Corpesti. John Pirmond.
- 1328, William Butt. William de Dunston. Hugh de Curson. Adam Midday.
- 1329, Hugh de Dunston. William de Blickling. John de Corpesti. Henry de Heveningham.
- 1330, Ralph de Burwood. Ralph de Hempstede. Nicholas de Midleton. Richard de Midleton (or Melton.)
- 1331, John de Hackford. John de Rodeland. John de Stratton. Richard de Bumpstede.
- 1332, Jeffry Moynet or Moniet. William Beart or Berte. John de Rodeland. John de Corpesti.
- 1333, Richard de Bittering. William Berte. Ralph de Burwood. Henry de Heveningham.
- 1334, John de Holveston. John de Bumpstede. Will. de Dunston. Will. Butt.
- 1335, Adam Midday.
- 1335, Roger de Virlie or Verly. Mat. de Blickling. Will. Sturmer.
- 1336, John de Hackford. Ralph de Bumpstede. Tho. le Rokele. Ed. le. Cosyne.
- 1337, Jeffry Moynet, Minot, or Miniot. Tho. de Framelingham. Rog. Hardegray. Clement de Aldborough.
- 1338, Rob. de Poole or Pole. Roger le Verly. Mat. de Blickling. Andrew de Bixton.
- 1339, John de Hakeford. Roger Verly. Will. de Dunston. Will. de Blakenee or Blakney.
- 1340, Edm. Cosyn. Rich. de Poringland. Roger Herdegra or Hardegray. John Iring or Iteringham. John Al - - -, town-clerk.
- 1341, Rich, de Bitering. Ralph de Bumpstede. Tho. de la Rokele. Edmund le Cosyn.
- 1342, James de Blickling. Will. Beart or Berte. Rich, de Bumpstede. John Treye or Tye.
- 1343, John de Hakeford. Richard de Bitering. Roger Verley. Will. de Dunston. Tho. de Morlee, coroner.
- 1344, Roger Verli. Will. But. Will. de Blakeneye. Roger de Poole or Poleye.
- 1345, John de Hales. Tho. Prior. John de Snetterton. John Trye or Treye.
- 1346, Jeffry Moynet or Miniot. Ric. de Poringland. Simon de Blickling. Will. Sturmer.
- 1347, John de Hackford.
- 1347, Tho. de Bumpstede. Will. de Basingham. Adam Beart.
- 1348, Roger Midday. Tho. de Framelingham. John de Snetterton. Will. Sturmere.
- 1349, Jeffry Boteler or Butler. John de Elyngham. Reginald de Gurmunchester. Adam Berte.
- 1350, James de Blickling, Will. de Dunston. John Hardegray. John de Berford.
- 1351, Roger de Bitering. Will. de Blakeney. Rob. de Bumstede. John Treye.
- 1352, John de Heveningham. John de Erpingham. John de Blickling. Edm. Sturmere.
- 1353, Tho. de Bumpstede. Ric. de Poringland. Rob. de Bumpstede. John Trye.
- 1354, Tho. Cock. John de Elingham. John Fairchild. Regin. de Gurmunchester.
- 1355, Roger Midday. Will, de Blakenee. Barth. Appleyerd. Edm. de Alderford. [Walt, de Horsted, town-clerk.]
- 1356, John de Causton. Ric. de Bitering. Edmund de Cant or Kente. Roger Berte.
- 1357, William Skey. Ralf de Alborough. Roger de Bixton. Rob. le Spicer.
- 1358, Rob. de Bumpstede. John But. Hugh de Holland. Will. de Broke or Brook.
- 1359, Peter de Blickling. Walter de Bunwell. Simon de Blickling. John Welbourne.
- 1360, John de Erpingham. Tho. de Bumpstede. Rog. Hardegray. Reginald de Huntington.
- 1361, John de Stoke. John de Welbourne. Peter Fairchild. John de Heveningham.
- 1362, Will. de Blickling. Will. de Bixton. Roger Berte. Edm. de Alderford.
- 1363, John le Latymer. Simon de Blickling. Will. de Brooke. John Butt.
- 1364, Tho. Coole or Cooke. Nic. de Blackney. Will. Asger or Asgar. Rob. de Bumpstede.
- 1365, John de Tilney. Tho. de Bumpstede. John de Welbourne. Will. de Knateshall.
- 1366, John de Gnadeshall, Knateshall or Knetsall. Peter de Blickling. Barth. de Appleyerd. Hugh de Holland.
- 1367, John de Stoke. Will. de Welbourne (or as some say) de Worsted. John de Corpestie. Will. de Stallon.
- 1368, William Skye. John de Wellbourne.
- 1368, John Jenney. Reginald Cobb,
- 1369, John Latimer. John Ward. Walter de Bixton. Rob. le Spicer.
- 1370, John de Oulton. Roger de Lyng. Simon de Blickling. Stephen Silvester.
- 1371, Rob. Papingeay. Henry Lominour. Will. de Blickling. John de Winterton.
- 1372, Nic. de Blakeney. Barth. Appilyerd. Ralph Sket. Tho. Herte or Hart.
- 1373, Reginal de Bungeye. Tho. de Bumpstede. John Geney or Jenney. Philip Broun or Browne.
- 1374, Henry Skye. Hugh de Holland. John Latimer. Will. Garrard.
- 1375, Will. Pickerynge. John de Welbourne. Adam Baas or Base. Tho. Spynke.
- 1376, Walter Niche or Neech. Walter de Bixton. John de More or Attemere. Peter de Alderford. Tho. de Taterford, townclerk.
[edit] Burgesses in Parliament
1 Edw. III. Parl. at New Sarum, John de Morle, Tho. But.
2 Parl. at Northampton, Tho. But, Reginald de Gurmuncestre.
2 Parl. at York, Richard Arundell, John de Morlee.
4 Parl. at Winchester, Tho. But, John Ymme.
4 Parl. at Westm. Tho. But, Will. de Horsford.
5 Parl. at Westm, Tho. But, John de Snyterton.
6 Parl. at Westm. Tho. But, Peter de Hakeford.
7 Parl. at Westm. the same.
8 Parl. at Westm. John de Morle, Peter de Hakeford.
8 Edw. III. Parl. at York, Tho. Butt, Peter de Hakeford.
9 Parl. at York, John de Berney, Peter de Hakeford.
9 Parl. at Westm. Will. But, Tho. But.
11 Parl. at Westm. Tho. de la Rokele, John le Grey.
12 Parl. at York, Rob. Bendiste (Bendish), Will. de Wichingham.
12 Parl. at Westm. Tho. de la Rokele, Edm. Cosyn. Edw. de la Rokele being rejected on a double return.
14 Parl. at Westm. Rob. de Wyleby, John Fitz-John.
15 Parl. at Westm. Ric. de Bytering, Rob. de Bumpstede.
17 Parl. at Westm. John Ymme, Peter de Hakeford.
17 Parl. at Westm. John Ymme, John de Morle.
20 Parl. at Westm. Rob. de Poleye, John Plumstede.
21 Parl. at Westm. Edm. Cosyn, John de Hakeford.
22 Parl. at Westm. Rob. de Poley, Peter de Hakeford.
24 Parl. at Westm. Rich. de Bytering, Rob. de Bumpstede. The city paid them 7l. 6s. 8d. for their knights' meat, for attendance in parliament.
26 A council at Westm. Rog. Hardegray, alone.
27 A council at Westm. Richard de Byteryng, Rob. de Bumpstede.
28 Parl. at Westm. Rob. de Bumpstede, Edm. Sturmere.
29 Parl. at Westm. Roger Hardegray, Rob. de Bumpstede.
31 Parl. at Westm. Rog. Hardegray, Will. Sky.
33 Parl. at Westm. John de Morle, John le Grant.
34 Parl. at Westm. Roger Hardegray, Ric. de Byttering.
36 Parl. at Westm. Rob. de Bumpstede, Walter de Bixton.
42 Parl. at Westm. John de Knateshale or Gnatishale, Will. de Blickling.
45 Council at Westm. John Latymer.
46 Parl. at Westm. Ric. Fishe, Jeffry Seawale.
47 Parl. at Westm. John de Stoke, Will. Gerard.
49 Parl. at Westm. Barth. de Appilyerd, Will. de Blickling.
50 Parl. at Westm. Rob. Popungeay or Popinjay, Tho. Spynk.
[edit] CHAPTER XVI
OF THE CITY IN RICHARD THE SECOND'S TIME.
Richard the Second, son to Edward the Black Prince, and grandson to Edward III. began his reign June 22d, 1377, being then 11 years old; he was commonly called Richard of Burdeaux, because he was born in a town of that name in Gascoign. This King in the first year of his reign, granted a Charter to the city, which is dated at Westminster, Feb. 26, to which the following great men were witnesses, viz. Simon (Sudbury) Archbishop of Canterbury, William (Courtney) Bishop of London, Adam (de Houghton) Bishop of St. David's and Chancellor, Thomas (de Bretingham) Bishop of Exeter, Treasurer, Tho. (de Appleby) Bishop of Carlisle, Ralf (Erghun or Ergum) Bishop of Salisbury, John King of Castile and Leon, and Duke of Lancaster, the King's uncle, Ric. Arondell, Hugh Stafford, William de Montacute Earl of Salisbury, Guy de Brien Chamberlain, Ric. le Scrop Steward of the Household, Ric. de Stafford, and Henry le Scrop, by which all the former charters are confirmed, and also, "that if there are any customs contained therein, which they have not used, yet for the future on any occasion they might use them, without having a non-user or a dis-user pleaded against them;" and further, there is a clause added, by which it was granted the city, that no privileged persons, or persons having the King's protections, should by virtue thereof enter the city, and purvey or bargain for any victuals before-hand, whether it be for the King's own service, or for any voyage to be made for the King's use, and that all such forehand bargains shall be void, and such protections should not be pleaded in the city; by which it appears that the purveyors and persons protected by the King, came hither, as well as to other parts of the realm, and bought up so much provision (for the King's use as they pretended) as made things very dear, against which mischief they provided by this charter; so that now these forestallers (for such they were in fact) were excluded the city, to the great satisfaction of all the citizens, who had suffered much by them: for oftentimes, though they bought things up on such pretence, yet if they could get extravagant prices, they sold them again, which was the occasion of so much complaint; and whereas the ancient charters of Norwich were granted to be as ample as the liberties of the city of London, the citizens, on their petition, had an exemplification under the broad seal of green wax, now hanging thereto, of the last charter made to the city of London, which is also dated this year, in which all the prior charters of that city are recited by way of inspeximus.
In 1378, the citizens of Norwich petitioned the parliament, requiring that no stranger within their liberty may there sell or buy any merchandise by retail, on pain of forfeiture: to which it was answered, that "There is a statute hereafter made which shall be kept." And it was then enacted for the citizens of Norwich, "that if their customs and usages heretofore used or hereafter to be used, be difficult or defective, in part or in all, or that the same need any due amendment, for any new matter arising, whereof remedy was not before that time had, that then, the bailiffs and twenty-four citizens of the same city, so therefore yearly to be chosen, or the greater part of them, shall from henceforth have power to ordain and provide from time to time, such remedies which are most agreeable to faith and reason, and for the most profit of the good and peaceable government of the town, and of strangers thereto repairing, as to them shall seem best, so as such ordinances be profitable for the King and his people." Upon which, there was a tax immediately laid, and two citizens appointed to collect it, and ordinances made for all goods to be landed at the publick city stath, and for all foreigners to pay the same as citizens; and then was fixed the tolls and customs for all things whatever coining to, or going from, the city by land or water, as appears at large in the city evidences: and in the treasurer's accounts of this year, I find 15 of the towers in the walls were let out by the city, some to Tho. de Worthsted, keeper of the city ditches, who had a salary of 13s. 4d. for that office, and some to others: and this year the tax raised by the city on the citizens came to 128l. 4s. 8d. and the whole income of the city to 374l. 17s. 4d. ob. out of which they lent the King 191l. and paid to Edm. de Clippesby, the city counsellor, for his yearly salary, 20s.; to Edm. Gournay, the other city counsellor, for his yearly salary 20s.; to the treasurers their fee of 20s. each, and to the town-clerk his salary of 40s.; and to two esquires, the King's messengers, who came to borrow 400 marks of the city for the King, 10 marks; to the Duke of Lancaster (who I suppose had been serviceable in procuring the charters and act) 10l. and to the waits, when the said Duke visited the city, 20s.; to the admiral of the city, for cleaning and adorning his barge, 5 marks; and to John Staple for (keeping) the same, 40s.; and to John Haukere, for the same, 13s. 4d. and to Bartholomew de Appilyerd for the commission to him directed for the admiralty 10s. And by the same account it appears, they were at great expenses in fitting out their barge for the admiral: this jurisdiction, as I am apt to think, belonged to the city ever since it was a sea-port, and continues to this day, for I have seen very late commissions for the admiralty jurisdiction of this city.
In 1379, the citizens leased St. Stephen's-gates, and all the houses and conveniences thereto belonging, to John de Taseburgh for life, paying to the bailiffs and commonalty one launce and target handsomely adorned, yearly, in the same manner as John de Welford held it by grant passed 50th Edward III. and this year Sir John Dovedale, Knt. sued Agnes de Gnateshalle for 20d. rent, issuing from a house in Norwich, of which Sir Tho. de Dovedale, his father, was seized, and brought the action to be tried before the King's justices at Thetford, at which place the city claimed their privileges, produced their charters, and the knight was commanded to try it before the bailiffs of Norwich, according to their liberties; and in the Plea Book belonging to this city, there are a great number of instances of causes arising in the city, brought back from the hearing of the King's justices, at Westminster, Thetford, and elsewhere, to be determined in the court of the bailiffs of Norwich; and afterwards in the time of mayors and sheriffs, to be tried before them. And this year they obtained another Charter, which is beautifully adorned with gold and various colours, it is dated at Westminster, Feb. 15th, and is witnessed by Simon Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor, and Thomas Bishop of Exeter, both Treasurers, John King of Castile and Leon, Edmund Earl of Cambridge, Thomas Earl of Bukingham, Constable of England, the King's uncles, William de Latimer, Will.de Beauchamp, Chamberlain, and Hugh de Seagrave, Steward of the household. In it all the former Charters are confirmed and recited at large, and the following is added to them: by which the citizens had the same confirmed to them by Charter, as they had before obtained in parliament, viz.
Quod nullus alius extraneus a libertate sua Norwici, emat, vel vendat victualia, seu mercandisas aliquas, ad retalliam, vel per parcellas, infra libertates civitatis predicte, nisi secundum formam et tenorem slatuti nostri, in parliamento nostra apud Gloucestriam, die Mercurij prox. post Festum Sancti Luce, anno regni nostri secundo, tento editi, plenius expressat: et content; sub pena forisfacture, in eodem statu to contenta.
Preterea, Concessimus, &c. quod si fortassis alique consuetudines in dicta civitate bactenus optente, et usitate, in aliqua sint parte difficiles, sive defective fuerint, sic quod propter aliqua in eadem civitate de novo emergencia, ubi remedium prius clare non extitit ordinatum, emendatione indigeant, ballivi dicte civitatis pro tempore existentes, de assensu viginti et quatuor concivium suoruru, pro communitate dicte civitatis singulis annis eligendoruro, vel majoris partis eorum viginti et quatuor sic eligendorum, potestatem habeant et auctoritatem, remedium congrnum bone fidei, et consonum rationi, pro communi ntilitate civium dicte civitatis, et aliorum fidelium nostrorom, ad eandem confluencium apponend: et eciam ordinand: ac ordinationes suas hujusmodi executioni debite demandand: quocienset quando opus fuerit, et eis videbitur expedire, dum tamen ordinationes ille, nobis et populo nostra, utiles, ac bone fidei et cousone fuerint rationi, sicut predictum est.
Which containing only what is expressed in the foregoing act, I need not repeat it again in this place, otherwise should do it as usual, for the benefit of my English readers.
In 1379, there was an act made, that if any alnager seals faulty clothes, the cloth should be forfeited to the King, and he should lose his office; which was confirmed in 1383; and in 1393, it was enacted that no alnager should have any sure or certain estate in his office; and this year, in order to protect the trade of this city and county, it was enacted, that single worsteds might be carried abroad where the makers pleased.
In 1382, the parliament granted the King a new (and at that time strange) subsidy, towards the charges of the army that went over into France, namely, of every secular or regular priest 6s. 8d. and as much of every nun, and of every man and woman married or unmarried, being above 16 years of age, (common beggars only excepted,) fourpence a piece, which raised such a grudge and bitter cursing among the people, that the year following, they broke out into an open rebellion, for
In 1381, the commons sorely repining, not only for the poll groats that were demanded of them, but also thinking themselves sore oppressed by their lords, that demanded of them their ancient customs and services, as men not content with the state whereunto they were called, they rose in divers parts of the realm, purposing to force the King to make them all free, and release them from all servitude, whereby they stood as bondmen to their lords and superious: where this first began we have different accounts, some say in Essex, others, at Dartford in Kent, where one of the officers demanding the poll groat for a daughter of one John Tiler, who was not 16 years of age, and being refused it, rudely offered some indecencies to her, upon which her mother raised the neighbourhood, and her father, who was at work in the town, hearing the uproar, came home with his lathing staff in his hand, and demanding of the officer how he dare be so rude to his daughter? he immediately flew at him, which Tiler perceiving, beat out his brains with the lathing staff, upon which the poor folks immediately joined Tiler to support him; and the commons drew together, and went to Maidstone, and thence to Blackheath, where they were soon 100,000 strong, and there John Tiler, who named himself Jack Straw, took upon him to be their chief captain, one "John Ball, an excommunicated priest, taking occasion hereat to rip up the ground of this misgovernment, telling the people that this difference of men's estates, where some are potentates and some are bondmen, was against Christian liberty, taking for his theme,
"When Adam delv'd, and Eve span, Who was then a gentleman?"
By which he so incensed them, that the commons in divers parts drew together, and at last brought into their faction those of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, Norfolk, &c.; what havock, outrages, and murders, they committed in London, and other parts of the realm, and how they were at last appeased by the valiant prowess of Sir Will. Walworth, Lord Major of London, &c. comes not within the design of this present history, for which reason I shall only observe how the rebels of our country behaved at that time, which by reason of such hurlie-burlies kept in every place, was called the ryflyng or hurling time.
The Saturday after Corpus Christi day, there rose no less than 50,000 men in Suffolk, instigated thereto by John Wraw, who had been at London the day before, to take instructions from Wat. Tiler how to proceed; this man they made their captain and leader, who turned the hearts of the bondmen and servants against their lords, and according to the manner of them at London, fell to burning and destroying the houses and manors of the great men and lawyers, and such lawyers as they catched they slew, Sir John Cavendish, then Lord Chief Justice, they beheaded, and fixed his head on the pillory in the market-place of St. Edmund's Bury, also Sir John Cambridge, Prior of Bury, who fled from them, was taken not far from Mildenhall, and beheaded in the open field, where his naked body laid five days, (no man in that space of time daring to bury it for fear of the commons,) his head fixed on a pole was carried before Wraw and his wicked companions to Bury, and put on the pillory there, by the head of Sir John Cavendish, where, in token of old acquaintance, they made them as it were, whisper, and kiss one another, so making sport for their cursed crew; and after they placed that also on the pillory, then entering the monastery, they took Sir John Lakinghithe, keeper of the barony, and drew him into the market-place, and at eight strokes cut off his head and placed it by the others, and forced the monks to bring out all the charters of their liberties, and all bonds which the townsmen had given the Abbot, for their good behaviour, at which the townsmen seemed sorry, though in reality they instigated them to do it, for the commons ordered a Charter to be made concerning the liberties of the townsmen, which they designed should be sealed with the convent seal, as soon as they had fetched home Edmund Bromfield, then Abbot, who was in prison at Notingham, being committed by the King, for his presumptuous intrusion into the abbacy; and in order to do it, they determined that the Abbot should celebrate divine service in his monastery on Midsummer day next; these were the outrageous doings of this county; in which they were not alone, for at the same day, they having correspondence with the commons of Norfolk, the people of Thetford, Lyn, and Yarmouth, assembled together, and came and rested before Norwich, and as they came, caused every man to rise with them, so that they left no villains behind; here they were joined by John the Litester, (that is the Dyer, for so that word signifies,) who was a Norwich man, and captain of all the rabble on this side of the country, and his three companions Seth, Trunch, and Cubit; this much alarmed the citizens, who met in publick assembly, and chose Robert de Bernham, John de Walsingham, Walter de Gressenhale, and Rob. Reed, to buy, provide, and deliver out arms, as bows, arrows, swords, &c. to defend the city, and orders were given that no gates should be opened, except St. Steven's, Bishopgate, and Berstrete, and that each of them should be guarded with two armed men, one lance and four archers, and at the same time they chose Tho. Spink, Will. de Blickling, Rob. Popinjay, Will. de Appleyerd, Jeffry de Baggewell, Giles Albert, and John de Gunton, as assistants and counsellors to the bailiffs, and added two constables to each ward, to attend the safeguard of the city; and it seems that they had gotten Sir Robert de Salle or Saule, to be governour, for Froissart tells us, that the cause why they rested before Norwich was, because "there was a knyght Capitayne of the Town, called Sir Robert Sale, he was no Gentylman borne, but he had the Grace to be reputed Sage, and balyant in armes, and for his balyauntncsse, Hynge Edwarde made him knight. he was his Body one of the biggest knightes in all Englande.
Lyster and his Company thought to habe this Knight with them, t to make hym their chife Captayne, to the entente to be the more feared and belobed, so they send to hym, that he shulde come and speke with them in the felde, or els they wolde brenne the Towne. The knight consydered, that it was better for hym to go and spekc with them, rather thanne then shulde do that outrage to the Towne. Than be mounted on his horse, and yssned oute of the Towne all alone, and so came to speke with them, and when they same hym, they made him grate there, and honoured hym muche, desyring hym to alight of his Horse, and so be dyde, wherein be dyde great Folly. For whanne be was alyghted, they came rounde about hym, t gegan to speke fayre to him, and sayde, Sir Robert, ye are a Knight, and a man greatlye belobed in this Countrey, and renowned a balyaunt Man. and thoughe ye be thus, yet we knowe you well: ye be no Gentyl manne borne, but Sonnc to a Uillayne such as we be, therefore come you with us and be our Maister, and we shall make you so great a Lorde, that one quarter of England shall be undre your Obeysaunce. When the knight herde them speke thus, it was greatlye contraryous to his Mynde, for he thought neber to make any suche Bargapne, and answered them with a felonous regarde. Flne away ye ungracyous People, false and yuell Traytours that yc be. Wolde you that I shuld forsake my natural Lord for suche a Company of Hnabes, as ye be, to my dishonoure for eber. Thad rather ye were all hanged as yc shall be, and that shall be your ende. And with those Wordes he had thought to habe lepte againe uyon his horse, but he fayled of the Styrrope: and the horse started away. Than they cryed all at hym, and sayde slee hym without Merry. Whan he herde those Wordes he let his Horse go, and drue out a good Swerde, and began to scrimyshe with them, and made a great Place about hym, that it was pleasure to beholde hym. There was non that durst aproche nere hym. There were some that aproched nere hym, but at ebery stroke that he gabe, he cutte of outher Leggr, Heed, or Arme, there was none so hardy but that they feared hym. He dyde there suche Dedes of Armes, that it was marueyle to regarde, but there were more than fourty Thousand of these unhappy People, they shotte and cast at hym, and he was unarmed. To saye trouthe, yf he had been of yron or stele he must nedes habe bene slayne. But yet or he dyed, he slewe xii out of Handc, besyde them that he hurte. Fynally he was stryken to the Erthe, and they cutt of his Armes, and Legges, and than strake his Body all to peres.
"This was the ende of Syr Rob. Salle, whiche was greate domage. for whiche dede afterwarde all the knights and Squyers of England were angry, and sore displeased whan they herde thereof," But the bailiffs and citizens were most of all discomforted, as they had good reason to be, for the cruel death of this their captain, upon which they met again, and chose four citizens to go and consult with Will. de Ufford then Earl of Suffolk, for the peace of the city and country, but Litester, who was styed King of the commons, thinking himself and fellows wiser than the rest, resolved to compel several of the principal nobles and great men of the country to join them; and hearing of the city's message to the Earl, they designed to have taken him, that they might do their business under his authority, but he being warned of their coming, suddenly rose from supper, and taking his journey through woods and deserts came to St. Alban's, and from thence to the King, feigning himself to be servant to Sir Robert de Boys, and carrying a wallet behind him; the citizens being thus disappointed of a captain, were much terrified, the rebels threatening daily to burn the city, which they guarded against as well as they could, and in order thereto they summoned a general assembly, and there Ralf Skeet and Hen. Skye, two of the bailiffs, Barth. de Appleyard, William de Blickling, Henry Lominour, Thomas Spynk, Ralf Papinjeay, John de Multon, Will. Gerard, Stephen Silvester, Roger de Ridlington, John de Well, and Giles Albert, were chosen, to go to treat with the commons, who proceeded in all manner of rapine and robbery, seizing on all gentlemen that they found at their houses, and compelling them to swear to them, and to ride with them through the country; the knights that were thus compelled, were the Lord Scales, Will. Lord Morley, Sir John Brewse, and Sir Stephen de Hales, who perceiving they must dissemble and say all things were well, or else die a miserable death, were glad to carry favour, by praising or dispraising all things, as they saw the commons affected, and so coming into credit with their capitain Litester, they were preferred to serve him at the table, in taking the assay of his meats and drinks, and doing other services, kneeling humbly before him as he sat at meat, and Sir Stephen de Hales, because he was a comely knight, was appointed his carver; and thus this mock king had his taster, carver, ambassadours, and other officers, as a real one hath.
During this time, the citizens chosen for this purpose went and treated with these rebels, and were forced to give them large sums of money, to preserve the city from being quite demolished, notwithstanding which, Litester entered the city, with a great throng of citizens that had joined him, demolishing the houses of the noblemen and lawyers, as the Kentish rebels under Tiler had done in London, pretending that they had excepted them, when they received the money of the city to preserve it from burning and ruin: The magistrates seeing this, began to be very much afraid, and to provide what they could for the safety of their city, and accordingly sent to Sir Thomas Morieux, Knt. to come to their assistance and consult with them, who did so; and having chosen 20 armed men, and 20 archers, they sent them with him to Stratton, to meet the other country gentlemen there, to consult what was best to be done for the King's service and country's safety.
The commons in the mean time began to wax weary of the way they were engaged in, so that taking council together, they chose two knights, viz. the Lord Morley, and Sir John Brewes, and three of their ringleaders, Seth, Trunch, and Cubit, whom they put great confidence in, to go to the King, for letters of manumission and freedom, desiring to have their charter for that purpose more large, than those that were granted to other counties, and in order to obtain it the more easily, they sent large sums of money, which they had extorted from the city, to save it from fire and sacking, to the King. In the mean time, Henry le Spencer Bishop of Norwich, being at his manor-house of Burlie, near Okham by Stamford, (as Hollingshed says,) heard of these unruly commotions, and wicked enterprises, in his diocese, and being a man of remarkable bravery, and knowing how much his lenity, liberality, and great charity, had gained the affections of the people in his diocese, like a good and pious pastor, with not above eight lances, and a few archers, he marched for Cambridge, where meeting with a party of these miscreants, who were sent thither, to get more to join them, he forthwith attacked them, killed some, imprisoned others, and those he suffered to go home he sware, not to take arms again in the like cause; thence marching to Newmarket, the utmost confines of his diocese that way, he was not disappointed of his expectation, for the principal men that knew of his march came to him, and from that time his company hourly increased; thence he went to Icklingham, for at that time the great road which now goes through Barton-Mills, went through that town, over the river at a place still called Temple Bridge, by which there was then a mill, and houses for reception for all travellers; the passage from the river to the fields was a narrow lane; in this lane the Bishop meets with Tho. Lord Morley, Sir John Brewes, and two of the rebels with him, the third being gone before to provide a dinner; at first meeting, he demands of the Knights if they had in their company any rebels, who were at first afraid to own it, but at last taking courage, they declared, that two of the chief of them were there, and the third was gone to provide a dinner, on which, the Bishop commanded their heads to be immediately struck off, and went to see for the third himself, whom he served in like manner, and then sent them to be set up on poles at Newmarket, (as Stow and Holingshed say, but the Atlas, as to this affair, says,) that he carried them to Wimondham, where having confessed them, he there cut off their heads, and placed them on poles in that town; but the truth rather seems to be, that he struck off their heads where he first took them, not daring to run any risk of their escaping, and going to Thetford, the rebels there ran to Wimondham, and joined those that sided with them in that place, whither the Bishop followed them so quick, that being terrified by their leaders being slain, and their heads placed up there, they laid down their arms and submitted to the Bishop; and thus these three rebels fell, near the very place where their Suffolk comrades had so barbarously murdered Sir John Cambridge just before; hence the Bishop marched directly for Norwich, which the commons hearing, were so terrified, that they immediately rose from that place, for by this time the nobles and gentry of his diocese flocked to him with armed men, and provisions, so fast, that he had a complete fine army; the citizens (as they well might) were very glad at his coming, and received him with all joy and honour imaginable, and in an assembly held immediately, it was universally ordered, that the bailiffs should make a present to the Bishop, out of the money that he took from the rebels which he had executed, it being the same that the city had raised for them, to save themselves from fire and sword, as you have before heard, which present should be solely at the bailiffs discretion; the city being thus out of all further danger, the Bishop makes strict enquiry where the author of this misrule and his adherents were gone to, and being informed that they hovered about Northwalsham and Gimmingham, and that there was a large number of loose people, he commanded his party to prepare and get ready to march against them, putting himself at their head. In this march also, his number still increased, for the knights and noblemen of the country, hearing of the bravery and courage of the Bishop, joined themselves, servants, and dependants, with him; but when he had marched to Felmingham, he was informed that Litester and his crew retired the day before to ThorpMarket, and there caused it to be publickly proclaimed, that all that wished well to the kingdom and commons, should follow him to North-Walsham, where (as he said) he intended to defend the people against the tyranny (as he called it) of the Bishop, who was coming against them with a military power; upon which, all the young fellows in the neighbouring villages followed him, and encamped with him there, which they had no sooner done, but a certain person of inferiour rank went post to the Bishop, and told him the whole, to whom the Bishop said, "Blessed art thou my son, because thou didst not join thyself with those wicked men, and pestilent people;" and then turning to those that followed him, said, "It is better that one evil and wicked man should die, than the whole nation perish, which under his protection, and through his encouragement, rob and plunder innocent persons:" and so hasting to North-Walsham, he found them strongly fortified in their camp, having intrenched themselves in a warlike manner, and set upon the rampier of their trench, window-shutters, doors, tables, pales, boards, &c. and behind them, they had placed their carriages, as if they meant not to flee; notwithstanding this, the martial Bishop provoked at their doings, and particularly incensed for the damage they had done in the city, immediately sounded the trumpets for battle, which much surprised the commons, who expected not such a sudden rough attack, thinking he dared not attempt to storm their camp: but he, like a true valiant man, taking a spear in his hand, set spurs to his horse, and charged them with such courage, that he went swiftly over their ditches, and laid so about him, that he quickly made way for his company to follow, and so having gained their trenches, a sharp battle ensued, both sides earnestly striving to gain the victory; but at last, the commons were overcome and forced to fly, and being stopped by their carriages, a great number fell in the battle, others climbing up and leaping from them, made their escape: but the Bishop (politickly enough) would not stop nor cease the battle till the chief authors and ringleaders of the tumult, with their King Litester, were taken, and so he got a complete victory. After this, Litester being arraigned for his treason, was condemned to be drawn, hanged and quartered; the Bishop heard his confession, and by virtue of his office absolved him, and to show some pity to the man's misfortunes, went with him to the gallows; but that pity did not quench his zeal of justice, for he sought for all the chief promoters of the rebellion, caused them to be executed, and so quieted the country; Litester's quarters were sent and set up one on his own house at Norwich, one in the city, one at Linn, and one at Yarmouth, as a terrour to his adherents. And thus ended this most dangerous rebellion of the levellers, for such they were indeed, desiring not only to level men's purses, but their understandings also, being unwilling that any should be wealthier or wiser than his fellows.
After all things were settled, the mayor of London did sit in judgment upon all offenders found in the liberties of that city, whether they were of Kent, Suffolk, Norfolk, or any other county, and such as were convicted he had their heads smote off, among which was one John Kirkbie or Kirby, a Norfolk man, and one that had been instrumental in holding correspondence between them and the Norfolk rebels.
Soon after this, the Essex rebels that escaped began to assemble again and make for Colchester, but when they could get none to join them there, they marched to Sudbury, where the Lord Fitz-Walter and Sir John Harleston, Knt. a brave man and excellent soldier, fell upon them as they were making their proclamations, and slew many, and quite dissipated them, so that by their manhood this rebellion came to nothing.
In 1382, about Michaelmas time, certain vicious people of this county and city, not sufficiently warned by their ill success in the late rebellion, privately endeavoured to raise a new one, with design to murder the Bishop of Norwich, and all the nobles and gentry of the country: and to bring their wicked purpose the better to pass, they determined to have risen at St. Faith's fair, held about 4 miles from Norwich, at the abbey of that name in the parish of Horsham, and so to have compelled all that were there, either to take part with them, or else lose their lives; and this being done, they would have taken St. Bennet's abbey of Holm, in the parish of Ludham, and have kept for a fortress to have withdrawn into, upon any force that had been made against them; but before they could perfect their design, one of the conspirators betrayed them, and they were taken, and lost their heads at Norwich, for their malicious devices.
This year, on the 20th of June, the Norwich Chronicle says, there was a great earthquake, about noon, and a very pestilential fever in many places of the country, and very extraordinary inundations in the fens. At this time also, the English ladies, after the example of Queen Anne, daughter to the King of Bohemia, and wife to King Richard, began to ride on side-saddles; this Queen first brought this fashion into the land, for before, women used to ride astride like men, as Stow says, fo. 295.
At the great assembly held on Holy-Rood day, it was ordered that no person whatsoever should fish in the river Wensum, namely in that part of it which is in the city liberty, with drag-nets, &c. unless between St. Peter ad Vincula, and Michaelmas, under penalty of losing their fish and nets, and being fined by the bailiffs, and no drag was to have stones of above two pounds weight hung to the lower line.
In 1383, the King and Queen went a progress, and visited the rich abbies of the realm, as Bury, Thetford, Norwich, and others; he was received here with great pomp, for in the city accounts there are many sums paid for new painting the city banner, fitting up and painting their admiral's barge, &c. and putting all the city furniture in order for that purpose.
In 1385, the Earls of Notingham and Suffolk, and the Duke of Lancaster, were here, and were nobly treated by the city; it seems the Earls came to solicit for the King towards carrying on the war against the Scots, to which the city gave 50 marks, and lent 150 more, and gave 50 marks to the Duke, towards carrying on his own foreign affairs; they expended 10 marks on the Earl of Notingham, and presented the Earl of Suffolk with two pipes of wine, and a last of oats.
Now also the city ditches were new cleansed, and there was a general survey of the walls and towers, and a return thereupon made, by the persons elected for that purpose, by which it appears that they were all put in sufficient repair, and each of them had 3, 6, or 8, men to guard them; in this return, Heigham-gate is called Porta Inferni, or Hell-gate; it being the lowest next the river on that side of the city, and from this time there were wardens for the walls, gates, towers, and river, yearly chosen.
In 1386, the French intending to invade England, Sir Henry Percy and Faulx Percy were sent to Yarmouth with 300 men of arms, and 600 archers, to guard the coast; and the King sent his privy seal to the city, commanding them to fortify their town, array their men, and take care of their towers, gates, and walls, and also to lend him 500 marks, upon which they chose the Bishop their governour, and elected William de Blickling, Ralf Skiet, Tho. Spynk, John Gilbert, Walter Bixton, Walter Daniel, John Multon, and Will. Lomynour, to be of council with the Bishop, whenever he wanted them, concerning the government and arraying of the citizens in order for war; and Walter de Bixton and Will. Everard were appointed to go to the King's council at London, to get off what they could of the loan of 500 marks, which they got reduced to 100l. and being ordered to take particular care to defend their city and the adjacent country, if the French landed. They came home, and on their representation, had watch and ward day and night kept in the city, and the men thereof well armed and arrayed, all their towers and gates filled with instruments of defence; and whereas the principal citizens were often absent at the election of bailiffs, it was ordered that every one that was absent for the future, at the great assembly yearly held at the chapel of St. Mary in the Fields, to choose the bailiffs, shall pay 40d. each.
In 1388, there was an ordinance made that no citizen should buy any worsteds of any country weavers, in the city liberties, without they set their chests in the messuage late John de Welbourn's, now called the Worsted-Celde, (shop or stall,) under penalty of 40s. for the first offence, 4l. for the second, and losing their liberty for the third; and Will. de Eton, and Will. Lomynour were chosen wardens, to take care of this business.
In 1389, the Duke of Lancaster returned to England, having been in Spain and Gascoign for three years last past, and at Easter came to the city, which resolved to honour him in the greatest manner they could, for which purpose they called an assembly, and chose Nic. Blakenee, Henry Lomynour, Ralf Skiet, and Roger Blickling, as adjutants to the bailiffs, to wait upon the Duke, and manage the procession which was to meet him; and to make the appearance as grand as possible, they proclaimed, that every one that was of degree sufficient to serve as bailiff, and did not ride to meet him, should forfeit 40d. and every common freeman 20d.
In 1390, the wool-staple was fixed here, not without great solicitation and expense, for in the treasurer's accounts, there are large sums paid for that purpose, and several fees and presents made by the city to Sir Robert Berneye, Knt. and a pipe of wine, which cost 4 marks, sent to Will. Rees, for their services in the affair.
The next year the Duke of Gloucester came hither, and the citizens rode to meet him, well arrayed, and every man that was absent from his livery was to pay 2s.
Now also, a great mortality increased in Norfolk, and in many other counties in England, that it seemed not unlike the season of the great pestilence; it was occasioned by a great want of victuals, that forced many people to eat unwholesome food, and so brought distempers upon themselves; this dearth began under the sickle, and lasted to the following harvest, but was not so much for want of corn, as money to purchase it, occasioned by the law made in relation to wool, by which wool became dog-cheap, for a stone of chosen and picked wool of the best sort was sold for 3 shillings, and some for 22 pence, or 2 shillings, so that in these times the woollen manufacture was the great support of the nation.
In 1392, the King granted a license of mortmain, dated at Notingham the 8th of July, in which for a hundred pounds in hand paid, he licensed the bailiffs and commonalty to receive in mortmain to the use of the city 3 messuages, 18 shops, 42 stalls, and 54s. of yearly rent, in Norwich, held of the King in burgage, and to apply the profits thereof to repair the city walls, towers, and ditches, or for any other works, towards easing the poor and middle sort of citizens, yearly; this by errour is numbered among their Charters, it having a broad seal of green wax hanging to it. They were settled by Henry Lomynour, Nic. Blakenee, and Tho. Spink, who had purchased some with the city's money, and given others of their own gifts; but the whole not being answered, it was agreed in assembly, that if the voluntary contributions and legacies of the deceased would not pay the whole of the 100l. paid for the aforesaid license, the rest should be raised by a common tax levied in the city.
In 1395, the Danes laid roving on the Norfolk coasts, and did much injury to the English merchants, upon which, Yarmouth, Norwich, and all the coast towns in this county furnished out a number of ships, and ventured to fight with these Danish pirates, but being overcome, many of them were slain, others taken prisoners, and were forced to pay great ransomes, the merchants also lost 20,000l. in coin, which they had in those ships to buy wares with, in the places they were bound to.
In 1397, an order was made, that all wool should be sold in the shops, in the wool-market only.
The bailiffs this year accounted for certain sums of money, by them laid out, for the honour and common profit of the city, among which are the following sums:
Paid to Tho. Spynk 40s. for procuring a writ against Sir Leonard de Kerdeston, who endeavoured to try actions arising in the liberties, in other courts; and to John Yelverton, the city counsel in that affair, 40s.; paid also for the King's justices to the assizes for the city, then held at Abraham's-Hall, 18s. 5d. and for their horses oats 14s.; for making the King's herring-pies 9s. 10d.; and for the coroner's expenses in going to Bukenham-Ferry, to sit upon 2 women drowned there 13s. it being within the city liberty; for a grand breakfast made at Norwich for Sir Edmund de Thorp, Sir Rob. de Berneye, Sir Ralf de Shelton, Sir John White, Knts. the sheriff of Norfolk, the mayor of Lyn, and many other nobility and gentry of the city and country, 34s. 7d.
In 1398, there was a tax laid on the city by consent, to raise a sum, to make a voluntary present to the King at his coming hither; and it was then ordered that every man should ride with the bailiffs in their best apparel to meet him, namely, every one of the bailiffs rank to have 3 or 4, or 2 at least, attending him in good liveries, under 5l. penalty, and every substantial citizen was to ride, under 40s. penalty, and every freeman, under 20s. penalty, and every servant and apprentice was to go to meet him, under 6s. 8d. penalty, and every one not able to go himself, should send one in his place; and there were elected as adjutants to the bailiffs, to manage the procession, Robert Dunston, Rich. Baus, and Thomas Fyncham, for the court, and three others for the commons; and this is the first distinction that I find made between the court and commons, which is not to be wondered at, it appearing that they now designed to make a push for a mayor, &c. and the present was designed to oblige the King, in order to obtain their request: and at the assembly held on New-Year's day, Henry Lomynour, Will. Everard, Will. Crakeford, Tho. Hert, Edm. Warner, Walter Nieche, Nich. de Blakenee, Will. Blak-hommore, Will. Sporle, Tho. Fincham, Rob. Dunston, Simon Bakstere, John Mendham, Ric. Wilbye, Ric. Bond, and Samson Bakstere, with two of the bailiffs, were chosen to consider of the manner and way to apply for a major, for the state of the city, having full power to call in all such citizens as they liked, to treat of the matter with them; but it seems the King did not come as was expected, so that I find nothing more of the affair, till next year, when they sent to London to the Duke of Lancaster, about it, who frankly told them, it would not bear now, and that they must wait for a more favourable opportunity; and soon after the Duke died.
This year, brother John Abbot of Wendling let to the city the messuage and key in Cunsford, belonging to his convent, which laid between the land late John de Dunston's (and then the Lady Audele's) on the south, and the churchyard of St. Clement in Cunsford, and the tenement belonging to the city, formerly Hugh Holland's on the north part, the King's-street, west, and the river Wensum, east, together with the advowson of St. Clement's church there, and 6s. 8d. rent; the city was to hold the whole for 600 years, at 13s. 4d. yearly rent.
In 1399, order was issued, that every night one bailiff, and two of the 24 council, with 12 armed men and 24 archers, should watch and guard the city, and that all men should be in readiness for defence, and have their weapons ready at any warning. The walls, turrets, barge, &c. were well fortified, the ditches cleansed, and every thing in a good posture of defence; they having hired many archers and armed men to keep the city, particular care was taken to fit up the Red Tower, called the Dungeon, and to guard the river, and all the city gates were kept shut day and night, except Cunsford, St. Stephen's, St. Martin's, Magdalen, and Bishop-gates, which were always shut early; and now having provided all things, they write letters to Henry Duke of Lancaster, son and heir of John of Gaunt, the late deceased Duke, their especial friend, in which lamenting their loss of him, and setting forth their design of getting a mayor, &c. by his means, and their resentment conceived against King Richard, (for denying them their expected charter, as one may easily imagine,) they tell him how they had proceeded, and accordingly they declared openly for him, against King Richard; and sent Simon de Blickling and Robert Brasier, with their letters, giving them full power to answer the letters that the Duke had sent to the bailiffs, with which he was so well pleased, that the bailiffs themselves were sent for, under pretence to answer to an arrest that the preceding bailiffs had made, but in reality to talk with the Duke; at their going up, they constituted Walter de Bixton, Roger de Blickling, Nic. de Blakenee, and Tho. Gerard, their deputies and attornies, and managed their affairs so well with the Duke, that they not only returned free from the false arrest, but had assurances for their good services, that at a proper time, (if it was ever in his power,) their charter and all their desires should be granted: all which he performed when he became King of England, which was not long after, for Richard II. was immediately deposed by the Duke and his adherents, who was crowned by the name of Henry the Fourth: the late King being imprisoned in Pomfret-Castle, died not long after, a miserable death, being murdered or starved, either by himself, or those about him, (for as to that, reports are various,) and his body being brought to London, was exposed for all to see it, for some time, and was then interred in Westminster abbey.
In this King's reign lived Sir William Norwich, Knt. a great follower and friend of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, with whom he performed many feats of arms in foreign countries, and it was much through this knight's means that that Duke so often visited, and had such a value as he always showed, for this city; Froisart mentions him in his Chronicle, as do several others that I have seen.
[edit] Bailiffs
- 1377, Rob. Popinjay. Will. de Blickling. John de Moulton. Will. de Eaton.
- 1378, Rob. de Burnham. Will. de Wurstede. Will. de Horning. Reginald Cobbe. Will. de Worthstede, townclerk.
- 1379, Will. Asger. Nic. de Blakeney. Henry Lomynour. Roger Peerson.
- 1380, Henry Skye. Tho. de Bumpstede. Ralph Skeet. John Parlet.
- 1381, John Pekinge or Pickering. Tho. Hert or Hart. Will. Lomynour. Tho. Spynke.
- 1382, John Gilbert. Hugh de Holland. John le Latymer. Stephen Silvester.
- 1383, Walter Niche. Will. de Wurstede. Walter de Bixton. Reginald Cobbe.
- 1384, Rob. Poppinjay. Roger de Ridlington. Walter de Eaton. Will. de Horning.
- 1385, Walter Daniel. Will. de Blickling. John de Moulton. Clement Herward.
- 1386, Henry Lomynour. Nic. de Blakeney. Rog. de Blickling, Will de Appilyerd.
- 1387, Will. Peking or Pickering. Ralf Skeet. John de Trowse, John Parlet.
- 1388, John Gilbert.
- 1388, John le Latimer. Tho. Garrard. John Daniel.
- 1389, Rob. Poppinjay. Rob. de Burnham. Edm. le Warner. John de Holland.
- 1390, Walter Everard. Hugh de Holland. Tho. le Hert or Hart. John de Crakeford.
- 1391, Robert Brasier, John Pilly. Walter de Bixton. Walter Niche.
- 1392, Rich. Drue or Drew. Walter Daniel. John Wurlich. Rob. de Hanworth.
- 1393, Ric. de Blickling. Tho. Garrard. Rich. White. John de Shotesham.
- 1394, Robert Poppinjay. John Daniel. Tho. Parlet. Tho. Leverich.
- 1395, John de Harleston. Edm. le Warner. Will. Appleyerd. John Copping.
- 1396, Will. Garrard. John de Shuldham. Roger Parker. John de Lynne.
- 1397, Tho. Herte. Walter Niche. Will. de Crakeford. John de Wurthstede.
- 1398, Ric. Drew. Rob. Brasier. John Wurlich. Ralph Brooke.
- 1399, Walter Daniel. Rob. de Dunston, Rich. White. Walter de Eaton.
[edit] Burgeses in Parliament
1 Rich. II. Parl. at Westm. Will. de Bixton, Peter de Alderford.
2 Ditto, Walter de Bixton, Henry Lomynour, to whom the city paid 20l. for their twice attending in parliament.
3 Ditto, Walter de Bixton, Tho. Spink.
4 Parl. at Northampton, John Latymer, Rob. de Bernham; they were chosen by Will. Blickling, Will. Eaton, John Atte moor, and Will. de Blachomor, who were the four citizens elected, by all the commons, to send whom they pleased.
5 Parl. at Westm. John de Well, Walter de Bixton, and Will. Gerrard, and Bixton sat the first session, and Gerrard the second.
6 Ditto, Will. Blickling, Walter de Bixton.
7 Ditto, Walter de Bixton, Will. Appleyerd, junior, son of Barth. Appleyerd.
7 Parl. at New-Sarum, Will. Gerard and John Parlet.
8 Parl. at Westm. Wil. Appleyerd, Tho. Gerard.
9 Ditto. Clement Hereward, Will. Appleyerd.
10 Ditto, Walter Niche, Nieche, or Neech, Walter Bixton.
To the King's council the same year, Walter de Bixton and Tho. Spink.
11 Ditto, Will. Appleyerd, Walter de Bixton.
12 Parl. at Cambridge, Walt. de Bixton, John de Multon.
13 Parl. at Westm. Henry Lomynour, Walter de Bixton.
14 Council at Westm. Walter de Bixton, Will. Everard.
14 Parl. at Westm. Will. Appleyerd, Tho. Gerard.
15 Ditto, Walt. de Bixton and Tho. Gerard.
16 Parl. at Winchester, Wil. Everard, John de Multon.
17 Parl. at Westm. Hen. Lomynour, Wil. Everard.
18 Ditto, Wil. Appleyerd, Hen. Lomynour.
19 Ditto, Wil. Appleyerd, Tho. Gerard.
20 Ditto, Will. Appleyerd, Hen. Lomynour.
21 Ditto, Walt. de Bixton, Rich. White.
22 Ditto, Hen. Lomynour, Rog. de Blickling.
[edit] CHAPTER XVII. Of The City In Henry The Fourth's Time
King Henry the Fourth having assumed the crown, was proclaimed King the last day of September, King Richard, who was then in the Tower, having publickly renounced, the day before, at which renunciation Sir Tho. Erpingham, Knt. Warden of the Cinque-Ports, and Lord Chamberlain, was appointed commissioner by the parliament, for the bachelors and commons of the south part of the realm, and Dionise of Lopham was one of the publick notaries that signed the instrument. This Sir Thomas was a Norfolk man, and a great favourite both of King and commons, for in the 6th year of this reign, the commons in parliament petitioned the King, that it would please him to remember the service of Sir Thomas Erpingham, Sir Tho. Bempson, John Northbury or Norbury, and other valiant knights and squires, who adventured themselves with him at his coming into the kingdom, and endeavoured as much as possible to confirm him on the throne: for I find Sir Thomas was afterwards in great favour with the city, and kept correspondence with the citizens for that purpose, and in order to oblige them, sent them the King's charter of confirmation, of all their former charters, dated at Westminster, the 6th of February, 1399. The witnesses to which are, Tho. Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury, Ric. Scroop Archbishop of York, Rob. Braybrook Bishop of London, John Fordham Bishop of Ely, Edm. Stafford Bishop of Exeter, Edmund Duke of York, the King's uncle, Henry de Percy Earl of Northumberland, and Constable of England, Ralph de Nevile of Westmorland, Marshal of England, John Earl of Somerset, Chamberlain, John de Scarle, Clerk of the Chancery, and John Norbury, Treasurers, Will. de Roos of Hamlak, Reginald Grey of Ruthyn, Will. de Willughby, Tho. Kempston, Steward of the Household, and Master Ric. Clifford, Keeper of the Privy-Seal. In which we may observe, that the Bishop of Norwich is not among the witnessses, the reason of which was, because Sir Hugh Spencer, his nephew, was one of the lords that conspired against the King with the Abbot of Westminster, to dethrone him, and Bishop Spencer was suspected to be in that conspiracy with his relation, and Sir Thomas Erpingham and others were then preparing an accusation against him; for it appears in the acts of the congregations or assemblies held in this city, that at an assembly held on Sunday before the Feast of St. Valentine, at which the bailiffs and seventy-four more of the principal citizens were present, there were letters testimonial signed and sealed with the common seal of the city, at Sir Thomas's request, to testify certain matters objected against the Bishop of Norwich, the copy of which was left with the town-clerk: so mutable were the citizens at that time, and ready to do whatever was asked, whether right or wrong, that in order to oblige the King and court, they were willing even to sacrifice the very man that had so lately saved them, their houses, goods, and families, from death and destruction: but the earnest desire they had entertained for their new charter, which they now hoped to get, made them do any thing that the court asked; but it was to no purpose, for notwithstanding their testimonial, the Bishop cleared himself, and was not molested at all: but least any thing should be attempted, at an assembly held on Thursday after St. Valentine, it was ordered that one of the city serjeants, and two constables of each leet, should warn all persons to be ready in their best armour, in the abbey yard called the Green-Yard, every one being accoutred according to his degree, on the day before St. Matthew next, at 11 o'clock, there to be mustered, and receive orders to be in a readiness at all times, and this under penalty of the King's forfeiture.
In 1400, Will. Blakehommore, Margery his wife, and Jeffry de Bixton, gave the messuage which formerly they purchased of Hugh Holland, with the lime kilns, garden, house, and shops, in the parishes of St. Edward and St. Peter per Southgate, lying between Hildebrond's hospital north, St. Peter's churchyard and glebe land, south, the street, east, and the Prioress of Carhow's land called Boteler'sHills, now Butterhills, west, to the city for ever, towards the repairs of the banks of the river Wensum.
In 1401, the King's letters patents were directed to the bailiffs, commanding them to build him some new barges, towards prosecuting his wars.
In 1402, the grand affair of procuring the charter took up great part of their time, assemblies being held at the Chapel in the Fields, very often upon that occasion, and messengers were continually going backward and forward to London about it, but all to no purpose, for Bishop Spencer had so far convinced the King and court of his integrity, that without him they would do nothing; and he (as we may rightly judge) had really no reason to comply with their requests, considering how basely he had been used by them; but nevertheless they were obliged to send to him, and entreat his favour in the affair, and for that purpose, two of the bailiffs, Roger de Blickling, and John Yelverton the Recorder, were sent to wait upon the Bishop at his palace at North-Elmham, where he then resided, to solicit his favour, and beg that he would not continue to oppose their charter, and by their management he acquiesced; and it seems at that time, all the citizens that had signed the testimonial against him, were under excommunication; for at another assembly, orders were read directed to John Derlington the Chancellor, to absolve all persons in the city of Norwich from their excommunication: and now having no obstacles to encounter with, they agreed to lend the King 1000 marks, by which they so much obliged him, that it was signified to them, that they might frame a charter, as large and ample as they could devise, and it should be passed, upon which it was resolved in assembly, that the bailiffs and citizens should take the best advice they could, in drawing the charter, at the common expense, and then Will. de Crakeford, Rob. Baas, and John Clerk, were sent backward and forward, to and from London, concerning it, making what interest they could among the great ones there; and I find, that Henry Lord Peircy Earl of Northumberland, their great friend, was here this year, to borrow the thousand marks for the King, who was then in great want of money, for soon after, it appears, the city treasurers paid 6l. for two pipes of wine given to the Earl of Northumberland, and for 90li. of wax, twenty-seven of weyk, five quarters of oats, and making six large torches, for his retinue; and this very year, the Scots having declared open war, and the French being ready to join them, the King was under some apprehensions of their landing on these coasts, and therefore dispatched messengers to the bailiffs of the city, who immediately mustered their forces, both hoblers and archers, proclaiming, that if any of the principal persons were deficient in their armour, they should forfeit 5 marks, and every archer not sufficiently arrayed, 20s. and every one should be sworn, that their harness or armour was their proper own, and no one's else; this being done, they immediately raised the city banner, on which the city arms were painted, and sent 20 armed men of their chief citizens, as Will. Sedman, John Copping, Tho. Gerard, Rob. Brasier, &c. and 40 archers, to Yarmouth, where they staid three days, and the citizens were paid 2s. a day, and the archers 1s. and then the King's ships and forces coming thither, they were discharged, with thanks for their care.
In 1403, John le Latimer was dead, and left the city a legacy of 10l. several legacies being left towards procuring their charter, with which, and other money, the expenses of the charter's passing, were paid, as were also the 1000 marks lent the King, his Majesty having assigned a part of the subsidy granted him, for that purpose, which paid it all but 38l. and that was after paid by the subsidy of the town of Lyn, which was assigned for that purpose, for Warine at Hall and others were sent to the mayor and commons of Lyn, to know whether they would pay the subsidy levied upon them to the King's use, to the citizens of Norwich, or no? which at first they refused, as also a second time, but paid it the third time of going, to John Rippelay, to the use of the city.
And this year the King's writ came down, by which four citizens were ordered to be returned to parliament for the city; but at that time this was so far from being thought a privilege, that they paid John de Alderford 3l. to get it altered, for two only, as before; whereas when the writ was issued, it was doubtless thought a further addition to the honour of the city, upon their new charter, but being expensive, (for at that time burgesses in parliament had daily wages for their attendance,) the city got it altered, and they sent only two, as usual.
The city having obliged the King by the many signal services before mentioned, his Majesty, according to promise, granted them a new charter, in as ample a form as they desired. It is dated at Westminster, Jan. 28, in the fifth year of his reign, and in the year of our Lord 1403, and is witnessed by Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury, Ric. Scroop Archbishop of York, Rob. Braybrook Bishop of London, John Fordham Bishop of Ely, Henry Beaufort Bishop of Lincoln, Chancellor, John Earl of Somerset, the King's brother, Ralf Earl of Westmorland, Marshal of England, Will. Roos of Hamlak, Treasurer, Will. de Willughby, Will. Heron Lord Say, Steward of the Household, and Thomas Langley, Keeper of the Privy Seal. In the preamble of which the King recites, "that by reason of the great affection that we have and bear to our city of Norwich, and the citizens and commonalty of the said city, and in consideration of the good behaviour of the citizens of the said city towards us, and of the voluntary service by them in time past often given us, being desirous to advantage the said city, and in a special manner to provide for the profit of those citizens, their heirs and successours, of our special grace we have granted,
That the city and all the land within the city, and the liberty of the same, with the suburbs and their hamlets and their bounds, and all the land round the liberty thereof, (the old Shire-house only excepted,) shall be, and are hereby separated from the county of Norfolk, and be altogether exempt both by land and water, and are hereby made a county of, and by themselves, which shall be for ever called, The County of the City of Norwich." And by this charter, the offices of the bailiffs were extinguished, and they had power to elect a Mayor yearly, which Mayor as soon as elected, and his successours, on their election, always shall be the King's escaetor, in the city and liberties thereof.
They are always every year to elect two Sheriffs for the city and its county, the citizens and commonalty being to elect both Mayor and Sheriffs.
Every Escaetor, as soon as Mayor and entered upon his office, shall take his oath to perform the office of escuetor, before some person assigned by the King's writ to receive it, but shall not be compelled to go out of the city to take such oath.
The Sheriffs are to be sworn by the Mayor, in the Gild-hall, and their names returned into Chancery.
The escaetor and sheriff of Norfolk, are not to enter the city or county of Norwich.
The Sheriffs of Norwich, like other sheriffs, are to hold their county court from month to month, on Monday, and have the same liberties and privileges as other sheriffs of counties and escaetors have, and are to receive all profits thereof, as the bailiffs of the city heretofore used to hold the courts and recive the profits.
No citizens are to plead or be impleaded, for or concerning any lands in the city or its county, neither before the King or any of his justices, in any court out of the bounds of the city and its county, nor for any bargain made, or transgression done in those bounds, neither are the King's justices to enter, or concern themselves in any thing thereto belonging, but all shall be done before the Mayor and Sheriffs, according to the law and custom of the city.
The Steward and Marshal of the King's Household are not to intermeddle, either in his Majesty's presence or absence, unless in cases of transgressions, bargains, contracts, and debts, in the King's household, or those which are members of the household.
The citizens and commonalty are to have cognizance of all pleas, assizes, novel disseisin, and mort de aunceter, of all lands and tenements in the city and its county, as well those pleas that are triable before the justices of both Benches, as justices of assize or justices itinerants, all which shall be tried before the Mayor and Sheriffs in the Gild-hall.
The deputy of the escaetor and sheriffs, who must be deputed under the city seal, is yearly to account in the Exchequer for the profits, but shall not be compelled to go out of the city to account.
The Mayor, Sheriffs, citizens, and commonalty, have full power and liberty to appropriate and make the best of all gates, bridges and waste-grounds, both by land and water, in the whole liberties, to enable them to repair the gates and walls.
The Mayor is to try all causes, where the Sheriffs shall any way be charged with doing wrong, and hath power to relieve the oppressed, by punishing the sheriffs according to the offence.
The Mayor for the time being is always a justice of the peace by his office, and shall yearly choose four others, to be justices for his assistants, and no justice of the county of Norfolk, or any other justices of peace whatever, are to exercise their office in the city or its county, either by land or water.
The Mayor is not to determine any case of felony, without the King's special mandate.
The Citizens are to have all fines, issues, forfeitures, and amerciaments, accruing by virtue of the office of justice of the peace.
The Mayor, Sheriffs, &c. are to have all victuals forfeited by law, as bread wine, and ale, and all other things not belonging to merchandise.
The Mayor, Sheriffs, &c. are to have the sword which the King gave them, or some other, carried before them, with the point erect, in the presence of all lords or nobles of the realm, whether they be of the royal blood or no, "our presence only excepted."
The serjeants at mace belonging to the mayor and sheriffs are to carry gold or silver maces, gilt or ungilt, with the King's arms thereon, both in the King's presence, as also in the presence of the Queenconsort, or Queen-mother, in the city and its county, as their proper serjeants at arms.
Neither the steward nor marshal of the King's household, nor the clerk of the market of the King's household, shall ever enter or sit within the city or its county, or exercise any jurisdiction there, or draw or force the citizens to answer them any where out of their liberty.
No purveyor or taker of victuals, or other officer, shall purvey or take any victuals of the citizens, without their free will, unless they take them at full price, and for the King's own use, and pay down the money at the delivery.
The city coroners are to exercise in the liberties the same privileges as other coroners, in the King's presence or absence, as they immemorially did.
And lastly, no damage is to come to the city by reason of this alteration of the bailiffs, to a mayor and sheriffs, but the mayor, sheriffs, citizens, and commonalty, by this charter have, and may use, and enjoy, as confirmed to them, all things, the same as the bailiffs, citizens, and commonalty, their predecessors, had, used, and enjoyed, before this alteration.
The Charter being finished, it was brought down, with the sword that the King presented them with, and was received with great joy by all the city; and in pursuance thereof, on the first of May 1403, they chose William Appleyerd their first Mayor, the Bailiffs bolding their office till Michaelmas following, which then expired, and they chose two Sheriffs, according to their charter.
[edit] Bailiffs of Norwich
- 1400, Roger de Blickling, Barth. de Blakeney, Tho. Garard or Gerrard, Hugh Skeet or Skeyt.
- 1401, John Daniel, Edm. Warner, Will. Appleyard, Will. Everard.
- 1402, Rob. de Hunworth, John de Harleston, Will. Sedman, John Copping.
- 1403, Rob. Brasier, John Daniel, Rich. Purdance, Tho. Leveriche, and these were the last bailiffs of Norwich, the two first of which were chosen the first sheriffs of the city.
In 1404, there was an assembly called to settle the manner of elections of sheriffs, and it was then ordained, that for the future, there should be 80 persons elected yearly, to be at all common assemblies in a place by themselves, and that the majority of them should name three persons yearly for sheriffs, and declare their names to the commons in a place by themselves, who should refuse any they pleased of the three, and if they liked none of them, the 80 were to retire and name three more, till they named three the commons approved of, and then the town-clerk and some of the 80 were to carry the three names approved by the commons, to the mayor and chief men, in another place by themselves, and the mayor was to name one of them for sheriff, and the chief men the other; and accordingly at this election, Sampson Baxter, (whom Nevile by mistake calls Barker,) John Skye and John Bylawe, were chosen by the 80, confirmed by the commons and returned to the mayor and chief men, and the mayor named Baxter, the chief men Skye; and this was the constant form of elections for some years, by which we may observe, that in the lists of the sheriffs, the mayor's sheriff is always first named,
And this year, Henry Lomynour, John Daniel, and eighteen more were chosen by the commons, to agree upon and settle all the articles and ordinances made by the court or chief men of the city, in relation to the election and oath of the mayor, and good government of the city.
In 1405, there was an act made, that no man or woman of what estate or condition they be, shall put their son or daughter to serve as apprentice, to any craft or other labour, within any city or borough in the realm, except he hath land of 20s. per annum at least, but they shall be put to other labour, as their estates doth require; by which this city was so much damaged, that they got it repealed in Henry the Seventh's time, as appears in that King's reign.
And for the safety of the city, the tenement Geywood's, was let for a publick inn or reception for all foreigners staying to work here, and a penalty of 5l. was laid upon all others that took in strangers to lodge for any time.
This year is also remarkable for being the first time that ever a cannon was used in England, which was against the town of Berwick, and battered down the walls, so that the King immediately took it.
In 1406, his Majesty vouchsafed to visit this city, as appears by the Assembly Book, in which the money raised against the King's coming ismentioned.
At this time, the citizens claimed four acres and an half of ground which belonged to the Chapel in the Field, but they were made easy in that respect by John Rekynghale, dean there, who on the 4th of July, came before John Daniel, mayor, Edm. Warner and Richard Drewe, sheriffs, in open court, Will. Sedman, and Robert Dunston, the supervisors of the city revenues, being present, and produced the grant of Hugh Prior of the canons at Old-Bukenham, in which he and his convent granted and for ever released, four acres and an half of arable land, lately given to that monastery, by Richard le Fraunceys, lying in Chapel-feld Croft, within the city ditch, on which it abutted south, for an annual pension of 10s. payable by the dean to that monastery for ever, William le Cunte, Roger de Swerdeston, &c. being bailiffs; so that it was made about 1267.
In 1407 Jeffry Bixton, citizen, gave a moiety of a messuage, &c. in Norwich, to the honour of God and the profit of the city, to repair the banks of the river Wensum.
In 1408, on the third Sunday after Easter, on which day the mayors were then usally chosen, according to the custom of the city, the 80 named Roger Blickling, and Edmund Warner, and notified their nomination by the coroners and town-clerk, to the chief men, or 24, of the mayor's counsel, and they appointed Edm. Warner mayor for this year.
In 1409, at the request of the commons, it was granted, that the mayor, sheriffs, and commonalty of Norwich, shall for certain years, have the aulnage and survey of measuring all manner of worsteds made in Norwich or Norfolk, and none shall be sold without their seal, for which they shall take a halfpenny for each piece sealed, and such as are not measure shall be forfeited, half to the King, and half to the city; in which grant, all the terms, makings, and quantities of worsteds may be seen: this aulnage and seal was let this year to two citizens at 20 marks rent.
It appears, their old friend Sir Tho. Erpingham procured them this grant, for which they presented him with 10 marks, and Robert Dunston and Will. Ampulford, who were sent to London to solicit, were allowed 25 marks for the grant and their expenses. This answered so well, that in 1448 they got Henry VI. to renew it.
This year, to oblige the King, they let him 500 marks, which, according to the King's commission directed to the Bishop of Norwich, and Sir Thomas, who were good friends, the city raised out of their common stock, all but 200 marks, to make up the sum, which was assessed by a common tax. This was afterwards repaid, and in
- 1410, the city paid Richard Kolys, serjeant at arms to the King, all his expenses, and five marks reward, for coming from London to Norwich, and for riding to Yarmouth to Northwalsham, Thetford, Wigenhall, and Lyn, to make proclamation of the late statute concerning worstede clothes, and of the aulnage granted to the city, that nobody might pretend ignorance, and so sell without being sealed.
And this is all that I have found of the remarkable transactions that happened in relation to the city in this King's reign, which ended on March the 20th, in the year of our Lord 1412, when he died at Westminster, and was buried at Canterbury.
When the charter first came down, the seal of the bailiffs was disused, and a new city seal made; in the midst is our Blessed Saviour arising from his tomb, with a glory about his head, his right-hand is held up towards heaven, and in his left hand is a mound or globe, with the cross on its top; he stands in the portal of a Gothick building, having over it the arms of France and England quartered, on the right hand of him is a shield of the city arms, viz. a triple towered castle, and under it, a lion passant guardant, and on his left-hand in another shield, is a plain cross, the arms of St. George, or the English flag, the circumscription is this:
Sigillum officii maioratus Siuitatis normici.
The Seal of the Office of Majoralty of the City of Norwich.
[edit] Mayors and Sherifs of Norwich
- 1403, William Appleyard, mayor. Robert Brasier, John Daniel, sheriffs. John Yelverton, Esq. recorder.
- 1404, Will. Appleyard 2. Sampson Baxter, John Skye.
- 1405, Will. Appleyard 3.
- 1406, John Daniel 1.
- 1407, Walter Daniel 1.
- 1408, Edm. Warner.
- 1409, Walter Daniel 2.
- 1410, Robert Brasier. Jeffry Audeley.
- 1411, Will. Appleyard 4.
- 1412, Will. Appleyard 5.
John Harleston, Rich. Spurdaunce.
Edm. Warner, John Drewe.
Tho. Garrard, John Wurlich.
Tho. Parlet, John Bixley.
Walt. Mosely, John Manning.
John de Shottesham or Scotham,
John Leverich, John Wake.
Rich. White, John Crownthorp.
[edit] Burgesses in Parliament
1 Hen. IV. Parl. at Westm. Henry Lomynour, William de Blicklyng.
2 Parl. at York, Edm. Warner, Wil. de Crakeford.
2 Parl at Westm. Edm. Warner, Walt. Eton.
3 Ditto, William Appleyerd, William de Crakeford.
5 Parl. at Lond. Will. Everard, Walt. de Eton.
7 Parl. at Westm. Walt. de Eton, John Alderford.
8 Parl. at Gloucest. Walt. de Eton, Rob. de Dunston.
10 Parl. at Westm. Rob. Dunston, Will. Ampulford.
13 Ditto. Tho. Gerard, Barth. Appleyerd.
14 Ditto. Barth. Appleyerd, J. Alderford.
14 Ditto. Will. Sedman, John Biskelee.
[edit] CHAPTER XVIII
[edit] Of the city in Henry the fifth's time
Henry V. commonly called Henry of Monmouth, from the place of his birth, began his reign the 20th day of March, 1412, in whose first year the city was in great disorder, occasioned by the disputes between the Commons and the Mayor, and the 24 of his council, in relation to the election of mayors, sheriffs, and other officers of the corporation, and other powers, granted by the late charter, concerning the execution of which, they could by no means agree, so that they were continually harassing one another, till February, in the second year of this King, during which time, great part of the city had the misfortune to be burned down, by a sudden fire, which consumed all the convent of the preaching friars, and all that belonged to them, with two friars of the house, and much of that part of the city, as appears from a petition made to the court, by the collectors of Wymer leet or ward, begging to be excused a certain sum of the King's taxes, which now could not be levied by reason of the houses being burned, which was agreed to, and this misfortune added to the great expenses they had been at in these contentions, which had much exhausted the city treasury, inclined all parties to treat of peace, which by the mediation of Sir Rob, Berney, Knt. John Lancaster, William Paston, and others, was happily completed, and the final agreement or new composition sealed, by the mayor, sheriffs, and commonalty, on Febr. the 14th, an abstract of which here follows:
"In the name of the Trinyte, Fader, Sone, and Holigost, thre Persones, and oon God in Mageste, principal and speciall avowe of Norwiche cite and of all the commonaute, in the honour of whom, oure moder chirche is founded and halwed, on the day of Seynt Valentyn Martir, whan creatures thorough love of kynde, as it is seid, chosen her make, the secound yeer of Kyng Henry the vte. after the Conquest, in the tyme of John Biskelee mayr, Henry Rafman and Thomas Cok shirreves, be assent of the good commonalte of the cite of Norwich, the whiche cite be dissensions, traverses, variaunces, and discordes upon diverse articles of long tyme hangyng, the cite hath ben divided, dissoyled, and in poynt to ha be destroyed. Nowe at holi preyere and mediacion of Seynt Valentyn in whos day the cite chaasee be love to her make pees, unite, accorde, poore, and riche, to be oon in hert, love, and charite, nevermore fro this tyme forth to be dissevered, by the help and grace of the holi trynite, her speciall avowe, but standynge full unyd, and accorded in the articles undir writen, upon the tenure that folwith here aftir that is for to seyn in this forme,"
"The mayor shall be hereafter always chosen in the Gild-hall, on St. Philip and James's day."
The old mayor and twenty-four, are to be present, and all the common council, and each of the twenty-four absent is to forfeit 2s. and each of the common council 1s.
The recorder or deputy is to be assigned by the mayor or his lieutenant, to make a speech, and show the cause of their assembling, and then he, with the mayor, and twenty-four, to withdraw into the chamber, and then the speaker of the commons shall say,
"Sirres and frendes, for the love of Jesu Christ in procedyng of this election present, behave yow, and rewle yow, goodli, and honestli, and levith not for love, haate, ne drede, that ye chesen and nemelen two sufficiaunt persones for the office of meyr, suche as ben honourable, and profitable for the cite, of whiche iche of hem, hath ben meyr, or shirive of the citie, and of whiche, neythir hath ben meyr thre yers aforn."
And he that hath most voices of the people in the hall, shall be one, and he that hath most voices next, shall be second.
And the speaker and six of the common council shall write down their names, and return them to the mayor, &c. in the chamber, after which notification made, the six common council shall deliver the bill to the common clerk, who shall keep it by oversight of the recorder and common speaker, to which three persons, the mayor alone, shall come in proper person, to a part of the same chamber, and to them shall secretly name, one of the two persons, which of them he will have for the office of mayor, and then every one of the twentyfour, shall do the like, and which of the two have the most voices shall be admitted for mayor the next year, "accomptyng the meyres voyce for two voyces if travers falle."
And in like manner if traverse fall in the hall, that the common speaker cannot rightly tell who have the most voices, then he and the common council shall go and tell the mayor, who shall call together the 60 common council, or all that are there of them, into a room by themselves, and there shall traverse or try the variance, in the same form as hath been, and is now used in London, &c.; and after the election, the mayor, sheriffs, and twenty-four, shall come down to the commons in the hall, and take the bench, and sitting the mayor, the recorder, or deputy, named by the mayor, shall declare the person chosen, to the commons, and if the person be present, the mayor shall take him, and set him by his right hand.
The sheriffs shall be chosen on the day of the Nativity of our Lady, thus, the mayor, sheriffs, the twenty-four, and the sixty persons of the common council, and all other citizens, shall freely come, as to the election of the mayor; and then the mayor and twenty-four of his council, with the sheriffs, shall go into the chamber, and by a majority choose one sheriff, "suche as thei will answer fore," and the mayors voice is to be two, in case as aforesaid. They shall then take the bench, and by the recorder or deputy, named by the mayor, shall declare to the commons the name of him they have chosen, and then the mayor shall command them, to go and choose, "a concetezyn dwellyng with in the cite," for the other sheriff, "suche one for whom thei will answer for, the yere than next suyng."
And the mayor, sheriffs, and twenty-four, shall leave them and go into a chamber, and the commons in the hall, shall proceed to the election, and when they have chosen by majority, shall by their common speaker relate to the mayor, sheriffs, and twenty-four, whom they have chosen, and if any variance fall among the commons, on their election of sheriff, it shall be tried by the 60 common council, as on a variance of the election of mayor is ordained. And he that is once sheriff and serves, shall never be chosen again.
The election of the twenty-four concitizens for the mayor's council shall yearly be on the same four days, that the common council shall be chosen in every ward in this manner,
The mayor shall say,
"Sires, ye hau be poynt of chartr that ye shull yerly chesen xxiiij concitezens for the meris counseyll, and notwithstandin that it is acorded and consentid and be composicon made, the names of the xxiiijti shull be nemelid to yow at this day, that is to seyn vj sufficiaunt men for Conesford, if there ben so many sufficiaunt in the same warde, to be of the nombre of the xxiiij and if there be not so manye sufficiaunt, in the same warde, it shall be leffull to the warde to chese the nombre that lakkith there, in othir wardes atte large in the citee, of the sufficiaunts" and so 6 persons for each ward. "And thes xxiiijti thus chosen, shull stonde perpetualli in the cite of Norwich, as thei don in London, be ordinaunce made" except reasonable cause in any year be objected, and if so, the mayor may change such person, or put it in vote in the ward, whether the cause of change is reasonable, and if it be found so, then the ward to choose another. "And if it seme to the meyr whan the xxiiijd. ben thus chosen, that ony of them be not sufficient, that then shall the meyr have chalenge, and restreyne as the meyr of London hath, be ordinaunce in the cite of London."
But these twenty-four can do nothing to bind or charge the city, without assent of the commonalty.
No mayor, sheriff, or any of the twenty-four, shall wear or take clothing (or livery) of any lord, while he stands in office, on foriture of his freedom, or keep a common hostrie or common ale-house.
The common council shall be elected thus,
The Monday next after Passion Sunday, the freemen and householders in Conesford ward shall meet at the Gild-hall, and choose twelve common council for that year, viz. in Conesford ward six, and in Berstreet six. And when chosen, their names shall be returned to the mayor, by four persons assigned by the whole ward, and then the mayor shall call the persons so chosen, and charge them to give good and true counsel to the best of their knowledge, for the profit of the city, and to be constant in appearing to give such counsel.
The day following, sixteen men shall be chosen for Mancroft ward, viz. seven for St. Peter's Mancroft, five in St. Stephen's, and four in St. Giles.
In Wymer ward the next day, shall be chosen twenty, seven in St. Gregory's, seven in St. Andrew's, and six in St. George's.
And for the ward over the water, the next day, twelve, six for Coslany, and six for Fibrigge.
And so yearly, unless Lady day falls on the Monday after Passion Sunday, and then the first ward's election shall be holden on the work day next following, and these common council shall have the same power as the common council of London.
And the mayor shall be sworn in the oath of his majoralty, to make all elections in this manner.
All ordinances and constitutions which the mayor and twenty-four think good, must be delivered to the common council by the recorder or deputy, and if they pass them, they are to be good and valid, but if they ask longer advice by their common speaker, the mayor must grant it, and they may go together and cousult about them, and either reject or pass them as they see fit.
The mayor is to hold a court once a week, and oftener if he thinks needful, and to hear and determine all manner of injuries, ignorances, negligence, &c. done by any officers under him, and to have all pleas of apprentices and servants, as the chief justice of peace in the city, pleas, and ransome of prisoners, pleas of debts, letters of payments, and all contracts made between merchant and merchant, or any other person beyond sea, and all other pleas and articles, which belong to the office of majoralty, saving the profit that of right belongs to the sheriffs office.
The recorder is to be sworn before the mayor and his council, in a common assembly, to give him good and true counsel, "in use and execution of governaunce, of common right of the common people, and the common good, shall not pay for any offence or negligence, done by the sheriffs in their office," the recorder shall not be judge of the sheriffs court and council, in any thing that may be hinderance to the mayor's court, contrary to their oath.
All pleas of rents, lands, tenements, inrolments, and recognisances, shall be before the mayor and sheriffs, in the mayor's court, reserving the sheriffs profit to them, and the fees, for the entry of the inrolments, to the mayor's clerk.
Assay of bread, &c. shall be made by the mayor and sheriffs, or one of them at least, and the fines shall be the sheriffs.
The mayor, or twenty-four, are to be clothed in suit after their estate, and all that have been mayors shall wear their clothes furred, and lined according to the estate and season of the year, and shall attend the mayor on principal days, in their best array, to Christ church, to assemblies, and other places in the city, and if the mayor rideth, all that have been mayors shall ride, in their cloaks, and the other peers, in livery of suit, under 20l. penalty, and no bondman shall be mayor or sheriff.
There shall be a common assembly always on Holy Cross Day, when the new elect shall name two persons to bear the sword, of which the assembly shall choose one to that office, and four persons for serjeants, and the assembly shall choose two, all which shall be officers for a year.
All the ordinances for time past shall be examined by the mayor, sheriffs, twenty-four, and sixty, and the good ones shall be confirmed, and the bad ones rejected by the assembly. At that assembly, the assembly shall choose the recorder, bellman, and dikkepere, and then the mayor and twenty-four shall choose a common clerk, a coroner, two clavers, and eight constables, and the sixty common council shall choose a common speaker, one coroner, two clavers, and eight constables.
On St. Matthew's day a yearly assembly shall be held, and the mayor and twenty-four, shall choose one chamberlain, one treasurer, two auditors, that are not accountable of the common goods, and three commoners, to be of council with the chamberlain of the city, and the sixty common council shall choose one chamberlain, one treasurer, one common serjeant, two auditors, that are not accountable of the common goods, and three commoners to be of council with the chamberlains of the city, and they are to declare the city money, debts, &c. before they go off their offices.
Each craft in the city shall choose yearly freely, and by themselves, two masters, and present them by bill to the mayor, all which, the Monday next after the mayor's riding, shall be charged to make search for that year, of all defaults in their craft, and present them to the mayor, upon conviction of which, half their fines shall go to the sheriffs, and half to their craft: and if the mayor find the masters faulty, he may discharge them, and if their craft do not name two more masters in eight days, the mayor may name them.
Such crafts as have serche in London, shall have serche in Norwich, in the same manner as London, except such as have patents, charters, or grants.
And if there be such crafts in Norwich as are not in London, they shall choose two masters, and do as the other crafts in Norwich do.
No foreigners that keep shop in Norwich shall take any more apprentices, till they buy their freedom, unless his own or wife's children. And no freeman shall take apprentices under seven years, nor without inrolling them in the chamber, within a year and a day, before the mayor, on forfeiture of his freedom, and every apprentice, when his time is out, shall be free, paying to the chamber a noble, and to the sheriffs a noble.
All manner of men now citizens shall be inrolled of what craft he is of, within a twelvemonth and a day, on forfeiture of his freedom, and all hereafter made free, shall be inrolled under some craft, and the masters of that craft coming to the chamber, shall express their consent, and the chamber shall have 20s. and the craft 40d. or more, according as he agrees with the chamberlains and their six counsel.
The burgesses for knights of the shire, shall be chosen by common assembly, and their names declared to the mayor, sheriffs, and their counsel, "in pleyn shire," in the Gild-hall.
And there shall be four men chosen in each ward by common assembly, to gather the King's tax, two to levy or lay it in each ward, and two to collect it.
This agreement, it was hoped, was so full and plain, that all matters of debate would have been fully ended, but it turned up directly the contrary, for the commons exhibited articles to Sir Thomas Erpingham, Steward of the King's Household, against the mayor, sheriffs, and twenty-four, and insisted upon their answering them, which they did article by artiele, and sent them to Sir Thomas, who laid them before the King, and he like a wise prince foreseeing the bad consequence like to ensue, directed his writ to the mayor, sheriffs, and twenty-four, and to the commons of the city, informing them, that he had been acquainted with their variances and discords among themselves, concerning the Charter of his most beloved father, and being resolved as much as in him laid to preserve the peace of his realm, both in his presence and absence, for that reason he commanded, and peremptorily injoined them, that they should send up two persons to his privy council, with full authority to debate, conclude, and confirm, a final concord, according to the determination of his council, ordering that one should be chosen by the mayor, sheriffs, and twentyfour, and the other by the commons, who shall have full power under the common seal to settle all things: further requiring them with all haste to bring his father's charter with them, and to appear before himself and council, wheresoever he was in England, to have justice done them, and peace restored; this is dated at Westminster, Apr. 26, in the 5th year of his reign, and accordingly they chose two persons in common assembly, viz. Rob. Dunston for the mayor, sheriffs, and twenty-four, and Will. Marchall for the commons, giving them full power under seal, as they were commanded, with a return of the writ, which was dated the 12th of May following; and accordingly they went up, and every thing was settled by the King and council in June next, and in July, the King granted them
A new Charter, dated at Portchestre, in which all former charters are confirmed and recited at large, and his father's in particular confirmed: the witnesses are Hen. (Chichley) Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry (Beaufort) Bishop of Winchester, the King's uncle and Chancellor, Tho. (Langley) Bishop of Durham, Thomas Duke of Clarence, John Duke of Bedford, Humfry Duke of Gloucester, the King's brothers, Tho. Duke of Exeter, his uncle, Edmund Earl of March, John Earl of Huntingdon, Rich. Earl Warren, and Thomas Earl of Salisbury, the King's cousins, Henry Fitz-Hugh, Treasurer, Walter Hungerford, Steward of the Household, and Master Henry Ware, Keeper of the Privy Seal: and to the former charters and liberties, he added the following ones, which are much the same as had been agreed upon among themselves in the new composition:
Whereas, in the former charter, there was no fixed time for the choosing the mayor and sheriffs, by reason of which great disputes had arisen among the citizens, the King, at their request, gave power to the citizens and commonalty to choose twenty-four of their fellow citizens aldermen, and sixty other citizens for the common council of the city, which twenty-four shall be aldermen for life.
The mayor and sheriffs shall be chosen in the following manner:
All the citizens dwelling in the city, who will, may be present at the mayor's choice, which shall be held at the Gild-hall every May day, and the major part of them shall choose two citizens dwelling in the city, out of the twenty-four aldermen, both which are either to have been mayors before, or to have served the office of sheriff of the said city, but are not to have been mayor for three years before such election, of which two, the major part of aldermen present shall choose one for mayor by vote, and if there be equal votes or one person, then the mayor shall have the casting vote.
Two sheriffs shall be elected yearly on the day of the nativity of the Virgin Mary, by the mayor, aldermen, and other citizens of the said city, one of which is to be chosen by the mayor and aldermen, and the other by the commons, which two so elected shall continue in their office till St. Michael, next following their election, for a whole year.
The sixty common council shall be yearly elected out of the four wards; the mayor is yearly to warn all citizens, inhabitants, and housekeepers in Conisford ward, to meet yearly at the Gild-hall on Easter Monday, and the major part of the citizens then present, shall elect twelve for the common council of that ward for that year.
And the ward of Mancroft shall choose sixteen common council for that year on Easter Tuesday.
And Wymer ward on the Wednesday, shall choose twenty common council, and the ward beyond the water, or the northern ward, shall choose on Thursday twelve common council.
All which common-council men shall have such and as great power and authority in the city, as the common council of the city of London have and enjoy there.
Twenty-four of the most substantial citizens dwelling in the city, shall be chosen Aldermen, and shall hold that state and degree for life, unless there be any reasonable cause for removing them, whose names shall be read before the common council yearly, that every Easter Monday, six of them may be chosen before the mayor by the common council, for Conisford ward; on the Tuesday six for Mancroft ward; on the Wednesday six for Wimer ward; and on the Thursday six for the ward beyond the water.
And on the death or displacing any alderman, the mayor shall summon the ward to the Gild-hall, to choose another in his room, to serve as alderman for that ward, out of the most worthy and able citizens inhabiting in the city.
They have also liberty by this charter, that if any laws, customs, and ordinances, heretofore made or used, be defective or difficult to be understood, or any things arise new, that want laws and ordinances to be made for, then the mayor and aldermen, and the major part of them, with the consent and approbation of the major part of the common council, have full power and may make any new remedy, agreeable to conscience and reason, for the common profit of the citizens, and other people going thither, which ordinances so made, they may put in execution by themselves and officers.
And in order to augment the grandeur of the city, there was a Charter granted to St. George's gild, or company, by which the ridings, or grand processions were regulated, and augmented, an account of will hereafter occur, under the history of that gild; so that the company of the gild, joined to the ancient crafts or companies of the city, upon all publick occasions made a very fine show.
These companies were then the same here, as they still are in the city of London, where each being incorporated by proper charters, still subsist, and even exceed their former grandeur; but these not having that advantage, were by degrees neglected after Henry the Eighth's time, and have been declining ever since, though some of the trades still continue a sort of fraternity, and choose wardens among themselves, to this day.
These crafts or companies used formerly, in every procession, to be all clothed in gowns and hoods of whatever colour their warden pleased; but they being now all to be regulated by the majority of the common council, who had the governance, rule, and clothing, of all the gilds, crafts, or companies: it was ordered, that the chamberlains should appoint each gild and company the colour they should appear in, and that all crafts that will be clad shall be clad after the form of London, in liveries; and that craft or company the mayor is of shall go next the mayor in riding, and all of them shall attend him to the cathedral on Halowmas, Christmas, and Twelfth Day, and whenever else the mayor pleases; and every company shall hold the assemblies of their craft four times every year, and "Kepe the worship of their avowe, in due place, and ride on their principal avowe's day, in livery and honoure." And thus the city was now peaceably settled, having greater authority, and its state fixed in a much grander manner than ever it had been before, being exactly the same as to its government and ordinances as the city of London then was, which was what this city from its first charter always aimed at.
At the bringing down of this charter, in a common assembly, the charges of it appeared to be above an hundred pounds, which was taken out of the city stock by joint consent.
In 1418, there was a sum raised in every ward, to bear the expenses of the city, for a great treat, furnishing out a grand procession, and making a present in money to the Duke of Bedford, then guardian of the realm, at his coming hither, on Trinity Sunday.
In 1419, Richard Purdaunce repaid 23s. 4d. to the city, of the money which had been raised against the King's coming, and was not then expended, by which it seems the King had visited this place before he went into France; and what makes me think so is, because I find he had borrowed 1000 marks of the city, and pledged his coronet for the payment, which was made this year, and it was taken out of the chest where it was deposited, in the priory of Norwich, and sent up to London, by William Grey, Robert Dunston, and Thomas Usher.
In all appearance, this golden circle or coronet was the same he had on at the battle of Agincourt, for in Speed's Chronicle, fo. 644, we read, "In the maine battell all in compleat and bright shining armour, the King rode himselfe, his shield quarter'd with the royal atchieuments of England and France; upon his helmet he wore a coronet, the cyrcle whereof glittered with pearle, and stones of an unestimable price." And it might be by the advice of Sir Thomas Erpingham, who ranged this battle for him, led the way, and gave the signal, that he might do it, he being a Norfolk man, and a great favourer and benefactor to the city; and if it was this circle, it had a mark upon it, as valuable to every true hearted Englishman as the crown itself, for in this battle, "Duke Alenzon, a lusty French lord, pressed into the battalion where Kyng Henry fought, and incountring Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, the King's brother, both wounded and overthrew him, to whose rescue if Henry had not come, he had dyed more honourably then afterward he did: for King Henry be-striding him, delivered his said brother from dan ger, and wanne himself much honour by the deed. Alenzon then coped with King Henry in fight, and with his axe cut a part of his crowne, which blow was so surely laid on, that there-with his helmet was batter'd unto his brow, but the lion enraged, with re-doubled strength, stroke the French gallant unto the ground, and slew two of his men that seconded their master. The Duke thus downe, cried to the King, I am Alenzon, whom Henry sought to have saved, and so he had done, had not the deep ears of revenge stopt all sound of life, against him, that so had endangered their soveraigne Lord." And it is most probable, that this was laid in pledge in 1417, when the same author, fo. 648, tells us, that though the King had a subsidy and tenth granted him by his parliament, yet it was far too little to defray the charge of his French wars, and to furnish his army out for the next campaign, so "that he was forced to pawne his crowne unto Bishop Beaufort, his uncle, for a great sum of money, as he did certain jewels to the Lord Mayor of London, for ten thousand marks."
I have met with nothing more material concerning the government of this city, during the reign of this great and victorious prince, who died Aug. 30, 1422, and being brought into England, was interred in Westminster abbey, where his tomb, though much defaced, may still be seen.
[edit] Mayors and Sheriffs
- 1413, Richard Drewe.
- 1414, John Bixley.
- 1415, John Manning.
- 1416, Henry Rafman.
- 1417, John Daniel 2.
- 1418, Will. Appleyard 6.
- 1419, Walter Daniel 3.
- 1420, Ric. Spurdaunce.
- 1421, Will. Sedman.
- 1422, John Mannyng 2.
Will. Sedman, Rob. Suffield.
Tho. Cock, Henry Rafman.
Ric. Mozely, Tho. Acle or Ocle.
John Asgar, John Michel.
Will. Roose, Henry Jacques, or Jakes.
Rob. Baxter, John Cambridge.
Henry Pekyng, John Schotesham.
Tho. Ingham, Rob. Asgar.
Will. Niche or Neech, Simon Cooke.
John Gerard, Tho. Daniel.
[edit] Burgesses in Parliament
1 Hen. V. Parl. at Westm. Rob. Brasier, Rob. Dunston.
1 Parl. at Leicester, Rob. Brasier, John Alderford.
2 Parl. at Westm. Will. Sedman, Rich. Spurdaunce.
3 Ditto, John Biskelee, Rob. Dunston.
3 Ditto, Henry Rafman, Will. Sedman.
4 Ditto, John Biskelee, Will. Appleyard.
5 Ditto, Rob. Brasier, Rob. Dunston.
7 Parl. at Gloucester, Walter Eton, John Alderford.
7 Will. Appleyard, John Biskelee or Bixley.
8 Parl. at Westm. Rob. Baxter, John Dunston.
9 Ditto, Rob. Dunston, Henry Pekyng.
[edit] CHAPTER XIX
[edit] Of The City in The Time of Henry The Sixth
In 1422, Henry of Windsor, only child to King Henry V. being then scarce 9 months old, was proclaimed King of England, the last day of August, and according to his father's will, the regency of France was assigned to John Duke of Bedford, the government of England to Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, the guard of his person to Tho. Duke of Exeter and Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester, Lord Chancellor.
In 1423, there was a commission directed to Walt. Daniel, mayor, Will. Paston, and other justices assigned by the King, for a sessions of oyer and terminer, and general gaol delivery for the city and its county; and such commissions were very often taken out, as soon as their jails began to be full, and were continued till lately, when they were disused, and ever since, the judges at the summer assizes, which are always held here, have tried all prisoners, &c. to this time. In the 6th year of the King, a commission of this kind was directed to the mayor, sheriffs, and the four justices of peace named by the mayor, Will. Paston, Will. Yelverton, and others, before whom the two coroners for the city always appeared, as did also the sixteen constables for the four wards, and the two constables for the liberty of Holm-street, and the other two for the liberty of Spitelond, with the bailiff of the Prior's liberties in those places, and also the four men out of each ward, but what their offices were I cannot find, but take them to be designed for jurymen; at this time the liberty of the city by water appears to extend as far as Braiden. And in this year was a statute made, that the mark of every goldsmith should be known to the wardens of that craft, and there should be no silver wrought, unless it was as fine as the sterling, and then the keeper of the touch shall touch it with the leopard's head, and it was then ordained, that the cities of Norwich, York, &c. should every one have divers touches, according to the ordinance of the mayors, &c. of the same.
In 1424, there was a tripartite indenture made, by the mayor, aldermen, and commons, containing Constitutions for the better Government of the City; it was ratified at a common assembly in the Gild-hall, on Friday after St Lucy's day, and was afterwards confirmed by King Henry VII. under the broad seal, in 1492: In this, the city is said to be "hevyly voysed for lak of good and vertuous governaunce with inn the seyd citee had, to gret dishonour of the mair, aldermen, and good commons, of the same." To remedy which, they made the following ordinances, to bind the mayor and aldermen, and to give good example to the commons.
1. The aldermen shall always give good council to the mayor, as the aldermen in London do.
2. They shall come to the mayor whenever they are warned.
3. They shall keep secret all matters treated of, till they be showed in common assembly, called by the mayor and aldermen, or the major part of them, on pain of being displaced.
4. The aldermen shall support the mayor, and walk with him on principal days in procession, "or to any lord or lady or person of worship into ani place in the cite," or pay 6d for default.
5. No alderman shall quarrel or sue his fellows, before he hath complained and shown his grievance to the mayor and aldermen, his council, under 20s. penalty.
6. No alderman shall be an arbitrator against any alderman under the same penalty.
7. The aldermen shall be in clothing as the mayor appoints, under 20s. penalty, and being put out of the clothing and council of the twenty-four aldermen.
8. The aldermen shall take the following oath:
"Thys heir ye Sire Mair, and alle myn Felas Aldermen, that her ben; that I from thys tyme forthe, as longe as I stonde in Degre and Estat of Alderman wyth inne the Citee of Norwych, to yow Sire Mair and to yowr Successouris Maires of this seyd Citee, xal ben obedyent, alle Constitucyons, and Ordinaunces, wyth here Peynes, and dependauncis, in thise present Endenturis, comprehendit, as wel as alle othir Ordenaunces, be yow, and your Aldermen, er your Successouris, er be the more Part of hem, for honour of the Estatis to ben mad, and ordeyned, with myn Body, and myn Good, xal holden, and susteyne, and in any Office, upon me, in name of the same Citee to be leyd, I xal me governe, be the Councel, and Advys of the Mair and Aldermen of thys same Citee, for the Tyme beyng, er be the Advys of the more Partye of hem. So help me God at the Holy-Doom."
Which oath the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen then took, viz.
Rob. Baxter, mayor.
Will. Grey, and Perys Brasier, sheriffs.
[edit] Aldermen
Walter Daniel.
Rob. Brasier.
Ric. Purdaunce.
Will. Sedeman.
John Mannyng.
John Asger.
Tho. Ingham.
Tho. Cock.
Rob. Asger.
John Caumbrige.
John Gerard.
Will. Grey.
John Sholesham.
Henry Pykyng.
Henry Jakes.
Simon Cook.
Will. Niche.
John Wright.
John Hodgekins.
Rob. Dunston.
John Wylby.
Ric. Mosele.
John Copping.
And at this time it was ordained, that yearly at the swearing of the new mayor, and at such other times as the mayor should think convenient, the following proclamation should be made in divers parts of the city in the mayor's name, viz.
The MEIRES Proclamation.
'The Meyr of this Cite comaundyth on the Kyngis behalve, that iche Man kepe the Pees fro this tyme forthwarde, and that no man disturble, ne breke the forseid Pees, ne go armed wyth in the citee, upon the peyn of presounment, and forfeture of all the armure, & that alle manner Bakeris, baken iiij Lovys for a peny, and ij lovys for a peny of Bultell of Reynes, and that Bred, and all other Breed, that the Baxteris schall bake, be wele sesonde, & holden the ful weyghte, after the fourme of the statute ther upon made, and upon peyn ther upon ordeyned wyth inne this Cite. And that no Bakere, beye none qwete in the market beforn x of the clokke, and that alle Brewsters, and Gannokers, selle a gallon ale of the best be measure a selyd for 1d. ob. and a gallon of the next for 1d. and other as it hath be forn tyme ben used, upon peyne that is ordeyned in the Cite, and that all manner Taverners selle a galon of Redwyne of Gascoyne, of the beste, be mesured a seled for vjd. and a galon of Qwytewyne of Gascoine of Rochell for iiijd. and alle manner wynes according, like as they ben of valew, upon peyn that is ordeyned theron in the Cite, and that no Bocher ne Fissman, bringe no manner of vetaile into the Market to be sold, but yif it be onest, and holsome, as it owyth for to be, upon forfeture of the vetaile, and of other ponyschement, be discrecion of the Meyr of the Cite, and that none Cook, selle no vetaile, but it be well sesonde, and that thei rechafe no mete, in peyne of forfeiture of the vetayle, and upon other peynes ordeyned in the Citee, and that thei selle good and reasonable penneworths, and thei bye no manner vetayle in market beforn viiij of the clokke, and that non bye ne selle no manner of vetayle in none Jnne, with inne howses, but in the pleyn market, o peyne ther on ordeyned, and that no Manner man forstalle Whete, ne Malte, ne non other Corn, in the Cite, ne non other vetaile coming toward the Citee, be lond ne by water, ne non ernest geve, upon non vetayle, but in the plein market, upon peyn of forfeture of the vetayle, and uppon other peynes ordeyned in the Citee, and that non Alyon, walk in the Citee in Somere, nor in wyntere, after the Curfu-bell be rongyn, ne non Knyfe bere with poynt, in peyn of presonment and forfeture of his knyfe, ne that ther schall noon Alyon herverwe non other alyon, comyng to the Citee, upon peyn ther on ordeyned, and that no man with in the Citee, pleye atte tenyes, ne coyting, ne dises, ne non other disonest pleyes, upon peyn of prisonment, but usen Schetyng, and other onest Games, as the Kyngis commandment is, and that alle Constables of the Cite, iche man in his Warde, kepe the pees and make watches, as it is ordeyned, and arreste all manner of Night Walkers, and misdoers, and bring hem to the Kingis preson, uppon peyne ther on ordeyned, wyth inne the Cite, and that alle manner Men of Crafte, that ben foren or Estrangeres, that welyn comyn to the Citee, and usen her Craftis there inne, they schall freely dwell in the forseid Cite, wyth owtyn any amercyment, or lose of goods, a twelmond and a day, and over that in suche wyse as it haith ben used beforn in old tyme.'
About this time, a general persecution broke out among the Lollards, in this diocese, men that earnestly desired the reformation of the English church, and were disciples of that great and good man John Wickliff, but had this name (as I think) given them at that time by the clergy, (who treated them as hereticks,) as a name of infamy and disgrace; but yet so zealous were they for the truth, such abhorrence had they of the Popish church and doctrine, that they chose rather to suffer many grievous torments, or even death itself, rather than forsake the truth, or deny the faith; upon which account, above 120 persons of this diocese, both men and women, sustained great vexations for the profession of the true Christian faith and pure Gospel of Christ: for at this time the King sent forth his letters to John Exeter, register of Norwich, to apprehend all that were suspected of Lollardy or heresy, wheresover they were found, and to send them to the next prison, there to remain till delivered by due course of law, and in particular to seize William White, priest, and others.
This William was of Kent, a scholar and disciple of Wickliff; he came into Norfolk, and dwelt chiefly at Ludham, and instructed many in the light of the Gospel, and was the first (and at that time) only teacher of Wickliff's doctrine in this county, for it is evident the people of this shire had but one instructor, because they all maintained and held the same doctrines and articles of faith. This man was a priest, but not of the common sort of those times, being well learned, upright, and affable; he resigned his benefice to marry, but did not leave his duty, but continually laboured to promote the Gospel by reading, writing, and preaching. The points of doctrine which rendered him obnoxious to the then powers, were,
1. That men should seek for forgiveness of their sins at the hands of God only.
2. That the wicked living of the Pope's holiness is nothing else but a devilish estate, and an heavy yoke of Antichrist, and therefore he is an enemy to Christ's truth.
3. That men ought not to worship images, or other idolatrous paintings, no, nor the holy men that are dead.
4. That the Romish church is the fig-tree which Christ hath cursed, because it brings forth no fruits of true belief.
5. That such as wear cowls, or be anointed, or shorn, are the lance-knights and soldiers of Lucifer, and that they all because their lamps are not burning, shall be shut out into utter darkness, when the Lord cometh.
Upon these articles he was brought before Archbishop Chichley at Canterbury, where he witnessed the truth he had so long preached; but at last his courage failing, he submitted to a recantation, and was abjured; but being soon after greatly troubled for what he had done, confessing his errour and offence, he became much stouter and stronger in Jesus Christ: for coming with his wife into Norfolk, he abode with one Thomas Moon of Ludham, and was so diligent in his teaching, that he converted many to the doctrine of Christ, and continued to do so, by travelling into divers places to sow the good seed of the word of God, which he saw blessed with great increase. But at last, by means of the said letters, he was taken, and brought before John Wakering Bishop of Norwich, by whom he was convicted of 30 articles, and being condemned, was cruelly burned in this city, in September 1424, being the proto-martyr of this place; so holy, devout, and innocent, was his life and conversation, that he was much reverenced, and at his death many desired him to pray for them. When he came to the stake, he thought to speak to the people, to exhort and confirm them in the truth; but one of the Bishop's servants struck him on the mouth, and forced him to be silent, and so he ended a good life, to the great grief of many of his followers, both in the city and country; whose doctrine, though they would not permit him to declare it at his end, sprung up the faster, verifying the sentence, that the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church, for though he was thus violently taken away, he left so many excellent sermons and discourses among his followers, that though dead, he still speaks. After his death, his wife Joan, for spreading abroad the same doctrine, suffered much trouble and punishment at the Bishop's hands.
In 1425, there were twenty marks paid into the common chest, of the gift of Roger Blickling.
In 1426, the Liber Albus, or the White Book, a fine fair vellum manuscript of the affairs of this city, was first compiled, and all the material evidences, and memorable occurrences, were entered there, by the command of Thomas Ingham, then mayor; and ever since, other things have been added as they happened.
In 1427, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester was here, being joined in commission of oyer and terminer, and general jail delivery, with the mayor, &c. and several felons were tried before him.
William Sedman, late mayor, at his death left 22l. to the poor of Norwich county, and 40l. a year, for three years after his decease, to be distributed among the blind, lame, and most needy in the city.
In 1428, one John Beverley, alias Battild, labourer, was attached by the vicar of Southcreak, the parish priest of Waterden, and a lawyer, and so delivered to master Will. Bernham, the Bishop's commissary, who sent him to the castle, there to be kept in irons; but upon his trial before the commissary, nothing could be proved against him, but yet so great was the hatred of the clergy against the Lollards, that when they could not burn nor torture, yet none should escape without punishment, and penance, whether right or wrong, for this man, though nothing was proved, was enjoined among other things, to fast with bread and water only, on the Fridy and Saturday next after his trial, and on the Saturday to be fustigated, from the palace round by Tomblond, and thence to St. Michael's at Plea church, and through Cutler-rowe round the market, holding in his hand a wax candle of two-pence price, which he was to offer to the image of the holy Trinity at the high altar of the cathedral, after he had performed his penance, and then he was to quit the diocese, and come into it no more.
These penances enjoined to those suspected of Lollardy grew afterwards very common here; for in 1430, John Finch was ordered three displings in solemn procession round the cathedral, and three more round the market, on three principal market days, his head neck and feet being bare, and his body covered only with a short shirt or vesture, holding a wax taper of a pound weight, to be offered to the Trinity, on the Sunday next after his penance: and the next year Nic. Canon of Eye was forced to a penance of the same nature round the cloisters, &c.
In 1429, it was enacted "that in every city, borough, and town of the realm of England, a common balance shall be, with common weights sealed, according to the standard of the Exchequer, upon the common costs of the said city, borough, or town, in the keeping of the mayor, or constable of the same, at which balance or common weight all the inhabitants of the same city, borough, or town, that have not such weights, and other that have, if they will, may freely weigh without any thing paying, taking nevertheless of foreigns, for every draught within the weight of 40l. a farthing, and for every draught betwixt 40 pound and an 100 pound, one halfpenny; and for every draught between 100 pound and 1000 pound, a penny at most: whereof the weights shall be maintained, and the officers lawfully weighing, rewarded, by the discretion of the chief men of the city, borough, or town, according to his attendance to his said business, be it more or less. And the justices of peace, mayors, bailiffs, and stewards of franchises, have power by authority aforesaid, to examine the trespassers in this case, &c.; this statute to endure for ever, and every city upon pain of 10 pound, every borough upon pain of 100 shillings, and every town where a constable is, upon pain of 40s. shall have a common balance with weights according to the standard." And by the 11th Henry VII. weights and measures were to be made of brass, and sent to the chief officers of every city, &c.; but by the act of the 12th of Henry VII. the weights and measures so made being found defective, all the old measures and brass weights were called in, broken, and melted down, to make new ones of, according to the size of this statute, that all might be alike throughout the whole realm, viz. every bushel to contain 8 gallons of wheat, and every gallon 8 pounds of wheat of troy weight, and every pound 12 ounces of troy weight, and every ounce 20 sterlings, and every sterling to be of the weight of 32 corns of wheat that grew in the midst of the ear, according to the old law of the land. Which regulation thus made, was of great service to the kingdom at that time, there being such variety of weights and measures, that sometimes the most cautious were deceived; but this was one only of the several excellent statutes made in this parliament, for to them we owe the first law against incendiaries, by which it was made high treason if any threatened, by casting of bills, to burn a house, if money was not laid in a certain place, and afterwards did burn the house; as also that for regulating of elections, which sets forth, that whereas the elections of knights of shires in many counties had been outrageous by the very great and excessive number of people dwelling in those counties, many of which were people of small substance and no value, every one of which pretended a voice equivalent as to such elections, with the most worthy knights and esquires dwelling in those counties, whereby manslaughter, riots, and divisions among the gentlemen, were like to ensue, unless due remedy was had; in order for which it was enacted, "that the knights of the shires to be chosen within the realm of England shall be chosen in every county of the realm, by people dwelling and resident in the same counties, whereof every one of them shall have land or tenement, to the value of 40s. by the year at least, above all charges, and that they which shall be chosen, shall be dwelling and resident within the same counties, and such as have the greatest number of them, that may expend 40s. by year as afore is said, shall be returned by the sheriffs of every county, knights for parliament, by indentures sealed, betwixt the said sheriffs and the said chusers to be made; and every sheriff of the realm of England, shall have power by the said authority to examine upon the Evangelists, every such chuser, how much he may expend by the year." The sheriff that makes a false return forfeits a 100l. and a year's imprisonment without bail or mainprise, and the persons returned lose their wages. And had not the intention of this most excellent act been enervated by process of time, which by the difference of value of lands hath rendered us subject to the same grievances that this was made to preyent, I am apt to believe the many inconveniences that we see arise in our elections had been in a great measure stopped and hindered; these added to the other statutes "of hindering the exportation of wool, of packing and winding wool, and that no thrums or woollen yarn should be carried out of the realm," make this parliament remarkable for their wisdom and love of their country, even at this distance of time; and in particular, Tho. Wetherby and Rob. Ingham, members for the city, were very strenuous and instrumental in procuring the last mentioned statutes, which were of great service to the place they represented; for at that time it subsisted in a great measure, as it still doth, by the woollen manufacture.
This year the contest between William Worsted Prior of Norwich, and his convent, and the mayor, sheriffs, and citizens, was adjusted, and an agreement made, by which the Prior had all his exempt liberty for himself and tenants, in Spitelond, Holmstreet, and Ratonrowe allowed and confirmed, all his tenants being to be free from serving at the turns of the sheriffs of Norwich, and to buy and sell in the city toll-free, and to have the ferry over the river Wensum to the water-gates of the monastery, exclusive of the city, all Cunesford meadowes were to belong and be in the jurisdiction of the convent, the Prior to have view of frankpledge and court baron, weyf, stray, forfeitures of felons and fugitives, liberty of outfangthef, infangthef, toll, team, gallows, tumberell, and confiscated goods, and all other liberties which the priors had, in all the meadows, (except in the tower called the Dungeon,) and in all the hamlets and towns of Brakenddle, Lakenham, Eaton, and Erlham, to Erlham cross, and nether Erlham-street, and so to Heigham-gates, and also from Berstreetgates, by the middle of the road to the cross at the joining of the two ways, and thence to Trows Mill by the foot path, and from the mill to Trows Bridge, and from the bridge by the north side of the bank of Trows Ee, to the river Wensum, including the Ee or water belonging to his manors of Lakenham and Newton, and all free pasture there, and free fishery in the Ee, and in Wensum, and a certain wharf in Wensum against the Gannok, and all the water and fishery from Trowse bridge to the end of Eaton wood, and also liberty of riding in the city and liberties thereof, on Friday before Whitsuntide, to proclaim their fair to be held on Tombland, all which fair and liberties thereto belonging, the city disclaimed, and the said Prior was to have the liberty to pass and repass the river Wensum at all times, with boats and other vessels, toll free; and further, the mayor, &c. were to pay 4s. every Michaelmas day to the Prior and convent, who on their part released to the city the tithes of 12 acres and 16 feet of land at the east end of the priory of Carrowe, together with liberty for the mayor, coroners, justices of the peace, &c. to exercise their several jurisdictions in all those places, over all persons, so they did not interfere nor meddle with the convent, their liberties, nor tenants, nor hold any real or personal pleas by writ or otherwise, or any sheriffs turn, in any of the aforesaid places or lands. And this was of so great service, each knowing their several jurisdictions, that many contests were avoided, though after some time the citizens disliked it, thinking the court had given too much power to the convent, and made them as it were their tenants, by the 4s. yearly payment, which was more complained of than all the rest. There was also another contest between the people of Yarmouth, and the city, concerning a publick crane new erected in that port, which affair was carried on strenuously, but the city recovered, for I find 4l. 2s. 10d. paid to serjeant Yelverton, and serjeant Godrede, their counsel at London, for removing the crane, and confirmation of their charter of liberties, and 13l. 19s. 9d. to Richard Monesle and William Knapton, whom the city sent to London on this affair.
In 1433, arose a great controversy about the election of a mayor, which came to such a height, that there was a continual disturbance between the court and commons for several years. It was occasioned by Thomas Wetherby, then mayor, who was resolved to have William Grey chosen mayor, against the will of the major part of the aldermen and commons, who named Richard Spurdaunce or Purdaunce, and John Gerard; upon which Wetherby, who had a house at Intwood, retired thither, and his party became so very mutinous in the Gildhall and city, that the aldermen were forced to assemble in a private house, and declare Purdaunce mayor elect; but that would not do, the commons fearing that the mayor being absent, the choice would not be deemed valid, would not disperse, unless he would come in person and confirm it, upon which the aldermen not knowing what to do, ordered the common council to wait upon Bishop Alnwyk, who was then a privy counsellor, and tell him the whole affair, which they did, and begged of him to send for Wetherby to come back, and satisfy the people, who did so, and consented to the choice of Purdaunce, and promised the Bishop and commons that he would rest satisfied in the affair; notwithstanding which, he afterwards complained of the choice as irregular and riotous, and procured a commission from the King, dated at Westminster, Sept. 14, directed to Sir Thomas de Morley, Sir John Radclyff, Sir Brian Stapleton, Sir Henry Inglose, Knts. John Fray, John Fitz Rauff, Esqrs. John Berney of Redham, Rob. Crane, and others, with John Cottusmor and William Paston, one of which were always to be present when the commissioners, sat, commanding them to enquire into the bad government of the city, and the want of proper regulations therein, and to certify and fine such as they found faulty, whether it was the mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, or commons; this so enraged the citizens, that they prosecuted Wetherby, Grey, and their party, and thus things continued in a broil till 1436, when the King directed another commission, dated at Lambhithe, March 14, to the Bishop of Lincoln, his right dear and well beloved cousin the Earl of Suffolk, the Lord Cromwell, Sir Will. Phelip, and to each of them, commanding them, or some one of them, to come in person to Norwich, to settle all divisions in the city, which would otherwise be its ruin, and to certify the cause thereof, in order to correct and punish the authors, according to law; upon which, Will. de Pool Earl of Suffolk came down, and had an assembly held on Thursday before Lady day, at which the mayor, sheriffs, Wetherby, Grey, sixteen aldermen, and thirty-six of the common council appeared, and submitted to the final arbitration of the said Earl, who determined as follows,
1. That the common seal, which had been forcibly taken out of the Gild-hall ever since May-day, 1438, by the commons, and by them kept, should be placed in the old accustomed place, in the treasury, and have four clavers chosen by the commons as usual, to keep it, under the signet of the mayor and four of his fellows.
2. All writings sealed therewith, or with any seal of office belonging to the city, against John Hauke, John Mey, Tho. Wetherby, Tho. Fishlak, John Belhagh, William Grey, John Qwerdlyng, and others, shall be void, and all shall be restored to their places, from which they were displaced by the mayor, aldermen, commons, &c. in 1433, when
Wetherby was displaced from being alderman of Conesford ward, and from all other liberties of the city, and fined 100l. for willfully and maliciously acting against the charter and city liberties.
And John Qwerdlyng, who pretended to be chosen speaker for the commons, and was not, was disfranchised for carrying a false report as from the commons to Wetherby, then mayor, saying that they had named Grey, when in reality they had named Purdance.
John Hauke, town-clerk, was displaced for writing the return of the choice, siding with Wetherby, Querdling, &c.
Nicholas Waleys, commonly called Ambidexter, was disfranchised for taking bribes, &c.
John Burgh, and John Belagh, the city serjeants, for packing juries, making an insurrection at the choice, &c.
John Mey, the jailor, for being a common rogue, coming into the hall at the election, armed, raving, and bawling out "Varlottes, I schal breke your hedes, and schal put yowe en Penteney," striking many with the mace on the head,
And John Fishlak, the sword-bearer, for assisting them.
3. Neither Wetherby nor his party shall any more vex or grieve the commons, nor aldermen of their party, nor they him nor his party.
4. Wetherby to be alderman of Cunesford ward, and Grey alderman of Wimer ward, and all that are displaced to be fully restored.
This arbitration was signed by the Earl, mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, and common council, the 21st day of March, and the 14th of May following, the whole affair was recited, and the arbitration confirmed under the broad seal, which still remains among the Charters.
In 1435, the city furnished out 40 men, well armed, and sent them to the defence of Calice, against the Duke of Burgundy.
In 1436, Robert Chapelyn was elected mayor, Richard Brasier and Walter Crumpe being sheriffs, all which continued in their offices till Sept. 8, and then acted by virtue of the King's commission, which impowered them so to do, till March 1st, and then Walter Eaton and John Lynneford of Stalham, were made sheriffs for the rest of the year, and
In 1437, John Cambridge was chosen mayor, and Simon Walsoken and Clement Rash, fishman, sheriffs, and so continued till Sept. 8, and then the city and its liberties were seized into the King's hands, who appointed John Welles, alderman of London, custos or warden, and he confirmed the sheriffs in their office, but set aside the mayor, and acted alone till March 1st, when he assigned the mayor to act in his office under him, and for what reason I know not, but on the 15th of July, the two sheriffs were displaced, and Walter Eaton and John Linford were appointed sheriffs by the King's writ, during his pleasure; and on the 30th of Nov. a proclamation was sent hither, commanding all persons to forbear intermeddling in the differences between the court and commons, and that there should be no private meetings on either side, under pain of life and limb.
This year the salary of 50 marks, which was always paid out of the treasury at Christmas was paid to the mayor as usual, but afterwards to the warden; and by agreement between the new sheriffs, the city was to take all the profits of their office, and pay them handsomely out of it, and accordingly there passed an order of assembly, dated Dec. 9, by which the 50 marks for the warden, and the allowance to the sheriffs, was ordered to be raised in the same manner as the King's tenths or taxes, and any one that would not pay it, and had no goods to distrain, the collectors should nail up and set their seal on the door of the dwelling-house; and now Thomas Trewe was made sword-bearer for life, by grant of the mayor, aldermen, and commons, if he behaved well in his office, and the three serjeants for the maces, were also to hold for term of life, and had grants accordingly, at the instance of John Welles, the full notable and worthy warden, who joined the city in a letter to John Carpenter, to request the King's council for restoration of the liberties; and to ingratiate themselves the better, they taxed the city, raised 40 archers, and sent them to the King, to go towards raising the seige of the town and castle of Gynes, and advanced a 100l. by way of loan: but yet the liberties were not restored till 1439, when at the suit of Thomas Bishop of Norwich, and William Bishop of Lincoln, they had letters patents for that purpose, which were declared by the recorder, who brought them down.
The reason of the seizure was because of the daily disturbances and suits concerning their liberties, between themselves, the Prior and convent, the Abbess of Carrow, the Abbot of Wendling, and others, in some of which contests it was proved they exceeded their liberties, and so they became liable to be seized.
After this restoration, Cambridge continued mayor, and Simon Walsoken and Clement Rash were made sheriffs, and
In 1440, they chose Robert Toppes mayor, John Broslard and John Spicer sheriffs, who executed their offices accordingly; and now the city raised a sum to bear the expenses of the most noble Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, and his Dutchess, who then visited it, and had a present made him of 40 marks; he was grandly feasted by the Prior and convent during his stay here.
It was hoped that by this nobleman's interest the city might retrieve the King's favour as much as heretofore, but by a wrong step made, they lost it again; for at an assembly held the 18th of October, the mayor and sheriffs authorised Gregory Draper and others to sue in the Exchequer for the hundred pounds which they had lent the King. This gave great offence, upon which, in January following, Thomas Wetherby, who bare a great hatred to the commons, instigated the Abbot of St. Bennet's to prosecute the city for erecting their new mills upon the river Wensum, though they had stood already 10 years without any objection; the Abbot's pretence was, that as lord of the manor and leet of Heigham, he was seized of two watermills, and 160 acres of land, and of the river Wensum, with free passage, for boats and vessels in the said stream, to pass and repass to his abbey of Holm, and that these new mills not only hindered his passage, but stopped the water, so that it overflowed the banks, and damaged his land on both sides.
In answer to which the city proved that there were four ancient mills standing cross the stream ever since the Conquest, which stopped the water, and did more harm than these new mills; two of them afterwards were called Bumpstede or Appilyerd mills, which, with a house thereto belonging, were given to Balderic of Taverham by King Henry I. the other two, called afterwards Calke mills, stood on the King's stream within the city, and belonged to the manor of of Horsford, then the Lord Dacre's, and paid 8d. a year landgable, and were both in one house, the one being a fullingmill, and the other a cornmill, in the same manner as Bumpstede mills were; and whereas the Abbot suggested that Bumpstede mills stood by Hellegates, on one cut out of the river Wensum, and Calk mills on another cut out of that river, the main stream being between them, free for him to pass and repass, they proved that there was no stream at all between them, but when ever people went up stream by boats to Taverham, they were forced to pull the boat upon land at old Calk mills, at Hellesden mills, &c. or else they could not pass; and to show that he had no such damage, they proved that the Abbot's mills were Heigham mills, and that they standing out of the city bounds, and consequently higher up the stream than either the old or new mills, his own mills stopped the water before it could come to any of their mills; and as to the erection the new mills, they pleaded the necessity of it, by showing that in the time of Henry IV. the old mills were totally decayed and rendered useless, so that there were no mills to supply the city for 12 years, which was a great grievance, to remedy which, the commonalty cut out the midstream, that now is upon their own ground, and Robert Baxter, mayor, and other well disposed merchants, and divers other people, of their own proper goods, by way of charity for the good of the city, raised the new mills something below the meeting of the stream, in which place also there had anciently been mills placed, and that these new mills were not only of service to the city for grinding, but of good value, for out of the 128l. yearly paid into the Exchequer for the fee farm of the city, these mills produced 26l. clear.
But notwithstanding this appeared so plain, the commissioners, Thomas Tudenham, John Fray, and William Paston, who sat upon the case at Thetford, where the mayor and commons appeared, gave it directly against them, and they were compelled to leave the profit of the mills, by open force, for some time, and then it was left to the award of William de la Pole Earl of Suffolk, by which the city was to pay 100l. to the Abbot, and 50l. to the Prior of Norwich, for pretended damage done to his meadows at Trows, by these mills; which being declared to the commons at an assemby held on the 25th day of Jan. they were so enraged, that instead of sealing the award at that assembly, they rose in great numbers, came to the Hall, took away the common seal, that the award might not be sealed, which not only caused a great riot, but made the Earl, "ther gret hevy Lord, bycause his awarde was not obey'd," upon this, the Abbot and Wetherby prosecute the mayor, commons, &c. as rebels against the King, and brought down a privy seal, commanding the mayor, &c. to appear on the Utas of the Purification of our Lady: the day before their appearance, the mayor, &c. went to Greenwich, to their good friend the Duke of Gloucester, to acquaint him with the whole, who promised the city that he would be "the citee's gode lorde," and would appear with them at Westminster the next day. At their return the went to sup together in Cheap, from whence one Bennet Joly, who came up with them by command of the privy seal, going to see his horse, was arrested by several serjeants at arms, whom the Earl, Abbot, and Wetherby had got, in order to have arrested them all, that they should not appear the next day, after they heard they had been with the Duke, and immediately they committed Joly to prison, "as a traytour, and riser ageynst the Kyng, and one of those that wold make a newe Kynge," but the mayor and those with him concealing themselves, the day after, being the 13th of Febr. they appeared before the Lords of the Council, and the Earl having the greatest interest at that board, the Duke could not hinder, but that the mayor was fined 50l. committed to the Flete, and laid there till the 26th of March following; and as soon as he was confined, they took out a commission of oyer and terminer, directed to Sir John Fortescue, Knt. chief justice of the King's Bench, William Westbury, and serjeant Godrede or Godard, who sat upon it at Thetford, where the mayor, sheriffs, and commonalty were indicted, and then the court adjourned to Norwich, which being now without governours, Wetherby procured one Tho. del Rowe to appear as attorney for the city, who pleaded a plea for them in the forenoon, and in the afternoon, at Wetherby's request, relinquished it, and submitted the city to the King's grace, and then the court adjourned to Thetford, to sit there on the 14th of March, where by judgment given, the liberties were all seized into the King's hands; and the 18th of March, 1442, Sir John Clifton, Knt. was made captain and governour thereof: and thus by the treachery of Wetherby and del Rowe, the city lost the opportunity of endeavouring to justify their plea, though it is plain there could be no sufficient defence made for the insurrection; but to complete the matter to his mind, as well as to oblige the Earl, upon the 10th of March, while the mayor was in the Fleet, Wetherby takes the common seal out of the chest, and according to the Earl's award, seals a bond of a hundred pounds to John Abbot of Holm, another of 50 li. to the Bishop, and another of 50li. to the Prior, and delivered them, without the knowledge of the mayor, sheriffs, or commons. Not content with this, he took upon him to be ruler of the city, and knowing who he had to stand by him, pulled up the flood-gates of the new mills, and destroyed them, so that the bakers were forced to seek for mills ten miles round, to the great hurt and damage of the city, during all those years the mills stood so decayed.
This riot was called Gladman's insurrection, the account of which cannot be better known than from the indictment itself, it being proved by so many witnesses.
The accusation then was,
That Will. Hempstede, merchant, mayor, and the commonalty of the said city, on Wednesday before the Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul, in the 21st year of Henry VI. designedly raised an insurrection, declaring they had power enough in the city and adjacent country to slay Tho. Browne Bishop of Norwich, John Abbot of Holm, and John Heverlond Prior of Norwich cathedral, burn their houses, spoil and rob them of their goods, and make them by force release all manner of actions they had against the city and commonalty, and that the King, by reason the city was a county by itself, and by reason of their strength, could not, nor had not, power to punish them for so doing; upon which, John Gladman, of the said city, merchant, rode on horseback as a King, with a paper crown on, and a sceptre and sword carried before him, by three persons unknown, and Robert Suger of Norwich, souter, Robert Hemmyng of the same, hosteler, Rich. Dalling of the same, coteler, and twenty-four others, went on horseback before him, with coronets on their arms, and bows and arrows in their hands, like valets of the crown to our sovereign lord the King, and 100 others unknown, on horseback and foot with bows and arrows, then and there following the said John Gladman, and calling the citizens to arms, in a riotous manner. And on the day of the conversion of St.Paul, for lack of good government of the governours of the city, they rang the bells, and the said mayor and commonalty, with 3000 other citizens and persons unknown, assembled by the said ringing, with force and arms, viz. with bows, swords, arrows, helmets, &c. in a warlike manner, and went to the Priory of the Cathedral of the Holy Trinity at Norwich, in the county of Norfolk, calling out, "lett us burne the priory, and kille the Prior and monks." and the priory gates being well and closely shut, they digged a passage under them, to enter by, and carried wood thither to burn the priory, and placed guns against the said priory; and so till four o'clock in the afternoon on the Tuesday following they continued in this manner, endeavouring to burn the priory, and kill the Prior and monks, till at that time, by threatnings and such attempts, they compelled Rich. Walsham and John Wychingham, monks there, to deliver them a certain evidence of the said priory, sealed with the common seal of the city, in which among other things, it was contained that Robert Baxter, late mayor, John Sipater and Will. Iselham, late city sheriffs, and the commonalty, granted to Will. Worsted, predecessor of the now prior and his successours, for ever, a certain annuity of 4s. to be paid by the mayor and sheriffs every Michaelmas, for ever, and that the mayor, sheriffs, &c. should hold no personal pleas or sheriff's turn, or exercise any jurisdiction in Cunesford meadows, or in the towns of Brakendale, Eton, Lakenham, and Erlham, over any of their lands or tenants in the said places. And this evidence they carried away, and the said city, from Monday after St. Paul's Conversion, to the Monday following, they kept with gates shut, in a manner of defence against our sovereign lord the King, and would not suffer John Duke of Norfolk, from Tuesday after St. Paul, for one week following, nor John Vere Earl of Oxford, and other the King's ministers, from Monday after the Feast of St. Mathew the Apostle, to Wednesday following, to enter the city, though they showed the King's commission to seize the rioters, and the peace.
2. The jury also presented, that the mayor and commonalty, on Monday after the Conversion of St. Paul, with force and arms, viz. swords, bows, &c. assaulted Walt. Asluk, Esq. Nic. Derman, clerk, Sir John Clyfton, Knt John Timperle, Esq. Tho. Ingham, Tho. Grafton, and many others of the said city, who would not consent to these riotous doings, threatening to kill them and many others in Thorp and elsewhere in the county, and the said Walter Nic. Sir John, John, Tho. Tho. and others, they imprisoned and cruelly used.
3. They presented also, that the city by virtue of the letters patents of King Henry IV. was made a separate county, and that from the time of that grant, the mayor and commons have and use a seal to seal bushels, with which they have sealed many, contrary to the King's standard, viz. the bushels they seal exceed the King's standard one gallon, and such they have sealed both for the city and county to sell and buy by, namely, one to Rob. Cutte, March 1, in the 20th year of the present King, and another to Rich. Tonge, and many others, and daily deliver such as are not agreeable to the standard, and will not suffer the people to sell in the city by the standard, but hinder them so doing by force and arms, when they have no such liberty.
4. They presented also, that the mayor and commonalty under colour of the King's grandfather's charter, have erected and used a certain court called a pie-powder court, held before the mayor, and another such court before the city sheriffs, and still hold them, by virtue of which they have imprisoned many, namely, 4 Oct. 20th of this King, John Wetherby at the suit of Rob. Laudesdale, when they have not, nor never had any such liberty, unless only on a Saturday during the time of the market of the said city.
5. And under colour of the said charter, they have erected a fraternity or gild of one suit and livery, called Le Bachery, and sustain it in the city though not incorporated; and under pretence of this, many assemblies and riots daily happen; the brethren of which are John Reyner, merchant, Walter Jeffry, skinner, Peter Laurence, attorney, and many others.
6 They presented also the affair of the mills and river before mentioned.
The substance of the aforesaid plea pleaded in their defence by Del Rowe was,
1. That the mayor and city never favoured or designed any insurrection, in which point they put themselves on their country; and Tho. Gresswold, who prosecuted for the King, continued the prosecution.
2. They pleaded the same, as to the assault on Aslak, &c.
3. As to the bushels, they say they never hindered any one selling by the King's standard that would, but denied not, but there might be such sealed, and hoped if any were, that the King would not implead them.
4. As to the pie-powder court they pleaded, that they had two weekly markets on Wednesday and Saturday, and had always a pic-powder court during the time of those markets, held before the city bailiffs, while there were bailiffs, and afterwards by the patents of (Henry IV.) held by the mayor and sheriffs, and that John Wetherby, at the suit of Rob. Laudesdale, was attached, by the precept of Will. Asshwell, then mayor, and his associates, justices of the peace for the city, for an affray or riot by him committed in the city, and not under pretence or colour of any authority of the mayor or sheriff's pie-powder courts, which were never pretended to be held, but during the time of the markets and on those days, and therefore as to that they were not guilty.
5. And as to the bachery gild, they say that there is a certain company or gild of citizens, who out of pure devotion and alms sustain and keep up a light in the chapel of the Blessed Virgin in the Fields in Norwich, support divine service, and repair and beautify the said chapel, which gild have been immemorially kept there on the Feasts of the Blessed Virgin, and other usual times, and on the gild days, viz. the Feasts of St. Mary, they appear in one sort of clothes or livery of their own buying, for the more decency, and make what offering they like to support the light, &c. and never caused or made any riot, or any thing like it.
6. And as to the river and mills they say, the bailiffs were, and the now mayor, sheriffs, &c. are, seized in fee of the city held of the King at fee farm, and being so, did erect sluices for their advantage on their own ground, and to better their common fishery and profit, and say that by it they have not damaged the King's highways, nor the Abbot's lands nor mills, nor hindered his fishing, rowing, or sailing, nor damaged the Bishop's nor Prior's lands more than before.
But this plea being withdrawn as aforesaid, their attorney threw them upon the King's favour and mercy, pretending that they would fine for their offences, and produce above 100 citizens as security for such fine; and Thursday the 14th of March next was set for that purpose, when they appeared at Thetford by their attorney, who instead of producing security, desired their plea might be revived, upon which, judgment of conviction of all the indictment was pronounced, and the liberties and franchises were seized, and retained in the King's hands till 1447, when Will. Hempsted, mayor, and the commons, by Thomas Croxton, their attorney, were forced to plead guilty, and submit to the King's mercy to be fined at his pleasure: upon which they obtained a privy seal of restitution of all their liberties, dated at Westminster, Nov. 8, and having requested letters patents of confirmation, it was granted, and for a 1000 marks fine paid into the Exchequer, they obtained an exemplification of the whole matter, with a restoration and confirmation of all their franchises, under the broad seal, which is dated at Westminster, Dec. 1, in the 26th year of this King's reign.
There were many things that happened besides those already mentioned, that made the King, the Earl of Suffolk, and several of the nobility, so much against the city as they now were, for they had not only prosecuted for the 100 pounds due from the King, but actually refused to lend him a sum of money, though he sent the noble prince John Duke of Norfolk, to solicit it.
Besides this, after they were convicted at Thetford, they prosecuted a bill, setting forth "The extorcions, oppressions, menteynaunces, perjuries, imbraceries, and wrongis, don to the mayr, aldermen, and comonalte, of the cite of Norwich, and to other singler personys of the same cite by Sir Tho. Tudenham, Knight, John Heydon, and others." In which they complained of several injuries that they had sustained, and particularly of an office taken at Cringleford in the year 1431, before Edm. Oldhall, escheator, brought by the Prior and his adherents of pure malice against the city, to revenge the two trials that they had gained against him, in which it was untruly found, that the city had appropriated Thorp, Newton, Trowse, Lakenham, Brakendale, Eaton, Catton, Carrowe, Trowse Milgate, Magdalen hospital, and the land in those places, all which were then found falsely to be in Norfolk, in the hundreds of Blofield, Hensted, Humbleyard, and Taverham, and that they had also encroached to themselves Norwich priory, the Bishop's palace, Raton-rowe, Tombland, Holmstreet, and the Bishop's lands to Wensum river, and from St. Martin's bridge to St. Michael's land, and Pouly's hospital, or Norman's land, which were never in the liberty of Norwich, nor part of the city, but in Norfolk county, and Blofield hundred.
And further it was found, that the castle and shire-house, and certain tenements within the gates called Helle-gates, belong to the Abbot of Holm's manor of Heyham, and are not in Norwich liberty, but in the county of Norfolk; and by means of this, the city was disseized of its ancient suburbs; all which they said was done by Heydon, who was their recorder, who favouring the Prior, betrayed them and their evidences, for which they afterwards displaced him, so that he joined Wetherby continually against them.
They complained also that Sir Tho. Tudenham and John Heydon, through their great covetousness and false might, oppressed all such citizens as would not consent to make such mayors and sheriffs as they liked, imprisoning such as resisted them, "purposing for gret lucre to haue as well the rewle of the cite of Norwiche, as thei haddyn of the schire of Norff." feigning an assault and battery to be made upon them, when there was no such thing.
They complained of them also, for procuring the Abbot of Wendlyng to sue the city in relation to the stathe called Holland's Stathe, which they enlarged by hiring a house and land of him, called Holland's, and the advowson of St. Clement's church in Cunesford thereto belonging, and 6s. 8d. of annual rent, for which they were to pay 13s. 4d.per annum for a long term, not yet expired, upon which the city erected a crane, piled the stathe against the water with free stone, and by building increased the rents to 45 marks per annum, upon which, "the seid Sir Thomas and John, at alle tymes ymagening to dystroy the comoditees and profytes of the seid citee, and trustyng in their grete myght and power, which they hadde and have in the cuntre, by the menes of the stywardship of Lancastre, and other grete offices, and for diverse other causes, that no man at that tyme durste make resystens agaynst them, knowyng ther grete malys and vengeaunce withoute drede of God, or shame of the world, as experience hath preved," sent thither Richard of Wode, bailiff of the Duke of Suffolk's manor of Cossey, which as their servant in the year 1436, under pretence of the Abbot's rent being unpaid, in the Abbot's name, disseized the city of it, and keep it to this day in their hands, to the damage of 100 marks, against all faith and conscience, though it is well known the Abbot's rent is and always was paid by the chamberlains of the city.
They complained also of the affair of the New Mills, and said the Abbot of Holm was spirited up by them.
They complained also, that finding themselves run to excessive charges by various suits raised against them, and by the commissions of oyer and terminer so often sued out, and finding the Duke of Suffolk was their great enemy, and made so by them, they sought to Sir Thomas, by the mediation of John Gerard and others, and agreed to give the Earl an 100 marks, and 20l. to Sir Thomas, and paid the said sums privately by the hands of Nich. Waterman; but instead of favouring the city according to their promises, they dealt more hardly with it, "and so the said Sir Tho. took of theym, the seid c. marc. and xxl. by briberous extorcion agaynst alle feyth and conciens."
They complained also, "that wher as it was so, that Alice Duchesse, that tyme Countes of Suff. late in her persone cam to the sayd cite, disguysed like an huswyf of the cuntre, and the sayd Sir Tho. Tudenham, and two other personys, went with heir also disguisyd, and thei to tak their disportis went out of the sayd cite, on an evyn agayn night, so disguisyd, toward a wode clepyd Lakenham wode, to tak the ayr and disport theym self be holdyng the same cite, and one Thomas Aylmer of Norwich, a dissour (or ditcher) whych had the dyches of the sayd cite in keping, estemyng in his conceyt, that the sayd Duchesse and Sir Thomas hadden a ben other personis, met wyth theym, and apposid theym of theyr goyng oute in that wise, and felle at variaunce with the seyd Sir Thomas so that thei faught, wher by the seyd Duchesse was sore affrayd, by cause wher of the seyd Duchesse and Sir Thomas token a displeser agayn the sayd cite, not withstondyng that the mair arestyd Aylmer and held hym in preson more than xxx. wekys, without baylle or maynprise for makyng the seyd affray, to that entente, therby bothe to chastice hym, and to appease the displesir of the sayd Duchesse and Sir Thomas," and the mayor not only imprisoned him, but all such as they said assisted and favoured Aylmer, notwithstanding which, they bare hatred to the city, and joined with Heydon, who was displaced from recorder as aforesaid, and so spirited up the Duke of Suffolk, to do all he could against it, and at last to bring the oyer and terminer to Thetford, by judgment of which the liberties were seized. And as to the insurrection, the city pretended that John Gladman of Norwich, "who was ever, and at thys our is, a man of sad disposition, and trewe and feythfull to God and to the Kyng, of disporte as hath ben acustomed in ony cite or burgh thorowe alle this reame, on Tuesday in the last ende of Cristemesse, viz. Fastyngonge Tuesday, made a disport with hys neyghbours, havyng his hors trappyd with tynnsoyle, and other nyse disgisy things, coronned as Kyng of Crestemesse, in tokyn that seson should end with the twelve monethes of the yere, aforn hym (went) yche, moneth disguysed after the seson requiryd, and Lenton clad in whyte and red heryngs skinns, and his hors trapped with oystyrshells after him, in token that sadnesse shuld folowe, and an holy tyme, and so rode in diverse stretis of the cite, with other people, with hym disguysed makyng myrth, disportes and plays, the sayd Sir Tho. and John Heydon, among many other ful straunge and untrewe presentments, mad by perjury of the sayd inquest, causyd the sayd mair and comonalte and the sayd John Gladman to ben indytyd, that thei shuld an ymagyind to a made a comon rysyng, and a coroned the sayd John Gladman as Kyng, with crown, ceptre, and diadem, as in the seyd presentment it sheweth pleyn; whereas they never attemptit, ne never swich a thyng ymagyned."
But whatever was designed, is not known, and if this was the beginning, it ended in a riot and great insurrection, as may be seen before, and is plainly too true by their not attempting in this bill to answer for their attacking the priory, and keeping the city so long against the noblemen sent by the King to quiet them; and accordingly we read in Stow, fo. 383, that "the citizens of Norwich rose agaynst the Prior of Christ's church, within the same cite, and would have fired the priory; they kept the towne by strength against the Duke of Norfolke, and all his power, wherefore the King sent thither, the chief judge John Fortescue, with the Earls of Stafford and of Huntington, who indicted many citizens and the Prior also; the liberties of the citee were seysed into the King's hand, and Sir John Clifton made captaine there, and many of the citizens fled over the seas into unknowne places."
But to return to other matters: in 1442, there was a statute made, that every year during four years, four wardens of worsted weavers should be chosen to do right, and make due search of worsteds in Norwich, and two in Norfolk, in which the length and breadth of all sorts of worsteds made in Norwich or Norfolk is fixed, which statute was confirmed the next year, and by that, Norfolk was to have four wardens, and the orders for the true making of worsteds, in Norwich, Norfolk, and Suffolk, are declared.
In 1444, the statute for "The order for levying the wages of the knights of the parliament" was made, as well as that which sets forth "who shall be knights for the parliament. The manner of their election, the remedy where one is chosen, and another returned." And this year,
Sir John Clifton, Captain of Norwich, had a bond given him by the city, for 300 marks, payable by 40l. each year on Lammas day. He continued captain or governour till April 20, 1446, and then, by reason (as I imagine, from the original letters of his which I have seen in the Gild-hall) of his kindness to the city, he was discharged, and
Thomas Catworth, citizen of London and Norwich, was made warden by the King's commission, which was read in the Gild-hall to the aldermen and commons, the sheriffs being continued in their office; and by another commission, the Bishop of Norwich, the warden, William Yelverton, John Heydon, Tho. Ingham, John Jenny, junior, John Gerard, Ric. Brasier, and Ralf Segryme, were made justices of peace for the city, who were all friends to it, unless Heydon, and he was not to be much feared now, by reason that the year before, Thomas Browne Bishop of Norwich, and Tho. Wetherby, both died, and the Duke began to have things of greater consequence to himself, to attend to; and Walter Lyhart, the new Bishop, was for peace, which he set about to procure as much as possible, for the liberties were restored as aforesaid on Dec. 1, 1447, and Will. Henstede resumed the office of mayor, and Ralf Segrym and Tho. Allen, the sheriffs, did the same, and Henstede held his office to May following, and the sheriffs to St. Michael.
In 1448, it was signified to the mayor and commons, that the King intended to honour the city with his presence, upon which they made great preparations to receive him, and placed his arms and the arms of St. George, painted on wooden shields, over the six principal gates; he entered the city on Saturday the 16th of June, and departed the next day; it seems they then paid him the 1000 marks fine, having given security for it; the Lord Scales accompanied him, for the city made a present of four gallons of wine to that nobleman.
This year was the statute made, that henceforward no fair or market shall be held on Ascension day, Corpus Christi, Whit Sunday, Trinity Sunday, or any other Sunday (except the four Sundays in harvest) nor on the Assumption of our Lady, All-Saints, or GoodFriday, under penalty of forfeiting all the goods shown on those days, in any fair or market, to the lord of the franchise or liberty, who by virtue of their old grants, might keep them three days after those feasts, or at any other times after proclamation by them made before which statute, the Sundays and principal days were miserably abused; and the people themselves, and their servants, hindered attending divine service, and the worship of God; and the holidays set apart for God's service more horribly defiled with labours, drunkenness, and strifes, than the other days of the week; as the statute rightly observes.
In 1449, his Majesty came hither again, and entered the city at St. Bennet's-gates, (by which it appears he came from the Earl of Suffolk's house at Cossey,) on Saturday, August 29, and stayed all Sunday, and till Monday night, at the sole expense of the Bishop, the Prior, the Mayor and commons.
In 1450, the commons rose in divers parts, and did much damage, but all was very quiet here, their most powerful enemy, the Duke of Suffolk, being slain: For though the loss of Normandy was imputed much to the Duke of Somerset, at that time regent, yet the surrenders of Anjou and Mayne were laid to this Duke's charge, as well as the death of that noble prince Humphry Duke of Gloucester, this city's great friend, for which the commons exhibited their bill of grievances against him, and he was committed to the Tower; but no sooner was the parliament dissolved, but he was set at liberty, which so much incensed the common people, (who in general hated him,) that it made an insurrection, which by the diligence of the country gentlemen was soon stopped. And now another parliament is called at Leicester, where great care is taken in choosing of burgesses, hoping thereby to stop any further proceeding against the Duke, but his personal appearance in parliament, though he came in company with the King and Queen, gave such a general distaste to the house, that they began the assembly with petitioning for punishment to be inflicted on the Duke and others, at which time Ashwell and Hempsted, then members for the city, remembered the base usage they themselves and the place they represented had met with from him: this petition was seconded by the lords of the upper house, whereupon, to give them some satisfaction, the Duke's officers are all discharged, and he banished for five years, but with an intent to recall him as soon as the apparent hatred of the common people was a little appeased. But God did otherwise dispose of him, for when he took shipping in Suffolk, (or according to Fabian, in Norfolk,) with intent to go to France, he was met by a ship of war, called Nicholas of the Tower, taken and carried to Dover sands, there had his head chopt off on the side of the long boat, as a pledge for some satisfaction for the death of the good Duke of Gloucester: they left his body on the sands, which on the 1st of May was taken up and carried to Wingfield in Suffolk, in the chancel of which collegiate church he was interred, under a monument, which though much defaced, still [1742] remains. And thus fell this great favourite, a sacrifice to the people, whom he had so much oppressed, and a just example to posterity, that as we do, we ourselves at one time or other, must expect to be done by.
In 1451, there arose a dissension between the King (who was of the Lancaster family) and the Duke of York, who pretended a right to the crown, as heir to Lionel Duke of Clarence, with whom John Duke Norfolk and many others sided against the King, which proceeded so far, that the Duke in 1455 became King in fact, and Henry only in name.
At this time, Walter Jeffry was under-sheriff of Norwich, and continued so the next year, which being expired, he was prosecuted, and had 200l. levied upon him for exercising the office of under-sheriff more than one year together, "it beinge contrarye to the statutes made."
In 1452, the Queen much frighted at the rumour of the coming of Edward Earl of March, son to the Duke of York, with a great power to London, endeavoured to make what friends she could, and among others visited this city for that purpose, as I learn from the accounts of the chamberlains this year, in which there is a charge made, for the messenger that came to inform them of the Queen's coming, and for painting the Queen's arms against that time: the mayor informed the city of it, and summoned an assembly to resolve upon what present to make, and how to entertain her; and the commons resolved to advance 100 marks as a loan to the King, and the aldermen to make her a present of 40l. and the commons made it up 100 marks, and 10l. for the King's brothers, who were with her, viz. 5l. for Edm. Earl of Richmond, and 5l. for Jasper Earl of Pembrook; so that the King now had of the city 200 marks; he having directed a commission to Thomas Lord Scales and the sheriffs of Norwich, for a loan of 100 marks towards providing defence for the city of Burdeaux, not long before this. And I perceive they made good use of this opportunity, by soliciting for a general pardon for all past offences, a new charter to confirm all their old liberties, and grant them several new ones, all which was complied with for a fine of 20 marks paid into the Hanaper, and the whole fee farm of the city for the last year being paid down to her, viz. 129l. 11s. 4d.; and accordingly at her return, the charter was passed in so ample a manner, that to ingratiate herself with the city, it was consented to in full parliament: it is dated at Westminster, 17th March, 30th Henry VI. and is witnessed by John Kemp, Cardinal and Archbishop of York, Chancellor of England, Thomas Kemp Bishop of London, William Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester, John Mowbray Duke of Norfolk, Marshal of England, Edmund Beaufort Duke of Somerset, Constable of England, his beloved cousins; Richard Earl Warren, John de Vere Earl of Oxford, John Viscount Beaumont, Chamberlain of England, Sir Ralf Crumwell, Chamberlain of the Household, Sir John Beauchamp, Treasurer of England, and Master Andrew Hales, Keeper of the Privy Seal. By which, his former restitution of their liberties was confirmed, and a general pardon of all their offences granted, all their charters confirmed, with a full user for all their liberties not heretofore used, to all which was added the following addition of privileges, viz.
That they, "may for the future declare and plead all their customs and liberties, before us or our officers, by the mouth of their own recorder, in the same manner as the city of London now doth."
And whereas the city, by grant of his grandfather King Henry IV. had power to determine all causes, by the mayor and four other justices of peace, relating to their offices, he now grants that for the future, the mayor, recorder, and all such aldermen as have born the office of mayor, shall be justices of peace for the city and county thereof ever after, so long as they continue aldermen.
The said justices, or four of them, of which the mayor and recorder shall always be two, shall be the King's justices, to enquire, on the oaths of the inhabitants of the city and county, from time to time when they think fit, of all felonies, transgressions, forestallers, regrators, conventicles or meetings against the peace, armed forces, designs to maim or kill, or of any companies that associate or distinguish themselves by hoods or liveries of one sort, contrary to the peace and ordinances published of hostelers, of all abuses of weights and measures, of all things relating to the sale of victuals, of all workmen, artificers, mendicants, beggars, vagabonds, servants, &c. and of all things belonging to the office of justice of peace.
And also, that they may for the future elect the under-sheriffs, town-clerks, and sheriff's bailiffs, at their pleasure, as freely as the city of London doth, because for such officers they are answerable.
At this time the contests between the Prior and city were revived, concerning their liberties, now they had got them thus amply confirmed; but at an assembly, the court proposed to the commons, that it was best to make some agreement, and set forth their separate liberties anew, if they approved of it, to which they answered, they willingly consented, that Sir John Fortescue, the chief justice, and William Yelverton, the recorder, should determine all differences, and nobody else should be concerned; but the Prior insisted they should not name both, and so it came to nothing, till another assembly, and then they chose Richard Brasier, Walter Brasier, and Thomas Cambridge, aldermen, to whom they afterwards added Rob. Toppes, Ralf Segryme, and John Gilbert, aldermen, and eight commoners, to treat with the Prior; but it came to no effect till the next year, and then the Prior named two monks, viz. Sir John Wichingham, the Sub-prior, and Rich Walsham, Prior of St. Leonard's, and the city named Will. Ashewell, and Ralf Segrym, aldermen, John Edwards, chamberlain, and Walter Jeffry, under-sheriff, who could not agree on terms at first; but afterwards, by the good offices of the Bishop of Norwich, an agreement was made, and all things became very easy.
Soon after this, there was a writ directed to the Bishop, and Will. Barley, and John Jenney, burgesses in parliament for the city, requiring them to take care and raise the whole tenth and fifteenth, which was granted the King in parliament to defend the realm, except 6000l. of it, which was to go towards the relief and comfort of the poor distressed towns, it being to be raised by the laity, the clergy being taxed by themselves; but the town of Yarmouth and city of Lincoln were to pay nothing, and this city had an abatement of 9l. 10s. 8d. out of their whole sum.
In 1453, William Cotton, receiver-general of Margaret Queen of England, received of the sheriffs of Norwich an hundred marks sterling, it being an annuity out of the fee farm of the city, granted last year in the parliament at Reding, to the Queen for life.
In 1454, Ralf Segrym and Thomas Elys were chosen to treat with Master John Wigenhale, clerk, one of the executors of Tho. Browne or Brounse, late Bishop of Norwich, either for payment of the 40l. given to the city by the Bishop, or else for security for it, which was again demanded in 1460.
In 1455, the mayor mentioned in assembly, that as the King was going to Walsingham, to make his offering to the Virgin Mary, after his recovery from a great illness, whether it would not be proper to know, if he designed to visit the city, or no. But I suppose he did not come, finding no further mention of it.
This year, on St Jerom's day, the court held a general commemoration, or anniversary obit, for the souls of all the deceased benefactors to the city, whose names and gifts, were all read out of a bead-roll kept for that purpose; it was held at the chapel of the college of St. Mary in the Fields, to which the court always went in precession, viz. the mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, common council, the twentyfour constables of the city, then thirteen poor people in one sort of clothing, who had 2d. each to pray for them, then nine chaplains to perform the exequies or service, each of which had 4d.; at the same time 6d. was given in bread to the prisoners in the Gild-hall, and the same to those in the castle, and 4d. to each house of lepers at the city gates 12d. for ringing, and 4d. to the bellman, 4d. for lights, and 16d. for the herce.
The commemoration of their benefactors was kept once every year, though not always on the same day, or at the same place, but it was mostly here, this being the place where at that time much of the city business was transacted.
This year, in the parliament at Westminster, was a statute made, which sets forth, that 'whereas of time not long past within the city of Norwich, and the counties of Norfolk, there were no more but six or eight atturnies at the most, coming to the King's courts, in which time great tranquility reigned in the said city and counties, little trouble or vexation was made by untrue and foreign suits: And now so it is, that in the said city and counties, there be fourscore atturnies or more, the more part of them having no other thing to live upon, but only his gain by the practice of atturneyship; and also the more part of them not being of sufficient knowledge to be an atturney, which come to every fair, market, and other places, where any assembly of people is, exhorting, procuring, moving and exciting the people to attempt untrue and foreign suits for small trespasses, little offences, and small sums of debt, whose actions be triable and determinable in court barons, whereby proceed many suits, more of evil will and malice, then of truth of the thing, to the manifold vexations and no little damage of the inhabitants of the said city and counties, unless convenient remedy be provided on this behalf." Wherefore it was enacted, that at all times from henceforth, there should be but six common attornies in the county of Norfolk, and six in Suffolk, and two in the city of Norwich, to be attornies in courts of record, all which fourteen attornies shall be elected and admitted by the King's two chief justices for the time being, of the most sufficient and best instructed, by their discretions.
In 1456, the common stock being much wasted, Will. Hempstede, alderman, remitted a debt of 42l. to the city, and Gregory Draper, alderman, another of 16l. John Wighton, alderman, another of 26l. and Rob. Furbishour one of 6l. And this year, on the 20th of Dec. a shock of an earthquake was felt in this city.
In 1457, proclamation was made, that all men should provide arms of their own according to their degree, for this year the French, who always sought to annoy the English, fitted out two fleets to invade the sea coast towns; they rifled Sandwich, and had a design upon Yarmouth, wherefore they dispatched a letter directed to the mayor and common council of Norwich, assuring them they were well informed that the King's enemies designed to beseige their town, unless they could guard themselves with armed men from the city immediately, and therefore they begged their aid and assistance to remedy so great a misfortune: upon which they presently raised 200 armed men, and sent them to Yarmouth, and levied an aid for their maintenance.
This year, the recorder acquainted the mayor and commons, that Queen Margaret had persuaded the executors of Sir John Clifton, their late captain, to give her the 180 marks due to them, and that she had assigned it towards building her college in Cambridge; upon which they chose Richard Brasier and others to treat with Sir John Heydon, supervisor of Sir John Clifton's will, to see if they could get any abatement, if they paid the money down, upon which Sir John referred them to Master Andrew Doket, the master of the college, who agreed, with the Queen's consent, to deliver up their bond, if they paid down 40 marks, which they did, and the thanks of the city in a common assembly, for the diligence and good management they had used in this affair.
About 1459, the noble science of printing was first used in England, but privately in some few abbies only. The books then printed being sold as manuscripts; but in 1471, William Caxton of London, mercer, encouraged and assisted by Tho. Bourchier Archbishop of Canterbury, first erected a publick press in the abbey of St. Peter at Westminster, and soon after it was carried to the abbies of Canterbury and St. Alban's.
This divine and miraculous art, as Holingshed says, was invented first at Mentz in Germany, by Sir John Guttemburgh about 1440; but Fox and others refer it to 1450, and say that the first inventor thereof is thought to be a German, dwelling first in Argentine (or Strasburg) and afterwards citizen of Mentz, named John Faustus, a goldsmith; from whom Guttemburgh had it.
Mattaire says, that the people of Harlem in Holland make Laurence Coster, their fellow-citizen, the first inventor of it: and accordingly have placed his effigies on his house there, with two inscriptions, purporting as much.
This excellent art soon spread over all Europe, and for its universal service in promoting knowledge and learning, met with deserved encouragement, it being esteemed one of the greatest blessings vouchsafed to mankind, for keeping up arts and sciences to all ages; for before, when books were all written at much expense, few could be owners of any, but men of fortunes, and consequently knowledge could not be sufficiently propagated, as was evident from the low ebb that learning was at when printing made its first appearance in the world; but since this art hath made books common, and easy to be purchased, the great increase of learning that immediately followed is a sufficient argument of its general use and advantage.
At an assembly held the day before St. George, it was ordained that the cloth seal lying in the common chest should be committed to the care of Robert Thompson, who should be tokener, and token and seal all cloths called Norwich cloth, with a lead seal or token, after he had measured them, and found that they were of length and breadth according to the ordinances made: and the woollen weavers were obliged to bring in a roll of the names of all their craft, with the several marks belonging to each man, by which the goodness of every man's cloth might be known by his mark, and the measure of it by the token.
In 1459, a commission was directed to the mayor and sheriffs, empowering them to see that every man had proper arms of his own, both offensive and defensive, and that they be all ready to attend the King at any time when he should call them, and this on their faith and allegiance, and that they should tax the city to maintain a standing force of archers, to be with the King, to enable him to resist the malice of Richard late Earl of Warwick, Richard late Earl of Salisbury, Edward late Earl of March, Edmund late Earl of Rutland, and Richard Duke of York, and their accomplices, who were this year attainted of high treason, for rebelling against the King. Upon which it was resolved, to raise 200 marks upon the wealthy citizens, but nothing on the poorer sort: this being done, the under-sheriff was sent to the King's council at London, to inform them and the chancellor of the poverty of many of the citizens, and to return the commission on the best terms he could.
In 1460, the aforesaid lords raised great forces against the King, upon which he directed another commission, dated June 3, commanding the mayor, by reason of the many hazards his own royal person was exposed to, to make immediate proclamation through all the city and suburbs, that all his subjects that loved him should repair to him well armed, wheresoever he should be, and that they should not omit so doing, on forfeiture of their faith and allegiance, and all they could forfeit; and that the mayor himself, or some other able person deputed by him, should come as captain and leader of all such persons as repaired to him, upon which the mayor and aldermen raised 40 armed men, and the commons 80, which being done, William Rookwood, Esq. according to his earnest request, was made their captain, and they agreed with him for six weeks pay, namely 6d. a day to every soldier; and sent them to the King.
Upon these commotions, they began to judge it necessary to think of fortifying and raising men to guard their city, towards the expense of which, the Prior gave 10 marks, the master of St. Giles's hospital 4 marks, and the Dean of the chapel in the Fields, 40s.
About Valentine time comes a letter of thanks from the King for their forces, with a request that they would maintain them a month longer with him, which was agreed to.
About the latter end of February it was resolved, that all the city gates should be kept shut and looked day and night, except five, which should be constantly guarded with soldiers, viz. 3 at Berstretegates, 5 at Nedham-gates, 4 at Westwyk-gates, 3 at Coslany-gates, 3 at Fibrige-gates; and at Bar-gates and Bishop-gates the wickets shall be kept by a soldier, who shall attend to let people in and out, and all the gates every night shall have a good guard and watch set, as well as in the towers, at the discretion of the mayor and aldermen.
And in this state the city continued till they received a letter from King Edward IV. to acquaint them that on the 4th of March, this present year, 1460, he had taken upon him the government of the realm, commanding them to proclaim him by the name of King Edward, and that all of what degree soever between 60 and 16 should arm themselves in a defensible manner, and hasten to him with all possible speed; upon which they proclaimed him, and assigned a competent number of soldiers, and a great quantity of provisions, for which the moiety of a whole tenth was assessed throughout the city.
So that they were forced to comply with the present time, though their captain and 120 soldiers were still with King Henry, who was now with his army in the north parts of the kingdom, the southern having all submitted to King Edward.
[edit] Mayors and Sheriffs
This year the recorder and town-clerk were displaced.
Sept. 8, The liberties seized.
John Welles, custos or warden, acted single to March 1, and then appointed the mayor to act under him.
The liberties seized.
Sir John Clifton, captain or governour.
- 1446, Sir John Clifton, capt. to April 20.
Thomas Catteworth, citizen of London and Norwich, made warden by the King's commission.
[edit] Burgesses in Parliament
1 Hen. VI. Parl. at Westm. Rob. Dunston, Rich. Moneslee, or Moseley.
2 Ditto. John Gerard, Ric. Moneslee.
3 Ditto. Walter Eton, John Gerard.
4 Parl. at Leicester. Simon Cook or Cocke, Ric. Diverose.
6 Parl. at Westm. Tho. Ingham, John Alderford.
7, 8 Ditto. Tho. Wetherby, Tho. Ingham.
9 Ditto. Ric. Moneslee, Rob. Chapeleyn.
10 Ditto. John Gerard, Ric. Moneslee.
11 Ditto. Ric. Moneslee, Will. Ashwell.
12 Ditto. The same.
13, 14 Ditto. John Gerard, Will. Ashwell.
15 Parl. at Cambridge. Tho. Wetherby, Rob. Toppes.
15 Parl. at Westm. Tho. Wetherby, Rob. Toppes.
20 Ditto. John Gerard, Gregory Draper.
23 Ditto. Tho Ingham, Rob. Toppes.
25 Parl. at Cambridge. John Gerard, Greg. Draper.
27 Parl. at Westm. Rob. Toppes, Ralf Segryme.
27 Parl. at Winch. Rob. Toppes, Ralf Segryme.
28 Parl. at Westm. Will. Ashwell, Will. Hempstede.
28 Parl. at Leicest. Will. Ashwell, Will. Hempstede.
28 Parl. at London. Will. Ashwell, Will. Hempstede. Parl. at London. Will. Ashwell, Will. Hempstede.
29 Parl. at Westm. Will. Ashewell, John Damme.
31 Parl. at Redyng. Will. Barley, John Jenny. They forgave the city their wages.
33 Parl. at Westm. Will. Ashwell, John Drolle.
38 Parl. at Coventry. Ric. Browne, John Chyttok.
38 Parl. at Westm. Edward Coteler or Cutler, John Burton.
[edit] CHAPTER XX
OF THE CITY IN THE TIME OF EDWARD THE FOURTH.
King Edward having settled himself on the throne, calls his first parliament upon the 4th of November, in which, to ingratiate himself with his people, he confirmed all manner of charters, liberties, &c. made by King Henry IV. V. and VI.; and afterwards at the request of the city, which he thought fit to oblige, knowing the good will they had for Henry VI. though they dared not show it, he confirmed all their former charters by inspeximus, in which they are recited at large; it is dated at Westm. Feb. 10, 1461, and is now in the Gild-hall, with the broad seal of green wax hanging on a label affixed thereto.
In 1463, King Henry was taken by King Edward and confined prisoner in the Tower; and the statute that no wool should be carried out of the kingdom was made; and so great plenty there was of corn, that, as Stow saith, wheat was sold at 2s. a quarter in London, barley for 22d. peas for 3s. 4d. and oats for 14d. and in Norfolk a quarter of wheat was sold for 20d. malt for 20d. and barley and oats for 12d.
On the 1st day of March the cathedral was much damaged by fire.
In 1465, was a statute made to ascertain the length and breadth of cloths, all which were to be sealed with lead seals, and the keepers of such seals, or aulnagers, to be ordained by the Treasurer of England, &c. and the statute against long piked shoes was made, namely, that they should not be above 2 inches long; for before this time, and since 1382, the pikes of shoes and boots were made of such length, that they were forced to be tied up to their knees with chains of silver gilt, or silk laces.
In 1467, was an act made for the true making of worsteds in Norwich and Norfolk, by which the men of the craft, that is, the worsted weavers, were authorised every Whitsun-Monday to choose four wardens of the same craft living in the city, and the artificers of the same craft in the county of Norfolk; the same day to choose four wardens of the craft in the county; all which wardens shall come on the Monday next after Corpus Christi, and be sworn before the mayor of the city, and the steward of the dutchy of Lancaster, if he be in the county and present, else before the mayor only; and all the said wardens, or else the greatest part of them, as well within the city as without, shall have full power, for a year next following, to survey all the worsteds made, and make such rules and ordinances as they shall think meet, for the good of the craft. The wardens have full power to search all worsteds in Norwich, Suffolk, and Cambridge, as well in the looms as out, and to convene any persons that are faulty or disobedient to their ordinances, before the mayor or steward, who shall punish them at their discretions; and every man shall put his proper mark on every piece, under pain of forfeiture. The wardens shall assign a certain place or two in the city, and others in the county, and certain days every week, when every piece shall be brought and searched by them, and if approved, they shall fix their token or seal thereto, without fee or reward; and all mayors, sheriffs, and bailiffs, when the wardens require them, shall be attending, aiding, and supporting them in their search. And in 1468, this statute was extended to Essex.
In 1469, the King was taken prisoner by King Henry's friends, but soon escaped from them. And this year he was at Norwich, and was grandly received.
In 1470, King Henry was fetched out of the Tower, and restored to his Kingly government, and reigned in full power after his re-adeption, nearly six months, in which time King Edward was forced to flee the realm, but being aided and assisted by the French King and the Duke of Burgoine, on Monday the 11th of March,
- 1471, he set sail for England, and went directly for the Norfolk coast, and on Tuesday the 12th of March, towards evening, they came before Cromere, where the King sent to land Sir Rob. Chamberlain, and Sir Gilbert Debenham, Knts. the first being a Norfolk, and the second a Suffolk man born, and divers others with them, to the end they might discover how the people of these parts were affected to him; but at their return, he found there was no surety for him to land here, by reason of the good order which the Earl of Warwick and the Earl of Oxford had taken in this country to resist him; for not only the Duke of Norfolk, but all the other gentlemen whom the Earl suspected to favour King Edward, were sent for to Lomdon, by letters of privy seal, and either committed to safe keeping in or about London, or else forced to find sureties for their loyalty to King Henry; and as for the common people, and the city and chief towns, they well knew that they were, and had always been, great favourers of him, but yet the knights and others that went ashore were cheerfully received, and handsomely treated by their friends. After the King perceived by their report how things stood hereabouts, he turned off for the north parts, and landed at Ravenspurgh by the Humber, and thence went to Notingham, where he was informed, that in the town of Newark the Duke of Exeter, the Earl of Oxford, the Lord Bardolf, and others, were lodged with above 4000 men, which they had raised out of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Cambridge, and Lincolnshire; but upon their thinking King Edward's whole army was coming against them, they dislodged, and the King went for London, and being received there, King Henry was again deposed and made his prisoner, whom he carried with him to Barnet, where the Duke of Exeter, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Oxford, and other gentlemen of Henry's party, were overcome after a well fought battle, which lasted above three hours, in which, as some write, there were about 3000 slain, among them, on Henry's side, were the noble Earl of Warwick, the Marquis Montacute, Sir Will. Tirrell, Knt.; and on King Edward's side, the Lord Crumwell, Sir Humphry Bourchier, Knt. son to the Lord Berners, and others. After this battle King Edward returned to London, leading with him King Henry as his prisoner: soon after this, Queen Margaret and Prince Edward, only son to King Henry, landed at Weymouth, and were joined by Edmund Duke of Somerset, Tho. Courtney Earl of Devonshire, and others, who went about to raise what power they could, as did King Edward to oppose them; their two armies met at Tewkesbury, and fought the last battle that King Edward fought, on Saturday, May 4, 1471, which was the last also in behalf of King Henry; King Edward being victor, published a proclamation, that whoever brought Prince Edward alive or dead, should have an annuity of 100l. during life, and the Prince's life to be saved, if he was alive: Sir Ric. Crofts, not mistrusting the King's promise, brought forth his prisoner, Prince Edward, being a fair and well proportioned young gentleman; whom when King Edward had earnestly looked upon, he asked him how he dared enter the realm so presumptuously with banner displayed? to whom the Prince boldly answered, saying, to recover my father's kingdom and heritage, from his father and grandfather to him, and from him, after him, to me lineally descended. At which words King Edward said nothing, but with his hand thrust him from him, (or as some say,) struck him with his gantlet, and immediately George Duke of Clarence, Richard Duke of Gloucester, Tho. Grey Marquis Dorset, and William Lord Hastyng, who stood by, murdered him: for which cruelty, the most of them drank of the same cup, by the righteous justice, and due punishment of God.
Queen Margaret, his mother, was also taken, and kept prisoner till ransomed by her father with a great sum. And soon after, Richard Duke of Gloucester, to settle his brother Edward firmly on the throne, murdered good King Henry in the Tower, he being then 52 years of age; a prince, as all historians agree, of great virtue, immense charity, and exemplary life, reputed so holy, that miracles were said to be wrought by him; King Henry VII. would have had him canonised or made a saint, and his holiday inserted in the Calendar, but the Pope insisting on too large a sum for it, it was not done.
This year died John Mowbray Duke of Norfolk, a great favourite of King Edward's; and Edward, son to the King, was created Prince of Wales.
And now the commons of the city granted 30l. yearly to the sheriffs, to enable them the better to pay the fee farm rent of the city.
In 1472, it is said that the day of the choice of the mayor was changed from March the 1st to May the 1st, and hath continued so to this time: and this year, Edw. Sealye, one of the sheriffs, lived and kept his sheriffalty at Trowse Milgate, which is in the county of the city of Norwich; the city also received 30l. given by John Gilbert, late mayor deceased, to repair Bishop-gates, bridge, and tower, and the river banks from the common-stath to the Dominican friars.
At this time the statute was made, granting the power of searching and surveying of victuals, to all mayors, &c. and excluding all others, upon which, John Russell was elected the common serjeant (or clerk of the market) to search all victuals in the market, and afterwards one was chosen every year.
In 1474, the King got together great forces to invade France, and to raise money asked a benevolence, as he called it, of the wealthier sort, and went from place to place to encourage it what he could, and among others visited this city, but how well he succeeded I do not find; only, that he had a benevolence here, notwithstanding which, the next year Edmund Bohun, his commissioner here, received of the city collectors 80l. 6s. 11d. for a whole tenth and fifteenth, granted towards the payment of 13000 archers, at 6d. a day each, for a whole year; these were employed in France, where the King had then above 20,000 forces, but yet ere long there was peace made, with the approbation of the English lords, who considered that "all our warres with France, had rather purchaste fame than treasure to our kingdome, and when our souldiers returned home, their scarres were greater than their spoiles. And howsoever we had got possession of the largest territories in France, yet still wee retired back againe: as if the devine providence had decreed to have our empire bounded with seas. Moreover they who affected the happinesse of their own kingdom and loved their owne country, desired rather France under a forraigne governour, least if in possession of our King, England being the lesse both in extent and fertility, might be reduc'd to the condition of a province, and live in obedience to a deputie, enriching the greater kingdom with her tribute," which all the English, as well as they, have ever since cautiously guarded against, and ought to continue so doing.
In 1477, a statute was made, limiting the power of pie-powder courts, by which it was enacted, that every plaintiff that enters his action, shall be first sworn by the steward of the court, under forfeiture of 5l. that the contract or bargain was made, during the time, and in the jurisdiction of the fair; and it was made continual by stat, 1 Richard III.
Holingshed tells us, that this year the plague raged so in England, that the 15 years war past did not consume one-third part of the people, that 4 months only brought to their graves; and in
- 1478, another violent pestilence brake out in the latter end of September, and continued till November,
- 1479, in which time, Nevile says, there died an incredible number in this city.
And the next year, on the 28th of December, was a very great earthquake in Norwich and Norfolk, and almost all over England, by which many buildings were shaken down, and much damage done in many places, as the same author informs us.
In 1481, the ancient assessment of this city towards repairing the walls, was renewed; by which it appears, that
South Conesford repaired the tower in the meadow, the tower by the river side over against it, and all the walls, and Conesford-gates, and the next tower to the mid space of the walls towards the BlackTower.
N. Conesford repaired the walls from thence to the Black-Tower, and that tower, and all to the corner of Berstrete-gates.
Berstreet repaired from that corner, Berstreet-gates, and the walls and towers to the Iron Door, now called Brazen Doors.
St. Stephen's repaired the Iron Door, and all the towers and walls to Nedham, now St. Stephen's-gates, and those gates.
St. Peter's of Mancroft repaired all the walls from those gates, with four towers, and the wall to the fifth tower.
St. Giles's repaired all the walls, towers, and St. Giles's-gates, to the tower on the north side of the gates, and that tower.
West-Wimer repaired from that tower, all the walls and towers to Westwick, or St. Bennet's-gates, and those gates.
Midle-Wimer repaired all from thence to the river, and Bishop. gates, and Rushlyng's stathe.
Coslany repaired the tower on the north side of the river, with the walls, to Coslany or St. Martin's-gates, and the walls and towers to St. Ausin's-gates, and both those gates.
Colgate repaired all the walls and towers from St. Austin's-gates to Fibrigge or Magdalen-gates.
Fibrigge repaired Fibrigge-gates, and all the walls and towers to the next tower to Bar or Pockthorp-gates, on the N. side.
East-Wimer repaired that tower and the walls to Bar-gates, and those gates, and all to the river, and the tower with the Dungeon, by the Hospital meadows.
This King, in 1482, granted to the mayor, sheriffs, and commonalty, two free-marts or fairs, to be held yearly within the city and county of the same, the first to be kept 10 days before the third Sunday in Lent, and ten days after; the second upon the Commemoration of St. Paul the Apostle, and twenty days after the same feast, for which liberty the city is to pay no fee to any one, and all persons coming and going are to have the King's protection, for them and their merchandise, and the city to have all the liberties and customs belonging to such marts and fairs.
The grant was exemplified under the broad seal, at the request of the recorder, &c. These marts and fairs were at first considerable, but are now reduced to one-day fairs only.
This year was the statute of qualification for swan-marks made, by which it was enacted, that no person whatever, except the King's son, should have any swan-mark or game of swans of his own, or any other to his use, except he hath free-hold lands and tenements to the clear yearly value of five marks, and all persons not so qualified shall, before Michaelmass next, sell or give away such marks and game of swans, to such people as are qualified, and after that time, any person qualified, may seize such game undisposed of, and he shall have half, and the King the other half; upon which statute, an account of all the swan-marks in this county was taken and entered in a roll, which was renewed in the year 1598, when the order for swans was printed; the city being then seized, according to the swan rolls of three swanmarks belonging to the late dissolved hospital of St. Giles.
In 1483, on the ninth day of April, died King Edward IV. at Westminster, and was afterwards buried at Windsor.
[edit] Mayors And Sheriffs
- 1461, Will. Norwich.
- 1462, John Butt.
Will. Northall, John Cock.
John Burton, Ric. Hoste.
[edit] Burgesses in parliament
1 Edw. IV. Parl. at Westminster, Rob. Toppes, Edw. Cutler or Coteler.
2 Parl. at York, Tho. Elys or Ellis, Will. Skippewith.
7 Parl. at Westm. Henry Spelman, Esq. Ric. Hoste or Hofte.
12 Ditto, John Aubry, Tho. Bukenham.
17 Ditto, John Jenny, Hen. Wilton.
[edit] CHAPTER XXI
Of the city in the time of Edward the fifth.
At the death of Edward the Fourth, his eldest son succeeded, by the name of Edward the Fifth, being then 13 years of age, who, with Richard Duke of York, Duke of Norfolk, and Earl Warren, his brother, then about 11 years old, was committed to the care of Richard Duke of Gloucester, his uncle, but was never crowned, he and his brother being murdered in the Tower by the command of that Duke, who was not content with seizing the crown, but endeavoured to fix it fast on his head by this murder,
Committed about a month after he was crowned King, so that the reign of this Prince was no longer than two months and 13 days; his uncle having openly declared himself King on June 22, 1483.
It is observable, that this young Prince was born in the Sanctuary at Westminster, the same year that his father suffered Edward Prince of Wales, only son to King Henry VI. to be barbarously murdered in his own presence, to whose honour he succeeded: a bad introduction it was, as tending to the unhappy fate he now underwent.
In this King's reign, at an assembly held on Friday after the Feast of the Holy Trinity, Rob. Thorp, Gent. was admitted freeman without any fee or reward, and had an exemption sealed and delivered him, by which he was excused serving as mayor or sheriff without his own consent.
At the same time also, John Paston, Esq. who was knighted the 4th of Henry VII. was presented with his freedom, and it was agreed, that if he came before Monday, and was sworn freeman, that at the county court then held for the county of the city he should be chosen one of the burgesses in parliament for the city; upon which he personally appeared, and sware that if he was discharged from serving all offices, he would willingly contribute with them, as a citizen, to all burthens whatsoever; upon which he was admitted, but was not sent to parliament till 1st Henry VII. though Thorp was, in King Richard's time.
[edit] CHAPTER XXII
[edit] Of the city in Richard the third's time
Richard Duke of Gloucester seized the crown as aforesaid, June 23, 1483, and having secured himself (as he supposed) by the murder of his two nephews, thought he should meet with none that dare oppose him; but far was he out of his calculation, for he never enjoyed any ease in his whole life, after he was King.
The Duke of Buckingham and his party were the first that rose against him, upon which he sends for aid to most of the principal places of the realm, and among others to this city; and they dispatched their chamberlains to Sir Tho. Howard, who was just created Earl of Surrey, and was then at Ashwell Thorp, with his half sister Catherine, married to John Bourchier Lord Derners, who lived there, with 40 pounds in gold, which Ric. Farrour, the mayor, made a present of to the city for that purpose; this the Earl received, and the King accepted, and indeed the city seems to have done the utmost they could for this King during his reign, which might not proceed from fear, as it did in many other places, but from the interest of Sir John Howard, whom he had created Duke of Norfolk on June 28, who, as well as his son, the Earl of Surrey, was much respected here, and they both being advanced by him, could not in gratitude avoid doing him all the service they could: with these assistances he got an army together, and having taken the Duke, without any judgment passed, he cut off his head at Salisbury; and as soon as he had finished in the west, went for Kent, where 5000 were got together in favour of the Duke of Buckingham, but dispersed soon after they heard of his death, and the King's approach; Sir Geo. Browne, Sir Rog. Clifford, and four other of the principals, were taken and hanged, with Tho. Ram and Tho. Sentlegar, who had married the Dutchess of Exeter, the King's own sister.
I believe the King was at Norwich this year, for at an assembly held on the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Sept. 8, it was agreed that 160l. should be cessed on the citizens, against the first coming of the King to this city, and that there should be grand pageants made against his coming, in the same manner as those were at the first coming of King Edward IV.
In 1484, the assembly elected four aldermen and ten commoners, with the chamberlains, to provide stalls and booths, and pens for cattle, against the free marts, for the supply of all merchants and strangers; and the sheriffs assigned Rob. Machon, their under-sheriff, to be steward of the pie-powder courts belonging to these fairs.
In 1485, on the 22d day of August, this monstrous usurper, by the just punishment of God, was slain in the battle of Bosworth Field, by Henry Earl of Richmond, who was there proclaimed by the name of King Henry the Seventh; with him fell John Duke of Norfolk, and many others; his body, naked to the skin, not so much as a clout about him, was trussed behind a pursuivant of arms, like a hog or a calf, his head and his arms hanging on one side of the horse, and his legs on the other, thus all sprinkled with mire and blood, he was brought to the Gray-Friars at Leicester, and there laid a miserable spectacle, as a demonstration to all men, of God's justice, for the murder of good King Henry, his two innocent nephews, his sister's husband, his own brother, (if it be true as historians say, that he also hastened the Duke of Clarence's death,) and his own wife, who it is thought died by poison; and there he was homely buried after he had reigned two years, two months, and one day.
[edit] Mayors and Sheriffs
[edit] Burgesses in Parliament
1 Ric. III. Parl. at Westm. Rob. Thorp, Gent. John Marleburgh or Marleberg, Gent.
[edit] CHAPTER XXII. Of the city in the time of Henry the Seventh
Henry the Seventh began his reign August 22, 1485, and was crowned at Westminster the 30th of October following.
This year, John Hebbys, one of the sheriffs, died, and the undersheriff was sent to London for a writ to choose another in his place for the rest of the year, but none was granted, so that Curtis, his partner, served single for the rest of the time, but held no courts afterwards; and as soon as he was out of his office, sued the following sheriffs for 70l. for which he was disfranchised, and was to pay as a foreigner, if he continued trading in the city.
The next year a rebellion brake out; one Lambert Simnell counterfeiting Edward Plantagenet, then in the Tower, had carried his deceit so far, as to be crowned in the cathedral of Dublin, upon which the King began to look about him more than he did at first; for upon finding that the Earl of Lincoln joined Simnel, he plainly perceived that his kingdom must again be put to the stake, and that he must fight for it; and before he knew the Earl was sailed from Flanders to Ireland, he concluded that he would assail the east parts of England from thence, and that Simnell and his adherents would do the same on the north-west, out of Ireland, and therefore musters were made in both parts, Jasper Earl of Bedford, and John Earl of Oxford, were designed generals, though the King resolved to go himself in person, wherever affairs should most require it; in the mean time, expecting no actual invasion this winter, he took a journey to Suffolk and Norfolk, to confirm those parts.
And first of all he came to St. Edmund's Bury, and from thence to Norwich, where he kept his Christmas; at his entry, he was received by the mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, and all the masters or wardens of the crafts or companies, all new clad in scarlet, the mayor in the name of the city, made him a handsome present, and feasted him and his nobles grandly, the city having raised 140l. for that purpose; they made presents also to John Earl of Oxford and his lady, who lodged at the College of the Chapel in the Fields; to the Duke and Dutchess of Suffolk, who lodged at the Black-Friars; as also to the Lord Fitz-Walter, and the Chief Justice, who was lodged at the house of Sir John Paston, called Paston's-Inn or Place, the King keeping his court at the Priory.
From hence he went in pilgrimage to Walsingham, where he visited our Lady's chapel, so famous for miracles, and made his prayers and vows for help and deliverance; from thence he returned by Cambridge to London, and after he had quieted all things, by a complete victory, he sent his banner to be offered to our Lady at Walsingham, as an acknowledgment of his prayers and vows heard.
This year, according to Holingshed, (though some place it in 1485,) a new kind of sickness suddenly invaded this land, passing through the same from the one end to the other; it began about the 21st of September and lasted to the end of October, in which time many died in this city.
It seized them with a sudden burning sweat, (for which reason it was called the sweating sickness,) which so violently distempered their blood with ardent heat, that scarce one in an hundred escaped alive, upon which account it was also called the dead sweat: for all in a manner, as soon as it took them, or in a very short time after, yielded up the ghost; and what was worse, as it appeared afterwards, the same persons were liable to the same disease again and again; but by God's blessing, and observation made on the distemper, a remedy was found by a learned native of this city, who generously published it to all the world. Of whom I shall speak in his proper place.
This year there were no assizes held at Norwich, as usual, but the reason of it I do not find, though fancy it might be on account of the troubles in the realm, for the King sent a letter to the city, desiring them to send him a hundred horsemen well armed, and provide them pay for six weeks, assuring them, that as it had pleased God to give him the victory over his rebels, he designed to march further northward, to suppress any more making head against him.
But considering upon it, they found that all the city could raise, would scarce do it, and therefore applied to the Earl of Oxford, one of the generals, by the advice of Sir Rob. Brandon, Knt. Ralf Shelton, Ric. Southwell, and Rob. Clere, Esqrs. and James Hubert, the attorney-general, who at their request took 50l. in hand paid, in lieu of the soldiers, 40l. of which was assessed by a tax, and 10l. paid out of the city stock.
Soon after this, Curteys, the late sheriff, who had been disfranchised, joined John Bonewell Prior of Norwich, and revived the old suit, in relation to their several liberties; the beginning of which was, that by consent of assembly, the mayor and aldermen fixed two large oaken posts at the east end of Bishop's Bridge, as the boundaries of the city's liberties, including, by so doing, all the Prior's liberties of Holmstrete, &c.; in the night, the tenants of the priory pulled them up, upon which the city indicted them for a riot, and the Prior justified them, by pleading that the posts were set on his own ground, (as they really were,) and that he commanded them so to do, and insisted that the site of the priory, Holmstrete, Tombland, Raton-row, &c. were not in the jurisdiction of the city: which contest lasted many years, the city being at great expense about it all the time, as appears by the large sums raised in the several wards for that purpose.
An ordinance was also made, that all clothiers that were not freemen, should bring their cloths to the common-inn, and put up and keep there horses there, day and night, and if they did otherwise, or exposed their cloths any where else to sale, they should forfeit each time 6s. 8d.
In 1487, was an earthquake felt here, on St. Thomas's day; and this year the convent of the Carmelites or White-Friars, acknowledged the mayor and commonalty as their perpetual founders; and it was agreed, that the court should make a solemn procession every year, on the day of the Assumption of our Lady, which was their foundation day, to the said convent.
In 1489, a contest arose between the city, and master Rob. Tompson, master or preceptor of the commandry of the priory of St. John of Jerusalem at Carbrook, they being cited to appear before master Tho. Jan. deputy custos of the privileges of the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in England; upon which, Jeffry Spirleng appeared at his court held in St. Paul's church at London; and there it was objected against the city, that they had imprisoned one Tho. Baldewyn, cooper, for not serving the office of constable in Holmstreet, when the tenants of the hospital were not subject to the city, neither could they enter upon their fee, or concern themselves with any of their tenants, they and their tenants being exempted (as they pleaded) from serving offices, or answering to any actions otherwise than in their own court, but the plea, after an expensive suit, was set aside, and the city recovered, but were allowed no damages.
This same year Will. Spynk Prior of Norwich indicted the mayor and coroners and commonalty, for a riot raised, in sitting on the body of Hen. Hammond, whow as killed in the Cley-Pits out of St. Stephen's-gates, the Prior alleging it was out of the city liberties, but the contrary being proved, before Will. Husye or Huse, Chief Justice, and Sir Rog. Townesende, Knt. one of the judges, the city recovered.
And now it was enacted, that no butcher, or butcher's servant, shall slay any beast within the walls of the city of London, nor in no other city, burgh, and town walled, in England, nor in the town of Cambridge, under the penalty of 12d. every ox, and 8d. every other beast; the towns of Berwick and Carlisle being excepted.
It was ordained also in common assembly, that all the companies should go in procession on Corpus Christi day, before the procession.
In 1490, the King following the example of Edward IV. desired a benevolence of the richer sort, towards the expense of the French war, intending to spare the poorer sort, whom he politickly desired to keep in favour, though at the same time, the chief men much grudged at the great sums which was got from them by the commissioners, under pretence that he that gave most should be judged to be his most loving friend, and he that gave little would be esteemed according to his gift; and in order to spur people on the more, it was given out, that his Majesty would personally visit all places of note, and among others, this city; on which, an assembly was called, where it was agreed, that the mayor and aldermen should all ride to meet him, in one sort of livery, or suit of clothes and gowns, and that the wardens of the several crafts or companies, should bring in a list of the principal men of every company, by which the mayor and aldermen were to appoint a sufficient number from each company to ride to meet him, in their suit, and the others that did not ride should bear their proportion of the charges of them that did: but I believe the King did not come this year at all, upon finding that the benevolence of the city answered his expectation; for besides a sum of money, they sent him twelve horsemen well armed, with an allowance of 12d. a day each, till they were entered his Majesty's service, and the next year they sent twenty foot soldiers, upon request so to do.
In 1491, the burgesses in parliament for the city acquainted the assembly, that they had been at great expense in getting an ordinance of parliament, to authorise them in a quiet manner to take John Estgate out of the Sanctuary; the said John having entered the church and churchyard of St. Simon and Jude, and remained there for a long time past, during which time the city being forced to keep a watch over him day and night least he should escape, was at great charge and trouble; upon which the expense was allowed, and the ordinance being passed, John Pynchamour, one of the burgesses, went to the Sanctuary, and asked Estgate whether he would come out and submit to the law, or no? and upon his answering he would not, he in a quiet manner went to him, led him to the Gild-hall, and committed him to prison.
The animosities between the city, Prior, and monks, increasing daily, it was represented to his Majesty, by Sir Rog. Townesende, Knt. Sir Rob. Shelton, John Hubberd, Robt. Southwell, Will. Grey, Sir Rob. Ratcliff, and most of the principal gentlemen of the county, joined by Hen. Spelman, the recorder, that if some way was not found, the consequences might be as bad as the former insurrection on the same account; upon which the King directs the following letter to the mayor:
'By the Kyng.
'Trusty and welle belovyd we grete you welle, and where as we be enformed that dyverse and many old grete grugges and maters of variaunce and debate, have ben hangyng by many yeres passed, betwixt the Pryour and churche of the cathedral churche of our cite of Norwych and ther predecessouris on the on partye, and you the Mayor, the Shirreves and Comynalte of our seid cite, and your and their predecessours on that othyr partye, wherin many communications and treatyse have ben made by diverse notable persons for th'appesyng of the same. But as we ben enformed have taken none effect. And therby gret inconveniens be lykly to ensue. We therefore wole and straytly charge you, that all manner excuses ceassyng, ye be, and personally appier a fore us and our counsayll at Westminstre, in the xvma of St. Mychell next, to th'entent that aftyr the seid matyr of variauns by us and our counsayl thorowly herde, we may sette therin, such direction as shal be consonant wyth oure lawes, reason, and good concyens, for the fynall appesyng of the same hereafter. Not faylyng herof on peyn of CCli. Latyng you wite, that we by oure other like letters have yeven in strayte commandment to the seid Pryour and hys Brethern, yeven at our manor of Shene, the first day of Juyn.
Bolman.'
At the receipt of it, an assembly was called, and all expenses on account of the suit allowed by the city, the mayor, recorder, and Rob. Gardiner, alderman, were appointed to appear at the day, and accordingly did so, when the principal thing which occasioned this dispute was demanded of them; who answered, that the whole was, whether the site of the priory, Tombland, Raton-rowe, and Holmstreet, were in the liberty of the city, or no? which being agreed to be the chief thing in dispute by both sides, a trial was ordered, before Sir William Huse and Sir Roger Townesende, which was determined in favour of the city. Soon after this, the mayor was called before the privy council again, and commanded to go down to Norwich, and move the assembly to agree, that the priory and all its liberties might be formally exempted out of the county of the city, for which the Prior should either pay them five marks a year, or 80l. down; but they would not agree, but insisted on the King's charter: this was so ill taken, that they were commanded to appear before the council next term, and in the mean time to keep the city quiet, under 1000 marks forfeiture; at the set time, the mayor and Tho. Jenny (who was council to assist the mayor) went instead of the recorder, and then the council ordered the Prior and mayor to appear personally before the King; which they did in the council chamber on Wednesday before Candlemas day; when his Majesty peremptorily commanded them to acquaint Sir Hen. Heydon, Knt. and James Hobert, his attorneygeneral, with all affairs in dispute, and to let them know all they could say in relation to every thing, and then, that they should appear again before him, and in the mean time keep the city in peace, under 500l. penalty. Upon this the mayor returned, acquainted the assembly with it, and they chose Hen. Spelman their recorder, Tho. Hunston, John Jenney, and Hen. Wilton, to treat with Heydon and Hobart, and to show them, and inform them, all they could on the behalf of the city; and thus from time to time the affair was debated, and nothing done till
- 1493, when Sir Henry, and the attorney-general, came to the Friars Minors at Norwich, and sat upon the affair, on Friday before Palm-Sunday, and there both parties chose twelve final arbitrators, viz. for the city, Hen. Spelman, their recorder, and John Jenney, being two lawyers retained for their constant counsel, Rob. Thorp and Hen. Wilton, alderman, Jeffry Steward and Rob. Large, commoners; and for the priory four monks and two lawyers: but when the assembly signed their bonds of award, they inserted a conditional clause, namely, that they should not enter into treaty on any point contrary to the determination of Huse and Townesende, which leaving the chief thing still in question, the whole matter came to nothing but continual suits, indictments, and animosities subsisted between them during this whole reign.
In 1493, wheat was sold at 6d. a bushel in London and Norwich.
In 1495, it was enacted, that no man shall be a worsted-shearer in Norwich, unless he hath been seven years an apprentice, or be allowed by the mayor and masters or wardens of the company: and the worstedshearers in Norwich shall make no ordinances, but such as the mayor and aldermen shall think necessary; and no inhabitant in Norwich, not being a shearman, shall keep a shearman in his house; and henceforward the citizens of Norwich may take for an apprentice the son or daughter of any person, notwithstanding the statute of the 7th of Henry IV.
But upon information to the parliament that this statute was craftily obtained, to make the worsted-shearers a different craft or trade from the shearman's craft, which included the whole, that part of the statute touching worsted shearing was repealed, and the rest confirmed.
The same year was the statute made appointing what towns should keep standard weights and measures to seal others by, in which it was ordained that no person shall buy or sell but by such sealed weights and measures; the officers of every city, burgh, or market town having power twice in a year to examine the weights and measures, destroy such as are found defective, and fine the party offending, the first time 6s. 8d. the second time 13s. 4d. and the third time 20s. and set him upon the pillory. It was also enacted, "that there be but onely viij bushels rased and stricken to the quarter of corn, and xiv li. to the stone of wooll, and xxvi. stone to the sack." And among others, this city was one of the places limited for keeping the standard weights and measures.
The Lent assizes were held here this year, and not at Thetford, but it being an unusual thing, and contrary to common practice, it was agreed by the assembly, that the city should not feast the judges as they always do at the summer-assizes, but the chamberlains were ordered to present them with two of the largest pikes, and a fine dish of fish.
On the third day of Nov. died John Wellys, the mayor at seven in the evening, and on the 7th of the same month, Richard Ferrour, his deputy, summoned all the aldermen and sheriffs to consult about choosing such a mayor as would exercise the office and take no fee of the city, it being justly due (as they thought) to the executors of Wellys, and on the 9th of Nov. Tho. Caus was elected, who not only relinquished all claim to the mayor's fee, but to the 10l. per annum paid to the mayor for exercising the office of the King's escheator; but after he was chosen, they were forced to procure a writ of dedimus potestatem, to authorise them to swear him, their charters not having given them authority so to do in this case.
In 1496, the son of sheriff Pythood, who was young, and for that reason locked into his saddle, as was usual at that time, was killed by a fall off his horse as he rode the bounds of the city.
The city sent 20 soldiers to the King, and 40l. to maintain them, 11 of which were raised by the aldermen, and 9 by the commons, they were all well equipped, and had new harness and armour, and on the 7th of June, they mounted their horses in the city, in their brigandines, over which each had a jacket of white and green, and the mayor having viewed them, brought a cheker roll and entered every man's name in it, and then gave them this charge:
'Sers, ye that be soldeours, I charge in the Kingys our Sovereign Lordys name, that ye kepe governauns amongs you by the weye. And that ye be ruled and governour'd by Thomas Large, your Capteyne assigned unto you, he beyng present Chaumberleyn of this cite, tyll he shall make delyverauns to my Lord of Oxford. And he over to the Kyng of you, in discharge of the cite ageyn the Kyng. And I charge you Thomas Large, and you John Gowre assistyng to the said Thomas in his conduccion, and also you soldeours, that if ony of you make ony frayes, stryves, or variaunces with his felaship, that he so mysdemened be taken out of hys harneys, and leyde in pryson tyll the Kyng have seid hys will. and another hyred in his stede, what so ever it cost. And that ye Tho. Large make such delyveraunce of thes soldeours, so as the cite be discharged ageyn the Kyng and also my Lorde of Oxford.'
Then they all drank at the Gild-hall door, and the mayor gave each 2s. and they went and lodged that night at Thetfords on the 9th of June, the messenger sent to the Earl by the city, returned, and acquainted them that the Earl would set out for Ware next night, and that he came by Bury to acquaint all the soldiers of that part; upon which Captain Large went to Newmarket, overtook the Earl, delivered his men to him, and returned home; and Will. Yelverton, Gent. was made their captain: the next day after their delivery, they were in the battle of Blackheath by London, where the Cornish rebels were defeated, with the loss only of 300 men on the King's side, and none of these men, who were sent home with thanks for the good service they had done.
On the 16th of Sept. comes another letter from the Earl to the city, in which he acquainted them, that
'He was ascerteyned that Parken Warbek with other rebells be londed in Cornwall, and therefore desyred the cite to prepare and send forth ther company formerly appoynted.'
Which plainly demonstrates they had behaved well, he being desirous of the same again; but the city on application, were excused for 12 of them, who were conducted by Captain Large to the Earl, and staid with him till Perkin was taken, and were then dismissed with thanks.
In 1497, on the 6th of Aug. an assembly was called, in which 80l. was assessed on the city, to bear the expenses at the coming of the King, Elizabeth, Daughter to Edward IV. his Queen, and his mother, the Countess of Derby, who came hither about the 18th of this month, when the following speech was made by the mayor at their entrance, as I find it in the Court Book of that time:
'an Oracion.
'Most excellent, most gracious, and most Xpien Kyng, our naturall, our undoubted, and rightfull sovereyne leige Lord. Her be your true feightfull and most humble subyietts maisters, the Meire, Shiriffs, and Aldermen, of this your citee of Norwich, which as wele for themselff as in the name of all the commonailte, and inhabitants of the same, thank your Heighness, as humbely, as reverently, and as hertyly, as any subgiets may do their sovereigne Lord, for this, that it hath lekid you, of your most speciall grace, to be personally present, and to shewe your most riall persone here among them in this your cite, to ther grettest erthly joy and comforte. And for a pleyn and oppen recognicion that ye sovereigne Lord be hertily welcome to them all, And that all they be your feithfull lovyng subgiets in worde, will, and dede, according to ye duty of ther alligeans, and how be it, that they ar more pore, and not of such welth as they have ben afore thes dayes. Yet sovereigne Lord they offer, geve and bringe here onto your Heighness a present. that is to say, a cope, with a hundred pounds of riall golde conteyned in, the same; hertily beseeching you sovereigne Lord, of your most habundaunte grace and goodnesse, yat it may be by your heigh comaundment benyngly so admitted, accepted, and receyved, not for the quantite or value of it, but for that it is goven and presentid of very good and hertily affection. And moreover thei specially besech your heighnesse, sovereign Lord, to be to this your said citee, and of the libertees of the same, speciall protector, bounteowse adjutor, and gracious sovereigne at all tymes. And all thei, daily shall prey Almighty God hertily for the prosperous, good, and gracious encresse, conservacon, long contynuaunce, and magnificence of your most riall estate and persone. Amen.'
In 1499, in July, one Babram, a constant martyr of Jesus Christ, was burnt in Norfolk.
In 1500, there was a great plague in this realm, of which in London only, died 30,000, but I do not find that it was here, by any thing that I have as yet seen.
In 1501, John Rightwise, mayor, began the cross in the Market, and finished it in 1503. It was a commodious handsome building, but being somewhat in decay, was sold by the tonnage and city committee in the year 1732, for 125l. and was begun to be taken down on the 29th of August, and the place on which it stood is now paved over.
The 40 soldiers of the city's company were by request sent to the King, I suppose to attend Arthur Prince of Wales, after his marriage with Catherine, daughter to the King of Spain, into his principality of Wales.
In 1302, died Nic. Cowlych or Colich, late mayor, and gave 10l. to the city.
In 1503, Sir John Windham, Knt. was beheaded on Tower-hill; and now was the statute made, that no wardens of crafts, or rulers of gilds or fraternities, should make any ordinances to be binding, unless they be examined by the chancellor, treasurer of England, or chief justices of either Benches, or three of them, or before both the justices of assize in their circuit in the shire where the ordinances are made, under 40l. penalty: but notwithstanding this, they continued to make ordinances, by which every prentice at their entry into the commonhall was forced to pay some 20s. some 30, &c. according to the pleasure of the company, for which reason an act passed 22d Henry VIII. that no apprentice should pay above 2s. 6d. for their entry into the common-hall, nor above 3s. 4d. at the end of their term, for the freedom of the company; to avoid which, the companies demanded no more than the statute allowed, for their freedom, but before they admitted them, made them swear they would not trade without the license of the company, for which they were to pay at the company's pleasure, to prevent which, an act was made 28th Henry VIII. that no one should act contrary to the former statute, nor require any such oath, under 40l. penalty.
This year was 40l. assessed on the city, and sent to London to John Burgh, alderman and burgess in parliament, for the expense of writing the new Charter, and getting it confirmed.
It is dated at Westminster, March 7, in the 19th year of this King's reign, and contains by inspeximus all the former charters whatever, which are confirmed thereby.
In 1504, Mathew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury was born here, of which great man an account may be hereafter seen in its proper place, he being a great friend and benefactor to the city.
In 1505, the King and Prince went in pilgrimage to Walsingham, but did not visit the city, as was expected by some.
This year (or as some say, in the next) was Rob. Adams, clerk, burnt here for heresy: and much damage was done by fire, as the London Chronicle informs us in these words, "this yere was grete parte of the cyte of Norwych brent," which I thought might have been a mistake, for the two following fires in 1507, but upon search, find there was a great fire this year according to the Chronicle, for in the Almoner's account to the Prior of Norwich, made in 1505, is this, "Received this year from the rents belonging to the almoner's office, which were formerly 10l. a year, and after that 5l. a year, only 33s. because many tenements are burnt," and after the great fires, they were reduced to 19s. 4d. a year.
In 1506, was the second sweating sickness, but not so raging as the first.
In 1507, on the 31st day of March, one Tho. Norrice, condemned by Richard Nix Bishop of Norwich, was for the true profession of the Gospel burnt in this city: which soon after felt the violence of flames in a great degree, for on the 25th day of April following (being St. Mark's day, and Easter Tuesday) a fire broke out, which burnt with continual violence four days. And it was not long before the same fate attended the city again, for on the 4th of June following (being Ascension day) happened another lamentable fire, which burnt two days and a night, both which, as an old roll in the Herald's Office informs us, burnt above 18 score houses, "Norwich was byrned with fire at twey times, to the noumbir of xviij score howsholdys and mo and most parte of their goodys." But I find by the evidences, that the city was almost utterly defaced, that there were 718 houses burnt, in the parishes of St. Peter of Mancroft, St. Giles, St. Gregory, St. Laurence, St. Margaret in West-Wymer, Little St. Mary, St. Cuthbert, St. Buttolph, All-Saints in Fibrigge, St. George of Tombland, St. Simon, St. Michael at Plea, St. Andrew, St. Saviour, St. George in Colgate, St. Martin in the Bail, &c. And by what I have seen, it seems to have begun near the Popinjay, which was then burnt, and to have made the greatest havock on the river side from the bottom of Tombland through St. Andrew's, &c. up the city; for the river was so stopped up with rubbish, that the first thing the court did, was to publish an order for it to be forthwith cleared, and then they chose Tho. Aldrich, Rob. Browne, and Henry atte Mere, to go to the King's privy council to inform his Majesty of their misfortune, and implore his aid and advice, to maintain the sufferers in their present extremity, and rebuild the city: and soon after they sent Tho. Aldryche, John Clerk, John Marsham, and Henry atte Mere, to the King, for his Majesty's answer.
The second fire (as Holingshed says, though he hath placed it in the wrong year) began in the house of a French surgeon, named Peter Joknson, in the parish of St. George in Colgate, I suppose by accident; the former, as I learn from the History of Yarmouth, which says, 'The citye of Norwiche was set on fyer, and a great parte thereof was brente,' seems as if it was supposed to have been done purposely; but however it was, the city of London and the rest of the country raised large sums, which joined to what the court and other private subscriptions raised, soon re-edified part of it again.
It appears, that now the Market-place was not paved, for there was an order that nobody should dig holes in it to get sand, without the mayor's license.
This noble Prince died April 22, 1509, and was royally interred in his own chapel at Westminster, under a most sumptuous monument of brass, which still [1742] remains perfect, and is a very great curiosity, as well as the chapel itself, which now retains the name of this monarch, being called Henry the Seventh's Chapel.
In the last year of this King was a writ directed to the sheriffs commanding them, as they loved themselves and all that belonged to them, to appear at the Exchequer, and satisfy the fee farm of 113l. 8s. and 40s. increase, and 40s. of new increased rent, and 3s. to be received of Nic. Pigot, for the yearly reserved rent of the houses belonging to the mintmasters here, which Martin Pateshull, itinerant justice, granted in fea, in his circuit or iter, at the said rent. And also for the castle-ditches and leet 54s. 4d.
At the latter end of this King's reign, and in the beginning of the next, the following oaths were settled and agreed upon, to be administered to the several officers, at their admission into their respective offices, and were entered into the white book of the court, as follows, viz.
'The Maires Charge of the Mairalte.
'Ye shall swer, that well and lawefully to your cunnyng and power, ye shall susteyn executen and mayntene, the lawes, libertes, fraunchises, gode customes, and ordenaunces, of the cete of Norwich, and the pes, and tranquillite in the same cite, as moche as to yowe be vertu of your office apperteneth, and that ye shall make dewe serche of all vytayll, and of all other thinges, that longen to your Office as often tymes as it is nedefull to be don, be your discrecon, or whan ye be required, for the common profite of the cite, and the cuntre, and that ye shall done, dewe, and open, and discrete correcon, and redresse, upon the defauts founden, after the forme of th'ordenaunces thereuppon made, and to be made, and that ye shall do justice and egall right, aswell to the pore, as to the riche.
So God yowe helpe, and all seyntes.
The Maire's Charge for the Eschetrie.
'Ye xall swere, that wele and truly ye schall serve owre Lord the Kyng in the office of Meiralte in the cite of Norwych, and the same cite ye xall kepe sewyrly and saufly to the profight of owre Lord the Kyng, and of his eyres Kingis of Ingelond, and the profight of the Kyng, ye schall doo in alle thingis that longith for yow for to doo, and all the rightis of the Kyng, as moche as longith to the Coroun in the same citee, truly ye schall kepe, ne ye schall not assentyn to distresse, ne to non coucelementis of rightis, of fraunchise of the Kyng, and querof ye may knowen the rightis of the Kyng, or of the Coroun, be it londys, or in rentes, or elles in fraunchises, or in sewtes conceled, or restreyned, your peyne ye schall puttyn, to that, to repelyn, and yif ye knowe nought don, ye schull tellen ower Lord the Kyng, or ellys to sume of his councel, of qwich ye'arn certeyn that schull telle the Kyng, and that truly, and rightfully, ye schall trete the peple of your bailie, and do right to iche man as well to a straunger, and to the poore, as wele as to the riche, in as myche as longith to yow for to done, and that for heynesse, ne for richesse, ne for povere nesse, ne for favour, ne for havere, [hatred,] wrong ye schall doon to no man, ne no mannys right disturblyn, ne no thing taken qwerefore our Lord the Kyng schall lese, or be qwich, right schuld be destroied, and in alle thing that longith to the Meyre of the same cite to be doon, as well in governaunce of vetaile, as in all other thingis, well and truly, ye scall have [behave] yow.
So God yow helpe atte the holy dome.'
Sacramentum Recordatoris. [The Recorder's Oath.]
'Ye shall swere, that ye shall in the offyce of Recorder withinne the cite of Norwich and liberte of it, as well as in th'office of justice of pes with in the same cite, lawefully to your power behave you, and good, trewe, and holsom counsell geve, to the Mair and Aldermen of the cite, in use and execucon of governaunce of common right, aswell in offices of Mairalte, justice of pes, and eschetrie, accordyng to the lawes of the lond, and lawes and gode customes of the cite, after your witte and connyng, with oute favour or affection of any persone, and that, ye shall on your behalve duely kepe.
So help you God and his seynts.'
The Schreves Charge.
Ye schall swer, that ye schall well and truly servyn the Lord owr Kyng, the office of Schrevehood in the cite and counte of Norwych, suburbes, hamelettis, procinctis, and circuites of the same cite and counte. And truly, buxumly, and rightfully, ye xall trete the peple of the same cite and counte, and alle other peple in that that touchyth your office. And ye schall do right as wele to the pore, as to the riche, and ben indeferrent betwixt partye and partye, in all that longith to your office, and ye schall ne for promyse ne for favour, he hate, don ony thing to ony man, that myght ony right disturble or letten, and ye schall truly servyn the wretys of owre lord the Kyng, upon your wyt and power, and the comaundments, precepts, and warrentys, of the Meyr of the citee, and in that touchyth your office, ye schall servyn and obeyn, and alle pleyntes that the Meyr sendith for, ye schall delyver to him, and non witholden, accordyng to the ordinaunces thereuppon made, and alle manner of ryghtis of the Kyng and cite, gwych ben appurtenaunt to your office, and alle other thingis dew to the Kyng, and the cite, ye schall susteyn, kepin, and mayntene, as it hath ben susteyned, kepid, and mayntenyd, before this, in old tyme. And non of hem losen be yowre defautys, as ye will answer therfore to the Kyng, and qwyte the comons agene the Kyng, and no man lete owte of preson, qwych is sent into preson be the Meyre, wyth owtyn assent, or specyall commaundement of the Meyr. And ye schall well and truly, the lawys, lybertes, and good custumes, and ordinaunces of the seyd cite kepen, and susteynen, in as moche as to you longyth. And ye schall truly doon, or make to be don, judgementis, and execucyons, of the verdytes of your court, without sparing of ony man, and that ye schal holden yowr schrevis-turnes opynly, in the gyldehalle, as the schreve of Norff, and other schreves doon in her countees wyth inne the reme of Inglond, upon the fourme of statute, and that ye schall no men putten upon the enquestis, that xall be taken for the schrevis-turn, but good men, and sufficient, that ben men of good name, and good fame, and that ye schall make proclamacyon for your turn, in divers placis wyth inne the wardis owt of qwom the enquestis xall be taken, atte leste iiij dayes beforn, undir this fourme, that all manner of men that have for to done atte the schrevys-turn, and ther ony thing wil seyen for our lord the Kyng, or for hymself, that they ben atte the gyldehalle suche a day, as yowr turn is set to be holden, and he schall ben herd, and that ye schall seen, that the enquestis that arn for to be taken betwixt the Kyng and the partye, and betwixt partye and partye xall ben taken endeferently wyth owtyn ony denominacion of eyther partye, be mowthe or be bylle, by the partyes, or any other in her name, and ye schall your underschreve and all your other officers, make suche othe, as to hem longyth, that well, and truly, they schall don her office. wythowtyn extorcyon, or wrong doyng to ony man, and in especiall for the enquestis that arn to be taken betwixt partie and partie, that they maken enquestis, ne put non names in non enquests, atte denomination of partye, be mouthe ne be bylle, ne no men but suche as he supposeth xuld ben indeferent men, and that the ferm of owr lord the Kyng for yowr tyme ye xall payen, and aquyten the aforseyd citee, and the comunalte of the same, and that in your propre person ye schall be abydyng upon your baylewyk, duryng the tyme of your being shreve of the seid citee, and theise poyntis aforn rehersed ye schall deuly and truly observyn and kepyn, and ye schall doo youre deuty.
So help yow God atte the holy dome.' 'All saynts and the holy evangelists' (in a later hand.)
The Oth of the Common-Council.
'Ye schall swere, that ye schall be trewe to the Kyng ouer soveraign Lord, and to his heirs, and redely come at the houre, whan ye be summoned to the common counsell of the citie, but ye ben resonablye excused, upon peyn therupon ordeyned, and good, and trewe counsell, ye schall geve after your wytte and cunnyng, and for no mannys favor, ye schall not maynten non singler profite ageynst the common profite of the cite, and after ye be come to the comon counseil, thens ye schall not go, without a resonable cause, or ells maister Mayers license, untill master Maier, and his bretheren depart, and that is seid in the common counsell, and ought to be kepte counsell, ye shall kepe it secrete, and non parte therof disclose.
So help you God and all seyntes.
The Othe of the Comon-Speker.
'Ye shall swere, that you indifferently, without eny affeccion, favour, or corrupcon, shall execute your office of common speker, as well in all assembles, as in the eleccon of the Mayer, or shireffs, ffor the yeere next ensuing, accordyng to your knowlege, witte, and conyng, and by non covyn, male-engyn, or collusion, shall make no manner off mean to the comons in the tyme of the eleccion, wherby the ffrank or ffree eleccion of the commoners, there beyng presente, may in any wise be violat, altered, or chaunged, contrary to the true ordinaunce of the seid eleccion.
So helpe you God, &c.
The Charge of the Under-Shirreve.
'Ye shal swere, that ye shal the office of under shirreve withinne the cite of Norwich, and the libertees of the same, well, duely, and truly, to your power, do, and execute, without extorcon, or wrong doyng, to eny persone, true entrees, recordes, and retornes, to your witte and connyng, ye shall make, the libertes, fraunchises, and customes of this cite, to your power, mayntene, and susteyne, the profites of youre maisters the shirreces of this cite diligently awaite, and entende, and in alle other thyngg apperteyning to your office, ye shal truly byhave yow.
So God help yow, and alle seyntes.
The Tresorers (now Chamberlain's) Charge.
'Ye schall swere, that ye xall be trewe to the commons, and that ye schall truly chargen yow, and dischargen yow, of all parcells by yow receyved, and ye schall overseen, all manner thing that longith to the comowns to have of right, and that ye schall make dewe serche twyes in the quarter, with the surceours, or on of the surveyours, or atte the leste wyth the clerk and the common serjaunt, and ye schall don entren aboven in the Gyldehalle, on the Saterday, all the costis don in the weke beforn, and that ye schall no cost don in no place, wyth owten assente of the surveiours aboven xls. and that alle artificers, and laborers, xull be payd aboven on the Gyldehalle, on the Saterdy, in morn, but in no manner of chaffrare, as it hath ben afore tyme, and this ye schall, as deuly, and as truly don, as ye xuid don for your own goodis.
So help yow God atte the holy dome.'
The Coroners Charge.
'Ye schall swer, that ye xall with inne the liberte of the cite of Norwych, as well in water, as in lond, qwer any persone, man, woman, or child, is founden ded, that is to seye, drowned, slayne, murdred, or sodenly dede, or otherwise by infortune, upon lawfull knowynge unto yow to be made, unto the same dede persone approche, and eighen, and upon the sight of the dede persone, deligent enquerre for to make, and in appelis exigendis and outlawries wyth inne the same liberte, to ben hadde, as well as of the seyd inquerres, trewe recordes to make, and the recordes of inquerres, to the chaumberleyns of the cite delyver, and in all that apperteyneth to the office of coroner with in the seid liberte, ye xul truly do your dever to your power, without fraude of the Kyng, and of the citee of Norwych; So help yow God atte the holy dome.'
The (Oath of the) Comon-Clerk.
'Ye schall swere, that ye schall in the office of comown clerk wyth in the cite of Norwich, and the liberte of it, as wele as in the office of clerk of the pees, and eschetrie, wyth in the cite, onestly and treuly to your power, wythowtyn parcialte, yow behave, and governe, trewe warrantis, entreis, and recordes, upon your connyng make, the profight of the Kyng and of the Meir, for the tyme beynge, as wele as of the comonalte of the seyd citee, wayte, and entende, and her councell kepe upon your myght.
So help yow God atte the holy dome.'
The (Oath of the) Meastres of the Craftes.
'Ye xull sweren, that ye schall with alle your myght and your power, kepen pees, and reste, and tranquillyte, wyth in your crafte, and all manner good governaunce, and ordenaunce, with in yow, ye schall holden, and ye schall make good and trewe serche in your crafte, during this yer next comyng, and alle manner notable defautes that ye findyn in your crafte, well, and truly, ye schall presente them up, on to the Meyr, and if ye make eny ordenaunces in your craft, ye shal not put hem in execucion, til thei be confermed by the comon counsell of thes cite, and that ye schall not suffren no man of your crafte, to engrosen, ne forstallen, no manner of vetaile, in hindring of the comowns of the citee, and also yif ony man of your crafte, that take excesly for his crafte, ye schall truely presenten him unto the Meyre, be him to be redressed, and corected, and make fyn after the quantyte of the trespas, and if ony maner man of your crafte wille not be serched, ne governed by yow, in all right and reson, qwilis ye be maistres of your crafte, ye schall certifie him unto the Meyr, and he schall be chastyced, as good ordenaunce of the citee wele. And that ye concele nought, these defautes afforseid, sparing no man, for love, hate, ne drede, upon peyne of grevous ponyschement, be avyse of the Meyre, and mo sufficient men of the same crafte. But that ye xull soo governe your crafte in all thing, that may be encrese, profit, and worschip, unto alle the citee, and well, and truly, yee schall don alle that longith to maistres of the crafte for to doo.
So helpe yow God atte the holi dome.'
The Constables Charge.
'The Meyre of the cite, chargeth yow on the Kyngis behalve of Ingelonde, that ye schall sekyrly (unto your power) kepen the pees with inne youre warde, and that ye schall not suffren with inne your forseid warde, any congregacionis, ne insurrecyonis, be day, ne be night, with owtyn speciall byding of Mr. Meyre, qwich that may turnen in derogacyon of the Kingis estate, and of his regalte, and if eny man presume himself to doon the contrarie of this charge, that ye heve arested him with alle your power, as rebell agens the Kyng, and the good pees of the cetee, and bringyn him to the Kyngis preson, and if ye be nought myghti to maken this areste, ye xull comyn, and compleynen yow to the Meyr for to strenthe yow agens all suche rebellis with inne this citee, and that ye don denly this charge, upon peyn of forfeture of your goodis, and your bodies to preson, to be atte Kyngis will, and that ye arresten, alle manner of nyght-walkers, baratoors, and mysdoers, comune tenyse pleyers, and hasardowris, bowlers, valyant and mighty beggers, agens the Kingis pees, as welle as be vertu of your office, as be sewte of partye, and bring them to prison, or elles giff Master Meyre knowledge thereof, and that ye geve men charge, for to kepen wach, in your warde, in all the haste ye may at this tyme, as hath ben acustumed, upon peyne therupon ordeyned in the cite, and that ye shall execute all comandements, and precepts given you by Mr. Maier, as well for the peace, as for every other thing, and that ye schall deuly, and truly, perfourm all these pointis affornseid, ye schall doo yowr dever.
So helpe yow God, atte the holy dome.'
The Othe of the Attorneis in the Shreves Court, within the Cittie of Norwiche, before the Mayour.
'You shall swere, that you shall well and trewly execute the office of an attorneye, within this cittie and court, without taking excessive ffees, ye shall be trewe and give trewe counsaill unto your clyaunts, according to your witte, and connyng, ye shall not pleade noo false, ne deletarye pleas, ne plead any pleas to put the courte out of jurisdiction, otherwise thenne the trewthe of the mattier, and cawse, will serve, according to your witte and conning, you shall not gyve any evidens to enquests taking betwixt partie and partie, in any cawse or accion, otherwise thenne you shall be enformed by your clyaunts, or by suche other persone or personnes, as shall witnes the truthe of the mattier, to your knowledge, you shall be obedyent to the shreves, and courte, in all things that be lawful, and ye shall give your attendaunce at the Kings courts of oyer and termyner, the gayle delyvereye, and the quarter sessions, to be holden within the seide cittie, without cause resonable, and also ye shall use and exercise your seide office of attorneye within the seide courtes, in all other cawses and mattiers, perteyning to an attorneye, well and trewly, according to your witte and knowledge, and upholde, and mayneteyne, the jurisdiction of the same courte, to your best power.
'So healpe you God and all saincts, and by the contents of this booke.'
The Charge for the Meirs Sergeants.
'Ye shall swere, that ye shall weel and truly serven the Mayr in the office of sergeaunt, and truly, diligently, and besily, attenden to hym at all tymes, for his wurshipp, and wurshipp of the cite, ye shall also overseen the markets of corn, fflesh, ffysh, pulterie, and other vitayll, and alle manner of forstallers, of any manner vitayll, freshly founden, ye shall arresten, and bringe hem to prison, or atte leste enform the Mayr of suych forstallers, ye shall also suffren no bakers to bye whete beforn x of the belle, ne cook, no flessh, fyssh, ne wilde foule, beforn ix of the belle, as the ordenaunce of this cite is, and alle other things wurshipfull to the Mayr, and profitable to the cite, ye shall don, with all your cunnyng and power, with oute favour or rygour, ye shall also do truly your offys, in takyng of bred, whan ye be sent therfore, with oute favour, or informacon, or warning to the bakers, in any wise, whan thei shall be serched, and that ye shall due summonys make, unto the personys chosen for the comon-counsell, and to any officers of the cite, or to any other persons, whan it be assigned yow, and trewe certificat to the Mayr, or his depute thereof returne, and the counsell of the Maire, aldermen, and of the assemble, ye shall kepe, and well, and truly, all these articles befor rehersed, and alle other things apertenaunt to your office, ye shall duely and truly observen and peformen.
'So help yowe God and all seyntes.'
Servientes Vicecomitum. The Charge of the Shirreves. Sergeantes.
'Ye schall swer, that ye schall truly this yere, serve the Meyr, and the schrevys in ther courtes, in the office of sergeauntre, truly all manner of pleyntes to yow havyn, longing to the courte, entren, and executyn, as hastly as ye may, and as many pleyntis as ye may rescyeve, truly bringyn to the seid courte, and no pleint consele, ne beselyn, taken be yow or in yowr name; alle somonys, attachementis, distresses, preceptis, warrantis, and grene wex, and alle manner processe, and execusyons, of the seid courte, truly servyn, and executyn, and certifien, and non endes make between partye and partye, withowtyn the seid courte. Also non panell maken, atte non nomination of partye, ne non man impanell between partye and partye, but they that ben endefferent men, in no wyse, ne no man, woman, ne childe, aforn xal waren, of no pleynt, ne processe, that is, or xall be, ageyne hym or them, in the same court, but be autorite, and comaundement of the seid court, ne non disceyt doon, of non processe longyng to the seid courte; at alle the courtes holden in the Gyldehalle, ye xull ben present in yowr propre persone, but if ye be comaunded otherwise, be yowr maistres, or be the undirsherece, also no man leten owt of yowr warde to meymprise, after ye have arrested hym, but forthewyth ledyn him to the gayle, or to yowr meystris, or to the underschereve, and ye xall at alle tymes necessarie, be present and redy to do servyce to your meystres, and truly wayte and attende, and kepe the avayls, and councell of the courte, at alle tymes, in all that ye can or may, and alle these poyntes aforn rehersed, ye xall deuly and truly kepen and performen.
'So help yow God atte the holy dome.'
The Charge of the Common Serjeante.
'Ye schall swere, that ye schall make trewe leve of alle the summes owying to the comowns, in the ende of every quarter of the yere, or wythinne iiii weeks next foluyng every quarter of the yer, and the summes unto the tresorers of Norwich wyth owtyn long tariong, or wythinne iiij wekes after the ende of every quarter of the yere, ye schall deliveren and paien; and yif there be any tenaunt unto the comowns, that be suspecte of evill payment of his ferme for a quarter, not havyng sufficient plegis or valu for to paien his ferme, then ye schall in the ende of every quarter of a yer, as often as it nedith, or wyth inne iiij wekes after the ende of every quarter, wythowtyn more tarieng, suche a tenaunt distreyne, and the distress so taken, to wythholden to the behoofe of the comowns, to the tyme that the seid ferme with the arerages, be fully payd, and the comons fully satefied, and yif ye of such a tenaunt or persone have not a sufficient distres, than ye schall at the ende of ony quarter of the yere, or wythin iiij wekes foluing, that persone taken, and attechen be the body, and him leden to the preson of our lege lord the Kyng, ther to abyden, til the tyme the comowns be satified. Also that ye schull ben buxom and obedient, as well in worde, and in dede, to the Meir, surveyoures, and tresorers (chamberlains) of the citee, in all lefull commaundementis, and that ye schall non harm done to the comons, but that ye schall restoren, ne non knowen, he purposed to don, of non other persone, ne persones, but that ye schall of the persones or persone, geve unto the Meyr, surveyours, or tresores (chamberlains,) warnyng and knowyng, and the goodis of the comowns besily ye schall gadren, and truly kepen, and truly therof them answer, and ye schall not lete to ferme, non stalle, non howse, longing to the comunalte, ne ye schall not encresen, ne distresen no tenauntis in her fermys, wyth owtyn assent of the surveyours, and tresorers, (chamberlains) and alle these aforseid, deuly and truly ye schall fulfillen, and don.
So help yow God, atte the holy dome.'
The Charge of them that ben made Citezens, (or Freemen.)
'This here ye Maire, shereves, and commune-counsell, that I xall from this day forward, the fraunchise, and liberties of this cite of Norwich, mayntene, and sustene, with my body, and goods no mannys goods avowe, but myn owyn, wher thorowe the Kyng, or the comoners, myght lese, tol, or custome, or any other right. Buxum ben to the Maire, and all other governours thereof, for tyme being; truly payen my taxes, and talliages, alle offices, to the which I xall be chosen in the cite, or in my crafte, them, and iche of them, accepten diligently, and non refusen; all other charges, leffully leyde uppon me, and alle ordinances made, or to be made within this cite, or in my crafte, confirmed by the counsell of the cite, obeyen and perfourmen from this day forward.
So help me God, atte holy dome.'
[edit] Mayors and Sheriffs
- 1486, John Aubry 3, died. Tho. Bukenham 2.
- 1487, John Welles 2.
- 1488, Tho. Bewfield.
- 1489, Rich. Balles.
- 1490, Rob. Gardiner.
- 1491, Will. London 2.
- 1492, Rob. Aylmere 2.
- 1493, Ric. Farrour 4.
- 1494, Stephen Bryan.
- 1495, John Welles 3, died, Tho. Caus.
- 1496, John Reed.
- 1497, Nic. Cowlyche.
- 1498, Ric. Farrour 5.
- 1499, Rob. Gardiner 2.
- 1500, John Waryns or Warnes.
Tho. Wilkyns, John Jowell.
John Jenney, Esq. of Intwood, deputy recorder, and counsel, always retained in the city's behalf.
John Pyncheamor, John Castre.
John Reed, Rich. Hayward or Howard.
Tho. Caus, Nic. Davy.
Tho. Woortys or Woorts, John Thompson, coroners.
Nic. Cowlych or Colich, Will. Gogeon.
Stephen Bryan, Tho. Cock.
Henry Spelman, Esq recorder.
John Waryns, John Rightwise.
Rob. Long, Barth. King.
John Horsley, Rob. Burgh or Burrow.
Richard Brasier, Robert Beast or Best.
John Fraunceys or Francis, John Pythood.
James Hobart, Esq. recorder.
Greg. Clerk, Tho. Aldrich.
Will. Ramsey, Tho. Hennyng or Hemyng.
John Randolf, Rob. Pyncheamor.
Jeffry Steward, John Crome.
[edit] Burgesses In Parliament
1 Hen. VII. Parl. at Westm. John Paston Esq. Philip Curzon.
4 Council at Westm. Rob. Thorp, Tho. Caus.
4 Parl. at Westm. Tho. Jenney, Rob. Thorp.
7 Ditto. John Pyncheamor, Philip Curzon.
11 Ditto. Stephen Bryan, Rob. Thorp.
12 Council at Westm. James Hobart, Esq. recorder, Tho. Caus, alderman.
12 Parl. at Westm. Rob. Thorp, Rob. Burgh. They were allowed 4s. a day for their wages in parliament, and were paid for 60 days attendance, but Burgh abated 10s. and Thorp 30s.
19 Ditto. Rob. Burgh, John Rightwise. They received wages at 2s. a day each, for 65 days attendance.
[edit] CHAPTER XXIV
OF THE CITY IN HENRY THE EIGHTH'S TIME.
Henry VIII. began his reign April 22, 1509, being then in the 18th year of his age, and was crowned on Midsummer day following.
This year the city was in great distraction by the late terrible fires, it being a great while before the river and streets could be cleaned; and before any one began to build, the court published an edict, and ordered the constables to take care that no one should cover any newbuilt house with thatch, but should tile them all, for the future safeguard of the city: and the executors of alderman Jewell or Jowell, deceased, paid 20l. of his gift to the city, which they agreed to lay out, and add 20l. more, to rebuild the wool-houses.
And this year, great part of the cathedral, with its vestry and all the ornaments and books, were burnt on St. Thomas's night.
In 1510, John Marsham, alderman, was elected sheriff, and for a fine of 40s. was excused serving this year, by the mayor and court, on account of the death of his brother, who was his factor beyond sea, which obliged him to go over himself; but though the recorder pleaded for him, the commons would allow no excuse, but obliged him to serve, he being a man they could trust.
The King went in May to Walsingham, but was not here.
This year was Tho. Ayers, priest, of Norwich, burnt at Eccles.
And the statute that coroners shall take no fee or reward for doing their office, was now made.
As also the act of the office of escheator.
In 1511, the King sent his privy seal at the complaint of the Prior and convent, for imprisoning divers inhabitants and servants of the priory, dwelling in Holmstrete, and Raton-rowe, for refusing to appear at the city musters, when they ought to muster before the commissioners of Norfolk, commanding them to be set at liberty on surety given; and that the mayor or his attorney, under 500l. penalty, should appear before the privy council, to answer to the Prior's objections, upon which, Tho. Aldriche, John Marsham, and two others, were sent to the King, and had 20 marks allowed for their expenses.
'One Thomas Bingy, an old reverend man, was burnt at Norwich, because he had not received the sacrament of 14 years, and abhorred the Popish ministration.'
In 1512, There was a suit between the mayor and citizens of Norwich, and the mayor and citizens of London; the collectors of the sheriffs of London having often troubled the citizens of Norwich, for a custom in London called balliage, and seized their goods, contrary to the charter of Richard I. and on a hearing had before Sir John Fyneux, Knt. chief justice of the Bench, and Rob. Rede, chief justice of the Common Pleas, it was determined that the citizens of Norwich were to pay no balliage, upon which all distresses were restored, and the charter of Richard I. and all the liberties of the citizens of Norwich, were allowed in the Gild-hall at London, and entered there.
The King had 25 soldiers well furnished, sent by the city; and at this time, the Lord Howard was treated with a grand breakfast at the mayor's, having been a great friend to the city against the Prior, he and other commissioners having made the inhabitants of Spitelond and Holmestreet, pay hede-money, and muster with the city, and not with the county.
In 1513, was an act made to avoid deceits in worsteds, and none were to be calandered wet, but only by persons bound apprentices to such craft, and their cunning and craft admitted by the mayor of Norwich, and two masters of the craft, either in Norwich or Norfolk; the craft of wet calandering of worsteds having been used well and substantially in times past, and still is, in the said city.
In 1515, the Lady Mary, sister to the King, was married to the French King, with whom he lived 82 days only; after whose death he sent Sir Charles Brandon Viscount Lisle, whom he had created Duke of Suffolk, for the Queen of France, his sister, who desired to return into England, whom the said Duke, by the King's license, married; in their return they visited this city, and were grandly received; several of the printed accounts say, that this year the Queen of France and Duke of Norfolk were here, but it is a mistake for Suffolk.
In 1516, was a meeting at the Friars-preachers, in which the mayor, five aldermen, and five commoners, elected for that purpose, met, to treat with the Prior and convent, but could not do any thing; upon which, Cardinal Wolsey came the next year hither, and Will. Hert, and John Marsham, aldermen, were elected, 'for the hole comunalte of the cete, to geve attendaunce upon the reverent father in God, Lord Thomas Cardynall, Archbishop of York, and Chauncellor of Ingelond, for causis dependyng attwixt the citie and Prior, to doo and be ordered in the premises, as shall be considered by the said Lord Cardynall,' who ordered them to submit it to the Earl of Surrey, and Sir Humphry Conesby, one of the justices of the Bench, and Sir Tho. Windham, Knt.; and next year, Tho. Aldrich and Leonard Spencer waited on them at London, and in 11th Henry VIII. Rob. Jannys, alderman, and Leonard Spencer, appeared again before the Cardinal, the Earl of Surrey, Judge Conesby, Judge John Caryel, Sir Tho. Windham, and the privy council; and after treaty had with them, the mayor rode up to London, and five horses and four men to attend him, and was allowed for expenses for himself 2s. a day, and each servant 12d.; with him, went John Marsham, alderman, who had three horses and two men allowed him, Edw. Rede, alderman, and his servant, and Leonard Spencer and his servant, when the whole affair was debated, but could not be finished till the Cardinal came again; and at last an agreement was made by the said Cardinal, which was of great advantage both to the church and city, both sides being well satisfied.
In 1518, the Earl of Surrey being at the Minor Friars, and the Abbot of St. Bennet of Holm, there was an agreement made between the Abbot and the city, on which occasion the Earl presented the city with venison, and there was great cheer made between them; they had their breakfast at the Chapel in the Field, and the Bishop was with them.
In 1519, on St. Leonard's day, happened a flood, which overflowed great part of the city, and broke down Cringleford bridge: it was called St. Leonard's flood.
In 1520, on the 2d day of March, Catherine Queen of England came to Norwich, at which time the Cardinal was here also, and all the companies went to meet her, 'in puke and dirke tawney liveries,' and the city presented her with 100 marks.
At this time rose a contention between the mayor, citizens, commonalty and sheriffs, about choosing their officers, but it was agreed, that for the future the sheriffs should choose such as they would answer for, to be under-sheriff, clerks, and bailiffs, and the mayor, aldermen, and common council, should for the future choose yearly a discreet lawyer, into the office of steward of the court of the sheriffs of the city, and for his service in the court, such steward shall receive of the sheriffs 40s. for his fee, for his execution of the office of steward of the city, and for his advice constantly to be given to the common council, and if they neglected to pay the fee, the city should not pay them the 30l. per annum towards the fee-farm, and such a steward should be constantly elected and paid; and accordingly the assembly elected Francis Moundford, steward, this year,
And now, '20 abill bowmen (or archers) sufficiently harnesed,' were sent to the King, who was then preparing a grand show of soldiers and gentlemen, to meet the French King with.
In 1521, Isabell Prioress of Carrow conveyed Butter-hills to the city.
In 1522, several of the brass and iron cannon belonging to the city, with a great many balls cast for them, gunpowder bought, and their wheels all mended, were sent to Waborn Hoope, the French being designed to land there.
This year also, the Emperour Charles the Fifth came to England, and as all our printed accounts say, was at this city, but I cannot find any records that induce me to think so: the mistake seems to come from Nevile's Index being misunderstood, which does not say he was here, but only, that he was in England: and the same Index also says, that Christian King of Denmark was in England in 1523, which is true, but that he and his Queen (as our printed accounts say) were here, I believe is wrong, for they stayed only 22 days in England, and landed and took shipping again at Dover. Indeed it is not impossible but it might be, though highly improbable.
On consideration of the many vexatious suits in the sheriff's court, for words and trifling debts, it was agreed that four aldermen should be named, one out of each of the great wards, to sit by themselves or deputies, every Wednesday in the year, being court days, from 8 to 9 in the morning, to adjust all debts under 2s. and all actions on words, for the ease and peace of the city, which institution was of great service, it answering then, in the same manner as the court of conscience doth now.
In 1523, the city granted Mr. Tho. Aldriche his request, not to serve the office of mayor, till seven years were expired from his last mayoralty, he having been at great costs in serving twice already, and in going often to London about the contest between the church and city, upon which he agreed to go next term to London again, about that business; and John Clerk had a like grant for seven years on the same account.
In 1524, by means of the Cardinal, a composition and final agreement was sealed between the Prior and City, in the common Gildhall at Norwich, on the 2d of Sept. 'by the hole assent of the 'assemble,' the indentures bearing date the 26th of August last, and Reginald Litprowe, alderman, and Tho. More, were elected to ride to London, to testify the approbation of the same to the Cardinal and privy council.
By this composition, the city resigned all jurisdiction within the walls of the priory, and acknowledged it to be part of the county of Norfolk, in the hundred of Blofield, and the church resigned all jurisdiction whatever without their walls, and within the walls of the city, to the said city, viz.
Tombland, with the fairs kept thereon, and all things belonging to the fairs.
Holmstreet, Spitelond, and Raton-rowe, and the leets thereto belonging, with full power to join and hold them with the other city leets,
All which places now were made part of the county of the city of Norwich.
The city exempted the Prior and convent and their successours, from all tolls, customs, and exactions, whatsoever, by water and land, in the whole city, or county of the city, and its liberties, for all goods and chattels bought or sold, for the use of the Prior and convent, their households, and families.
And as to the right of commonage out of St. Stephen's gates, by joint consent, they exemplified the fine which was levied thereof, in the 6th of King John, between William de Walsham Prior of Norwich, petent, and the citizens of Norwich, tenents, of the right of commonage in all that pasture in the suburbs extending towards Lakenham, and so to Herford Bridge, and so to Eaton, the whole being of the Prior's fee; the agreement was this, that all the citizens, for the future, might common there, paying to the Prior for every ox or cow feeding thereon, or any where in Lakenham or Eton, singly, 1d. a year each, or if they fed in both those parishes, 2d. a year each, to his manors of Lakenham-hall, and Eton-hall; and also 1d. or 2d. for every five sheep, according as they fed in one or both parishes saving right in the said pasture for all the Prior's tenants in those towns, to feed and common at their own pleasure, as heretofore, and saving to the Prior and his successours right of bruery, as broom, furse, fodder, and digging turfs, and flags.
And for this grant, the citizens agreed, that the Prior and his successours should enclose 40 acres of the said pasture for arable land, to his own use; and from that time to this, there had been many contentions about it, the citizens being loath to pay the acknowledgment; but now,
The city resigned to the church all right and prescription of commonage in Eton and Lakenham, and the Prior's lands in those towns; and the King to settle it firmly, licensed the city to receive, and the Prior and convent to convey to the City forever, 80 acres of ground and pasture, parcel of the said common (which is now called the townclose ) and six feet of ground round the said 80 acres, to make a ditch upon, and enclose it; all which, was set out by Sir Thomas Brudnell, Knt. and Sir Richard Broke, Knt. justices of the assize for the said county; the citizens are to have liberty to pass and repass to and from the said 80 acres, with all beasts in the highway, and to and from Herdford bridge in the highway, and to water them there; and this was confirmed both by letters patents, dated at Westminster, Oct. 4, in the 16th year of this King's reign; and "by authority of "parliament."
In 1525, the King granted this city another charter, dated at Westminster, the 17th of June, which was also confirmed "by authority of parliament," in which he recites and confirms all the former composition and agreement made between Rob. Catton Prior of the cathedral, and the city, at the mediation of Thomas (Wolsey) by divine permission Cardinal of St. Cecilia beyond Tyber, cardinal priest of the church of Rome, Archbishop of York, and Legat a Latere from the Pope, and Chancellor to the King, sole arbitrator, allowed and appointed for settling all differences; and then proceeds to grant the following new privileges to the city, viz.
That if a mayor or sheriff dies in his office, or be lawfully removed or displaced, that then the sheriffs, citizens, and commonalty, by assembly in the Gild-hall, may choose an alderman that hath not been mayor for three years before, to be mayor and escaetor for the rest of the year, who shall be sworn immediately after his election, in like manner as other mayors are, and in like manner a sheriff, if in case of death or removal.
And further, the recorder and steward of the said city, and their successours, and all that have born the office of mayor of the said city, so long as they continue aldermen, shall be always justices of the peace, in the city and liberties, and have cognizance of all felonies, &c. and hold their sessions before four, three, or two of them, provided the mayor, recorder, or steward, or one of them be always present, as justices, and have all other privileges belonging to justices of the peace, and shall make all ordinances, provisions, and laws for the peace and well government of the city, as far as concerns the office of justice of the peace, and no justices of the county shall enter the said city; and all fines and forfeitures, shall be applied towards repairing the bridges and other city burthens, without any account given to the King or his officers for any thing, but the fee farm rent.
It seems the mayor and commonalty gave the Prior and convent their manor of Wulterton's and Gibbe's in Field Dawling, on account of this agreement, for in 18th Henry VIII. at an assembly then held, was an indenture, sealed, between the city on the first part, the Duke of Norfolk, as lord of the fee, on the second part, and the Prior and convent on the third part, by which the city, with the Duke's license of mortmain, granted those manors to the Prior and convent.
Things being thus settled and easy, the city ceased going the bounds of Trowse Milgate, as they used annually to do, to justify their right against the church, at which time, great disorders often happened.
About this time there was a rebellion in Suffolk, at Lavenham, Hadley, Sudbury, &c. and the people began also to rise here, and in Norfolk, on account of the heavy taxes, and the general decay of work, the clothiers and farmers being unable to employ them; Holingshed says, that the Duke of Suffolk, who had a commission to raise the subsidy in Suffolk, persuaded the rich clothiers to assent thereto; but when they came home, and turned off their workmen, they assembled in companies, though their harness were taken from them by the Duke's order, and openly threatened to kill the Cardinal, the Duke, and Sir Robert Drury; and having got together at Lanham about 4000 strong, they rang the bells to alarm the neighbourhood, upon which the Duke broke down the bridges to hinder them joining, and sent to the Duke of Norfolk, who raised what men he could here, and in Norfolk, being a great force, and went and communed with them himself, demanding to know what they would have, John Green, a man of about 50 years of age, in the name of them all, assured him, that they meant no hurt to the King nor his laws, to whom they would be obedient, affirming that poverty was their captain, the which, with his cousin necessity, had brought them thus to do, telling him, that they, and all the inferiour sort of poor lived not upon themselves, but the substantial occupiers and traders, and now, that they, through such payments as were demanded of them, were not able to maintain them in work, they must of necessity perish for want of sustenance.
The Duke hearing this, was right sorry, and promised if they would go home quietly, he would get their pardon; which he honours ably performed after their departure; for he and the Duke of Suffolk, came to Bury, where the country people came in their shirts with halters about their necks, begging him to remember his promise, and there the two Dukes so wisely managed themselves, that all was at peace, and they had the good word of the commons, and the exactions of the subsidy ceased; the leaders of these rebels were sent to the Fleet, but soon after pardoned and dismissed.
In 1527, "was so great scarsenes of corne, that abowte Christemas "the comons of the cyttye, were redy to ryse upon the ryche men." And soon after, there was a rising in the county, and another here, headed by one Young, who would have persuaded the commons to have taken the corn by force from the sellers in the cross; but he could not have his purpose executed, the people well considering that it was enough to starve them all, if such as openly brought them corn to sell, were injured. It was 26s. 8d. a quarter, an extravagant price for that time; and it continued so dear, that next year the women rose on that account, as did the men at Yarmouth, but not with intent to injure any one at first, but only to hinder its exportation. But it went so far, that divers young men that joined with them were executed for it.
In 1529 died Thomas Spencer, son of Leonard Spencer of Norwich; he was born in this city, became a Carthusian monk in the monastery of Hinton in Somersetshire, where he was buried, and a good scholar; he wrote Commentaries upon St. Paul's Epistles, and being a strenuous Papist, and holding correspondence with the monks of this place, he got intelligence of all that had passed between Mr. Bilney, Latimer, and Repps, and published a book of it, intitled, The Trialogue.
And this year the Duke of Suffolk, and the French Queen, his wife, kept their Christmas at Norwich; and another insurrection on account of corn began to arise here and at Yarmouth, but was happily stopped by the Duke and the city, before it came to any head.
In 1530, a blazing star was seen in the west, and next year was one in the east, and the King at this time was declared supreme head of the church, which was established by Act of Parliament in 1535.
This year was an act passed to hinder lands, tenements, &c. being settled in trustees for the use of churches chapels, gilds, fraternities, &c. as was then usually done, to evade the act of mortmain, in which there is a special provision, 'That this act, ne any thing therein contained, shall extend or be in any wise prejudicial to hinder or impair any such ordinances, devices, or declarations of uses as shall hereafter be made, and declared in writing, by the executors of the testaments and last wills of Rob. Jannis and John Terry, late aldermen of the city of Norwich, now deceased, or by the executors or survivor of the executor of either of them, of any lands, tenements, or hereditaments, not above the clear yearly value of forty pound, to be employed and converted to, and for the discharge of tolls and customs, within the said city, and at the gates of the same, for the discharge of the poor people within the same city, of taxes and talliages, hereafter to be assessed and levied, and for the cleansing of the streets in the same city, or for any of the said good purposes, according to the true intents and meanings of the said last wills and testaments, and either of them, so that the same ordinances, devices, and declarations be had, made, and certified in writing into the King's Court of Chancery, within two years next ensuing the Feast of Easter next coming.' And in pursuance of this, in 1534, the King granted license of mortmain to Nic. Sywhat, William Roger, Edward Wade, and John Trace, executors of the said Jannis, to convey divers lands and tenements to the city, on consideration that all persons coming and going to the city, or any port or stath there, to buy and sell, in the times of the fairs or marts, and at all other times, to pay no toll nor custom there, nor at the city gates to the use of the city, as formerly; the said Jannis having given the said estates to the city, to take off all such tolls and customs.
Master Thomas Bilney, the famous martyr, though his chief residence was at Cambridge, and his first apprehension for preaching the pure Gospel was at London, yet the bloody scene of his death being here, is properly reckoned among the martyrs of this city, where he had been many years conversant, and (as I am apt to believe) if not a native of it, yet at least of some part of the adjacent country.
This holy man, and excellent scholar, was admitted very young in Trinity-hall at Cambridge, where he profited "in all kind of liberal science, even unto the profession of both lawes;" he was first converted to the genuine doctrines of Christ, by reading of Luther's writings against the Popish corruptions, and like the man who lost his sheep, and called his neighbours to rejoice with him when he had found it, so Bilney, when he had found the truth, spared not to impart it to his friends in the University; by which means he converted several of his acquaintance, and among them, Tho. Arthur and Hugh Latimer, who then, for his zeal, was Cross-keeper of the University, and by his office, was to bring it forth on procession days.
After some time, his zeal stirred him up to a further communication of his knowledge, thinking he ought not to hide his talent, or put his light under a bushel; and therefore, he and Arthur, went preaching up and down in divers places, till at last they came to London, where they preached some months, inveighing against the haughtiness, negligence, and vanity, of the Bishops and clergy and the abominable usurpation and pride of the Pope and Cardinals. Cardinal Wolsey, who was then at the height of his grandeur, perceiving that in a little time the hypocrisy and deceit of the Romish church would be detected by the preaching of the Gospel, caused both of them to be imprisoned. Arthur was tried upon the common articles, and convicted, and submitted to the punishment of the church, but Bilney utterly refused to return to the church of Rome: whereupon, he was brought to a more formal trial before the the Cardinal and other Bishops, in the Chapter-house at Westminster, before whom, certain articles were produced out of two sermons that he preached, one at the parish church of St. Magnus, in Whitsun week, Ao. 1527, &c. and the other at Christ's church in Ipswich, in which he (rightly) said,
1. That our Saviour Christ is our mediatour between us and the Father: what should we need then to seek any Saint for remedy? wherefore it is great injury to the blood of Christ to make such petitions, and blasphemeth our Saviour.
2. That man is so imperfect of himselfe, that he can in no wise merite by his own deedes.
3. That the coming of Christ was long prophesied before, and desired by the Prophets: But John Baptist being more than a prophet, did not only prophecy, but with his finger shewed him, saying, Behold! the Lamb of God which taketh away the sin of the world. Then if this were the very Lamb which John did demonstrate, that taketh away the sinnes of the world, what injury is unto our Saviour Christ, that to be buried in St. Frances cowle, should remit four parts of penance, what is then left to our Saviour Christ, which taketh away the sinnes of the world! This I will justify to be a great blasphemy to the blood of Christ.
4. That it was a great folly to go on pilgrimage, and that preachers in times past have been Antichristes, and now it hath pleased God somewhat to shew forth their falsehood and errors.
5. That the miracles done at Walsingham, at Canterbury, and there in Ipswich, were done by the devill, thorow the sufferaunce of God, to blinde the poore people: and that the Pope hath not the keys that Peter had, except he follow Peter in his living.
6. That Christian people, should set up no lights before the images of sayntes, for sayntes in heaven need no lights, and the images have no eyes to see. And therefore as Ezechias destroyed the brasen serpent that Moses made, by the commaundement of God, even so should Kinges and Princes now a dayes destroy and burne the images of sayntes set up in churches, &c.
Moreover it was deposed against him, that he was notoriously suspected as an heretick, and twice pulled out of the pulpit at St. George's in Ipswich, as also, that in the church of Willisden he exhorted the people to put away their gods of silver and gold, and leave off offering to them either candle, wax, money, or any thing else, and that when he said the Litany, he said, Pray you only to God, or to no saints; and when he came to Sancta Maria, &c. or, O Saint Mary pray for us, he said, Stay there.
These and many other articles of the like nature being proved, on the 4th of Dec. 1529, the Bishop of London admonished him to abjure, and recant, but he answered he would stand to his conscience. Then the Bishop caused the depositions to be read to him, which done, he bad him deliberate, whether he would forsake his opinions or no? but he answered, Fiat justicia et judicium in nomine Domini, i. e. Let justice and judgment be done in the name of the Lord; and being divers times admonished to abjure, he answered as before, adding, Hœc est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus et lætemur in eâ. i. e. This is the day which the Lord hath made, we will rejoice and be glad in it. Which when the Bishop heard, and saw he would answer no otherwise, he pulled off his cap, and making a cross on his forehead and breast, by the counsel of the other Bishops, he gave sentence on Master Bilney thus:
'I by the counsel and consent of my bretheren here present, do pronounce the Thomas Bilney, who hast been accused of diverse articles, to be convict of heresy, and for the rest of the sentence, we will take deliberation till to-morrow.'
The next day the Bishops assembled again, and Bilney was brought before them, then the Bishop of London asked him again and again, whether he would recant, and return to the unity of the church? To which Bilney said, he would not slander the Gospel, and trusted he was not separated from the church, but however, desired a day or two, to deliberate with himself and with his friends, whether he might abjure the heresies wherewith he was defamed, or no? which being at length granted, he appeared before the Bishops, and said, that he was persuaded by Master Farmar and Master Doncaster, and other friends, to submit himself, trusting that they would deal mildly with him, both in the abjuration and penance, which was thus performed: he subscribed his abjuration, and being absolved, his penance was, to bear a faggot, at the procession at St. Paul's, bare-headed, and to stand before the preacher all the sermon, and remain in prison till he was released by Cardinal Wolsey, which was done soon after.
After this abjuration, Bilney was so vehemently affected with sorrow for what he had done, that he was near the point of utter despair, as Bishop Latimer tells us in his seventh Sermon, 'I knew a man my selfe, Bilney, little Bilney, that blessed martyr of God, what time he had borne his fagotte, and was come agayne to Cambridge, had such conflict within himself, beholding this image of death, that his friendes were afraid to let him bee alone: they were faine to be with him day and night, and comforted him as they could, but no comfortes would serve: as for the comfortable places of Scripture, to bring them unto him, it was as tho' a man would runne him thro' the heart with a sword. Yet afterward for all this, he was revived and took his death patiently, and dyed well against the tyrannicall sea of Rome. Who will [may] be that Bishop, that had the examination of him, if he repented not. Here is a Godly lesson for you my friends: if ever you come in danger, in durance, in prison for God's quarell, and his sake, (as he did for purgatory matters, and put to beare a fagott for preaching the true word of God, against pilgrimage and such like matters,) I will advise you, first, and above all things, to abjure all your friends, all your friendshippe, leave not one unabjured: it is they that shall undoo you, and not your enimies. It was his very friends that brought Bilney to it.'
And in another Sermon preached in Lincolnshire, he says much the same of this good man, and in his first Sermon preached before Katherine Dutchess of Suffolk, he hath this,
'Here I have occasion to tell you a story which happened at Cambridge, Master Bilney, or rather Saint Bilney, that suffer'd death for Gods word sake, the same Bilney, was the instrument whereby God called me to knowledge, for I may thank him next to God, for that knowledge that I have of the word of God. For I was as obstinate a papist as any was in Englande. Insomuch that when I should be made bachelor of divinity, my whole oracion went against Philip Melancthon, and against his opinions. Bilney heard me at that time, and perceaved I was zelous without knowledge, and came to me afterwards in my study, and desired me for God's sake to hear his confession. I dyd so, (and to say the trueth) by his confession, I learned more than afore in many yeres: so that from that time forward, I began to smell the word of God, and forsake the school doctors, and such fooleries, &c.' By all which it appears, how vehemently this good man was pearced with sorrow and remorse for his abjuration, for above a year together. But at last, by God's grace and good counsel, he came to some quiet of conscience, being resolved to give up his life for the confession of that truth, which he had before renounced; and thereupon at ten o'clock at night, took his leave in Trinity-hall of some of his friends, and departed immediately for Norfolk, where he preached first, privately in houses, to confirm the brethren and sisters, and the Anchoress of Norwich, whom he had formerly converted to Christ: afterwards he preached openly in the fields, confessing his fault, and inculcating the doctrines he had abjured, as the very truth; desiring all men to take warning by him, and never trust their carnal and worldly friends, in matters of religion. Then he came to Norwich to the Anchoress there, to whom he gave a New Testament of Tindal's translation,' and the Obedience of a Christian Man,' whereupon he was apprehended and carried to the Gild-hall, there to remain till the blind Bishop Nix sent up for a writ to burn him. And in the mean time, Doctor Call, provincial of the gray-friars, Doctor Stokes an Austin friar, Friar Byrde, provincial of the white-friars, and a black-friar named Hodgekins, endeavoured to persuade him to recant, but to no purpose, though Sir Tho. Moore, Chancellor of England, and Mr. Cope, gave it out that he again recanted his opinions; which slander Mr. Fox confutes at large.
When the writ was come, he was brought again before Doctor Pelles, the Bishop's chancellor, and being after a short examination condemned by him, was degraded by Suffragan Underwood, according 'to the custom of their Popish manner, by the assistance of all the fryers and doctowrs of the same sute,' and was then committed to the lay power, namely, to Nic. Sotherton and Tho. Necton, sheriffs of Norwich.
This Necton was Bilney's special friend, and therefore was very sorry to accept him for such execution as followed; but so great was the tyranny of the time, and dread of the chancellor and friars, that he was forced to receive him; yet notwithstanding he could not bear in his conscience himself to be present at his death, for the time he was in his custody, he caused him to be more friendly looked unto, and more wholesomely kept as to his diet, than he was before, affording him all friendly usage to the time of his death. The day before, many of his friends resorted to him in the prison at the Gild-hall, where he was kept, and one of them finding him eating of an albrew with such cheerful heart and quiet mind as he did, said, that he was glad to see him at that time, so shortly before his heavy and painful departure, so heartily to refresh himself; whereunto he answered; Oh! said he, I follow the example of the husbandmen of the country, who having a ruinous house to dwell in, yet bestow cost so long as they may, to hold it up; so do I now with this ruinous house of my body, and with God's creatures, in thanks to him, refresh the same, as you see. Some of his friends in such Godly talk as passed between them, reminded him by way of comfort, that though the heat of the fire would be painful to his body, yet the comfort of God's spirit would cool it to his everlasting refreshing; at which words he put his finger to the flame of a candle as it burned before them, (as he often did,) and feeling the heat, said, I feel by experience, and have known it long by philosophy, that fire by God's ordinance is naturally hot, but yet I am persuaded by God's holy word, and by the experience of some, mentioned in the same, that in the flame they felt no heat, and in the fire no consumption, and I constantly believe, that though the stubble of this my body shall be wasted by it, yet my soul and spirit shall be purged thereby; a pain for the time, whereon notwithstanding followeth joy unspeakable. And then he treated on the first verses of the 43d chap. of Isaiah, Fear not, for I have redeemed thee, I have called thee by my name, thou art mine, when thou passest thorow the waters I will be with thee, they shall not overflow thee, when thou walkest thorow the fire thou shalt not be burnt, neither shall the flame kindle upon thee, for I am the Lord thy God, the Holy One of Israel thy Saviour. Which words he comfortably applied to his own case, and to the particular use of his friends then present, which so much fixed them in their thoughts, that some wrote them in their books, and others on tables, that the comfort of this discourse was never forgotten to their dying day.
Saturday, August the 19th, 1531, being St. Magnus's day, the sheriff's officers came to the prison with their halbards, and receiving him there, led him through the city to the place of execution, which was out of Bishop-gates, in a valley, commonly called Lollard's Pit, under St. Leonard's hill, which place was chosen on purpose that the people might see the execution quietly, it being surrounded with hills large enough to hold a great multitude; when he came out of the prison door, one of his friends spake in few words to him, to be constant, and take his death as patiently as he could: to whom he answered in a quiet and mild countenance, ye see when the mariner is entered his ship to sail on a troublous sea, how he for a while is tossed in the billows of the same, but yet in hope that he shall once come to the quiet haven, he beareth in better comfort the perils which he feeleth: so am I now, towards this sailing, and whatsoever storms I shall feel, yet shortly after shall my ship be in the haven, as I doubt not thereof by the grace of God, desiring you to help me with your prayers to the same effect. He disposed of much in alms by one of his friends, as he went in the streets; and being accompanied by Dr. Warner, rector of Winterton, his old acquaintance, whom he had chosen for his ghostly comfort, he came at last to the place of execution, in a layman's gown, with his sleeves hanging down, and his arms out; his hair was piteously mangled at his degradation; little in stature he was, but always of an upright pleasant countenance. The stake being prepared, while they were getting ready the fire, he made confession of his faith in the words of the Apostle's Creed, and at the words, I believe—in the holy catholick church, he paused, and said, Good people, I must here confess to have offended the church, in preaching once against the prohibition of the same, at a poor cure belonging to Trinity-Hall in Cambridge, where I was fellow, earnestly entreated thereunto by the curate, and other good people of the parish, showing that they had no sermon there of a long time before, and so in my conscience moved, I did make a poor collation unto them, and thereby ran into disobedience of certain authority of the church, by whom I was prohibited. Howbeit, I trust at the general day, charity that moved me to this act, shall bear me out at the judgement seat of God.' And then he proceeded without any manner of words of recantation, or laying his death to any man's charge. This done, he put off his gown and went to the stake, and kneeling upon a little ledge coming out of the stake, whereupon he should afterwards stand to be better seen, he made his private prayer, with such earnest elevation of his eyes and hands to heaven, and in so good quiet behaviour, that he seemed not much to consider the terrour of his death, ending his prayers with the 43d Psalm, in which he repeated this verse thrice, Enter not into judgment with thy servant, O Lord, for in thy sight shall no man living be justified, and so finishing the Psalm, he concluded. Then turning to the officers, he asked if they were ready! who answered yea. Whereupon he put off his jacket and doublet, and stood in his hose and shirt, and then went to the stake, and stood upon the ledge, and the chain was cast about him; and as he stood there, Dr. Warner came to bid him farewell, but spake but few words for weeping. Bilney smiled on him, and bowed his body to thank him, and lastly said, O! Master Doctor, feed your flock, feed your flock, that when the Lord cometh he may find you so doing; farewell, good Master Doctor, pray for me; upon which he departed without any answer, sobbing and weeping: while he stood thus, certain friars, doctors, and priors, of the frieries of Norwich, being then present, (as they were uncharitably and maliciously present at his examination and degradation, some of them, as Julles, Hogekyns, and others, being witnesses against him,) came to him and said, O! Master Bilney, the people are persuaded that we are the causes of your death, and that we have procured the same, and thereupon it is like they will withdraw their charitable alms from us all, except you declare your charity towards us, and discharge us of the matter. Whereupon he spake with a loud voice to the people and said, I pray you good people be never the worse to these men for my sake, as though they should be the authors of my death. It is not they.
Then the officers put reed and faggots about his body, and set fire to the reed, and made a very great flame, which sparkled and deformed his visage, he holding up his hands and knocking upon his breasts, crying some times Jesus, and sometimes Credo, or I believe, &c. which flame was blown away from him by the violence of the wind, which was that day and two or three days before, exceeding high, and so for a little while he stood without the flame, the flame going and coming three times before the wood took sufficient fire to consume him, after which he yielded up the ghost, and his body bowed down upon the chain; then an officer smote the staple out of the stake with his halbard, and his body fell into the bottom of the fire, and then throwing wood on it, it was quite consumed.
Thus was the martyrdom of this good man, who by his preaching and exhortations, left no small fruit behind him, in Norwich, Norfolk, and Cambridge; so exemplary was his life and conversation, that when Nix his persecutor was constantly told how holy and upright he was, he said, he feared he had burnt Abel, by which confession he proved himself a Cain, that slew him, as Fox rightly observes.
In 1531, there was a statute made, that in all cities, boroughs, and towns corporate, all felons may be tried by jurors, though they have no freehold, so that they be worth 40l. in goods, and be freemen, or dwell in the city or borough, it being sometimes difficult to find freeholders for jurymen.
In 1532, at a court held the day before St. Thomas, it was alleged, that whereas for time immemorial, till very lately, the mayor, sheriffs, &c. on the Feast of St. Mary Magdalen, did always ride in procession to Magdalen fair, having the city watch before them in their harness and armour, to the honour and praise of the city, and to the great preservation of the city arms, which for want of it were decayed; it was now ordered, that such procession, unless the weather be exceeding bad, should be yearly made, under ten pounds penalty to be forfeited by the mayor; the sheriffs and aldermen, and the constables of every ward, with all their watchmen in arms, shall be at the mayor's gate by one in the afternoon of St. Mary Magdalen's day, and shall ride in procession from thence to the fair, as heretofore, and shall all go and do their devotion in St. Mary Magdalen's chapel there, and after that, shall pass their time in the wrestling place, at the mayor's cost, and shall return thence in due form; and this was continued till 1538, when it was agreed, that as St. Mary Magdalen's feast was abrogated and not hallowed by the King's command, they should not ride to the fair any more, and the next year it was 'ordened and enacted, that yerly from hensforth shal be had the Tuysday in Pentecost weke, alike watche, withyn the citie, to be ordered in such wyse as the mayor for the tyme beyng, and his bretheren aldermen shall think most convenyent and semeyng, for the honor and worship and defence of the citie and country adjoining.'
In 1533, the statute of the 5th of Henry VIII. touching calendering of worsteds, was made perpetual; and it was further enacted 'for the common wealth of the city of Norwich, and maintenance, supportation, and upholding of the houses, tenements, and habitations of the same,' that no dyer thould be a calenderer, under penalty of forfeiting 40s. for every piece that is calendered by or for the use of the persons that died it.
This year was settled the order of the procession of the occupations, crafts, or companies, to be made on Corpus Christi day, from the common-hall, by Cutler-row, and so round the market, to the hall again, which order the said companies are to go in, at the riding of the mayor, and at all times when summoned, to attend the court, for the worship and honour of the city.
1. The company of Masons, Tilers, Lime-burners, and Smiths, with their two banners, before them; which company keeps their gild-day on the 5th Sunday after Trinity.
2. The Carpenters, Gravours, Joiners, Sawers, Seive-makers, Wheelwrights, Fletchers, (or Arrow-makers,) Bowers, and Turners, with their banner; which company holds their gild on the 12th Sunday after Trinity.
3. The Reders, Thaxsters, Rede-sellers, Cleymen, and Carriers, with their banner; whose gild-day is the Sunday before Michaelmas.
4. The Butchers, Glovers, and Parchment-makers, with their banner; whose gild is on the 8th Sunday after Trinity.
5. The Tanners, with their banner; whose gild is the 10th Sunday after Trinity, when they always go in procession and hear mass, and offer at St. Swithin's.
6. The Cordwainers, Coblers, Curriers, and Collar-makers, with their banner; whose gild is on the 4th Sunday after Trinity.
7. The Shermen, (or Cloth-cutters,) Fullers, Woollen and Linenweavers, and Wool Chapmen, with their two banners; whose gild is on the 11th Sunday after Trinity.
8. The Coverlet-weavers, Darnick-weavers, and Girdlers, with their banner; whose gild is the 7th Sunday after Trinity.
9. The Combers, Tinmen, &c. with their banner. They hold their gild on the 3d of Feb. being Bishop Blase's day.
10. The Vintners, Bakers, Brewers, Inn-keepers, Tiplers, Coopers, and Cooks, with their banner. This company keeps no gild, but pays to their priest for a certeyn 4s. 4d.
11. The Fishmongers, Fresh-Water-Fishers, and Keelmen, with their two banners; whose gild is the 9th Sunday after Trinity.
12. The Waxchandlers, Barbers, and Surgeons, with their banner; this company keeps no gild, but pays their priest 40d. for a certeyn.
13. The Cappers, Hatters, Bagmakers, Paint-makers, Wier-drawers, and Armourers, with their banner. They keep no gild, but pay for a certeyn.
14. The Pewterers, Brasiers, Plombers, Bell-founders, Glaziers, Steynors, and other occupations, with their banner. This is called St. Luke's gild, and is kept in St. Luke's chapel in the cathedral, every 2d Sunday after Trinity, where they hear mass.
15. The Tailors, Broiderers, Hosiers, and Skinners, with their banner; who keep their gild the 3d Sunday after Trinity.
16. The Goldsmiths, Diers, Calenderers, and Sadlers, with their banner. They keep their gild the Sunday after St. Luke.
17. The Worsted-weavers, and Irlonderes, with their banner. They hold their gild and hear mass, every Whitsunday at the cathedral.
18. The Grocers and Raffmen (or Timber Masters) with their banner. They keep no gild, but pay xs. for a certeyn.
19. The Mercers, Drapers, Scriveners, and Hardware men, with their banner; they hold their gild on Corpus Christi day.
20. The Parish Clerks, and Sextons, with their banner, wayts, and minstrels, hold their gild on Thursday before Whitsunday.
These twenty companies, with their several banners, on which their patron saints were painted, and each company in their livery of one suit, with the several masters of the crafts going before them, with musick, &c. made fine processions on their gild-days, and at the swearing of the mayor; they being then managed in the same manner as those in the city of London.
In 1534, was an act passed for re-edifying of void grounds in the city, which sets forth, that "where by infortunat chance of fire, a great number of houses of habitation within the citie of Norwich, about 26 years past, were burned and utterlie consumed, to the great heavinesse, discomfort, losse, and hinderance of the inhabitants of the same citie, by reason of which burning, divers and many void grounds, whereupon before the same fire, good and substantiall houses of habitation, were standing, remain now at this daie unre-edified, and not only unre-edified, but also lie as desolate and vacant grounds, many of them nigh adjoining to the high streets, replenished with much uncleaness and filth, to the great annoiance of the said inhabitants, and other the King's subjects, passing by the same," for which reason it was enacted, that if the owners of such grounds within two years next following the proclamation made by the mayor, for all persons to build or enclose their grounds, should neglect to rebuild such grounds, or else sufficiently enclose the same with walls of mortar and stone; from thenceforth it shall be lawfull for the mayor, sheriffs, citizens and commonalty, of the said city, to enter upon such vacant grounds, and hold and retain them to them and their successours for ever, clearly discharged of all rents, as well of those due to the lords of the fee, as all others, on condition that within two years after such entry they either rebuild or enclose them as aforesaid; and if they do not, the several owners may then re-enter; and if they do not rebuild or enclose in two years, the chief lords of the fees may enter upon them, and rebuild or enclose them in one year's time, or else the mayor, &c. may re-enter, on condition he rebuilds or enclose them, according to the tenor of the act.
This year, the council-chamber at the Gild-hall, and the prisons underneath, were rebuilt at the expense of 208l. 10s.; Augustine Steward, then mayor, was a great promoter of the work.
Mr. Aleyn Persy, clerk gave a messuage and tenauntrye annexed, late of Henry Scolehouse, alderman, to the city for ever, to be settled for such uses as the mayor should fix upon, by whose advice it was sold for 100l. which was to be laid out in purchasing lands and tenements within the city, the profits of which should be employed about fying of the river, or repairing of the city walls, as the mayor for the time being shall think most needful.
The city about his time, gave certain lands in Monks-toft, Aldeby, and Hadesco, which were late John Tebolds and Tho. Fuller's, to the Prior and convent of Norwich, which in 1539 were sold by the convent, and confirmed by the city to Tho. Kene.
In 27th Henry VIII. was an act passed for re-continuing liberties in the Crown, by which all cities, boroughs, and towns corporate, had all their liberties thereby confirmed,
And in this parliament was an act made, that all mayors, governours, and head officers of every city, borough, and town corporate, and the church-wardens, or two other of every parish, shall in good and charitable wise, take such discreet and convenient order, by gathering and procuring of such charitable and voluntary alms of the good Christian people within the same, with boxes every Sunday, holiday, and other festival days, or otherwise among themselves, in such good and discreet wise, as the poor, impotent, lame, feeble, sick, and diseased people, being not able to work, may be provided, holpen, and relieved, so that they, nor none of them, be suffered openly to beg, upon pain that all and every the mayors, governours, aldermen, &c. shall forfeit, for every month that it is omitted, 20s. with several other ways mentioned in the act for taking care of the poor, by gathering from house to house, &c.; and by this act there was obliged to be a poors box in every church, to keep the money of such collections in; and for the avoiding all such inconveniences and infections as oftentimes have, and daily do, chance among the people by open and common doles, and as commonly many persons resort unto such doles as have no need of the same, it was enacted that nobody should make any such common doles, or give any ready money in alms, otherwise than to the common boxes, or gatherings, made as aforesaid, and all preachers, parsons, vicars, and curates, in their sermons, collations, bidding of the beads, and in time of all confessions, and at the making of all wills and testaments, are enjoined to exhort, move, stir, and provoke people to be liberal and bountiful, and to extend their arms and contributions to such poor people: and at the close of it, there is provision, that the act shall not extend to the prejudice of friars mendicants, nor be hurtful or prejudicial to any abbots, priors, or other persons of the clergy, that by any means are bound to give yearly, weekly, or daily alms, in money, victual, lodging, clothing, or other thing, in any monasteries, alms-houses, hospitals, or other foundations, or brotherhoods, by any good authority or ancient custom, established for that purpose: by this it seems, as if this act was made on purpose to make way for the dissolution, by which of consequence great numbers of poor, which were maintained at those religious places, must otherwise have wanted bread; and it is worth observing, that the exception made for the abbots, &c. to continue their charity, might as well have been omitted, it being no great while, before many of those that were bound to be so charitable to others, were forced to ask it for their own support, for in this very parliament all the monasteries, which had not lands above the value of two hundred pounds a year, were given to the King, his heirs and assigns for ever, to do and use therewith his and their own wills," and the religious thereof were ejected, and forced to live any way they could, either by alms or daily labour; indeed there is a clause in the act to keep up hospitality, that all persons and bodies corporate, having the site and demean lands of such houses, shall be bound under the penalty of 6l. 13s. 4d. a month, "to keep, or cause to be kept, an honest continual house and household, in the same site or precinct, and to occupy yearly as much of the demeans in plowing and tilling of husbandry," &c. as the abbots or their farmers occupied for 20 years before the act, all which was little minded, that part of the act being seldom if ever complied with.
These things were not liked by the commons, nor by the regular clergy, who took occasion to speak evil of the late proceedings of the King, touching matters of religion; and divers of the nobility did what they could to stir up a rebellion, faithfully promising them aid and succour against the King, insomuch that 20,000 persons assembled together in Lincolnshire, against whom the King with all expedition intended to march, as soon as he could get an army together, by writing to the principal cities of the kingdom, as he did to this, which immediately granted him 24 soldiers to go against the rebels, which he did, and they soon submitted to him, but the soldiers continued some time with the Duke of Suffolk, who was ordered to go as the King's lieutenant, with an army, to see that the country kept the peace; and
In 1537, was an insurrection at Walsingham in Norfolk, upon the inhabitants finding that the dissolution of the religious houses, and the suppression of pilgrimages to the Virgin at that town, would in a great measure be the decay of it; but they were soon quieted; and in September,
- 1538, by the special motion of the Lord Cromwell, all the remarkable images to which particular pilgrimages and offerings were made, were utterly taken away, as the images of our Lady at Walsingham, Ipswich, Worcester, the Lady of Willsdon, with many others, and likewise all the shrines of the saints, as Tho. Becket's and others.
And all the orders of the friars and nuns were suppressed.
As for the images of our Lady of Walsingham and Ipswich, they were brought to London with all the jewels that hung about them, and with divers others were burnt at Chelsey.
And on Trinity Sunday, the monks of the cathedral changed their monkish apparel, for the apparel of prebends and secular canons.
In October, on St. Edward's even, which falls on the 12th of that month, at Hampton Court, the Queen was delivered of Prince Edward, who was afterwards King Edward VI. for whose birth there was great joy and thanksgiving throughout the kingdom, and a "grete tryumphe and procession" was made here, with pageants, hangings, bonfires, shooting, &c. the mayor, court and companies, being in their gowns, suits, and liveries.
And this year, Mr. Rob. Hemmyng, alderman, gave the city two acres of land, lying out of St. Giles's-gates, to lay muck upon, for the ease of the inhabitants.
At this time was invented the art of casting lead pipes, for the conveyance of water under ground, without soldering the same, by Rob. Brock, clerk, then one of the King's chaplains, a necessary invention for saving expense, two men and a boy being able to do as much in one day, as several men could do in many; Robert Cooper, goldsmith, was the first that made the instruments, and put this invention in practice.
In 1538, Thomas Cromwell, Lord Privy Seal, Vicegerent, to the King's Highness, sent injunctions to all bishops and curates throughout the realm, charging them to take care, that in every parish church, a Bible of the largest volume, printed in English, should be placed openly for all men to read in: This was the first order that I have seen authorising the Scripture to be publickly read in the English tongue, which excellent institution soon dissipated the ignorance that then abounded among the common people, and may be deservedly reckoned as it were, a new promulgation of the Gospel, which till this time was wickedly concealed from the laity, in a language wholly unknown to the greater part of them; and this same time produced another injunction, for parish registers, which were now instituted, the use of which hath long ago appeared so evident, that nobody need to say any thing more in their commendation.
At this time also, the King by letters patents dated at Westminster the 6th of April, in the 30th year of his reign, confirmed "by authority of parliament," sets forth that by other letters patents, dated the 28th May, in the 19th year of his reign, he had made the precinct within the priory walls exempt from the city, as part of Blofield hundred in Norfolk, and that by other letters patents he had changed the Prior and convent, into a dean and chapter, and the monks into prebendaries and secular canons, and appointed William Castleton the first dean, and incorporated them, and given them every thing that belonged to the Prior and convent, to have, use, and enjoy, in the same manner the late Prior and convent, enjoyed them, and now the dean and chapter desiring to give up their letters patents of incorporation to the county of Norfolk, and hundred of Blofield, the King, by the mutual consent and good liking of the dean and chapter, and of the mayor, court, and commons of the city, accepted the surrender thereof, and by these presents, the precinct was made part of the city and county thereof, and such liberties were to be used by the city, in the precinct, as were not contradictory to the ancient liberties of the Prior and convent, used in the same; all which liberties were reserved to the dean and chapter, in as ample a manner as ever they were enjoyed by the Prior and convent, and their predecessors.
And therefore to hinder all disputes for the future, there was a composition and final agreement made, on the 10th of April, between the church and city, settling their different rights and jurisdictions; one indenture of which, under the seal of the dean and chapter, remains in the Gild-hall, and the other under the city seal, in the archives of the church; by which it was agreed,
That if any affray, quarrel, or misdemeanour against the King's peace, happens in the precinct or close, in the presence of the mayor or any other justice of peace of the city, or any vagabond or sturdy beggar comes into their presence in the precinct, or if any opprobrious or contemptuous words be spoken to the mayor or justices of the peace within the precinct, the mayor or justices of the peace may take up every such offender, and carry him to the common city gaol, so that it be not the dean himself, or any of the prebendaries or canons, or any of their officers or servants.
Also if any plaint or action, real or personal, be commenced, levied, or entered, in any court of the city, the process shall be awarded to the bailiff of the dean and chapter's liberty, there to be served and executed, and every such mandate, process, &c. shall be delivered to the said dean, or to one of the prebendaries there, and if they all be absent, to one of the canons, or to the bailiff of the liberty, 24 hours at least before the return of the same process, mandate, or precept, and the officer that delivered it shall certify upon oath, in the Gildhall, the delivery thereof to some of the said persons, before any process of non omittas, to enter into the said liberty, shall be awarded by the mayor, justices of the peace, sheriffs, or any of them.
And neitheir the dean, prebendaries, or canons, nor their servants, inhabiting in the precinct of the said close, not being free of the city, shall be called before the mayor, &c. in any city court, to be sworn on any juries, inquests, &c.; neither shall they have any manner of custom, amerciaments, fines, or pains, for any cause or offence committed or done within the precinct, levied upon them, otherwise than such as before the date hereof have been used accustomably to be paid, by the said dean, prebendaries, canons, or their servants and officers.
Furthermore, no warrant is to be granted by any persons whatever belonging to the city, to be executed in the close or precinct against any of the members of the cathedral, their servants or officers, inhabiting in the said precinct, " before that the said maier, or justice of peace hath gevyn knowleage unto the said deane, or to oon of the said prebendaries there resident, by whom, or by what persone any such request (for a warrant) is unto them so made."
And thus peace and amity was settled between the church and city, which from the time of the city's first charter had never been done effectually till now, and that it was now is evident from the mutual good offices that immediately followed on both sides, by which their several interests were much advanced.
Robert Brown, mercer, alderman of St. Stephen's ward, gave to the city, all his close and tenements lying together in the parishes of St. Michael, and St. Bartholomew in Norwich, on condition they discharged him of his aldermanship and of all other offices hereafter to be laid upon him by the City; these premises were ordered to be sold to James Marsham, grocer, and the money applied to the use of the city.
This year also, John Lambert, alias Nicholson, who was born and brought up in Norfolk, being first converted by Mr. Bilney, was burnt in Smithfield: and about the same time, Will. Layton or Leyton, a monk of Eye in Suffolk, was burnt here, for speaking against a certain idol, which was accustomed to be carried about in processions at Eye, and for holding that the sacrament ought to be administered in both kinds.
In the 31st year of this King's reign was the general dissolution of religious houses, which were all, by an act then made, vested in the Crown, by which many towns were not only spoiled of their beauty, (those fine buildings with their elegant churches being demolished,) but grew into great decay for want of the resort to them, and the hospitality that usually was kept up in them.
The next year was an act made to take the privilege of sanctuaries from all places whatever, except parish-churches, and their churchyards, cathedral churches, hospitals, and churches collegiate, and all chapels dedicated and used as parish churches, and the sanctuaries to them belonging, and except such places as shall be appointed to be places of tuition and privilege by this act, by which Norwich, among others, is appointed for a sanctuary or place of privilege for term of life, so that persons who had taken sanctuary in any church, for any crimes, so it was not murder, wilful ravishing of women, burglary, robbery on the high-way, &c. might abjure to this place, if it was not full of the number allowed by the statute, namely twenty persons, and all such persons were to be registered, and every day called over by the governours of such privileged places, and the bounds and limits of all such places were to be appointed by the Chancellor of England; and the governours of each by the King; and if any more were brought by their abjuration to a privileged place that had already twenty such persons in it, such person was to be delivered to the constable of the next parish, with a certificate of the privileged place, certifying that it was full: and in pursuance of this act, among the expenses of the chamberlains of this city in 1541, is this, 'payd to Tho. Bosewell paynter, for correctyng of a platte that was sent up at this terme (in February) for the establyshing of the Seyntwary, within the cyte, accordyng to the statute, 6s. 8d.'
In the 33d of Henry VIII. an act was made concerning the worsted yarn in Norfolk, which says, that among other cities, shires, and towns, having private commodities, the city of Norwich, with divers other and many towns in the county of Norfolk, hath always heretofore kept, preserved, and maintained, and the poor men and other dwellers, and inhabitants, godly, honestly, and virtuously brought up in the same, occupied and exercised, by a commodity growing and rising only within the said city, that is to say, by the making and weaving of worsteds, and other cloths, which hath been made and woven of the yarn called worsted yarn, spun of the wool growing and coming of the sheep bred only within the county of Norfolk, and in no place elsewhere: and forasmuch as the said commodity of making and weaving of worsteds within the said city of Norwich, and county of Norfolk, by the deceit and crafty practices of the great multitude of regrators and buyers of the said yarn called worsted yarn, is wholly decayed and taken away from the said dwellers and inhabitants in the said city and shire, that is to say, in that, that the said regrators do buy the said yarn by small parcels of many men, and when by little parcels they have got a great quantity, they do not cause it to be woven or otherwise wrought in the city or county, but do sell, send, or carry it away out of the realm, into France, Flanders, and other places beyond the sea, with which yarn, strangers not born under the King's dominions do make and weave sayes, russels, worsteds, and other cloths, and bring and sell them to the English, to their great advantage, and the clear decay and destruction of the said commodity, by reason whereof the city of Norwich, and other towns in Norfolk, are not only most likely to be brought to utter ruin and decay, but the inhabitants to be destitute of any way to get an honest living by: for which reason it was enacted, that nobody should buy any worsted yarn in Norwich or Norfolk, but only such weavers or other artificers as shall work or weave it, or cause it to be wrought or woven within the city of Norwich, or some other market town in Norfolk, on 40s. forfeiture for every pound of yarn so bought, and not wrought as aforesaid, one half to the King, and the other to the informer; and none shall be carried out of the kingdom unwrought under the same penalty. This act was to continue at first till the last day of the then next parliament only, but by the 1st of Edward VI. cap. VI. it was made perpetual.
This year the city sent the King 18 arches, 22 billmen, and 40 soldiers, to go against the Scots.
In 1542, was a statute made confirming the liberties of cities, and corporate towns, whereby the recoveries, fines, deeds enrolled, and releases acknowledged by women covert, are made valid and good.
In 1543, the first cannon of cast iron that ever was made in England was cast at Bucksteed in Sussex, by Ralf Hogg and Peter Bawd.
And this year there was a new cross, with a crucifix carved on one side, and the city arms on the other, painted and carried to Hardley, and there set up in the presence of the sheriffs, in the place where "the shrevys of Norwyche yerely do kepe a court." And this place was the extent of liberties of the city on the river Wensum, as at this time: and at an assembly held on the 24th of Oct. upon a representation made, that divers kinds of victuals, leather, tallow, &c. have been carried by water to Yarmouth to be exported contrary to the law, and divers things coming up the river, as salt, coals, corn, &c. have been sold by unlawful measures, and herrings unlawfully packed both in cades and barrels, for lack of a water-bailiff to search and look after such things, they then ordained and chose Will. Corbet water-bailiff, and ordered that he should have half the forfeited goods, 20s. per annum stipend from the commons, and meat and drink from the sheriffs, and that hereafter such a water-bailiff should be yearly elected at the assembly every St. Mathew's day.
In 1544, the King directed a commission, dated at Greenwych, January 5, to Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Treasurer of England, Henry Earl of Surrey, Henry Earl of Sussex, the Mayor of Norwich, Sir Richard Southwell, Sir Roger Townesend, Sir William Paston, and Sir John Heydon, Knts. and the recorder of the city, to raise a benevolence according to the resolution of parliament, upon every person according to their ability, toward the defence and security of his subjects, and the support of the French wars; upon which they levied the benevolence, and sent him 40 soldiers as he requested.
And this year the mayor's feast began to be kept at the New-hall, or the friars-preachers church, which, with the site of that religious house, was conveyed to the city.
In the 37th Henry VIII. was an act made, to vest all colleges, free chapels, chantries, their lands and goods, in the King, which not being executed before his death, this last morsel was left to his successour, who seized it by virtue of another act made in the first year of his reign.
In 1545, Dr. Repse or Rugge, Bishop of Norwich, incited the old Duke of Norfolk against one Rogers of Norfolk, who was this year condemned, and suffered martyrdom for the six articles; and it was this year that Robert Rugge the mayor, and Dr. Rugge the Bishop, both persecutors alike, would have condemned Dorothy, wife to John Bale, the learned author of "the Centuries of the English Writers," of which affair he gives us the following account, in his book "of English Votaryes," part ii. page 82, in the chapter entitled, Prestes Marryage at Norwyche, praysed and scorned," the former part of which chapter you may see at p. 27, 28, and the rest follows in these words:
"A v yeares ago, which was the year of our Lord a M. D. and xlv. [1545] upon the xxv day of June, a cruel justice, and as wicked a mayre, within the cytie of Norwych, enprisoned a faythfull woman, and sought to put her to most shameful and cruell death; hauynge none other matter agaynst her, but only that she had bene the wyfe of a preste, whych had bene (wele bestowed) a preacher amonge them. But God in conclusion prouyded a learned lawyer, and a ryghteouse judge, for her delyueraunce to both their confusyons. A wonderfull thyng, that thys should be cryed lawfull in their cathedrall church, with ryngyng, syngynge, and sensyng, and in their Gelde-halle condempned for felonye and treson. There ded they worshyp it in their scarlet gownes with cappe in hande, and here they improved it with scornes and with mocks, grennyng upon her like termagauntes in a playe: but lete them no more loke to be forgotten of their posteryte, than were Judas and Pylate whome the worlde yet speaketh of. Beastly bussardes and ignorant asseheades, more fit to kepe swyne, than to rule God's people.
"The tyrannye of those wicked minsters of Antichrist.
Her comming to that cytie was to se, as became a mother, an ordre for her chylde, whych had undyscreetly bound hymselfe prentyse within yeares, to one whych was neyther honest nor godly. As this false justyce and as frantic a mayer, had knowledge of her being there, they sought not to rectifye her just cause, beynge a desolate woman, but they convented her afore them, as (if) she had bene an yll doar, and layed unto her charge both fellonye and treason. They strayghtly first examyned her, where and whan she was marryed, and what they were whych were at that marryage. And whan she had made them a true and honest answere, they lawhed, toyed, and scorned, demaundynge of her, if she were not ashamed of that doing. But lete them be ashamed of synne, of oppressyon, brybery, ydolatry, and tyranny, whyche they have largely used, for there belongeth no shame to the holy instytucion of God, sanctyfyed to him for mannys use, though the great devyl of Rome hath made them beleve so. Then as wyse as ij wyspes and as godly as ij goselynges, they examined her, what her believe was in the sacrament, to brynge her into more depe danger of death, callynge her husbandes doctryne erroneouse, heretycall, and sedicyouse doctrine. But this I protest unto them, which am her husbande in dede, that I will be able to defende my doctryne, whan they shall not be able to justifye their most cruell and wycked example, in defendynge of the Byshopp of Romes tyrannye. I am depely in their bokes, men saye, therefore lete them not blame me, if they be in my bokes agayne. It is the nature alwayes of an historye to declare the goodnesse and malyce of tymes by the dyverse actes of men, to the warnynge of others, whyche I (John Bale) in my writings have decreed to follow. I have known their citie in my tyme grenously plaged, with fire, water, pestylence, and warre, above all other cyties within this realme. Lete them therfore repent their wyekednesse, least the latter plage be most grevouse of all."
This John Bale was born at Cove in Suffolk, entered in the Carmelite or white friars monastery in Norwich, at 12 years of age, and spent his youth here and at Cambridge; he was a great instrument of the reformation, by his many writings against the superstitions of the Romish church; he married Dorothy his wife, and fled, on account of his religion, into Germany, where he continued near eight years, and returned when Edward VI. came to the crown; he was 53 years old in 1548, when he printed his 'Centuries,' in quarto, at Ipswich, it being the only book of note ever printed at the press there, which was first erected by order of Cardinal Wolsey.
This Dorothy was examined upon the six articles, as they were called, which were published in the 31st of Henry VIII. by which all were to be condemned for hereticks, and burnt, that should believe any of them; the third of which was, that no one should hold, 'that 'priests entered into holy orders might marry:' and on these articles they would have condemned her.
In 1546, on the 28th day of January, died King Henry VIII. after he he had reigned 37 years, nine months, and six days, and being conveyed to Windsor, was there splendidly interred. He first styled himself, Henry by the grace of God King of England and France, and Lord of Irland. In the tenth year of his reign, he called himself Henry the Eighth, &c. In his 13th year he added; Fidei Defensor, or Defender of the Faith. In his 22d year he added, In terra ecclesle Anglicanæ et Hiberniæ supremum caput: or supreme head on earth of the church of England and Ireland. And in the 34th year of his reign, Rex Hiberniæ, or King of Ireland, was added.
His exequies were celebrated with great pomp in this city, as appears from the following notes taken from the chamberlain's accounts:
Exequyes, imprimis, the charge of a dyryge with 3 masses. and an herse set at Crysts-Church for the soul of King Henry the Eighth.
Paid for all charges of an herse with 120 lyghts and dyverse floryshes, hangyngs and a mortes of wax 40s. To the peynter for 6 scogeons of the Kyngs armys, made with fyne gold and bice 12s. and for 6 other scogeons 3s.; paid for makyng a traverse about the herse, that no man should come within it, and for raysyng an altar within the same 25s.; item gave to 13 poore men that satte about the herse at dyrygge and mass time 4s. 4d.; item to 6 prests that sang 6 masses within the traverse in the tyme of the servyce in the quire 2s. For fetchyng things borrowed, as a bere, fourms, a tabil for the altar, black hangyngs, crosse, basyn, &c. 9d. Item gaf to the clarks of Cryste-churche for many pains about the herse, hanging the altar, ryngyng the clocher bells, &c. 1s.; for clenyng a peice of black fresado that went about the traverse, which was sore dropped with wax, 8d. &c.
At this time, the proclamation for the free fair on Tombland was as follows,
Where our sovereign Lord King Henry the Eight, by his letters patents sealed with his great seal, hath granted to the mayor, sheriffs, citizens, and communalty of the city of Norwich, and to their successours, that they, their heirs, and successours, may hold and kepe in the said cyte of Norwich, one fayer, yerely, to be holden from the rising of the sun on the Saturday next before the feast of Pentecost, and to endure continually to the fall and going down of the same, on the Monday next after the feast of the Holy Trinity, by 10 dayes, with all rights and commodities to the right of a fayer appertaining, as in the same letters patents of our seid late sovereign lord King Henry VIII. more at large it doth appear. Wherefore all manner of persons that will come to the said fayer with their merchandrye goods and chatells, shall and may freely come to and from the same fayer, with their said merchandise, goods, and chatells, without any toll or other custom to be taken of them, or any of them for the same, during the said fayer, and that all meat, cattel, and horses, be bought and sold in the castle-ditches, and meadows there, and all sheep cattell in the streets of the city, as they have been accustomed, and all other chafery-wares and merchandise, at Tombland, and in the market of the said citie, and if any should happen to be wronged by any officer of the said fayer, that he come to Mr. Mayor of the said cittie declaryng the same, and those wrongs shall be redressed by the said mayor, according to justice, and also if any man will sue by pleynt, according to the law, for any contract or offence, or other personal action, that shall happen to be done within the time of the said fayer, let him keep his day at the Gild-hall of this cittie before the steward of the same fayr, this same Saterday at ten of the clock and he shall be heard.
God save the King.
And now finding nothing more to observe in relation to the city during this King's reign, "for a close I will tell you here, how Sir Philip Calthorp purged John Drakes the shoomaker of Norwich, in the time of King Henry the Eight, of the proud humour which our people have to bee of the gentlemens cut: this knight bought on a time, as much fine French tawney cloth, as should make him a gowne, and sent it to the taylors to bee made. John Drakes a shoo-maker of that towne, coming to the sayd taylours, and seeing the knights gowne-cloth lying there, liking it well, caused the taylour to buy him as much of the same cloth and price, to the same intent; and further bade him to make it of the same fashion that the knight would have his made of. Not long after, the knight comming to the taylours to take measure of his gowne, perceiving the like gowne-cloth lying there, asked the taylour whose it was? Quoth the taylor it is John Drakes, who will have it made of the self same fashion that yours is made of; well (said the Knight) in good time be it. I will (sayd hee) have mine made as full of cutts, as thy sheers can make it; it shall be done said the taylor: whereupon because the time drew neere, he made haste of both their garments. John Drake when he had no time to go to the taylors till Christmass day, for serving of customers, when he had hoped to have worne his gowne, perceiving the same to be full of cutts, began to sweare with the taylor for making his gowne after that sort. I have done nothing (quoth the taylor) but that you bade mee to do, for as Sir Philip Calthorp's is, even so have I made yours. By my latchet (quoth John Drake) I will never weare gentlemans fashion againe."
[edit] Mayors and sheriffs
[edit] Burgesses in Parliament
[edit] CHAPTER XXV
OF THE CITY IN EDWARD THE SIXTH'S TIME.
At the death of King Henry the Eighth, his executors, and other of nobility assembling together, by sound of trumpet proclaimed his son and heir by the name of Edward the Sixth, King of England, France, and Irland, Defender of the Faith, and of the Churches of England and Irland Supreme Head; he being then but nine years, three months, and sixteen days old, on the 28th day of January, in the year of the world 5513, and of our Lord 1546, according to the computation of the church of England, or according to the account of them who begin the year at January, 1547. And on Shrove-Sunday, Feb. 25th, his coronation was solemnized with all pomp imaginable, not only in London, but in all other great places throughout the realm; at this city were great rejoicings on this occasion, the six great guns being brought to Tombland, (where they were often discharged,) and the populace treated with plenty of beer, bonfires being fixed in almost every open street; before the procession was a pageant drawn by horses, representing the King, by the effigies of King Solomon placed in it; there was also the representation of a mermaid, carried between two men, which show much diversion to the spectators.
The 8th day of March following, the King and the executors of his diseased father, granted to the mayor, sheriffs, citizens, and commonalty, the Hospital of St. Giles in this city, with all the revenues thereto belonging, for the maintenance of poor people to dwell therein; all which his father had promised to give them, upon the suit of the citizens made to him, a little before his death, for that purpose.
In November, an act was passed, for the continuance of making of worsted yarn in Norfolk, it appearing that "the greatest and almost the whole number of the poor inhabitants of the county of Norfolk, and the city of Norwich, be, and have been heretofore for a great time maintained, and gotten their living by spinning of the wools growing in the said county of Norfolk, upon the rock, into yarn, and by all the said time, have used to have their access to common markets within the said county and city, to buy their wools there, to be spun as is aforesaid, of certain persons called retailers of the said wools, by eight penyworth and twelve penyworth at one time, or there about, and have not used to buy, ne can buy the said wools, of the breeders of the said woolls, by such small parcells, as well for that the said breeders of the said woolls, will not sell their said woolls by such small parcells, as also, for that the most part of the said poor persons dwell far off, from the said breeders of the said woolls." And all persons whatsoever, except merchants of the staple, being restrained under a great penalty, from retailing of wool, by the statute of the 37th Henry VIII. the retailers aforesaid ceased so doing, by reason of which, the greater part of the poor both of Norfolk and Norwich, heretofore maintained by spinning, were now forced to beg, for lack of work, to the utter ruin and decay of the said city and county, unless remedy be speedily had, in order for which, this act enabled every person in Norwich or Norfolk to buy and sell in open market, any wool of Norfolk growth, notwithstanding the aforesaid act; and also made the act of 33d Henry VIII. perpetual, and added a clause authorising all hatters dwelling in Norwich to buy such worsted yarn as is called and known by the name of middle-wooffe-yarn, as heretofore they used to do, on condition it be employed in hat-making within the city only; all which was again confirmed by the statute of 5th Edward VI. cap. VII. in which the wool growers are obliged to sell their wool in a year's time after the shearing.
In this parliament was the act made, confirming that of the 37th Henry VIII. by which all colleges, free-chapels, chanteries, hospitals, fraternities, brotherhoods, guilds, &c. with all their goods and revenues, were vested in the King, his heirs and successours for ever, on pretence of being converted "to good and Godly uses, as to the erecting grammar schools to the education of youth in vertue and godliness, the further augmenting of the universities, and better provision of the poor and needy," as the preamble sets forth; but how executed as to these things, we know too well, unless we may judge the hungry courtiers to be the poor and needy intended thereby; for certain I am they were the persons that devoured most of them.
By this statute also, all lands and annual rents assigned to the finding of a priest for ever to sing, say mass, or pray, for any soul or souls, or to keep any perpetual obit, mind-day, anniversary, memorial, or certeyn, or to sustain any light, lamp or candle, in any church were given to the King; and where any corporation paid to the maintenance of any such, that maintenance should be yearly paid to the King as a rent charge for ever.
Now also was the statute commonly called the Six Articles repealed, which had caused the death of so many martyrs in the time of King Henry his father, as also those enacted by Richard II. and Henry V. for the suppression of the Scriptures in English.
And now came out injunctions to cleanse the churches of all images, and commissioners were sent with authority to pull them down, who first began with St. Paul's in London, and then proceeded throughout England, which so much enraged the commons, that they began to rise in many places of the realm; first of all in Cornwall, then in Devonshire, and then in Norfolk, where many of the commons of the county, of Linn, Norwich, and other places, assembled on Rising Chase not far from Linn, and began to put themselves in the best posture of defence they could, by fortifying their camp, and bringing in what provisions they could get, upon which the gentlemen of the county applied to the city, which raised what forces they could immediately, being joined as they went along, by all that could be gotten from Watton, Thetford, Dereham, Brandon, and other towns, and coming up to them in good order, routed and dispersed them; nobody of note being slain in the engagement, that I find, except a brother of Sir William Farmer, who died on the spot. The Atlas makes this a party of the tumultuous rabble in Kett's time, and says, that they fled to their companions at Norwich: but this was sometime before that rebellion, and that mentioned there was a second rising at this place. It appears the city was at great charge about it, for they gathered in the parish churches in the city, 150l. 6s. 8d. "toward the grete charges the cyte hade, by reson of a commocion in the contry;" and it is plain they were in great fear of these rebels coming to sack it, as they threatened, for now a fire brake out in Conysford, which was happily extinguished; but no one knowing how it came, gave suspicion that it might be done by such of the rebels fautors as were in the city, upon which they repaired their ditches, &c. in case of an attack.
This year was great cost done to the river, by the procurement of Edw. Wood, then mayor, who died the last day of October, and Mr. William Rogers was chosen the fifth of November following, being elected by the sheriffs and commons, without the aldermen, who seeing the impending storm, wisely omitted making any opposition, least occasion should afterwards be taken, to make them authors of the approaching trouble, which they much dreaded, and therefore they suffered the mayor to be sworn the same day very peaceably, so that the succeeding rebellion did not break out first at this city, which they feared, and as I am apt to think was intended, but was stifled till about the 20th of June, 1549.
The occasion of this rebellion was, because divers lords and gentlemen, who were possessed of abbey lands, and other large commons and waste grounds, had caused many of those commons and wastes to be enclosed, whereby the poor and indigent people were much offended, being thereby abridged of the liberty that they formerly had, to common cattle, &c. on the said grounds to their own advantage, the Lord Protector had at that time lost himself in the love of the vulgar, by his severe, if not unnatural, proceeding against his brother: and in order to regain their love, he caused a proclamation to be published in the beginning of May, that all persons who had enclosed any lands that used to be common, should lay them open again, before a fixed day, on a certain penalty for not doing so. This so much encouraged the commons in many parts of the realm, that not staying the time limited in the proclamation, they gathered together in a tumultuous manner, pulled up the pales, flung down the banks, filled up the ditches, laying all such new enclosed lands open as they were before; for which, some of them had been attacked and slain in Wiltshire, by Sir Will. Herbert; others suppressed by force of arms, conducted by the Lord Gray of Wilton, as were those in Oxfordshire, and some reduced to more moderate and sober courses, by the persuasion of the lords and gentlemen, as in Kent and Sussex: but the most dangerous commotions which held so long as to entitle them to the name of rebellions, were those of Devonshire and Norfolk, places remote from one another, but such as seem to have communicated counsels for carrying on their design. For divers seditious persons and busy fellows began to complain, that the like was not done in Norfolk, as report said was done by the commons of Kent, who had laid open all such new enclosed lands; and from thenceforth they determined to do the same here, designing not only to lay open parks and new enclosures, but to attempt other reformations, as they termed them,) to the great danger of overthrowing the commonwealth. They openly declared great hatred against all gentlemen, whom they maliciously accused of covetousness, pride, extortion, and oppression, practised against their tenants and the common people, and having thoroughly imbibed the wicked notions of the ancient levellers, they begin to put in execution their vile designs, and first of all, the inhabitants of Attleburgh, Eccles, Wilby, and other neighbouring towns, being enraged with Mr. John Green lord of the manor of Wilby, for enclosing that part of the common belonging to his manor, which before laid open to the adjoining commons of Harfham and Attleburgh, on which they had all rights of intercommoning with each other, the tenants of the three towns, and others, assembled together, and threw down the new ditches, and laid the whole open as heretofore. Which being done, they all went home, and continued quiet till the 6th of July, at which time taking the opportunity of the feast or fair which was yearly kept at Windham on the day following, being the Translation of Bishop Becket, to whom the chapel standing in the midst of the town, was dedicated, at which time were grand processions and interludes for a night and a day at least, which brought thither great numbers of country people to see the show, they then consulted further upon their wicked enterprise, and going thither, entered into conference with great numbers of the country people there, and went to Morley, a mile from Windham, and cast down certain ditches of Master Hobart's on the Tuesday, and returned that night to Windham again, where they practised the like feats; but as yet they took no man's goods by violence.
Upon this, one John Flowerdew of Hetherset, Gent. finding himself grieved by their casting down some of his ditches, came to some of the rebels, and gave them 40 pence to cast down the fences of an enclosure belonging to Robert Ket, alias Knight, a tanner of Windham, which pasture laid near the fair-sted in Windham, which they did, and the next morning took their journey again to Hetherset, at Ket's desire, and laid open Master Flowerdew's enclosures there; upon which was much ado, for Flowerdew did what he could to cause them to desist, insomuch that many sharp words passed between him and Ket; but Ket being a man hardy and fit for any desperate attempt, pushed forwards so much, that they executed his will, and so he revenged himself upon Flowerdew, whose hedges and ditches were all thrown down and made plain. The rebels seeing Kett to be a resolute, stout-hearted fellow, unanimously chose him their captain and ringleader, who thereupon willed them to be of good comfort, assuring them he was resolutely determined to stand by them, and spend both his goods and life to revenge their liberty, which he pretended was much injured; to him was joined William Kett, his brother, a butcher of Windham, who by reason of his desperate hardiness, was much valued by them; and now being furnished with such commanders, and forming themselves into a camp, at the report thereof numbers of lewd and desperate persons, great routs of servants and runagates, came flocking from all parts to Ket's camp, so that being now guarded with sufficient power as he thought, and having wasted Hetherset, Windham, and most of the adjacent villages, on the 10th day of July, they passed the river between Cringleford and Eaton: the city hearing what route they intended shortly to take, had sent messengers the day before to the King's counsel at Windsor, to inform them of it, and others to Sir Roger Townesend and William Paston, to desire them to come to their assistance. The rebels having passed the river, came to Bowthorp, and cast down certain hedges and ditches there, and their number being now vastly increased, they incamped there that night: here Sir Edm. Windham, Knt. high-sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, came and proclaimed them rebels, and commanded them in the King's name, to depart peaceably to their own homes, but had not his horsemanship been better than his rhelorick, himself had not departed the place, for being greatly offended at the proclamation, they attempted to have got him into their hands, but being well horsed, he valiantly brake through those that had compassed him in, and escaping from them, hasted with all speed to Norwich, which is about two miles distant; the same night, great numbers of loose people, both from the city and country, came to them, with weapons, armour, and artillery: and now the rebels began to play their pranks, threatening to burn the house, and deface the dove-coat, (formerly a chapel, before it was turned from a house of prayer to a den of thieves,) of Master Corbet's of Sprowston, committing many other outrages wherever they came.
The day before they came hither, some of the city had thrown down the quickset hedge, and filled up the ditches, that enclosed the common-pasture of the city, called the Town-Close, to keep in the citizens cattle going there, before their common neatheard, in which place the neat cattle of the poor freemen of the city were pastured, and looked after by the neatherd, who received of every owner by custom, a halfpenny for every beast kept there, and so that fence which by good and provident advice of their fore-fathers, had been raised for the common profit of the city, was thus cast down by the very persons whose interest it was made for; and scarce had they thrown down the ditch in the upper part of the close, before a company of ill disposed persons escaped secretly out of the city and joined Ket and his comrades. Thomas Codd, then mayor, fearing the ill consequence of this rebellion, summoned an assembly of the aldermen and principal citizens, and goes with them to the camp, to try if he could persuade the rebels to desist from their traiterous enterprise: when he came there, he found them giving themselves to all manner of riot and excess; first he tempted them with money and fair promises to depart home, using what persuasions he could to reduce them to dutiful obedience, but finding all things ineffectual, and seeing that neither entreaty nor reward would avail, he returned to the city. After his departure, the rebels began to perceive, and were further convinced of it, by certain men coming to them from the city, with small boughs in their hands, which was the sign agreed upon, that if they remained any longer scattered one from another, they would without difficulty be vanquished; whereupon they went directly to Eaton wood, which having thoroughly viewed, and found inconvenient to pitch their camp on, they unanimously agreed to go immediately to Mushold, and presently sent to the mayor, to request him to permit them to pass through the city to that place, it being their nearest way, promising to do injury to no man, but quietly to march through to the place appointed; but the mayor absolutely refused, threatening them, and telling them to what end such attempts would bring them, which instead of terrifying them, made them the more obstinate, and so they continued that night in Eaton wood; the next day, Sir Roger Woodhouse, with seven or eight of his household servants, came to them, bringing with him two carts laden with beer, and one laden with victuals: for recompense whereof, he was stripped of his apparel, had his horses taken from him, and whatever else he had, the rebels accounting the same a good prey; he himself was cruelly tugged and cast into a ditch of — Mores's of Nether-Erlham by Hellesden-bridge, and was kept by them as a prisoner; thence passing the river by the said bridge, they came to Master Corbet's house at Sprowston, which they intended to have burned, but being persuaded from it, they spoiled his goods; and lodging that night at Draiton, the next day went directly to Moushold, and coming to St. Leonard's Hill, seized on the noble palace of Mount-Surrey, and spoiled whatever they found in it, converting it into a prison, where they confined Sir Rog. Woodhouse, Serjeant Catlyn, Serjeant Gawdy, and other gentlemen, whom they caught. Here they incamped, having the main river running between the hill and the city, on the east and south part Thorp village and wood, and on the north and north-east, Moushold heath, which is in length and breadth at least three or four miles, and here lurking in the woods, as dogs in their kennels, they violated all laws of God and man; and now having got a fixed station, the vilest and basest of the people from Norfolk, and the city, joined them daily, being called together by firing of beacons, and ringing of bells. The mayor and aldermen in the mean time took counsel together how to proceed in so dangerous a case, and opinions were very different, some thought they were to be attacked immediately, arguing that if they were not repressed at the beginning, the destruction of the whole city must necessarily follow, others thought it best not to hazard such a doubtful push, without urgent necessity, it being only hastening their destruction if the rebels should get the advantage; in short the result was, to fortify the city, set watch and ward carefully, place the citizens upon the walls, and other convenient places of defence, and for other things, because by the law of raising force and arms, it was provided that no bands be mustered, or forces raised without the King's command, they resolved to wait the return of the messenger, to know his will and pleasure.
Besides this great camp, (as they termed it,) there was a second formed, called the lesser camp, at Rising Chase, but by the diligence and policy of the justices and gentlemen of those parts, they were speedily driven from thence, notwithstanding which, they reassembled at Watton, and there remained about a fortnight, stopping the passages over the river at Brandon-Ferry and Thetford; but at length, by Ket's order, they came and joined him at Moushold.
As soon as the report of this great camp being fixed on Moushold reached Suffolk, the commons there got together in a great multitude, entered the island called Lovingland, with intent to seize the town of Yarmouth, but by the diligence of the magistrates and the courage of the townsmen, they were disappointed of their expectation; and taking another route, they joined their chief captain (as they called him) on Moushold.
The city, immediately upon this resolution, surveyed the gates, got new locks and bars, and repaired all that wanted.
And on the 13th of July, Pursevant Grove came from the King, and brought a commission directed to Mr. Watson, for reformation of divers things.
The rebels in the mean time, to cloak their malicious purposes with a counterfeit show of holiness, were so religiously rebellious, that they caused Tho. Coniers, minister of St. Martin's at the Plain, in Norwich, to say service morning and evening, forcing him to pray to God for prosperous speed in this their ungodly enterprise: moreover they went about to join to their cause divers honest men, who were commendable for religion, doctrine, virtue, and innocency of life; among whom, were, Robert Watson an excellent preacher, Thomas Codd, mayor, and Tho. Aldrich of Mangreene-hall, a man, while he lived, beloved of all men; these three, though sore against their wills, they constrained to be present at all their consultations, and to take upon them the administration of all things, with Ket the chief rebel; which indeed happened well for many, for when the principal conspirators stirred up the mad multitude to any wicked undertaking, which tended either to the spoiling of the city, fields, or adjacent villages, the wise and careful diligence of these men often hindered the execution of it. And now Ket growing bolder by meeting with no opposition, began to direct warrants to fetch victuals into the camp, in the following form:
"WE the King's friends and deputies, do grant license to all men, to provide and bring into the camp at Mousehold, all manner of cattel and provision of vittels, in what place soever they may find the same, so that no violence or injurie be done to any honest or poore man, commanding all persons as they tender the King's honour, and roiall Majestie, and the releefe of the common welth, to be obedient to us the Governors, and to those whose names ensue, Signed Robert Ket," &c.
And now he, with two assistants chosen out of every hundred, kept his King's Bench, Chancery, and all other courts, under a tree, termed the Oak of Reformation, where he pretended to do justice (whether wrong or right) to all such as were summoned before him.
By virtue of commissions from these assistants, many of the principal gentlemen of the county were fetched from their houses, brought to the camp, and there imprisoned, as though they had been guilty of great crimes: moreover, the hedges and ditches of commons enclosed were demolished, and many were charged and forced to assist in these things: the mayor, Mr. Watson, and Mr. Aldrich, were not only obliged to wink thereat, but sometimes to seem to consent thereto; for to have resisted them, had been but folly, and the way to have put themselves in danger of destruction, and their country too. The city took what care they could to guard themselves, hoping daily for relief from the Council, without which they dared attempt nothing; now the reason why the Council were so slack in sending succours was, because they were not only troubled with these rebels, but were busied about quieting the like troubles in the inner part of the realm, about London, Surrey, Essex, Devonshire, Kent, Cambridgeshire, &c.
In the mean time the sedition increased daily, so much that there were now no less than sixteen thousand of these rebels in the camp, who by the advice of their captain, fortified themselves, providing powder, ball, and all manner of weapons, which they fetched out of ships, gentlemen's houses, shops, and other places where any was to be found; and withall spoiled the country of all the cattle, riches and coin, that they could lay their hands on.
Now because many of them hid what they got, hoping hereafter to convert it to their own private use, Ket and the other governours (for so they would be called) by common consent decreed, that some place should be fixed upon where they might do justice; now the oak of reformation being an old tree with large spreading boughs, they fixed on it cross balks and rafts, and roofed it over with boards, and from thence, Ket, the Mayor, Master Aldrich, and other gentlemen, detained prisoners in the camp, (whom against their wills, they had chosen into the number of their governours,) heard and determined all complaints and disorders done among themselves, and if those who had concealed any goods, gotten by virtue of Ket's pretended commissions, were discovered, and the fact proved here, they were committed to prison.
The Mayor, Master Aldrich, and others, would often go up into this tree, and endeavoured by all the persuasive and mild arguments they could of, to make them desist from this course, and leave off committing such outrages. There were also divers grave and learned divines, that tried all ways possible to withdraw them from these wicked attempts, and to reduce them to peace and quietness, though at the same time they hazarded their lives by so doing; for the Mayor and other of the gentry, though they were admitted to the counsels of the rebels, for the better credit thereof, yet if Ket was present, were no better than herbe john in the pottage, having no influence on their consultations; but if he happily chanced to be absent, then they were like St. John's wort, (so sovereign for sores, and against the plague itself,) that they much mitigated the fury of their mischievous decrees. Mean time great plenty was in the camp, where a fat sheep was sold for a groat, but penury and misery in all other places.
In this great calamity, (notwithstanding the upbraiding of Sir John Cheke, who knew little of the matter but by hearsay only,) the mayor, aldermen, and principal citizens, with the city clergy, behaved with the utmost allegiance to the King, and the greatest prudence, for the safeguard of their city and country, the former by consulting daily what was best to be done, and the latter by preaching by day in the camp and churches, and by watching in the night with armour on their backs, so that nothing that belonged to them as faithful subjects and worthy ministers, was at any time omitted; so far were they from deserving that unjust censure of Sir John's, that it was not the principal part of city that were for the rebels, but only the scum of it, there being not one (that I have met with) of any figue or character, that sided with them, though indeed there was a great number of the populace that favoured them; and the state of the city was such, that it was not in the power of the magistrates to keep the city against them, as Excester did, with whose conduct Sir John upbraids this place: but it is evident that had they been able to have done it before, they would have done it, for upon succours coming, they immediately put themselves in a posture of offence, till which time it was impossible to do more than they did, which was to stand upon the point of defence.
And though the aforesaid author exclaims against Norwich in relation to the affair of the Marquis's miscarriage, and justly extolls Exchester for her prowesse, yet if we come to examine things, as we shall find the one deservedly praised, so shall we see the other as undeservedly and unjustly upbraided; Excester is a city (if I may credit the accounts we have of it ) placed on a hill, having a castle, "the site of which is eminent and above both the citie and countrie adjoining, for they do all lie, as under the lee thereof," the city is strongly ditched and walled round, and is "not easily to be gotten by force," and was well provided with cannon and other weapons of defence; on the contrary "Norwich is like a great volume with a bad cover, having at best but parchment walls about it. Nor can it with much cost and time be effectually fortified, because under the frowning brow of Moushold-hill, hanging over it, the river Yere, so wanton, that it knoweth not its own mind which way to goe, such the involved flexures thereof within a mile of this city, runneth partly by, partly through it, but contributeth very little to the strengthning thereof." Now what could a weak city do in opposition to so great a multitude, possessed of such a hill, as gave them not only a large prospect, but a full command over it, and being neither strong by art or nature, and quite destitute of any number of cannons, and other weapons of defence, could be in no capacity to make any resistance; and therefore it had been as imprudent in the magistrates here, to have pretended to act as they did at Excester, as it was prudent in them; and as to the miscarriage of the Marquis of Northampton, it was so far from being occasioned by any misconduct of the citizens, that it was only their misfortune, that so unfit a man was sent to their rescue, "he being more acquainted with the witty than the warlike part of Pallas, (as compleat in musick, poetry, and courtship," ) and so few succours, and many of them Italians, that it gave the rebels further pretence to fill the country with complaints, that these were only an handful of an armful to follow, driving on the design to subject England to the insolence of foreigners, for though neither wisdom nor valour was wanting in the King's soldiers, yet success failed them, being too few to defend Norwich and oppose the rebels: what was fifteen hundred soldiers (for there were no more of the English troops) to twenty thousand rebels? when on the other hand, Sir John Russel Lord Privy Seal, a person of a stout spirit, proper for such a service, and a man of great interest in that country, as well as estate, was sent down to Excester, "with a convenient power of men of warre, both on horseback and foot, and two bands of strangers," a power sufficient to engage those rebels, which were only about 10,000. And as to the damage the Marquis's forces suffered out of the houses, it is plain this author was not acquainted properly with the affair, for it did not proceed from the citizens, (as he says,) but from the rebels themselves, who having stormed Bishop-gates, entered the houses in Holme-street, and so almost up to St. Martin's church; and it was those that did the great damage to the Marquis's men: so that I believe if the thing be rightly considered and duly compared, Norwich was as free from any disloyalty as Excester, notwithstanding the accusations Sir John hath laid upon it.
At this time, the wisdom, faithfulness, courage, and integrity, of Dr. Mat. Parker, then professor of divinity, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, a native of this city, was very remarkable for minding to do the office and duty of a good pastor; in rebuking of wickedness, he showed himself stout and valiant, and in wary avoiding of dangers, witty and careful, so that he performed the faith he owed to God and the King, and by diligently providing for himself, showed that Providence, that is principally in wise men: one day going into the camp, he found Ket and his associates standing under the oak, communing of matters between themselves: at which time, the noble courage of the mayor appeared, and his worthy voice was plainly heard like a brave man; for upon Ket's being earnest with him to deliver up the keys of the city, and all his authority, and to resign the government of it into his hands, Codd stoutly answered, "He would give his blood and life out of his body, before he would by villainy treacherously forsake the city, or through fear or cowardice wickedly cast off his allegiance to the King:" The matter being thus debated, and night coming on, the Doctor seeing the people overcharged with eating and drinking, and the heat of the sun, thought that good counsel and wholesome advice would be cast away upon such swine, and therefore wisely omitted saying any thing to them that day; so that leaving all things as he found them, full of fury and tumults, he returned to the city; the next day, which was Friday. He and his brother, Mr. Tho. Parker, who was afterwards mayor of Norwich, came early to the camp, where he found them all under the oak, hearing prayers, said by Mr. Coniers their chaplain, who was then reading the Litany; Dr. Parker thinking that time fit for his purpose, stepped up on the oak, and there made an excellent sermon, full of wisdom, modesty, and gravity, dividing his discourse into three parts,
First, he exhorted them to use with moderation the victuals they had brought into the camp, and not riotously and lavishly waste and consume it.
Secondly, he advised them by no means to seek revenge of private displeasures, and not to chain or keep in irons those they held in ward, nor to defile their hands with blood, by taking away any man's life wickedly and cruelly.
Lastly, he wished them to have regard to themselves, and the commonwealth, and leave off their rash enterprise, not distrusting the King's herald and messenger, but to show such honour to his majesty, now in his tender years, as they might enjoy him hereafter, in his more ripe and flourishing state, being grown up in virtue to their great comfort.
But the oak, as soon as the auditory, would embrace his doctrine, his life being like to be ended before his sermon; for as the company heard him attentively and willingly, standing round about him, a lewd fellow among them cried out, "How long shall we suffer this hireling doctor, who being waged by gentlemen, is come hither with his tongue, which is sold, and tied to serve their appetite? But for all his prating, let us bridle them, and bring them under the orders of our law." Upon this, the people began to threaten the preacher, and say he should be brought down with arrows and javelins, and some were shot at him, which put him in great fear, and that was increased by the noise and clattering of weapons under him; but he was happily deceived in that point, for there was not a man that stood next him under the compass of the tree, but what valued him exceedingly, and were glad of his coming hither, hoping his oratory might have some good effect; during this uproar Ket's chaplain seasonably and wisely, though very abruptly, set the Te Deum, and with the help of some singing men there present, performed it so elegantly, that the multitude taken with the sweetness of the musick (which was a novelty to them) began by degrees to be appeased: and during the singing, the Doctor withdrew to sing his part at home, and praise God for his great deliverance; for coming down from the oak, and taking his brother with him, he made what haste he could to the city. But as they were going down St. Leonard's hill towards Pockthorp-gates, some of the rebels overtook him, and began to question him about his license, desiring him to show them what authority he had to preach? but he knowing it in vain to reason with them, slipt away, and left his brother to argue out the matter. However, the very next day, the Doctor going into St. Clement's church, took occasion from one of the Lessons appointed to be read for the day, to expound somewhat concerning these wicked tumults, many of the rebels being present, who heard the end of his exhortation without interrupting him, though they seemed greatly offended at it; but staying for his coming out, they immediately followed him, and told him that they understood he had three or four able geldings, which might serve the King, and therefore they charged him that immediately after dinner they might be ready for them to make use of. To which the Doctor said but little; but went home, and forthwith ordered some of their shoes to be pulled off, and their hoofs to be pared to the quick, and then put on again, and others to be anointed with green ointment, as though they had been lame with travelling, and dressed with medicines. Then leading them to pasture, the rebels seing some of their feet swaddled and anointed, and others lamish, laid aside that design; and not long after, the Doctor seeming to take a walk out of the gates towards Cringleford bridge, met with his horses and servants there, as he had ordered, and mounting, took his journey towards Cambridge with all possible speed, and luckily escaped thither out of all danger, though by the way he met with and saw divers of the rebels playing their pranks in their usual outrageous manner.
By this time, having spoiled the country gentlemen of their goods, they now began to attack their bodies, and bring them as prisoners into the camp, which caused such a general fear, that many forsook their houses and estates, and changing apparel least they should be known in the flight, escaped by obscure paths, and hid themselves in caves of the earth, and thick woods: many, who had horses and carts, they forced to carry provision to the camp, and others, that had none of their own, were compelled to procure them elsewhere; gentlemen were now daily taken and brought into the camp, bound fast with cords like so many villains, some were kept in Norwich castle, some in the Gild-hall prison, and others were shut up in the Earl of Surrey's house, as felons and thieves: whenever they wanted money (which was often) if the mayor did not immediately supply them out of the common treasury, they threatened to burn and rifle the city: which they had certainly done, if the diligence of the mayor had not prevented it.
Furthermore, to cloak their wicked actions under the King's authority, having seized several commissions sent from the King, directed to divers gentlemen in the country, authorising them to do their utmost endeavours to repress these commotions: in some of them they erased the names of the gentlemen, and inserted their own, and from others they took the seals, and placed them to forged commissions of their own making, and fixing them up in publick places, deceived many ignorant people thereby, and drew them to their party.
By this time their number being increased to above 20,000, they grew so disorderly, that Ket, the arch-rebel, could not restrain them: and now they threaten all such citizens as were fled with their families, and all such as would not declare on their side, as open enemies, so that nothing but fire and sword was hourly expected: whatever was brought into the camp was spent in a most gluttonous manner, insomuch that it seems almost incredible how so much could be devoured in so short a time, for besides swans, geese, hens, ducks, and all sorts of fowls without number, about 3000 bullocks and 20,000 sheep were spent in few days. The gentlemen's parks were laid open, and what deer they could get, killed and brought hither, and such as they had a particular spleen against, they destroyed their woods and groves, by cutting down the trees therein. Sometimes they would bring the gentlemen out of prison, chained two and two together, as it were to judgment, before the tree of reformation, there to be tried by these governours, as if they had been guilty of heinous crimes; and when it was asked the commons what should be done with the prisoners? they would cry with one voice Hang them! hang them! and if they were asked, Why they gave such rash judgment on those they never knew? they would roundly answer that others cried the same, and that they did it to give their assent with them, though they could give no other reason, but that they were gentlemen, and therefore (they said) not worthy to live.
Porters also were placed by them at all the city gates, and companies of the rebels to watch and ward at certain places, and the constables were made to provide and furnish them with what meat and drink they would have, at their own expense, even to the ruin of them.
And now one Wharton, a man of great courage, but not favoured by the people, was led to the castle, bound like a thief, and had there not been a great company of the rebels ordered by their captain to defend him, he had been slain by the unruly multitude: but neither his good behaviour to them, nor promises, nor the diligent care of the rebels that guarded him, could keep him from being stabbed in many places of his body with spears and pikes.
A lawyer also, who dwelt at Melton, was betrayed by a woman, and drawn out of a wood, where he had hid himself a little before, among the thorns and briars, and brought prisoner to the city, being hated by the commons, who esteemed him a subtile fellow; as they haled him along, the heavens thundered horribly, to the astonishment of them that heard it, and such mighty showers fell, mixed with hail, that the earth was covered very deep, not far from the tree of reformation; but this fearful tempest did not in the least appall or terrify them.
Many days had passed from the beginning of this rebellion, and nothing the whole time was done, but burning, wasting, robbing, and consuming of all things; and so great grief had now possessed all good men, and especially the citizens, that at the sight of the lamentable fate of their country, they were almost distracted, and all hopes of success by resisting was taken away, so that they remained within their walls, fearing daily destruction, and destitute of all counsel, not having as yet heard from that of the King.
While the rebels thus raged abroad in the country, at Hingham, about eleven miles from Norwich, Sir Edmund Knevet, Knt. with a small company of his own menial servants, set upon the night watch of the rebels that were placed there, and brake through, overthrowing divers of them, and had some of his own men also unhorsed, and in danger to be hewn in pieces among them, yet he recovered them, and escaped their hands through great manhood; after which good night's service, as they would have it esteemed, they repaired to their great captain Ket, to show their hurts, and to complain of their griefs. It was talked among them, that they would go to Sir Edmund's house at Bukenham castle, to assault it, and fetch him out of it by force. But some doubted it was too strong for them, (it being a place of great strength at that time,) and others feared sharp stripes if they should attempt that exploit, being at least twelve miles from their main camp, and so that enterprise dropt, the most part thinking it best to sleep in a whole skin.
It happened, that Mr. Leonard Sotherton, a citizen of Norwich, fled to London for safety of his life, the rebels having threatened him if they could get him; him the Council sent for, and by him were informed of all their proceedings, and how they daily increased, and hourly threatened destruction to the city, and all gentlemen they could meet with; at the same time he told them, that he had heard say, that there were many in the camp, who if they had any hope of the King's favour, and that they might escape unpunished, would willingly lay down their weapons, and embrace his Majesty's pardon. And therefore he was in hope, that if the King sent down his pardon, and proclaimed it in the camp, that most of them would disperse. This advice being approved of by the Council, who had their hands fully engaged other ways, a herald was sent with Sotherton directly to Norwich, and entering the camp apparelled in his coat of arms, standing before the tree of reformation, he there declared with a loud voice, so that all about him might hear, "That the King had granted his free pardon to all that would depart to their homes, and laying aside their armour, give over their traiterous begun enterprise." Upon which, almost all the multitude cried God save the King's Majesty; and at the renewing of that cry, many kneeled down, and with tears in their eyes commended the King's mercy, which all would have embraced immediately, had not the wicked speeches of some of the rascally sort, and the traitorous persuasions of that caitiff Ket himself turned them from peace, and stayed them from their dutiful inclinations. For Ket very fiercely and stoutly answered, so that all might hear him: "That Kings and Princes were accustomed to grant pardons to such as are offenders, and not to others; and that he trusted he needed not any pardon, sith he had done nothing but what belonged to the duty of a true subject; and herewith he besought them not to forsake him, but to remember his promise, sith he was ready to spend his life in the quarrel." The herald hereupon called him traitour, and commanded John Petibone, sword-bearer of Norwich, to arrest him for treason, as a traitour to his Majesty; upon which, so great a confusion followed among the multitude, that the herald saw Ket had so far enraged them, that they would accept of no pardon, so that he departed from them, crying out with a loud voice, 'All ye that be the King's friends, come away with me,' then the Mayor, and Master Aldrich, with a great number of other gentlemen that had been confined there, (among which were the two brothers, the Appleyerds,) and other honest yeomen, that were ready to obey the King, followed him: and entering the city by Bishop-gates, the mayor commanded them to be shut, because otherwise the rebels might have forthwith entered the city. Holinshed says, this was on the last day of July, but it is a mistake, as the Chamberlain's accounts show us, for it was on the 21st of that month, it being the very day they made a present to the herald for his good service, at their return into the city, which is entered in these words, 'Gaf in reward on Mary Magdalen evyn, to Mr. York herald at arms, 8 peces of gold called soveraigns, l. 4.'
As soon as was possible, the mayor caused all the gates to be shut, and the gentlemen imprisoned in the castle and elsewhere to be set at liberty, who were all summoned to consult with him and his brethren, how they might defend the city from the rebels, and keep them from entering it by assault. And at last they determined to set watch and ward, day and night, on the walls and gates, and keep the city so close, that the means of transporting victuals from the camp being thereby cut off from that side of the river, the rebels might be wearied out, and obliged to decamp.
During this time, certain of the citizens that favoured the rebels had let a great number of them into the city, which raised such consternation, that it was thought safest for the gentlemen that had been let out of prison to be shut up again, least the rebels finding them abroad, should murder them; but soon after, it was perceived that they were returned to their camp the same way they came; upon which, the mayor and aldermen immediately began to rampire up Bishop-gates, to plant what ordnance they had, and make all necessary provision for the defence of the city that was possible; placing 10 of the greatest pieces of ordnance against the enemy in the castle-ditches, appointing watch and ward in all those places where the walls were decayed; then they proceeded to make bullets, &c. for their defence, as we learn from the accounts of the city chamberlains, in these words, paid to ij men that made that night cxx pyllets of gonshotte xvi.d. for cc and xiv l. lede, x.s. viij.d. and a bundell of large brown paper, and xv l. matchis dyvyded amongs all the gonners that night.
"Byshops Gates rampired with erth that nyght.
"A pece of ordinaunce carried to the old common stathe yarde, the ij brothern of the Appylyerds watchyd that place that nyght.
"Sir Wylliam Pastons ij gret gonnys caryed from the common stathe to the castyl.
"A bondell of small brown paper and match sent to the castyll and common stathe to shote certen yron gonnys ther, that came from Caster Hall.
"Mr. Tho. Godsalve and a gret company of others, kept Sir Will. Paston's gret peces that night in the castyll yarde."
The rest of the city forces were ordered to be ready at all times of the night, in the market place and cross streets of the city, for every occasion.
At length, having ordered things in this manner, they began to shoot off their artillery both from the city and camp, to annoy each other; but when the rebels saw that they did little hurt to the city with their ordnance lying upon the hill, they moved them down to the foot of it, and thence began to play against the walls, which being perceived, at the mayor's command, the ordnance was brought down from the castle ditches, and placed speedily in the meadows, which lie in the lowest part of the city, and so the greatest part of the night was spent in fearful shot on both sides.
But the worst evil the magistrates had to overcome, was the scum of the city that were in it, and were of the rebels side, in so great number that their force was not sufficient to rule them, for they would go and come from the camp, in spite of the mayor and governours, and bewray whatever was done against their comrades, for here ys to be notyd, that the next day beyng Mary Magdalen day, the chamberlayns servyse don the night before, and speeyally for makyng of the gonshot, was bewrayed by John Fyshman to traytor Ket, so that he sent to hys howse about lxxx men, of which number Robert Ysod tanner, John Barker, bocher, Echard, myller of Heyham, were cheffe messengers, which persons caryed the chamberlain to the Guyldhall, and ther took away oon hole barrell of gunpowder, and a remnant of another barrell, that was left the night before, and certen yron pyllets and lede pyllets, that servyd for the yronsling, and certen mores pykes that lay over the sembly chambyr, and compellyd him to pay for lyne and a maunde to carry the sayd pelfer, vj.d.
"Item, they came ageyn to the chamberlayns howse, and tooke from thense cxx pyllets of lede, that war made the nyght before, and also they toke from him in corn, paper, and serpentyn powder of his own goods, to them sum of vjl. odd money, and besydes that, compellyd hym to pay for a new ferkyn to put in the gunshote vd. and for lyne to truss and carry the pelfer with, iijd.
"And the next day being xxiij July a gret sorte of the same company with others to the nombyr of C persons at the leste; came ageyn to the chamberlayns house, and toke away of his own goods, ij bows, iij sheffs of arrows, with cases and gyrdylls, iiij alman halberds, ij black bylls, certen clubbys and stavys, ii almayn ryvetts as fayer as any war in Norwych, and a jack of fustyan, and also carryd hym away wyth them to Mushold, to have hym to the tre for makyng of the forsayd gunshote: and by the way, he intretyd them so that they caryed hym to Norwiche bothe, wher he gaf them for remyssyon from goying to the tre, iijs. iiijd."
By this time, as the mayor and citizens imagined, the camp began to be distressed for want of victuals, and in order the more commodiously to bring provision from the other side of the city, they sued for truce, for a certain time, sending James Williams, and Ralph Sutton, two of the vilest that the city produced, as their ambassadours from the camp to the city-gates, with a banner of truce in their hands, who were brought to the mayor and aldermen, of whom they demanded, in Captain Ket's name, "Peace and truce for a few days, whereby they might have liberty (as they lately had) to carry victuals through the city to the camp, which if they would not grant, they threatened to break into the city and destroy it with fire and sword." The mayor and aldermen flatly denied their request, "Protesting they would not permit traitours to have any passage through their city." Upon this refusal, the rebels were so enraged, that running down the hill, they made a violent assault upon Bishop-gates, but were as bravely repulsed, and forced to retire. Yea such rage appeared among them, that the boys and young lads showed themselves so desperate in gathering up the arrows, that when they felt them sticking in their bodies, they would pluck them out and give them to their bowmen to shoot again at the citizens; all this time the ordnance in the meadows did but little damage to the rebels, for want of sufficient powder, and skill in the gunners, though many of them were wounded with the arrows, which flew very thick from the city; but yet so great was their fury, that the very boys naked and unarmed, ran about provoking the citizens with reproachful speeches.
In the mean season, the rebels in the city, and those that favoured them, began a fearful uproar on the other side of the city, crying "to "your weapons, to your weapons, for the enemies are entered the city," which wicked stratagem answered the design, for all the citizens left that side of the city and ran to the other, so that the part where the assault first began, was left without defence; which the rebels seeing, renewed their assault, and the boys and country clowns, without fear, threw themselves into the river that runs before Bishop's-gate, and swimming cross, with swords, clubs, spears, staves, and javelins, made what few citizens were left there, retreat, and then pulling off the bars of the gates, let in the rebels, upon which, the citizens withdrew to their houses, and other secret places, where they hoped best to hide themselves from the fury of their enemies, which they imagined would now be executed to the total subversion of the city.
The first thing they did after they had thus entered by force was, to convey all the guns and artillery, and all other furniture of war whatever out of the city, to the camp, which was soon done; the boys and clowns mocking such citizens as they saw grieved, calling them traitours, cursing and reviling them.
The herald, who was still in the city, to see if the rebels would, before the day fixed for their pardons, (which was not yet expired,) give over their enterprise, came with the mayor and a great number of the principal citizens into the market-place, and there declared to the populace in the King's name, "That all such as would lay aside their arms, and go home to their houses, should have a general pardon, but all the rest should be punished with death."
The rebels that stood by and heard him, bad him depart with a mischief, for neither his fair offers nor his sweet flattering words should beguile them; for they detested such mercy, that under pretence of pardon, would cut off all their hope of safety and self-preservation. Upon which the herald departed, seeing nothing was to be done either through fear of punishment, or hope of pardon, and returned to court. Upon this Ket immediately ordered Leonard Sotherton (or Sutterton) to be brought before him, because he had accompanied the herald in his journey, but he fearing the matter, and being warned of it, was forced to hide himself in the city, among his friends and kindred, as many other good men did.
And now Ket took the mayor, Robert Watson, William Rogers, John Humberston, William Brampton, and many others of the wisest and best men of the city, and imprisoned them in Surrey-house, where some of them remained laden with irons till the last day of this conspiracy.
Ket perceiving that things were grown so desperate, that he must have either a bloody victory over his country, or else soon come to the shameful end he deserved, endeavoured all he could to draw a huge multitude together to encrease his army, so that what by rewards and fair promises, it is almost inconceivable to tell the numbers of rascally people that flocked to him from all parts on a sudden.
By this time, the citizens began to be sore displeased that their mayor (who was a man of remarkable honesty, and exceedingly beloved, not only by the better sort, but even by those that had joined the camp) should be so scandalously imprisoned, and remain in danger of his life, among the rebels, who began to threaten him sorely, and jesting at his name, would say one to another, "Let us come together to-morrow, for we shall see a Codd's-head sold in the camp for a "penny," alluding to the mayor's name. Whereupon, the citizens fearing least he should be made away among them, came and complained unto Thomas Aldrich, (whose authority was great among the rebels, he being a man they also loved,) that they did not like such usage; and he immediately went to Ket, and being backed by a number of the citizens that were exceedingly angry at the usage of their mayor, he sharply reproved him for his cruel dealing, in imprisoning so honest a man as the mayor was, and withal commanded him to release him; when, either for shame, or fear of disobliging these citizens, he instantly set him at liberty, and permitted him to go all over the city; so that by his care and diligence, many of the citizens were much comforted. But because he could not abide in it, being constrained to be the most part of his time in the camp, he made Augustine Steward his deputy, commanding him to take the charge of governing and defending the city in his absence; and he with the assistance of Henry Bacon, and John Atkins, then sheriffs, ruled the city right carefully to their great credit, and kept all the citizens in order, except those unruly ones, whom no good order could command.
During this time, Ket and his companions used to make scorn and mock at such prisoners as they kept, and sometimes delivered them to the multitude, for that purpose, and a day was appointed, when all the prisoners were to be brought out to the oak, there to be tried, as they called it; and at the time, Ket himself went up on the oak, and setting down there, had the prisoners in order, one by one, called by their names, and then he enquired of his companions, what they thought of them? these varlets being made inquisitors, and judges of the lives of those innocent gentlemen; if they found nothing against the man in question, they called out A good man, he is a good man, and therefore ought to be set at liberty; but if any small crime or dislike was but once named by any of them, they called out. Let him be hanged, let him be hanged, though at the same time they did not so much as know the man.
The Council being ascertained by the herald's return, that nothing but force would quiet the Norfolk rebels, appointed William Parr Marquis of Northampton, an excellent courtier, and one more skilled in leading a measure than a march, with 1500 horsemen of the King's forces, to go down to Norwich to attack the rebels and defend the city; with him went the Lord Sheffield, and the Lord Wentworth, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir Henry Parker, Sir Richard Southwell, Sir Ralf Sadler, Sir John Clere, Sir Ralf Powlet, Sir Richard Lee, Sir John Gates, Sir Tho. Paston, Sir Henry Bedingfield, Sir John Suliard, Sir William Walgrave, Sir John Cutts, Sir Thomas Cornwalleis, Knts, with a good number of other knights, squires, and gentlemen, and a small band of Italians, under the command of Mala-testa, an experienced soldier: which the rebels took advantage of, and filled the country with complaints that these were part of the numberless foreigners to which England was going forthwith to be subjected, which made some of them more resolute than before.
The Marquis being now come within a mile of Norwich, sent Sir Gilbert Dethick, Knt. who was then Norroy, and afterwards Garter King at Arms, to summon them within the city, to yield it into his hands, or upon refusal, to proclaim war against it. Augustine Steward, the deputy mayor, sent to the mayor, who was now detained in the camp, to let him know what message he had received from the Marquis, who returned answer, that all these confusions much grieved him, and more so because he could not wait on him to deliver the city into his hands himself, being detained by a guard of the rebels, in danger of his life; but having given his authority to Mr. Augustine Steward, a wise and careful man, least in his absence the people should fall away from their duty, he had ordered him to be ready to surrender it into his hands, and to submit all things wholly to his Lordship's order and disposition. This message being soon carried by Norroy, the deputy mayor, sheriffs, and a great number of the chief citizens, went to the Marquis's army, and delivered the sword to his Lordship, declaring that the mayor himself would have gladly come if he could have got from the rebels, and that although a great number of the scum and populuce of the city were partakers with the rebels, yet the substantial and principal citizens never did, nor never would consent to their doings, but were ready at all times to receive him into their city, and obey him as the representative of the King himself.
Upon which, the Marquis comforted them with good words, telling them he hoped he should appease these troubles shortly. Then he delivered the sword to Sir Richard Southwell, who carried it bare headed before the Marquis into the city, which honour, by solemn and ancient custom, is always given to the King's lieutenants: he made his entry at St. Stephen's-gates, and forthwith gave commandment that all the citizens should meet him in the market-place, where they consulted long, and many things were resolved upon, as well for the defence of the city as for restraining the assault of the enemy. Immediately watch and ward were appointed for the walls and gates, and the weak places of the old walls were guarded by armed men day day and night.
Things being thus ordered, the Marquis, with the nobles and gentlemen, supped at the deputy mayor's, and lodged there, but kept their armour on their backs all night, (though they were wearied with a troublesome journey of three days, and the heat of the weather,) for fear of a sudden assault.
It happened (but whether by chance or appointment is not known) that the strangers went out and offered skirmish to the rebels upon Magdalen-hill; the rebels first came forth with their horsemen, who better understood plundering the country, than fighting, for they were no match for the strangers; which their fellows seeing, they put their archers before their horsemen, designing to surround the strangers, but they perceiving their drift, cast themselves into a ring, and retired into the city, leaving an Italian gentleman behind them, who had ventured too far, and being unfortunately thrown from his horse, was taken, spoiled of his armour, and as a specimen how they would use others, hanged over the walls of Surrey-house.
The watch being set, the Marquis ordered the rest of the soldiers to be armed all night, and to make a huge fire in the market-place, which was appointed their general rendezvous, so that the streets might be light, least by darkness and ignorance of the place they should be enclosed in the night by their enemies.
Sir Edward Warner, Marshal of the Field, gave the watch-word, Sir Thomas Paston, Sir John Clere, Sir William Walgrave, Sir Thomas Cornwaleis and Sir Henry Bedingfield, men of approved valour and wisdom, were dispersed in divers parts of the city, for defence thereof, who performed their parts nobly, going continually from place to place encouraging and animating their men by their countenance, words, and their own travel and labour. Every thing being thus settled, the Marquis and others at rest, about midnight, the rebels, as if they designed to assault the city, discharged their artillery as thick as possible, but whether it was by the unskilfulness of the gunners, or whether they had taken money, (as some thought,) they did little damage, the bullets passing over the city. The Marshall, by reason of the continual alarms given by the watchmen, and the continuance of the discharge of the cannons, called up the Marquis, as he had ordered him to do, if any thing happened, who came presently into the market-place with his nobles and gentlemen, and entered into consultation how to provide better for the defence of the city, finding by the slow return of his soldiers, (which he began to perceive,) that they were not sufficient for the guard of so large a place; and by general advice it was agreed, that all the gates on the other side of the city from the enemy, and all the ruinous places of the walls, should be rampired up, concluding that there would not be wanting so many soldiers to defend the walls, but that the citizens might only watch them, and give notice in case of any danger that way; this was immediately put in execution, and near finished, when the whole rout of rebels came running with hideous shrieks and yells to the city, endeavouring to hew in pieces, and fire, the gates; some swimming over the river, climbed up the lowest places of the walls, others got in at the breaches, and so entered. The Marquis's men did all that was possible to repell them; the fight lasted above three hours continually, in which the noble courage of Bedingfield, Cornwalleis, Paston, &c. was very apparent, the rebels pushing forward to the utmost of their power, and being courageously resisted, were so desperate, that when they were thrust through their bodies or thighs, or their hamstrings cut asunder, though they were fallen down deadly wounded, would not give over, but half dead, drowned in their own and other men's blood, would till the last gasp strike at their adversaries, when their hands could scarce hold their weapons; but such was the bravery of the gentlemen and soldiers, that they were forced to retreat to their camp, having lost 300 of their fellows, who were killed in the city in this engagement; and now at last, being secure from any farther practices of the enemy, they went to rest for that little time that remained, proper for that purpose.
In the morning it was told the Marquis, that the courage and resolution of many of the rebels was much abated, and that they might be easily persuaded to lay down their arms if they were assured of pardon, there being no less than 4 or 5000 then waiting at Pockthorpgates, who on such promise would return home, and submit to the King's mercy; which information made him exceeding glad, but Norroy and a trumpeter being sent to the gate, not a person was found there; however, upon the sound of the trumpet, a great number came running down the hill; one Flotman being their principal, whom the trumpeter commanded to stand; Flotman demanded what the matter was, and why they drew them to parley by sound of trumpet, to whom Norroy replied, "Go thy waies, and tell thy company, from my Lord Marquess of Northampton, the King's Majesties lieutenant, that he commandeth them to cease from any further outrage, and if they will obey his commandment, all that is past shall be forgiven and pardoned." To which, Flotman, who was an outrageous busy fellow, of a voluble tongue ready for reproaches and arrogant speeches, presumptuously answered, 'that he cared not a pin's point for my Lord Marquess,' and like a traitour railed upon his Lordship, maintaining that he and the rest of the rebels were earnest defenders of the King's royal Majesty, and that they had not taken up arms against the King, but in his defence, and that time would make it appear, that they sought nothing more than to maintain his royal estate, the liberty of their country, and the safety of the commonwealth; and then utterly refusing the pardon, told Norroy positively, that they would either restore the commonwealth from the decay into which it was fallen, being oppressed through the tyranny and covetousness of the gentlemen, or else would die like men in the quarrel.
Scarce had he made an end, but an alarm was raised through the whole city, the general cry being, To arms! to arms! for at the instant these things were doing at Pockthorp-gates, the rebels brake in at the hospital meadows, and coming up Holme or Bishopgate-street, attacked the Marquis's ordnance, that was placed on St. Martin's plain, at the mouth or entrance thereof, in which place there ensued a sharp conflict between the rebels and the Marquis's men; there were slain of the rebels about 140, and great numbers wounded, and of the King's soldiers and city forces, about 50, or somewhat more, besides a great number wounded. This skirmish continued from about nine o'clock on Lammas day morn, being the first of August, till noon the same day; in which the miserable death of the Lord Sheffield was lamented and pitied of all men, who more mindful of his birth and honour than of his own safety, desirous to show proof of his noble courage, entering among the thickest of his enemies, and fighting too boldly, though not so warily as was expedient, fell into a ditch or hole as he was turning his horse, and being compassed about with a great number of these horrible traitours, was there slain, although he declared who he was, and offered largely to the villains if they would have saved his life; and as he pulled of his helmet that it might appear who he was, a butcherly knave, one Fulke, who by occupation was both a carpenter and butcher, knocked him on the head with a club, and so killed him, of which he much vaunted afterwards, and so it came to be known who it was committed this barbarity, for which, afterwards, by the just judgment of God, the villain had his deserved reward; the place where he fell is distinguished by a large freestone laid there.
In relation to this affair, the aforesaid Sir John Cheek expostulates with the rebels thus,
"How was the Lord Sheffield handled among you, a noble gentleman and of good service, both fit for counsel in peace, and conduct in war, considering either the gravity of his wisdom, or the authority of his person, or his service to the common wealth, or the hope that all men had in him, or the need that England had of such, or among manie notablie good, his singular excellencie, or the favour that all men bare toward him, being loved of every man, and hated of no man?
"Ye slew him cruelly, who offered himself manfully, and would not so much as spare him for ransome, who was worthie for noblenesse, to have had honour, and hewed him bare, whom ye could not hurt, armed, and by slaverie, slew nobilitie, in deed, miserablie, in fashion, cruellie, in cause, develishlie. Oh! with what cruel spite was sundred, so noble a bodie, from so godlie a mind? whose death must rather be revenged than lamented, whose death was no lacke to himselfe, but his countrie, whose death might every way been better born than at a rebels hands. Violence is in all things hurtfull, but in life, horrible."
With him died divers other gentlemen and worthy soldiers, who were buried the same day with him, at St. Martin's on the Plain, which church is just by the place they fell, as I find by the parish register in these words, "1549, The Lord Sheffield with thirty five others, were here buried 1 Aug.;" and among others Robert Wollvaston or Wolverston, who was appointed to keep the entrance into the cathedral, was killed by the same Fulke, who took him for Sir Edmund Knevet, against whom they bare great malice, because he gave them all the disturbance he possibly could.
The rebels, puffed up with the death of the Lord Sheffield, who was a person they greatly feared, by reason of the character he had for his great courage, making an alarm on every side, got into the city every way they could, and so overcharged the forces with numbers, being above twenty thousand to fifteen hundred, that they caused the Marquis and his people to give way, and forsake the city; every man making the best shift he could to save himself, either by speedy flight, or by hiding themselves in private places, as woods, groves, caves, and such like. But yet divers gentlemen of good account, as Bedingfield, Cornwaleis, and others, who remained behind, abiding the brunt, were taken prisoners, and kept in strict durance till the day of the rebels overthrow by the Earl of Warwick.
The Marquis being thus beaten out of Norwich, with the residue that escaped, hasted to London, leaving the city in the rebel's power: many of the chief citizens fled, leaving their wives, children, and all their possessions in their enemies hands, having hid their gold, jewels, silver, and good household stuff, in privies, wells, and pits digged in the ground.
After the Earl's departure the same day, they threw fire upon the tops of the houses, which flew from house to house with fearful flames, and in a small time consumed great part of the city; for all the houses in Holmstrete were consumed with fire on both sides thereof, with St. Giles's hospital, which was dedicated to the relief and maintenance of the diseased poor; Bishop-gates, Magdalen, Pockthorp, Berstreet-gates, and divers other buildings in many places were burnt; and had not the clouds by God's special providence commiserated the city's calamity, and melting into tears quenched the flames, the whole city had been laid in ashes, for the plenty of rain that fell then, in a great measure quenched the fire. The rebels entered the houses of such as were known to be wealthy, and thoroughly rifled them; in short, the state of the city was as miserable as can be expressed.
The mayor's deputy would not leave the city, but kept in his house, not daring to stir out, or attempt to stay them; and now another band brake in at St. Martin's-gates, and armed with clubs and such weapons as they could get, attempted to break open the deputy's house, and at last began to fire the door; upon which, being alone, his servants having fled from him, he opened it, and they immediately seized him, plucked off his gown, (which he used at that time,) calling him rebel, threatening him with a most shameful death, if he did not tell them where the Marquis of Northampton was hid; and though he positively assured them that he and all his company were gone, they ransacked every hole in the house, and taking what they found, went their way, laden with the spoil: but yet many of them, partly pacified for a piece of money and other things which they received of the deputy, and partly reproved for these wrongs, by some of credit among them, brought again such packs and burthens, as they had trussed up, and threw them into the shops of those houses out of which they had taken them before. Nevertheless, many were spoiled of all they had, by the rebels entering their houses, under pretence of seeking for the Marquis's men. But the houses of those that fled were quite ransacked, for they called them traitours, and enemies to their King and country, that had thus forsaken their houses in such time of necessity. Now some of the citizens ordering the furious multitude bread and drink, and all kind of victuals, the hungry wretches were somewhat appeased: but yet many sustained such injury, and were overcharged with such great expenses, that as long as they lived, they were forced to fare the worse for it in their household affairs.
The rebels by this time reduced from such extreme violence, began to think of their own safety, and commanded the deputy and chief of the city that were left in it, that watch and ward should be hourly kept at the gates and walls by the citizens themselves, threatening them with death if they omitted it. Moreover, whenever it rained, they would kenuel up themselves in the churches, abusing those holy places appointed for God's service and worship, with all manner of vile profanations.
And thus things continued till the 24th of August, being St. Bartholomew's day, when John Dudley Earl of Warwick, by the King's command, with a good force of soldiers raised in Lincolnshire and other shires of the kingdom, and also a good number of Switzers, which had been purposely provided for the Scotch war, entered Norwich. .
For his Majesty perceived, they were got to such a head, that without a main army, guided by a general of experience and conduct, it would be very hard to subdue them: and therefore this Earl, who was just appointed to go into Scotland against the French and Scots, was sent hither, whose manhood, courage, and experience in all warlike enterprises had been sufficiently tried and known, it being thought, if he could not suppress them, nobody could.
The Earl then, his army being ready, marched to Cambridge, where the Marquis of Northampton, desirous to be revenged for his late repulse, met him, being resolved to attend him, and try whether he could be more fortunate in following, than he had been in leading, and with him were many other gentlemen, with divers of the principal citizens of Norwich, the Lords Willoughby, Powes, and Bray, Ambrose Dudley, then son to, and afterward Earl of Warwick, and Rob. Dudley his brother, afterwards Earl of Leicester, Henry Willoughby, Esq. Sir Tho. Gresham, Sir Marmaduke Constable, Will. Devereux, son to the Lord Ferrers of Chertsey, Sir Edm. Knevet, Sir Tho. Palmer, Sir Andrew Flammock, and many other knights, squires, and gentlemen, who all tried their manhood, and behaved gallantly when time and occasion was given them.
The citizens meeting the Earl at the entrance of Cambridge, fell upon their knees at his feet, and weeping, earnestly entreated him to lay nothing to their charge, for they and all the chief of the city, were innocent, and guilty of no crime; yet they besought his favour and mercy, for they had verily conceived incredible grief for this miserable destruction and spoil of their city and country, and had further endured all extremity at the rebels hands, being obliged, for safety of their lives to fly the city, out of which they were forced by fire and sword, from their wives, children, and all their friends; and in this so great misery, they had this only to crave, that if in this common and exceeding fear, through ignorance or folly, they had unknowingly committed any offence, the same might not be imputed to them, but upon this their humble petition and repentance, it might be pardoned.
The Earl answered that he perceived how great peril they were in, and that without doubt great was the strength of those desperate men, who had driven them from all things as dear to them as life itself: affirming they had done nothing amiss to his knowledge, for in that they left the city, compelled by fear and such imminent danger, it was only an infirmity easily excusable. Notwithstanding, in one thing, he said, he imagined they were somewhat overseen, that they did not withstand resolutely those evils at the very beginning for he supposed a few valiant and wise men might have dispatche those companies in a moment, if they had attacked them resolutel at the first rise.
And now granting them all pardon, and assuring them of the King's favour, he commanded them to furnish themselves wit armour and weapons, and march forth with the army, wearing certai laces or ribands about their necks, to distinguish them from others.
The Earl marched directly from hence to Windham, and got thither on the 22d day of August, and as he came along, the most part of the Norfolk gentlemen, that were not imprisoned by the rebels, came to him, with which he was exceedingly pleased.
On the 23d day of August, he showed himself upon the plain between Norwich and Eaton wood, and lodged that night at Sir Tho. Gresham's seat at Intwood, about two miles from Norwich: on this plain the army rested that day and night, the men being all the while ready armed for battle, least the enemy should raise any sudden tumult, for they plainly perceived them in the walls and towers, endeavouring to make what defence they could.
While the army laid here, the Earl sent the aforesaid Norroy to summon the city, either to open the gates that he might quietly enter, or else look for war and a forcible assault, and such a reward as rebels deserve.
All this time Ket had been getting what power he could together, and consulting how to defend himself and his rascally crew; and when he was informed the herald was at the gates, he obliged Augustine Steward, the mayor's deputy, and Robert Rugg, who was mayor the next year, as two of the chiefest citizens, to go to him and know his errand; these being let out at Brazen-Door, and hearing his message, answered, "that they believed they were the miserablest men then living, having suffered such calamities as they could not but tremble at the remembrance of, and that now they could not fulfill their loialty to their prince, which brought them into the unhappy dilemma of either loosing their lives, or their good name, but hoped his Majesty would pardon them, as they had not consented to any thing of this rebellion; but with loss of goods, and peril of life, as far as it was in their power, had done their utmost to keep the citizens in good order and dutiful obedience. But one thing more they humbly requested of my Lord Warwick, that whereas there were great numbers of Ket's army poor and naked, running about the city without armour or weapon, which seemed as if they were weary of their doings, that it would please him once more to offer them the King's pardon, and they hoped it would be gladly accepted, that so any more bloodshed might be avoided." Norroy returned to the Earl, who fearing least the rebels should murder the gentlemen they had in prison, if they came to a battle, resolved to try this way, and sent Norroy again, with a trumpet, to offer them a general pardon, who entering the city, met with about 40 of the rebels on horseback, and riding two and two together very pleasant and merry, they passed from St. Stephen's-gate, where he entered, unto Bishop-gate: the trumpeter there sounded, upon which the rebels flocked down the hill, and the horsemen ran swiftly to them, commanding them to divide themselves, and stand in order on either side of the way, and as Norroy and the trumpeter, with two of the chief citizens, entered between them, they were received on every side with great shouts and outcries, for every one uncovering their heads as it were with one mouth and consent, cried out, 'God save King Edward, God save King Edward!' Norroy and the two citizens highly commended them for so doing, desiring them to keep place and order, as they were commanded by their own men, which they did for a while: Norroy having got to the top of the hill, with his coat of arms on, as solemn ensigns of his office, stayed awhile for Ket, who was not yet come; and at last he began to remind them of the King's gracious goodness, who had several times by heralds and others promised them pardon, if they would return to their obedience, all which they had refused, and despised his messengers; he willed them to consider into what misery and decay they had brought that commonwealth, the good of which was so often in their mouths, and then discoursing of their horrible murders, riots, burnings, and other crimes, he desired them to consider into what abundant mischiefs they had brought themselves, and what they must expect from the wrath of God, and the King's army, now ready to execute it, and which they could not withstand, if they did not now accept of the King's gracious pardon, which he then by him offered to them all, assuring them that he had sent the Right Honourable the Earl of Warwick, a man of noble fame and approved valiancy, as his Lieutenant General, to persecute them with fire and sword, and not to desist till he had utterly subdued them, and revenged him on them for all their treasons and wickednesses, and he also told them, that the Earl designed to offer them pardon no more, if they now refused it.
Many of them were now touched with remorse, and began to fear the event of things, but the greater part were much offended at Norroy's speech, and began to prate that he was not the King's herald, but one set out by the gentlemen in such a gay coat, made of church vestments, and things taken thence, to deceive them, under notion of pardon, and therefore it would be well done either to thrust him through with an arrow, or hang him up; others at the same time seemed to reverence him, and divers that had served in Scotland, and at Bulloign, assured their fellows that he was the King's herald indeed; upon which they pretended no more to offer him any injury, though they then said, instead of pardon, there was nothing prepared for them but a barrel full of halters. Norroy departing thence, and Ket with him, came to another place, and because the multitude was so great that he could not be heard by all from one place, he again made the same proclamation; before the end of which, a vile boy turned up his bare buttocks to him, with words as unseemly as his gesture was filthy, in reproach of his Majesty and his officer; which so moved one of the King's friends, (for some were come over the water to view things,) that he directly shot the boy through the body, upon the spot. Which when the rebels saw, a dozen of them came riding furiously out of the wood, crying, "Wee are betraied friends wee are betraied; if you look not about you: doo you not see how our fellowes are slaine with guns before our faces? this herald goeth about nothing else but to bring us in danger of some ambush that the gentlemen may kill and beat us all down at his pleasure. And thereupon they all shrank away and fled as if they had been on of their wits. Nevertheless, the chief leader, Robert Ket, accom panied Norroy, designing, as was said, to have gone himself to the Earl of Warwick, and to have talked with him; but now when they were come almost to the bottom of the hill, a multitude of the rebels came running, and crying to him, asking him whither he went, "we are ready (said they) to take such part as you do, be it never so bad," assuring him they would stand by him both in life and death, and that if he went any further, they would surely follow him. Upon which Norroy desired Ket to return with them into the camp, which he did, and they went back with him much appeased.
In the mean time, as the army laid before the city towards the south, came down certain to view it, and with them came both the mayor and Thomas Aldriche, (who by policy were let out of the gate,) repairing to the Earl, and craving pardon, which they obtained, and were appointed to remain with them; now the Earl seeing nothing would avail but force, brought his army to St. Stephen's-gates, which the rebels had stopped up, and let down the portcullis, wherefore he commanded the master gunner to plant the ordnance, and beat down the gate for the soldiers to enter by; which while they were doing, the deputy informed the Earl, that not far off was a postern-gate, called the Brasen-Door, which though the enemy had fastened with great beams, and pieces of timber, and rampired up with earth and stones, might very easily be broke open; upon which the pioneers are sent for, who immediately opened it, and there the Earl's forces first entered, and slew those rebels that stood to defend it, and made the enemy retreat from thence; and in the interim, the master gunner had broken the portcullis of St. Stephen's-gates, and battered them half down, and the soldiers had made several breaches in the walls, between St. Stephen's and St. Giles's-gates, to enter by; at these places the Marquis of Northampton, and Captain Drury, alias Poignard, a man of great valour, entered with their bands, and slew and wounded so many of their enemies, that the rest retired hastily to their c and by this time, by the good management of the deputy, St. Bennet or Westwick-gates were set wide open, through which the Earl of Warwick himself and his main army entered, and came into the market-place, without any resistance; here they took sixty of the rebels, and erecting a gallows by the Cross, hung them up; then the Earl presently commanded proclamation to be made through the whole city, that all the inhabitants should keep within, having their shops and doors fast barred, on pain of death: which was obeyed by all, except the son of one Wasey, a cobler, who with two or three more, were found in the market-place, and hanged up for their folly: this was wisely done, for thus the Earl knew who were concerned in the rebellion, and who not. Upon this many came and obtained pardon, and as they were commanded, barred up themselves, and thought they were well off. The Earl finding the marketplace very spacious, made it his head quarters.
All this while, the carriages belonging to the army were entering at St. Bennet's-gates, and for want of order being given to the drivers where to stop, they ignorantly went through the whole city out at Bishop-gates, directly toward the enemy's camp at Moushold, which the rebels seeing, came down, seized on them, and carried them laden with guns, powder, and other ammunition, into their camp, greatly rejoicing, because they had no store of such things among them. However, Captain Drury coming up with his band, in good time, fortunately recovered some of the carts, not without slaughter on either side.
The rebels being not yet fully driven out of the city; began to form a sort of camp on Tombland, and to lay wait in the lanes and cross streets, with intent to kill the Earl's men unawares, who by reason of the spaciousness of the city, were ignorant of the ways; some of them stood at St. Michael's at Plea, others at St. Simon's, others at St. Peter's of Hungate, and others in Wimer's-street by St. Andrew's church, ready for battle; and setting upon some of the Earl's men, slew three or four gentlemen, before any help could come; news being carried of it to the Earl in the market-place, he passed forward out of the market by St. John's of Maddermarket church, and turned into Wimer or St. Andrew's-street, with the main body of his forces, and when they were got to St. Andrew's church, the enemy let fly a cloud of arrows, but Captain Drury came a second time very opportunely with his band of harquebusiers, young men of excellent courage and skill, who paid them so home with such a terrible volley of shot, that they fled in a moment, leaving 130 of their companions dead on the spot, and divers of them being found creeping in the churchyards, were taken and executed; all the rest fled to their camp, and the city was quite rid of them, to the great comfort of the inhabitants.
The Earl now began to give order to fortify the city, furnished the walls with soldiers and other munition, fit to repulse an enemy, placed a guard of armed soldiers in every street, blocked and rampired up all the gates, decayed walls, &c. except those next the enemy, and out of Bishop-gate he placed great ordinance ready charged, to be conveyed next day to Mousehold.
But the rebels understanding the Earl wanted powder and other things belonging to the great ordnance, and seeing the Welshmen who were appointed to guard the artillery were few in number, and not able to resist any sudden force that should come down the hill upon them, they rushed altogether from the hill, attacked the guards, who, astonished at such an onset, were compelled by force to flee and leave the artillery a prey to the enemies, all which they carried into their c one Myles, a skilful gunner and bold rebel, watching his opportunity, shot the King's master gunner through the head, in this skirmish; this was a matter of great importance, for now the rebels were furnished with those very instruments of war that the Earl wanted, and Ket's gunners were continually discharging the cannons upon the city, and those iron balls, which they had taken, battered it most grievously, many being slain with the shot, great part of the wall and the tower on Bishop-gates were beat down; and had it not been (by God's providence) that the gunners were rash and ignorant, and levelled their ordinance too high, considering the hill they stood on, the city had been beaten down to the ground in a short time; but greater had this day's loss been, if Captain Drury by his valour, and slaughter of his men, had not put the rebels to flight, and by chasing them, recovered the greatest part of the provision they drove away. After this, Warwick rampired up all the gates, placed armed guards at every corner and passage in the streets, brake down White Friars bridge to stop all communication that way, appointed the Lord Willoughby, with a great number of soldiers, to defend Bishop-gate and that part of the city, and so provided against any sudden assault, and cut off all communication with the enemy. But notwithstanding this,
The next day, being the 25th of August, the rebels passed the river at Consford, burnt the most part of all the houses of two parishes, and many in the neighbouring ones, with all the granaries at the common stathe, which, with the corn and other merchandises, there laid in readiness to send for exportation at Yarmouth, were quite consumed; the rebels intending either thus to burn the whole city, or if the Earl's forces had gone to extinguish the fire, then to have cast down the rampires, and opened the gates, and so to have distressed the scattered forces; but the Earl dreading it, let the fire go on till the citizens extinguished it, after an incredible damage.
Things falling out thus unfortunately on the Earl's side, there were some in the Earl's army, who despairing of success, began to persuade him, that since the city was large, the walls and gates broken and burnt down, and their number of soldiers but few, (for as yet the appointed number, neither of English nor foreign forces were come,) that he would leave the city; the Earl being of a noble courage, and not able to bear the least spot of reproach, or lose the least honour, smartly answered, "Whie! and do your hearts fail you so soon? or are you so mad withall to think, that so long as life is in me I will consent to such dishonour? should I leave the city heaping up to myself and likewise to you, such shame and reproof as worthily might be reputed to us an infamy for ever? I will rather suffer whatever fire or sword can work against me;" and drawing his sword, the rest of the nobles with him did the same, then he commanded them to kiss one anothers swords, according to an ancient custom used in war, in time of great danger, and herewith they made a solemn vow, and bound it with an oath, never to leave the city till they had either vanquished the rebels or died in the fight manfully, for the honour of their King and country.
While this was doing, the rebels brake into the city on the north side, between Magdalen and Pockthorp-gates, where they were not suspected, but were repulsed by the soldiers, so that they run headlong back again, many being wounded, and several fell down and were slain, but not without the loss on the Earl's side of Mr. George Hastyngs, three of Captain Drury's gunners, and another gentleman, who were all buried at St. Martin's on the Plain, as were six others on the same day, in Mr. Spencer's garden, as that parish register informs us, (xxvj. Aug. 1549.)
The next day, being the 26th of Aug. 1400 Switzers, good and valiant soldiers, came from London and entered Norwich, and were received by the Earl's forces, with many vollies of shot for joy; they being divided by parishes, were liberally invited, and courteously entertained by the citizens, as the soldiers were, the whole time; the hearts of the people being revived, and the rebels confounded with fear, at this doubtful knowledge of their future overthrow. However, being ascertained that the next day they must fight it out, trusting to certain vain prophecies and superstitious rhymes that they had among them, which were rung in their ears every hour; as,
The country gnoffes, Hob, Dick, and Hick, With clubs and clowted shoon, Shall fill the vale, Of Dussin's Dale, With slaughter'd bodies soon.
And this, The heedless men, within the Dale.
Shall there be slain, both great and smale.
Such was their preposterous stupidity, in applying these equivocating prophecies to their delusion, that believing Dussin's Dale must make a large and soft pillow for death to rest on, vainly apprehended themselves the upholsters to make, who proved only the stuffing to fill the same; fed therefore with this vain belief, they forsook that advantageous hill, that in a great measure had enabled them by its situation to do the damage that they had done, and where the Earl's horsemen would have been of little service: trusting in these follies for success, and resolving to end the matter before famine obliged them to disperse, for the Earl had so stopped up the passages that no victuals could come to their camp, and the want thereof began already to pinch them, they fired all their cabins, huts, and tents, which they had built of timber and bushes upon the hills, which almost darkened the sky with smoak, and with 20 ancients and ensigns of war, marched for the adjacent valley called by that name, and there presently intrenched themselves, threw a ditch cross the high ways, and cut off all passage, pitching their javelins and stakes in the ground before them.
The Earl of Warwick perceiving their doings, the next day, being the 27th of August, setting his army in order, he marched out at Coslany, now St. Martin's at the Oak gates, with the Marquis of Northampton, Willoughby, Powes, Bray, Ambrose Dudley, and the other noble and valiant gentlemen, a very choice company, the Almains, with Captain Drury's band, and all the horsemen, marching directly against the enemy. Yet before the army came in sight of the rebels, Sir Edm. Knevet, and Sir Tho. Palmer, Knts. were sent to acquaint them, that such was the incredible mercy of the King, that if they would still repent and lay down arms, he would freely grant his pardon to all except one or two of them; but all refused it. Upon which, the Earl having given orders to both horse and foot, gave the sign to begin the battle; the rebels perceiving the attack coming, placed all their gentlemen prisoners, bound with fetters, and chained together, in the front of the battle, to the end they might be killed by their own friends, who came to seek their deliverance; but now, though it be true as David saith, that The sword devoureth one as well as another, yet so discreetly did Captain Drury charge the van of the rebels, that most of those innocent prisoners escaped. Miles, the rebeis master gunner, levelled a canon, and discharging it, struck the King's standard bearer through the thigh with an iron bullet, and the horse he rode on through the shoulder, so that both died, which so vexed the Earl and exasperated his army, that he caused a whole volley of artillery to be shot off at the rebels; and herewith Captain Drury, with his own band, and the Almains or lance knights (call them which you will) being on foot, getting near the enemies, saluted them so severely with their harquebut shot, and thrust forward upon them with their pikes so strongly, that they brake their ranks asunder, by which means the gentlemen prisoners shrank on one side, and most escaped their intended danger, though some few were slain by the Almans, and others, that knew not who they were. The Earl's light horsemen by this means came in so roundly, that the rebels, not able to abide their valiant charge, were put to flight, and ran away like a flock of sheep, and with the foremost their grand captain, Robert Ket, gallopped away as fast as his horse could carry him; the horsemen that chased, slew them in heaps, as fast as they overtook them, so that the chase continuing for three or four miles, there were slain at least three thousand five hundred, besides a great number that were wounded as they fled, seeking to escape out of danger. Thus, as Fuller says, rage was conquered by courage, rebellion by loyalty, and number by valour. Yet one part of them, the last litter of Ket's kennel, that had not been assailed at the first onset, seeing such slaughter made of their fellows, kept their ground by their ordnance, determining, as men desperate, not to die unrevenged, but to fight it out till the last; they were so enclosed with their carts, carriages, and trenches they had cast up, that it had been something dangerous to have assailed them within their strength. The Earl being merciful, a sure token of true bravery, sent Norroy with promise of pardon of life, if they would lay down their weapons, if not, he would destroy every one of them; they answered, that could they be sure of their lives, they would willingly do it, but took it only as a stratagem to get them into the gentlemen's hands, who, they well knew, would hang them all. Upon which, the Earl gets his army into battle array against them, and just before the onset sent to know whether, if he came himself and assured them of pardon, they would submit: to which they presently answered, they had such confidence in his honour, that if he would promise them the King's pardon, they would in an instant lay down their arms, and rely on his and the King's mercy. Upon which he went directly to them, ordered Norroy to read the Kings commission openly on the spot, because therein was pardon promised by the King, to all that would lay down their weapons: which being heard, they all thankfully cried, "God save King Edward! God save King Edward!" And so by the Earl's wisdom and compassion, were many saved and more bloodshed avoided.
The battle being ended, all the prey the same day was given to the soldiers, and openly sold in the market-place.
Thus were the rebels subdued by the valiant Earl of Warwick, and the other nobles and gentlemen of the country, but not without loss of divers worthy persons, both gentlemen, and some of the chief citizens, in the beat of the fight, besides abundance of the meaner sort, namely, Henry Willoughby, Esq. of Willoughby in Nottinghamshire, son of Sir Edw. Willoughby of the same, and father of Francis Willoughby of Wollerton in the said county; a man so well beloved in his country, for his liberal housekeeping, great courtesy, upright dealing, assured stedfastness in friendship, and modest behaviour, that the county where he lived lamented his loss exceedingly. There fell also, Master Lucie, Esq. Giles Forster, Esq. and Master Throckmorton, gentlemen of no small worship in their countries, with Henry Wilby, Esq. Thomas Lynsye, Esq. and many others; four of these were buried in the chancel of St. Simon and Jude's church, according to that parish register; in which I read thus,
"Henry Wylby of Middilton-Hall in the county of Warwick, Esq.
Giles Foster of Temple-Balsall in the same county, Esq.
Thomas Lynsye of Charlecot in the same county, Esq.
- - - Lusonn [or Lucie] of - - - besids Northampton, Esq. Thes 4 esquires were slayne in the King's army one Mushouldheath the Tewesday being the xxvij. daye of August 1549, Ano tercio Edwardi Sexti, and were all buryed in the channcell of this church in one grave."
The remaining rebels that submitted, and all those that were brought in prisoners, (which were very many,) to keep them from making head again, were confined this night under guards of soldiers in the publick buildings, and some churches of the city, by the provident command of the Earl, in order to receive judgment, and have their fines and amerciaments set on them for their heinous offences.
The next day, being Aug. 28, tidings was brought the Earl, that the arch-rebel Ket, had rode so fast, that his horse tired, and fell down in the flight, and that creeping into a barn of one Mr. Richers of Swannington, two of his servants seized him, and carried him into their master's house, who kept him there in hold, for his Lordship; upon which, the Earl sent 20 horsemen immediately and brought him to Norwich: and the same day, the Earl, and others sat in judgment at the Castle, taking examinations to find who were the principal beginners and promoters of this unhappy rebellion: and divers being found guilty, nine of the principals (the two Kets excepted) were executed upon the oak of reformation, which never till then deserved that name; among which were two of their prophets, Bishop Rugg and Wilse, and Miles the cunning cannoneer, who was much lamented, because remorse kept him from doing much mischief to the city, which his cunning enabled him to have done, being hanged, drawn, and quartered, (the usual death of traitours,) in this manner, they were first hanged up, then presently cut down, and falling on the earth, their privities were cut off, then their bowels pulled out alive, and cast into a fire, their heads cut off, and their bodies quartered; their heads being fixed on the tops of the city towers, and their quarters hung on the gates and other publick places, for a terrour to others; 30 were hanged, drawn, and quartered at the gallows out of Magdalen-gates; in all about 300 were executed, of which 49 suffered in like manner at the gallows by the cross in the market.
The gentlemen who had been thus misused, endeavoured to stir up the Earl to execute a greater number of them, and constrained him to say openly,
"There must be measure kept in all things, and especially in punishment with death, we ought to beware that we do not exceed: I know well such wicked doings deserve no small revenge; and that the offenders are worthy to be most sharply chastised: but yet how far shall we go? shall we not at last shew some mercy? is there no place for pardon? what shall we then do? shall we hold the plow our selves? and harrow our own lands?"
Now when information was laid against some of the chief rebels that surrendered to the Earl, that they were busy ringleaders, and some of the worst of them, and therefore ought to suffer; upon Norroy's telling him, that on the offer of pardon they first submitted, he declared, that none to whom he had given his promise of pardon should suffer. And this night the bodies of the slain were buried, least their smell should breed an infection.
On the day following, being the 29th of August, the Earl, Lords, and gentlemen, with the citizens, repaired to the church of St. Peter's Mancroft, and gave praises and thanks to God for their late success; and it was resolved that the 27th of August should be annually set apart as a day of thanksgiving in this city, for their great deliverance; which is entered in their city book in this manner: "Be it remembred, that by the poure of allmightie God, and of our sovereign Lord the King's Majestie K. E. VI. In sending down the noble Erl of Warwike his Graces Lyeutenant with other nobills, and men of worshipp, with his majesties poure into this worshipfull cittie, and by the goodness of God upon the 27. August. A. D. 1549. The said Erl &c. uppon Musholde-Hethe vanequyshed Rob. Kette, and all his hool nomber of adherents of their most wicked rebellion, and ded suppresse them, and delivered this cittie from the great daunger, trouble, and peril it was in, like to have been lost for ever.
"Wherefore by the good advyce of the Lord Thomas [Thirlby] now Bishop of Norwich, with the assent of the mayor, shereves, &c. it is ordeyned and enacted, that from henceforth for ever, upon the 27th of August yerely, for the benefyte that we obteyned for our delyveraunce that day, the mayor for the time being, shall commaunde his officers to gyve warnyng to every inhabitant in ther ward to sper and shut in their shoppes; and both man, woman, and child, to repaire to their parish churches, after they have rong in, at the houre of seven of the clokke in the morning, there to remayn in supplication, &c. and heryng divine service, and to gyve humble thankes to God, and pray for the King hartely, for that delivery of this cittie, &c. And the servyce once doon, that every parish ring a solempne peall with all there belles, to the land and praise of God, and the great rejoycing of the peopull for ever, and so to departe every man to his occupation or busynes, &c. God save the King."
The citizens, filled with no less joy than the Jews when they had escaped the sword of wicked Haman, unanimously extolled Warwick for his great courage, attributing to his wisdom and good conduct the preservation of their lives and families, and all their possessions, setting up over the gates of the city, and their own gates and doors, the ragged staff, which was the cognizance or badge of that Earl.
Robert Ket, and William Ket his brother, were carried to London, and comitted to the Tower, and being shortly after arraigned of their treason, and found guilty, were brought to the Tower again, and there remained till the 29th of November, on which day, they were delivered to Sir Edmund Windham, high sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, who brought them down, the one to Windham, and the other to Norwich, where de erved punishment was executed upon them both; for Robert Ket, the captain of these rebels, was carried to the castle, had chains put on him, and a rope being fixed about his neck, was drawn alive from the ground, up to the gibbet, placed upon the top of the castle, and there left hanging, in remembrance of his villany, till his body being consumed, at last fell down; and William his brother was executed in the same manner at Windham, on the top of the steeple there, and was there hanged in chains as his brother was at Norwich: and thus by God's mercy, and the Earl's courage, this fearful rebellion ended; though it appears from the Book of the Court of Mayoralty, by the entries there made, between 1549 and 1554, that the rebellious stomachs of the common people here was not so soon brought down as their camp was dispersed.
For, 21st Sept. 3d Edward VI. it was deposed, that Robert Burnam, parish clerk of St. Gregories said, "There are too many gentlemen in England by fyve hundred."
30 Sept. Will. Mutton, painter, justified his having pulled down the P nthouses of the shops in Norwich, saying "That there was much dysceyte to buyers from them." The said Burnam being imprisoned, said to Mr. Mayor and the Aldermen, "Ye skrybes and pharasies ye seke innocent bloode, &c." for which at the following assizes he was adjudged to the pillory, and to have his ears nailed therto, as a fautor of rebels.
Edm. Johnson, labourer, being at the late Chapel in the Fields talking with Mr. Chancellor's servants, it chanced that one Bosewell should say, "That Robert Kette should be hanged," and the said Johnson said, "That it shulde coste a thousande mens lives firste."
24th Nov. 3d Edward VI. John Rooke said, "Except the mercy of God, before Christmass, ye shall see as greate a campe upon mushold, as ever was, and if it be not thenne, it shall be in the spring of the yere, and they shall come out of the Lord Protectors countrithe (countrey) to strenkith him."
12th Feb. 4th Edward VI. George Redman, servant with Mr. Bakon, deposed, "That John Redhed on Sonday at nyght beyng the xth of Febr. 1549, said, he wold that Master Bakon and others, having on there gates the ragged staff, schuld take them down, for ther were that are offendyd therwythe, to the nombre of twentie persons and more: and he said, that the aforesaid ragged staff shuld be plucked down: and that afore it were Lammes daye next comyng, that Ket shuld be plucked downe from the toppe of the castle; saying also, that it was not mete to have any more Kyngs than one."
John Redhed of St. Martin's parish worsted weaver, saith, "that upon a market day not a month passed, whether it was Wednesday or Saterday, he certenly knoweth not, being in the market uppon his busynes, he sawe ij or iij persones, men of the contrithe standing together, and he harde th' one of them speke to th' other, loking uppon Norwich castell towardes Kette, thes wordes, viz. Oh! Kette, God have mercye uppon thy sowie, and I trust in God that the Kyng's majestye, and his counsail shall be enformed ones betwixte this and Mydsomer even, that of their own gentylnes thowe shal be taken downe, by the grace of God, and buryed, and not hanged uppe for wynter store, and sette a quyetness in the realme, and the ragged staffe shal be taken down also of their owne gentylnes from the gentylmens gates in this cittie, and to have no more King's arms but one within this cittie under Christ but K. Edward the syxe, God save his grace." which persones he saith, he never knewe them nor cannot name them.
26th Febr. One said, "that 500 of Mushold-men were gon to the gret Turke and the Doffyn, and will be her agen by Midsomer."
Holinshed tells us, it was generally thought that Will. Ket had been sure of his pardon if he had not played the traitorous hypocrite, for upon his submission at first to the Marquis of Northampton, he was sent back to his brother, to persuade him and the rest to yield, who though he promised to do so, upon his coming into the camp, and seeing the great multitude about him, did not only dissuade him from it, but told him the Marquis had but few soldiers with him, and was nothing able to resist such a force as his: so that had it not been for him, his brother and all the rest had accepted the King's pardon, and saved all the ensuing mischief and bloodshed.
This Ket was, as Fuller observes, of more wealth than the generality of those of his business; and could, as Stow says, spend 50l. a year in land, and was worth in goods above a thousand marks, which is true; his family was one of the most ancient and flourishing families in Windham: for in 22d Edward IV. John Knyght, alias Kette, was a principal owner there; after his conviction, at a court held for the King's manor of Windham, it was presented, that Robert Knight, alias Kette, who was hanged upon Norwich castle for treason, died seized of 30 acres of land held of the manor, and that it was escheated to the King as lord, which he by Rob. Rochester, Esq. his supervisor, of his great clemency regranted to William Knight, alias Kette, son and heir of the said Robert, and his heirs for ever. And Tho. Kett, son of this William, in 1570, had a grant from Queen Elizabeth of the liberty of faldage in Northwood Moore in Windham, for 21 years; and in 1606, Ric. Kett, alias Knightes, surrendered a messuage, &c. in the said town to John and Samuel Knightes, so that the family still continued and enjoyed their ancient patrimony.
The Earl staid in the city 14 days, and having settled all things as well as could be, commanded them to repair their city, and act by virtue of the King's commission till their charter was renewed, it being voided, and the city in the King's hands from the time the sword was delivered to the Marquis; and so taking leave of them, was attended out of the city liberties by the mayor, &c. with great honour and much praise: and on the 7th or 8th day of September, he set out for London, where he was honourably received at court, with thanks from the King and nobles, for his great service.
And now they began to repair their gates, one of the folding doors of St. Stephen's was made new, Pockthorp and Bishop-gates were made of the timber which came from White Friars-bridge when it was pulled down: the tower at Bishop-gate, and the stone work at all of them, was repaired; Magdalen-gate was made new: BrazenDoor had the rampart taken from its outside and laid on each side in the ditch, to enlarge the passage; White Friars bridge was rebuilt of timber, to which Mr. Codd the mayor contributed much; the TownClose ditches, which were cast down by the rebels, were new ditched to 6l. 5s. 6d. expense. The boom or chain cross the river at the common stath was repaired; the houses and yards there cleared of a great quantity of burnt corn, rubbish, &c. and the weights that belonged to the crane-house, that was burnt there, got together; and the iron work of the gates that were burnt; the pinfold or pound that stood at Timbyrhill, the pales being torn off by the rebels, was now taken up, and the stuff sawn and made into two, one replaced there, and another set in St. Austin's, the most of that charge being born by Colson, a carpenter, and John Howman, who spoiled the said pinfold in the commotion time; the market place was cleansed, which was so full of dirt and muck, that it took two men twenty-four days each, and another man twelve days, in cleansing and loading of carts, for 248 loads were carried away; and it took another man twelve days to clean the Gild-hall rooms, chambers, leads, and prisons, from which twenty-four loads were carried, and a vast quantity from the Newhall, cloisters, &c. They mended the prison called the Vowte (or vault) under the Pentney, setting fast the window in the entry called Chapell a Feld, and that door that goes into the Pentney, and other things there. And having chose Rob. Rugg mayor, who served that office about four years only before, they agreed, that if he served now, he should not be chosen for ten years to come; and in some measure to recompense Leonard Sotherton for his great services, and losses that he sustained when he was robbed by the way riding for the King's pardon at Magdalen-tide, they present him with a sum of money: and finding a scarcity of corn like to ensue, (for famine generally follows war,) they ordered that every alderman should straitly charge each substantial citizen within his ward to provide corn for their own households presently, and not come into the market to buy any bread corn there: and some were appointed to buy in 20, some 30 combs of wheat, for which they should be repaid by the city at Michaelmas, as the Chamberlains Accounts, and other city evidences show us. And in November following, the King granted them a new Charter, dated at Westminster the 12th of that month, in the 3d year of his reign; in which every prior charter is recited at length, beginning with that of Henry II. all which are hereby confirmed; then it authorises the citizens to choose two sheriffs within a month after its date, to continue till Michaelmas following, with the same liberties as they formerly had to elect mayors, &c. with a clause to use any liberties contained in any of their charters, notwithstanding any former disuser thereof. And remitted and released all and all manner of forfeitures of liberties, and all suits and demands which he or his successours had or might have, for any thing by them or any of them acted or done. This Charter cost 89l. 7s. 6d. the passing, and the expenses and journies about it 24l. 15s. Augustine Steward paying at London to the several officers there, 57l. 9s. of the money. And there having been no assembly for regular government of the city since the last of May, on the 20th day of November, being the day after the charter came down, was a general assembly held at the Gild-hall, "by vertue of the letters patents of the former Kings of "England, now renewed and confirmed by Edward VI." the said charter of confirmation being partly read, upon which it was concluded, that all the citizens should be monished by proclamation to be at the Gild-hall at nine o'clock, to elect "twoo worthy citizens for the office of Shereves," according to his Majesty's grant, and the court agreed to meet at eight in the morning at St. Peter's of Mancroft church, and hear a sermon preached by Dr. Baret, and the Te Deum there sung, and then to go to the Gild-hall and proceed to the election, where the mayor and aldermen elected Richard Fletcher, and the commons Rob. Farrour, who were sworn immediately.
It appears that the Norfolk, Devonshire, and Cornwall rebellions, cost the King, 27,330l. 7s. 7d.
In this manner,
The Rebellyon.
The Counties of Norfolk, Devonshire, and Cornwall.
And thus you have as exact an account of this rebellion as the evidences which I have seen, and the printed authors which I have met with, could furnish out, to which I have nothing more to add, but the description of it in Latin verse, which I have placed for my readers that understand that language, at the end of this King's reign, by itself, that may be no hinderance to my English readers.
And now the King having settled peace in the realm, to make some amends for the damage that this and several other cities sustained in their gates, walls, houses, publick buildings, &c. during the tumults; by act of parliament remitted all the fee farms paid by any cities, burghs, and towns corporate, in England and Wales, for three years to come, on condition they bestowed them about repairing the walls, bridges, and setting the poor on work, and other good deeds in every place, and also granted a free pardon and liberty for such subjects as were beyond sea, to return. And soon after passed an act for punishment of unlawful assemblies, and rising of the King's subjects, and another against fond and fantastical prophecies, invented to move, stir, and raise rebellion and disobedience among the common people, and one to punish vagabonds, and idle persons, great numbers of which swarmed about the realm. And in the parliament held in the second and third years of his reign, it was enacted, "That no person or persons, shall at any time after the first day of April next coming, interrupt, deny, let, or disturb, any free mason, rough mason, carpenter, bricklayer, plaisterer, joyner, hard-hewer, sawyer, tiler, pavier, glasier, lime-burner, brick-maker, tile-maker, plummer, or labourer, born in this realm, or made denison to work in any of the said crafts, in any city, burough, or town corporate, with any person or person that will retain him or them, albeit the person or persons so retained, or any of them, do not inhabit or dwell in the city, borough, or town corporate, where he or they shall work, nor be free of the same city, borough or town, any statute, law, ordinance, or any thing whatsoever had or made to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding; and that upon pain of forfeiture of vl. for every interruption or disturbance done contrary to this statute, the one moiety of every such forfeiture to be to the King and the other moiety thereof to be to him or them, that will sue for the same, in any of the King' courts of record, by bill, plaint, &c."
But this, for the benefit of the city of London, was repealed by 3d Edward VI. cap. 20.
In 1550, the city purchased a tenement and rents of Sir Edward Warner, of 5l. a year, with the money raised by sale of the messuage which Master Alan Percye, brother to the late old Earl of Northumberland, an inhabitant of this city, gave them, and by his own request settled it to repair the walls.
An ordinance was also confirmed, that all parishes in the city should have ladders, buckets, and ropes for wells, in case of fire. Wheat was now 2s. 4d. a bushel in the market, and said to be 8s. 4d. at Harleston, a great price at that time, and a necessary consequence of these tumults: and now by the King's proclamation, every shilling (so much was the coin clipped and debased) was reduced to 6d. and every groat to 2d.
And in this year, the court and commons had a grant of the late charnel-house, for a free-school, as it still [1742] continues, as the common accounts say: but the letters patent of this Prince, to convert it to that use, are dated the 7th day of May, in the first year of his reign, Ao, 1548, and the mistake of purchasing it now for 100 marks seems to come from that sum, being laid out by them upon it to fit it up for that use.
The King designed to visit the city about this time, for I find 20s paid to two of the King's guard for coming down and viewing of houses for the King's lodging against his Grace's progress to Nor wich.
In 1551, wheat was fallen to about 7s. a comb, malt to 4s. 6d. barley to 4s. oats to 3s. beef to 18d. a stone, mutton to 15d. a quarter, butter to 3d. a pint, hard cheese to 2d. a pound: which I observe, because it shows us plainly that the extravagant prices of all things in this county the last year, certainly proceeded from the consumption and riotous waste the rebels made the year before, and thereby injured the rich, and half starved themselves and their poor brethren.
This year was an act made, for the true making of woollen cloth in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, &c. in which their lengths, breadths, &c. are fixed. And another to continue the preservation and good making of hats, dornecks, and coverlets, at Norwich, which have of late years been begun to be practised there, to the good maintenance of great numbers of the poor citizens. And because many went and settled out of the city, in order to escape being subject to the laws and ordinances of their craft in the city, it was hereby enacted, that nobody should make any hats, or weave any dornecks or coverlets, unless in the city, or some corporate or market town in the county, except those of these businesses living in the town of Pulham in Norfolk, where the said businesses have been for some time followed, and all whatever, shall be licensed so to do, by the mayor, recorder, steward, and two justices of the peace of the said city, or four of them, or served seven years apprentice to such business, and if they take any money for admitting any persons to use the mysteries aforesaid, every one so offending shall forfeit 5l. half to the King, and half to him who will sue for the same.
On the 15th of April 1551, the disease called Ephemera Britannica, Sudor Anglicus, the English sweat, or the sweating sickness, broke out first at Shrewsbury, and spreading by degrees all over the kingdom, ended its progress in the north about the beginning of October, described by the learned Caius, to be a new, strange, and violent disease, for when it attacked any man, he either died or escaped in nine or ten hours; if he slept, to which all were then naturally inclined, he died in six hours, and if he took the least cold, in three; it raged among men of the strongest constitutions and years, few aged men, women, or children, being subject to it, or dying of it: but what was most strange was, that no foreigner which was then in England (four hundred French attending that ambassadour when it was hottest) died by it. The English, as singled out, sickened and died of it in other countries, without any danger to the natives. It was first known among us in the beginning of the reign of Henry the Seventh, but was not so violent as now, for 800 persons died of it in a week at London, and in a few days about 960 here.
Baker saith, that the remedy found was, that if one was taken with it in the day, he was presently to lie down in his clothes, and never rise of twenty-four hours, and if in the night, not to rise at all during that time, and neither eat or drink, or at least but moderately.
In 1552, one Curson of Shottesham was informed against, for burning of Berstreet-gates, in the time of the rebellion, I suppose.
In 1553, commissioners were sent out to take into the King's hands all church plate, vestments, money, and ornaments, to be sold, and the money delivered into Sir Edm. Pecham the treasurer's hands, leaving every church a cup and table cloth for the communion table, at the discretion of the commissioners, who mostly took care to purchase the plate themselves at an easy price, so that there was but few cups of any value left. But what by such purchases, and by the people's own substractions, who thought that they (who had by themselves or ancestors bought them) had better take them than the greedy commissioners; this spoil of the parish churches did not bring in the sum expected, for the greatest part of the prey came to other hands, insomuch that many private men's parlours were hung with altar cloths, their tables and beds were covered with vestments, instead of carpets, and many made carousing cups of the sacred chalices, as once Belshazzar celebrated his drunken feast, in the sanctified vessels of the temple. This was in the months of April and May, and on the 6th of July following, the King departed this life at Greenwich, after he had reigned six years five months and odd days, being about the age of 16 years, but in this his youth, a prince of such virtue, learning, and sobriety, to give him his due, few, if any, have equalled, but none exceeded him.
[edit] Mayors and Sheriffs
[edit] Burgesses in Parliament
1 Edw. VI. Parl. at Westmin. Tho. Marsham, citizen and alderman, Alexander Mather, citizen and notary.
6 Parl. at Westm. Ditto.
Anglorum Prelia ab Anno Domini 1327, usque ad annum 1558, Authore Christophero Oclando, primò Scholæ Southwarkiensis propè Londinum, Dein Cheltennamensis, quæ sunt à Serenissimâ Suá Majestate fundatæ Moderatore.
Hijs Alexandri Nevilli Kettum: tum propter Argumenti Similitudinem, tum propter Orationis Elegantiam, adjunximus.
Londini:
Apud Radulphum Nuberie, ex assignatione Henrici Bynneman Typographi. Anno 1582. Cum Privilegio Regiœ Majestatis.
Nemo diù felix, omnique ex parte beatus Esse solet, pejor sequitur fortuna priorem. —
Namque sub Eduardo dum summâ in pace reguntur Ruricolas stanni Devonia fertilis armat In regni satrapas, in religione sacratos Presbyteros: stulti neque sat rationes habebant Quidve velint, quidve, exposcant: compescuit ipsos Arma capessentis vi communitus equorum Graïus, et adjunctis paucis Russellius Heros Militibus, multo sed non sine sanguine victor.
Ecce alia exoritur regni plebs improba parte, Cui nec lex ulli curœ, nec cœlica jura, Nec potuit cohibere metú reverentia Regis. Arma manu cupiant, Socijs vim inferre parati, Omnia mistentes: clari despectui habentur Nobilitate viri, nulloque iguobile vulgus Consilio imperitat: fovet hoc Norfoleia Monstrum, Fama volat levibus sublata per Æthera pennis Eduardi Juvenis tener as ad Principis aures, Quosdam decivisse, fidem violando Rebelles.
Norvico veteri locus est conterminus Urbi Montosus, multis umbrosis consitus ornis, Huc se pestiferum pariter genus aggregat, ingens, Et plebis numerus totis consederat arvis, Lex talem fieri concursum justa vetabat: Censuit illustris Rex inclementiùs illos Tractandos: sed corda tamen mollissima Regis Parceret ut misero, flexit clementia, Vulgo. Ergo fit indignis delicti gratia, tantùm Pæmiteat culpœ: Signata Diplomata dantur. Rustica plebs surdis (quod dicitur) auribus heurit, A Rege oblatam contemnens cæca salutem: Ardet amore novæ miserâque Cupidine Pugnæ, Sicut inexpertus Belli, putat utile Bellum Dulceque, quod tandem serò gustabit, amarum. Arma igitur regni Procerum consensibus, arma Jure parabantur, Pedites, alijque superbis Expediuntur Equis: nomen communiter Hostis, Et patriæ et Regi tenet impia turba rebellis. Mittitur ad turbam violento Marte domandam Varvici Comes illustris, tùm corpore præstans, Tum pollens Animo, multarum doctus ab usu Pugnarum, quanto se animo ferus erigut Anglus, Prælia dum miscens infligit atrociter ictus.
Tertia jam totum lux illustraverat Orbem, Consedere suis castris Dudleius Heros Et socij, fortisqùe cohors quæ venit ab urbè Londino, propè Norvicum florentibus arvis. Quod, simul audierat plebs rustica, plena timoris Cæpit se densis Nemorum occultare latebris, Nusquam prorepens, postquam ijs audacia crevit, Tempore quo motæ cita perturbatio mentis Frangitur, irrumpunt: in apertam promptiùs itur Planiciem, nemo est visus memor esse pericli Instantis, junctis armati curribus omnes Stant circumsepti: Regis contra agmina magnis Procedunt animis, Cantu resonante tubarum. Pugna inter turmas committitur acris utrasque, Vulneribusqùe datis illos violentiùs urget Varvicensis atrox: tandem cùm cedere campo Hinc pudor haud sineret fugiendo pericula fædè, Illinc audaces faceret mors certa rebelles. Una repugnando pars occidit, altera summâ Non nisi vi superata cadit, sed fortiter obstat Hic dux Dudleïus, ne cunctos mactet ad unum Ingenio perverso homines, sed pectore magno, Quos campo ut fugerent, discrimina nulla movebant. Edicit missi præconis voce canorâ, Si quis spontè, sua quæ perfida ceperat arma Projiceret, veniamqùe volens, oraret ab illo, Inde domum immunis, veniâ donatus, abiret. Quod postquam auditum est, positis plebs protinus armis Agrestis, flexis genibus, veniamqùe precata est, Motaque mærore est, piscator ut assolet ictus. Tum Varvicensis comitis clementia tanta est, Mulctam flagitij suscepti, spontè remisit, Condon ans noxæ, quicquid fuit ante peractum. Jamqùe Gigantæi consors conaminis Anglus Nullus erat: Præstare fidem modò quisque paratus Extitit Edvardo Regi, patriæque fidelis.
For free-stone to make moulds and shot, and for wood and a styll to melt their lede. iijs.
For a pece of tymbyr and makyng a payer of gallows at the crosse, viijd.
For xvj li. candle brente about the cross in the market the iiij fyrst nyghts, ijs. iiijd. Comp. Cam.
This book of Nevile's was dedicated to Archbishop Parker, and had several editions, the best of which was published at London by Henry Binneman in 1675, in quarto, by whom it was republished in 8vo. Ao. 1682, and by royal authority joined to Ocland's Anglorum Prælia, or English Battles, the last being recommended by her Majesty's high commissioners ecclesiastical (according to an order received from the Privy Council) to all the bishops of the realm, to cause it to be read in all grammar and free-schools, in their several dioceses, with the treatise or appendix called "Alexandri Nevelli Kettus, concerning the peaceable government of the Queen's Majesty; both which treatises, the one for prose, and the other for verse, have been much commended, and are worthy to be read of all men, especially in common schools, where divers heathen poets are ordinarily read and taught, from which the youth of the realm do rather receive infection in manners, than advancement in virtue, as the Council were then pleased to say.
Item, gat in rewarde to Mr. Norroy, Harward at armys with my Lord the Earl of Warwick iij. l. vj. s. viijd.
Item, to Mr. Blewmantyl, Harward xl.s. and to two trompecters the same tyme iiij. li. Comp. Cam.
[edit] CHAPTER XXVI
Of the City in Queen Mary's Time.
At the death of Edward VI. the Lady Jane Gray, whom King Edward had declared his next successour, by letters patent under the broad seal, was declared Queen, and as such, publickly lodged in the Tower of London, on July the 10th, being four days after the King's death, which was kept private as much as possible, the better to enable the court to provide against the Princess Mary, the King's sister, whom they imagined would contend for her right with them: the Princess being acquainted with her brother's death at her house at Hoveden, and how affairs stood ut court, instead of going directly to London as they expected, retired to her palace at her manor of Kenninghall in Norfolk, from whence she directed a letter to the Lords, dated July the 9th, commanding them to proclaim her Queen in the city of London; to which they answered, that King Edward had appointed the Lady Jane his successour, whom they intended to obey as Queen; their Lordships imagining that though she put in her claim, she was in no condition to do any thing more. But in this they were much deceived, for the next day they were informed, that many persons of quality were assembled at Kenninghall, to offer their personal service and assistance to the Princess, who cheerfully entertained all comers that favoured her title or religion, the chief of them being gentlemen of Norfolk and Suffolk, as Sir Hen. Jerningham, Sir Hen. Bedingfield, Sir Will. Drury, Sir John Shelton, Sir John Mordaunt, son to the Lord Mordaunt, Sir Thomas Wharton, son to the Lord Wharton, Mr. John Suliard, Mr. Ric. Freston, Master Serjeant Morgan, Mr. Ric. Heigham of Lincoln's-Inn, the Earl of Bath, the Earl of Sussex, and Mr. Hen. Ratcliff, his son, and many others, with all the forces they could raise; which made the Lords begin to look about them, and guard as well as they could against the designs of the Princess, who on the 12th day of July, sent to Norwich to be proclaimed there; but the mayor and court absolutely refused it, not (as they told the messenger) because they would not join with her, but because they had as yet received no messenger, as usual, to assure them of the King's death; but the next day having certain tidings of it, they immediately proclaimed her, and raised 100 soldiers, and sent them to meet her at Framlingham castle in Suffolk, to which she and her adherents had retreated from Kenninghall, that being a place of strength, and so situated, that if her affairs had not succeeded prosperously, she could easily have fled into Flanders, and created more trouble to them there, than she could at home; which the Lords foreseeing, ordered all such ships as lay in the Downs to attend on the Norfolk coast, to intercept her in the way, if she should think of flying to the Emperor's court, and at the same time proposed to send Lady Jane's father with an army against the Princess, but they could not persuade her to permit it: and then the late Earl of Warwick, now Duke of Northumberland, was pitched upon as the properest person for that undertaking, his name being so terrible in these parts ever since his subduing Ket and his rebels, and his person being much valued by the gentlemen and principal citizens, whom he thereby saved from utter ruin; on the 13th day of July, the carts being laden with artillery and provisions, they set out for New-market, and the Duke, accompanied with the Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Grey, and others, mustered their forces at Whitehall, and the next morning being July 14, with a body of 600 horse he set forward for Cambridge, where he assured himself of all obedience, which either the University or town could give him, as being Chancellor of the one, and High-Steward of the other; Sir John Gates, whose fidelity he could depend upon, following him with the rest of his company.
On Monday morning he went with his whole force to St. Edmund's Bury, and there lodged that night, but instead of hearing news of those supplies which were to attend him at Newmarket, he received letters from the Lords of the Council, so full of discomfort, that he marched back to Cambridge, and soon after proclaimed Queen Mary there.
In the mean time, the Princess dispatches letters from Framlingham castle, to the peers of the realm, to require their attendance with what succours they could bring her: upon which, William Lord Windsor, Sir Edw. Hastings, Sir Edw. Peacham, and others, who had raised 4000 men for the Duke of Northumberland, proclaimed her in Buckinghamshire, Sir John Williams in Oxfordshire, &c.
But what confirmed her good fortune was, that the six men of war which were appointed to hover on the coast of Norfolk to intercept her, if she fled, were by foul weather driven into Yarmouth haven, in which town Sir Hen. Jerningham was very busy in raising men for her, which the captains of the ships perceiving, took boat and returned to their ships, but Jerningham followed them; upon which the sailors and soldiers asked him "what he would have? and whither he would have their captains or no? to which he answered Yea. Marry said they, ye shall have them or we will throw them into the bottom of the sea." But the captains said forthwith, that they would willingly serve Queen Mary, and so landed their men and ordnance.
The Lords being informed of this, and that their tenants refused to serve against Queen Mary, were in great doubt what to do, but at last on the 19th of July, they proclaimed her Queen in London, and dispatched a messenger to Framlingham with 30 horsemen, to inform her of it; and another to Queen Jane, to command her to lay aside her title, which she willingly consented to, so that for a mock-reign of nine days she was not only imprisoned, but in the end suffered death.
Upon this, dissolving her great camp at Framlingham, which then consisted of 14,000 men, she went for London, being met by her sister Elizabeth on the way, with 1000 horse, and entered the city on the 3d of August, taking possession of the Tower, where she was welcomed by the old Duke of Norfolk, and others on their knees, who were prisoners there, though soon after set at liberty by her.
She was crowned Oct. the 1st, which being signified to the city, the mayor ordered that on the "Sondaie next betweene nyne and tenne of the clock in the mornyng all the justices in their skarlett gownes and cloks, and the residue of the aldermen in their skarlett gownes, and the 60 in their lyveries shall mete at Christs church to give praise and thanks to God for the coronacion of the Quenes highness. And bonefyers to be made in the Market-place, Tombland, and over the water att costs of the cittie, and at eche fyer to be sett oon barell of best bere, and oon dosen brede, and six gallons of wyne, to be drunken by the poore."
And thus chiefly by the means of the Norfolk and Suffolk gentlemen, she regained her crown, in which being perfectly settled, she soon forgot the services that she received from them, as well as the promises she made them in regard to religion; insomuch that being petitioned by them on that behalf, it was churlishly answered, that "Members must obey their head, and not expect to rule it," and to hinder any more such petitions for the future, she caused one Dobbes, a gentleman by Windham side, who had presumed to remind her of her former promise, to stand in the pillory three days together for so doing: yea so far was she from gratifying those who had assisted her in her trouble, that she persecuted them, and all others of the same persuasion with fire and faggot, and instigated the magistrates to do the same: and accordingly one John Wagstaffe, servant to Mr. George Walden, grocer, was bound over to answer, for saying on the 23d of Nov. last "that Doctor Todenham had lyen in his dene this vij yers, and nowe did preche upon Sondaye last, and for his prechyng had leke to have ben pullyd owt of the pulpyt, and that if he comyth and prechyth so agayn he shal be pullyd down in dede. And Mr. Mayor was like to have ben pulled downe at the tyme of the prechyng; and sayd, yow have masse up nowe, God save it, how long yt shall hold God knowyth. And sayd more, we shuld be led in blyndness styll."
It appears that Thomas Duke of Norfolk was a great favourite of this city, for on the 14th day of February it was ordered at a court then held that they should send to him at his palace at Kenninghall a present of a hogshead of white-wine, a hogshead of red, two hogsheads of claret, six sugar loaves weighing 60l. and two dozen of wax torches, as a remembrance of their old value for him, and to welcome him home again after his deliverance from his imprisonment in the Tower. And upon some stir here and in the county, the Queen fearful of an insurrection, issued a commission dated the first of May following, directed to the Duke, the Earl of Sussex, the Mayor for the time being, Sir Ric. Southwell, Sir Edmund Windham, Knts. Tho. Gawdy and Rich. Catlyn, Serjeants at Law, Hen. Hobart, Rob. Holdiche, and John Corbet, Esqrs. Aug. Steward, Rob. Rugge, Tho. Codd, Hen. Fuller, and Rich. Davye, Aldermen, commanding them, or any four of them, to inquire and try all rebellions within the city, &c.
About this time, Sir Thomas White, merchant tailor and mayor of London, gave 2000l. to purchase lands of the yearly value of 120l. which he settled for divers uses for some years then to come, and afterwards, these twenty-four cities, companies, and towns, were to receive in Merchant-Tailors Hall in London, on every 24th day of August, between the hours of two and six in the afternoon, the sum of one hundred and four pounds, to be lent unto four young freemen and inhabitants in the several cities, in free love, 25l. apiece, (clothiers always to be preferred,) which said sums they are to have and occupy for 10 years, without paying any interest or loan for the same, upon sureties by them given, that if they decay, die, or dwell out of the city or town, before the ten years are expired, that they shall cause it to be repaid to the mayor, &c. within one month after such time, and at the end of every ten years, the said sums shall be put out to other such young men, from ten years, to ten years for ever, providing that if any place make default in the due putting out of each 100l. the same place shall for ever loose the benefit of this devise: the four pounds overplus of every 100l. being at the pleasure of the mayor and commonalty, for their pains to be taken about the receipts and payments of the said hundred pounds; viz.
And the next year to the city of York, and so forth, to every of the said cities and towns, in the like order as before, and thus to continue for ever.
In 1554, the walls between Pockthorp and Magdalen-gates being in much decay, the ward was taxed by the aldermen of the same, according to the old ordinances, for the repair thereof.
In this year was Rob. Gold set in the pillory, and had his ears nailed thereto, for devising "unfitting songes against the Quenes "Majestie," and Rich. Sotherton, grocer, was bound in 20l. not to utter or sell "any sedycyous bookes, but bryng them to the mayor "&c." The citizens petitioned the Queen for gonnes, for the city; and the Council answered, that they should have four times as many as the Duke of Northumberland took from them after the rebellion
And now was the statute made concerning russels satins, and satins reverses; which for some years past used to be made beyond the seas of Norfolk wool, and then imported, whereby the merchants and inhabitants of Norwich, which formerly were well maintained by the weaving and making of Worsteds, were reduced very much, such worsteds being now little worn, either in this realm or foreign countries, the said satins being universally worn in lieu thereof. To remedy which, Tho. Marsham, mayor of Norwich, John Corbet, Esq. Austen Steward, Rob. Leech, Rob. Rugg, John Ball, and Alex. Mather, aldermen, Thomas Whale, Tho. Peck, Ralph Marsham, Rob. Henrie, John Sutton, Ric. Thompson, citizens and Merchants, have at their great costs, brought in looms and strangers to work with them, by which they have made in the said city, of Norfolk wool, much better russels satins, &c. than are made beyond sea, by which the citizens are like to be relieved, and advanced to their good and former estate, if some good laws were made for the continuance of the making of the said satins, &c. In consideration of which, an act passed, constituting the mayor and forementioned citizens, jointly with John Cook, James Lin, John Cross, Simon Petit, John Marshall, Rob. Leeke, Edm. Barker, and Edm. Selers, eight of the most discreet and worthy men of the mystery of worsted weaving, within the said city, a fellowship of themselves, with power every third day of February to elect four wardens out of their fellows, to continue wardens for one year, who are to be sworn the Monday following their election, before the mayor, diligently to view, search, and see, all the russels satins, satins reverses, and fustians of Naples, made, that year, within the city, and all such as shall be by them deemed to be lawfully, truly, and workmanly wrought, they shall seal with a seal of lead, bearing the arms of the city of Norwich, whereby it may be known to the merchant and buyer of them, that the same are allowed to be truly made.
And the said wardens and fellowship are made a body corporate, and enabled by the act to sue and be sued, and to give, and take, by the name of
The WARDENS and FELLOWSHIP of the mysterie of RUSSELS SATINS, SATINS REVERSES, and FUSTIAN of NORWICH making, within the said CITY of NORWICH, with power to make ordinances, and punish all offenders, &c. as may be seen at large in the said statute.
In 1555, the day before Michaelmas day, Felix Puttock, Esq. mayor of this city, died, upon which the alderman who was mayor next before him, by the advice of his brethren, and learned council of the city, by virtue of their charter, ordered the mayor's serjeant to warn a general assembly next day, when the sheriffs, aldermen, and common-council went to the house of the deceased mayor, and there received the sword, the hat of maintenance, and the mace, and brought them to the Gild-hall, where Ric. Catlyn, serjeant at law, steward of the city, made a speech, informing them of the cause of their assembly, and what they ought to do in the case, and then the aldermen left the deputy recorder, the common speaker, and the commons together, who elected Tho. Codde and Hen. Bacon: and the justices, sheriffs, and aldermen, chose Tho. Codde mayor for the rest of the year, who was then sworn.
And at a congregation or assembly held the 13th of Nov. following, an aid, proportionable to the rate of a whole tax, was assessed and levied on the inhabitants of the city, "for the confirmation of the charter of the cittye, and the perambulacion of the same," which charter bears date the third of April following, at Greenwich, and was confirmed by authority of parliament, in which, the limits and bounds of the city and county thereto belonging are fixed and determined in the following manner, viz.
"From the river Wensome, which river was formerly granted to the city, by the outward part or bank of the river called Trows-Eye, to Trows bridge, and from Trows bridge by the outward bank of the river, including the whole river to Lakenham bridge, and from Lakenham bridge to Harforde, including the river to the outward bank, and from thence by the outward bank of the river to Cringleford bridge, and thence by the outward bank of the river to Heilesden bridge, and from thence to the water of Heilesden old watermilldamme, and from that water by the high-way leading directly through Heilesden town, by the common lane, leading from the east part of an inclosure called Heylesdon-Wood, and from the north-end of that lane by a certain green way leading directly to a certain parcel of ground, upon which a cross called the White cross formerly stood, it being in the high-way leading from Norwich to Horsham St. Faith's, and thence directly to the north part of an inclosure called Little Mushold, and by the north part of an inclosure now or late in the tenure of John Crykemaye senior, and thence directly to the north part of an inclosure called Wrenne Park, containing two acres, now or late occupied by John Norgate, and thence to the joining of two ways north and east of the said inclosure called Wrenne Park, of which two ways, one leads to Norwich, and the other to Magdalen chapel, and from the said joining of the two ways directly to an inclosure late alderman Nic. Sywhat's, now John Corbet's Esq. called the Saffron Close, leaving the said inclosure on the north part, and so from the said inclosure on a green way leading from Norwich to Thorp, and by that way bending west, to the north end of the common way, leading from the aforesaid highway to the river Wensom, by the manor of Newton, called NewtonHall, and by the same water eastward, including the whole water, to Hardley Cross, and so returning and taking in the whole river Wensom, to the outward bank of Trowse Eye river aforesaid; all which is in the county of the said city, and all within these limits are now incorporated into the city and county thereof, except out of the premises, the whole castle of Norwich, and the shirehous, and all the land and ground within the scite of them both." The corporation of the city have full power to perambulate these bounds yearly, or whenever they please.
The liberties of all persons within the said county, and the several towns, hamlets, and precincts thereof, belonging to the several lords of the several manors and owners of lands, &c. are reserved to them and their heirs, to be enjoyed in as ample a manner as before the making of this charter.
This year, on the 12th of May, Mr. Tho. Rose, preacher, by order of the privy council, was sent from the Tower to the sheriff of Norfolk, to be conveyed to Norwich, and there delivered to the Bishop, who was either to reduce him to recant, or else proceed against him, for now the bloody spirit of persecution began to rage in Suffolk, Norfolk, &c. by means of that cruel persecutor, Dr. Hopton Bishop of Norwich, and Dr. Dunnings, his unmerciful chancellor, both of them men of such wickedblood-thirsty disposition, that they exceeded all bounds of pity and compassion, in tormenting and burning all that they could not influence to embrace their own opinion, as James Abbes, whom they burnt at Bury, Robert Samuel at Ipswich, William Allen at Walsingham, and many others in divers parts of the county: which rigour produced a supplication from certain of the inhabitants of Norfolk and Suffolk, to the commissioners sent down by the Queen and council to enquire into matters of religion, in which they honestly set forth their faith and reasons for not agreeing to the Queen's injunctions, and accepting the mass and service in Latin, &c.
But this, instead of appeasing these mischiefs, made them rage more furiously than before; for now three suffered in one fire at Bury, and on the 6th of March, came a writ directed to the sheriffs of Norwich, commanding them to burn William Carman, late of Hingham in Norfolk, he being certified by Bishop Hopton to be a contumacious heretick: and on the 20th of the same month, is this entry in the court book, "Mr. Thomas Sotherton sherief, delyver'd in the courte 4 bookes that were one William Carman's an heretyke lately brent. a Byble, a Testament, and 3 Salters, which remain in the old Counssail House."
Miserable must those times be, when men suffered as hereticks for having the word of God in that language that they understood.
In this year, wheat sold in the market at 40s. a quarter, malt at 30s. oats at 16s. and barley at 32s.; but next year, wheat fell to 10s. 4d. a quarter, malt to 5s. barley to 4s. 4d. oats to 2s. 4d. and rye to 2s. 8d. This scarcity was occasioned by the dry summer, which was so extraordinary, that the turf of the ground fired in several places, and burnt fourteen days together.
In 1557, Mr. Thomas Malby gave 100 pounds towards the purchase of lands, for to redeem the custom paid at the common-stath.
And now many conspiracies were intended, but were stifled at their beginnings, and among others, one Clobber or Clebber, who had been formerly a school-master at Diss, with three brothers, whose names were Lincoln, endeavoured to raise an insurrection by gathering the people together at a marriage, to which the Lincolns promised to bring each of them an hundred horsemen; at which time Clobber ordered his servant to watch in a lane nigh the church, where they should meet, and as soon as he saw any horsemen coming, to let him know it immediately. Now it chanced that other men riding about their business, came through the lane at the appointed time, upon which the servant went and told his master his friends were come; and then the said Clobber stood up in the parish church of Yaxley in Suffolk, where the pretended wedding was to have been, and read a traitorous proclamation, which was prepared on purpose; which being ended, seeing his associates were not come, and the number with him too weak, he fled; but Mr. Sherman, the chief man of that town, pursued after him, and took him at Eye, and sent him to Bury gaol; his companions however went up the road towards Ipswich, and endeavoured what they could to raise the people of that part; upon which the Ipswich people sent to all the chief places for assistance, and the city sent them 30 soldiers; and soon after they took the three Lincolns and sent them to Bury to their ringleader, with whom, at the following assizes they were hanged, drawn, and quartered, and so the whole stir ended.
The martyrs that suffered in the city were these:
Simon Miller, a merchant of Linn, who was committed to Mr. Fellows, keeper of the Bishop's prison at Norwich, and being condemned by the bishop and chancellor, was burnt July the 13th at the same stake with
Elizabeth Cooper, a pewterer's wife of St. Andrew's parish, who first recanted openly in that church, but being afterwards grieved for it, she came in time of divine service, and desired the congregation not to follow her example; upon which, one Bacon of the same parish urged Mr. Sutterton, the sheriff, to take her into custody; who though unwilling, was obliged by Bacon to go to her house and carry her to prison, and the Chancellor having examined her, she was condemned to be burnt at the same stake with Miller; when she was at the stake, and the fire began to come near her, she shrank a little at it, and cried out Oh! which when Millerheard, he had her be strong and of good cheer, "for (good sister) we shall have good supper," by which she was so strengthened, that she stood still and quiet, as one glad to finish that good work which she had begun.
Richard Crashfield of Windham, was also condemned by the Chancellor, and burnt here August the 5th, and one
Thomas Carman was apprehended at the same time, for pledging him at his burning, (as is most probable,) and soon after suffered.
And now also was John Noyes of Laxfield, shoemaker, imprisoned in the Gild-hall, and being condemned by the Chancellor, was sent to Laxfield, and burnt there Sept. 22.
Cicely, wife of Edm. Ormes of St. Laurence's parish, worsted-weaver, was burnt at Norwich September 1st, being about 32 years of age, and daughter of Tho. Haund of East-Derham, tailor; she was taken up at the burning of Simon Miller, and Eliz. Cooper, in the Lollard's Pit, out of Bishop-gate, because she then said she would pledge them in the same cup they drank of. Mr. Corbet of Sprowston took her, and sent her to the Chancellor, and he, after he had condemned her, delivered her to Mr. Thomas and Leonard Sutterton, (or Sotherton,) the sheriffs, who carried her prisoner to the Gild-hall, where she remained till Sept. 23, on which day she was burnt in Lollard's Pit, between seven and eight in the morning, the sheriff and about 200 people being present; when she came to the stake she prayed on her knees and rising up, said, "I believe in God the Father, God the Sonne and God the Holy Ghost, three persons and one God: This I do not nor will I recant; but I recant utterlie from the bottom of my hart, the doynges of the Pope of Rome, and all his Popish priests and shavelings, I utterly refuse, and will never have to do with them by God's grace; and good people, I would that you should not think of me, that I beleeve to be saved, in that I offer my self here unto death, for the Lordes cause, but I beleeve to be saved by the death of Christes passion, and this my death is, and shall be, a witness of my faith unto you all here present, good people, as many of you as beleeve as I beleeve, pray for me, &c." After they had kindled the fire she said, "My soul doth magnify the Lord, and my spirit rejoyceth in God my Saviour," and placing her hands across her breast, she kept them so till the sinews of her arms brake asunder, and then they fell, yea so quietly did she suffer, as if she had felt no pain.
On the 19th of May, 1558, were these three godly martyrs burned in one fire at Norwich, viz.
Will. Seaman, husbandman of Mendlesham in Suffolk.
Tho. Carman aforesaid, and
Tho. Hudson of Aylesham, glover, who was committed by Commissary Berry, vicar of Aylesham, a most bloody persecutor, who was so severe with his parishioners, that he made 200 of them creep on their knees to the cross on Whitsunday, besides other punishments, for suspicion only of favouring the reformed religion, as practised in good King Edward the Sixth's days.
On the 10th day of July, Rich. Yeoman, who had been late curate to that learned martyr Dr. Rowland Taylor, rector of Hadley in Suffolk, a devout old minister of 70 years, after many persecutions, was taken and brought to Norwich prison, and being condemned by Dunnings, was degraded, and then not only burnt, but miserably tormented in the fire.
To these I may add
Thomas Rose, though he died not at the stake, yet forasmuch as his sufferings in King Henry the Eighth's reign, and Queen Mary's, were worse than death, may deserve a place among the martyrs here. He was a Devonshire man, born at Exmouth, and being brought out of his country by Mr. Fabian, parson of Polsted in Suffolk, by his interest was made curate of Hadley, where first coming to the knowledge of the Gospel, he inveighed against purgatory, praying to saints and images; insomuch that his hearers began to contrive how to deface and destroy these last, and four of them burnt the rood at DoverCourt; for which three of them were hanged in chains, and Mr. Rose being accused before the council as privy to it, was committed to prison at the Bishop of Lincoln's house, where he was kept in the stocks so long, with his feet so high, and lying on his back on the ground, that his feet became without sense, and he fell so sick, that the gaoler pitying his case, because he cried out often for extreme pain, went to the Bishop, and told him he would not keep him to die under his hands; whereupon he was allowed more liberty; and after some time, was freed from prison by the Lord Chancellor Audley, but being again sought for by the Duke of Norfolk, for preaching against auricular confession, transubstantiation, &c. he fled into Germany, and there he continued to the death of King Henry. When Edward VI. was crowned, he returned, and was made minister of West-Ham, which he held till he was deprived in Queen Mary's reign of his living, and had been also of his life, if his friends in London had not concealed him. In that city he abode preaching some months, but was at length apprehended with 35 more, and being carried to the Bishop of Winchester, Dr. Stephen Gardiner, was committed to the Clink: two days after his commitment, the Bishop called him before him, and Mr. Rose said to him, that he marvelled that he should be thus troubled for preaching what was established by the word of God, the laws of the land, and his own book De verâ Obedientiâ; which last words a little angered the Bishop, yet when he was only accused of praying, that God would either turn Queen Mary's heart, or take her out of the world, and getting his maid with child, of both which he fully cleared himself; the Bishop sent him to the Tower, and a little after to his own diocesan, the Bishop of Norwich, Dr. Hoplon, to be examined by him concerning his faith, anno 1553.
Being arrived at Norwich, the Bishop having caused him to be brought before him in his palace, after some questions, charged him with preaching most damnable and devilish doctrine, to which he said, Not so, my Lord; the doctrine I preached was both true, sincere, and holy, grounded upon the word of God, and set forth by the authority of two kings, and consent of the nobility and clergy of this realm; and since the law hath been altered I have kept silence, and so ye do me wrong to charge me with that of which I am free. The Bishop then said, that the whole nation had of late been out of the right way, but all now had submitted themselves, and acknowledged the faith, and so ought he, if he would be accounted an Englishman, and a member of the church of England, which he saying he desired to be, the Bishop asked him what he thought of ear confession? Is it not a necessary ecclesiastical law? Rose answered, In some cases it may be permitted, and in some not, because it had not its original from God's blessed word; but yet, if a man troubled in conscience resort to a learned and discreet man, it may be permitted, but to bind a man once a year to confess his sins in the ears of a priest, is not of God, nor can be proved by his word. Then the Chancellor said, You have preached, that the natural and substantial body of Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar; what say you to that? To which he answered, I have verily so preached, and believe it the only truth. But doth not the Scripture say, This is my body? And can any thing (says the Bishop) be plainer? Rose replied, Nothing indeed can be plainer, and so are these words of Christ, I am the door of the sheep, I am the vine, &c. and yet Christ is naturally none of these, they are all figurative expressions.
After this, the Bishop sent two of his chaplains to him, and he asking them, whether Christ's body was not in heaven at God's right hand, and should set there till the day of judgment? they answered Yea, whereupon he asked them, What body of his did they hold to be in the sacrament? They said, An invisible body, not to be seen, or occupy place, made there by the omnipotency of God's word; which he disallowed, yet owned Christ to be present in the right use and distribution of the Lord's supper, to be a spiritual nourishment to all worthy receivers of it. After this, the Bishop going his visitation, committed the care of Mr. Rose to Sir Will. Woodhouse, who let him escape to London, from whence he fled beyond sea, and staid there till Queen Elizabeth came to the throne, and then returned.
This Sir Will. Woodhouse, Sir Tho Woodhouse, Mr. George Heydon, the sheriffs of Norwich, and many other worthy persons, were forced by Chancellor Dunnings to attend his bloody condemnations, though they were men of a far different spirit, yea to such a degree of pride and cruelty was he arrived, being countenanced and forwarded by his master, Bishop Hopton, that the best men in the county durst not refuse obeying his wicked commands, which occasioned the persecution to get that height it did in these parts, though it extended to many other places, with as much violence as the learned Bishop Jewel describes it; "You have (says he) imprisoned your bretheren, (speaking to the Papists) you have stript them naked, you have scourged them with rods, you have burnt their hands and arms with flaming torches, you have famished them, you have drowned them, you have summoned them being dead to appear before you out of their graves, you have ripped up their buried carcases, burnt them, and thrown them out upon the dunghill, you took a poor babe falling from its mother's womb, and in a most cruel and barbarous manner, threw it into the fire." Yea so great was the fury of these persecutors under pretence of religion, (but vain must that religion be which pretends to justify its propagation by fire and torment,) that by these several means the martyrs of this kingdom amounted to 277 persons of all ages and sexes. "But more particularly there are said to have perished in the flames, 5 bishops, 21 divines, 8 gentlemen, 84 artificers, 100 husbandmen, servants, and labourers, 26 wives, 20 widows, 9 virgins, 2 boys, and 2 infants, the one springing out of its mother's womb as she was at the stake, and most unmercifully flung it into the fire at the very birth; 64 more in these furious times, were presented for their faith, whereof 7 were whipped, 16 perished in prison, 12 buried in the dunghills, and many more lay in captivity condemned, but were delivered by the opportune death" of this unmerciful Queen, who by the mercy of God, died on the 7th of Nov. 1558, after she had reigned five years four months and 11 days, and lived forty-two years, nine months and six days.
This year was a great sickness throughout the realm, ten aldermen died in this city, and corn and other provisions were very dear.
Berstreet-gates were repaired, and the walls adjoining, to the cost of 43l. and upwards.
And in October this year died Tho. Codde, who was mayor in Ket's rebellion, and was buried in the church of St. Peter per Mountergate, under the account of which more will occur concerning him.
[edit] Mayors And Sheriffs
[edit] Burgesses In Parliament
1 Mar. Parl. at Westm. Tho. Gawdy and Rich. Catlyn, serjeants at law.
1 at Oxford. Henry Ward, John Ball.
1 & 2 P. & M. Westm. John Corbet, Alex. Mather.
2 & 3 Ditto. John Aldrich, Tho. Gray, they received their wages for 79 days attendance at 4s. a day.
4 & 5 Ditto. Tho. Gawdy, senior, Esq. Tho. Sotherton, Esq.
[edit] CHAPTER XXVII
OF THE CITY IN QUEEN ELIZABETH'S TIME.
Queen Mary being dead, on the 17th day of November, her sister Elizabeth was proclaimed Queen of England, in the year 1558, and was crowned the 15th of January following by Dr. Oglethorp Bishop of Carlisle; and the 25th of January began a parliament at Westminster, in which the Queen was declared supreme head of the church of England. And the book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments was fully restored; and by degrees the reformed religion, as practised in the time of Edward VI. was amply confirmed and settled.
Richard Bulwer, by will dated Aug. 13, in this year, gave 15l. to the city, to remain for ever, viz. "that three smythes within the cittie shall have the use and occupation thereof, eche of them by the space of two yeares, and at the end of the said two yeares, other three smythes two yeares, laying in sufficient bond to Mr. Mayor, &c." He gave also to the common-hutch, or city chest, 20s.
Robert Rugge, one of the ten aldermen that died this year, gave 10l. to the use of the city, and
Thomas Codde, another of them, was a great benefactor.
The new aldermen, viz. Nic. Norgate, Tho. Whall; Tho. Peck Tho. Parker, John Blome, Andrew Quash, John Gibbes, Tho. Green Christopher Soome, and Rob. Suckelyng, when they were sworn, pai 40s. each, towards the reparation of the city walls, within the war where they were chosen aldermen, according to the ancient custom and order of the city. The aldermen that died were, Tho. Gray John Howes, Nic. Sywhat, Tho. Cocke, Alex. Mather, Tho. Malby, Jeffry Warde, John Atkins, Tho. Codde, and Rob. Rugge.
In 1559, Dr. William Cunningham, a physician of Norwich, published a book entitled "The Cosmographical Glass, conteyning the pleasant Principles of Cósmographie, Geographie, Hydrographie, or Navigation," which was printed at London by John Day, and contains 202 pages, besides dedication, preface, and index, with many curious wooden cuts, and particularly one of the author in his doctor's habit, and another, being "An accurate Map of the excellent City of Norwyche, as the form of it is at this present 1558," with many alphabetical references to an explanation at the bottom, of the principal places set forth in the same: which map, as well as the whole book, is looked upon as a great curiosity.
The frontispiece is a neat wooden cut, in which the sciences leading to the studies treated of, are represented, with some of the ancients, who were eminent therein; and at the bottom are these six lines:
In this Glasse if you will beholde, The Sterry Skie, and Y'earth so wide, The Seas also, with Windes so colde, Yea and thy selfe, all these to guide, What this type meane, first learne aright: So shall the gayne, thy travaill quight.
It is dedicated to Robert Dudley, Knight of the Garter, Master of the Horse to the Queen's Majesty, &c. and after the dedication are divers verses, in praise of the author, by Gilbert Barckley and Tho. Langley of Cambridge. And at the close of the preface he hath this, "If for the difficultie of the worke, any errour escape; remember I am the first that ever in our tongue have written of this argument, &c." dated at Norwich the 18th of July, 1559.
In the second book, is " a Table of the Sun's Meridian Altitude above the Horizon," calculated for every degree in the zodiac, respecting the elevation of the pole-artic at Norwich, 52 deg. 10 min. and the sun's declination 23 deg. 28 min. There is also a calculation of such eclipses of the moon as shall happen from the year 1560 till 1605; applying the time of their beginning in years, days, hours, and minutes, unto the meridian of Norwich exactly, which is 22 deg. and 30 min. from the Canary islands, with the figures of all the said eclipses: Apian's way of finding out the longitude of places by the Jacob's staff, &c. the method being taken when the moon is west or east of the star; further illustrated by an example of finding the longitude of Norwich.
The work was then in such great repute, that Day the printer obtained a royal license for him and his assigns solely to print it.
The author was certainly a learned young man, for though he was but 28 years of age, it appears he had not only been abroad, according to the present mode, but had applied himself diligently to get knowledge and learning during that time, for besides this work, he had wrote seven other treatises, viz. an Apology: a new Quadrat, by no Man ever published: the Astronomical Ring: Organographia: Gazophilacion Astronomicum: Chronographia, and Commentaries in Hypocrat: de Aëre, Aquis et Regionibus. He seems to have commenced doctor at Heydelberg, at which university he says he was handsomely entertained by D. Joan. Bangius, T. Erastus, physicians, and D. Balduinus reader of the civil law. I have seen no more of his works printed, which perhaps may be accounted for from the emblem in the last page of this book, which represents death on a monument, and virtue in the shape of a tree, flourishing out of it, alluding to the known motto of Vivit post funera Virtus.
And now commissioners being sent out to visit every diocese for establishment of the reformed religion, and removing superstitious images, &c. the common people being over zealous, and not content with taking them away, seized upon the ancient monuments of the dead, defacing all arms and portraitures of such benefactors as remained in the windows, stone work of the churches and other publick buildings; by which means abundance of the memorials of our pious ancestors were lost: and the same fate had attended all the rest, had not the Queen put a stop to such doings, by a royal proclamation, which saved many of those monuments of antiquity that we now meet with, from being utterly defaced, which proclamation is printed at large in Fuller.
In 1560, the Duke of Norfolk requested the city to aid the town of Yarmouth in making their haven: and there was a gift of 200 marks sent them to be expended thereon, upon condition that the people of Yarmouth shall not, by making the said haven, lay any impositions or customs to the prejudice of the citizens, who were quietly to enjoy such liberties there as heretofore they did.
In 1561, a jebbet was erected in the Town-close on the outside of St. Stephen's-gates, and a lad about 16 years old was hung in irons thereon, for ravishing and quartering a child.
Sir Richard Southwell, Knt. gave 120l. to be received of Ric. Hede and others, who had purchased his house of him in St. Stephen's parish, to be paid by 10l. a year, to the relief of the poor in the city, except the first 10l. which was paid at lady day, and was to be laid out in buying beds for the poor in St. Giles's hospital.
On May 31st. Mr. Ralph Shelton paid 5l. to be given in alms for William Godsalve, Esq. who died very suddenly in Whitsun week.
This year, the Earls of Northumberland and Huntington, the Lords Tho. Howard and Willoughby, with many other lords and knights, came to Norwich, to visit the Duke of Norfolk there, and were all lodged with their retinue at the Duke's palace; and during their stay, they diverted themselves with shooting and other martial exercises on Moushold-Heath; and it being at the time that the mayor's feast was to be held at the New-hall, Will. Mingay, Esq. then mayor, invited them and their ladies to the feast, John Suckling, baker, Tho. Layer, Christopher Layer, merchants, and Laurence Wood, scrivener, being the four feast-makers.
At the entertainment the Duke and Dutchess of Norfolk sat first, next sat the three Earls of Northumberland, Huntington, and Surrey, then the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Scroop and his lady, the Lord Barthlet and his lady, the Lord Burgavenny, with so many other lords, knights, and ladies, that the hall, although it is so very large, could scarce contain them, and their retinue, yet by the good management of the feast-makers, all things were kept in order, and the nobility expressed a great deal of satisfaction at their generous reception.
The Mayor's bill of his share towards the expense amounted to 1l. 12s. 9d. only. The feast-makers bearing the rest, which bill, as it will show us the difference of the price of things then and now, I shall here add:
The ancient arms of the city were confirmed by William Harvey, Clavencieux, king of arms, in his publick visitation held here July 2, 1562, and are accordingly entered in the book of that time.
Richard Rudde, mercer, by will dated Nov. 15, 1562, gave "to the poore people in Norwich, fower pounds yearly for ever, to be distrybuted by my executors on Ashe-Weanesday, to pray for my soule and all Cristian soules. And also I will that my executors shall within vij yers next after my decease, insuer to the mayor, shreves, and commonalte, of the city of Norwich, and ther successors, as moche lands and tenements as shall yearly amounte and come to the some of 4l. 6s. 8d. above all charges, of which said 4l. 6s. 8d. I will there be yerely for ever geven and distributed as aforesaid, 4l. by the discressyon of the mayor and shreves for the time beyng, for whose paynes therein to be taken and done. I will, that the other 6s. 8d. be to the said mayor and shreves, viz. to the mayor for the tyme beyng 3s. 4d. and to eyther of the shreves 20d." And it appears from the chamberlains accounts in 1625, that there was a close without St. Giles's-gates, conveyed to the city according to Mr. Rudd's will, which was then leased at 8l. per annum, and the profits applied accordingly.
In 1563, on the 2d and 3d of July, there landed 900 soldiers sent from Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, at Newhaven, where the English were then besieged by the French: they were well clothed in yellow and blue cloaks; Ferdinando Ligens, Philip Sturley, and Edw. Driver, being their captains; and with them were 50 carpenters, 16 sawyers, and 8 smiths: but notwithstanding these, and many other succours, the English were obliged to surrender the town, by reason of the plague, which broke out there, and carried off a prodigious number of soldiers and inhabitants, among whom died Edward Ormesby, Tho. Drury, alias Poignard, Will. Saule, and Master Bromfield; but a greater misfortune than this followed, for when the soldiers returned they carried the infection into England, which raged so violently in London, that in the parishes belonging to that city; there died from Jan. 1, 1562, to the last day of Dec. 1563, no less than 20, 136 of the plague only.
The benefactors to the city this year were, the Duke of Norfolk, who gave 30l. to be given in alms to the poor. A legacy of 10l. given by Mr. William Mingay, late alderman, was then distributed: and Augustine Steward, executor to the late suffragan, agreed to convey to the city certain houses of the suffragan's gift.
In 1564, the Queen licensed the city to purchase 200l. per annum in mortmain; it bears date at Westminster, May 17; and whereas the ancient dower of women in the city was a moiety of house and land, it seems about this time to be a third part only.
After Michaelmas this year, fell so much rain, that much winter corn could not be sown, and eight days before Christmas, began a very great frost, which lasted nine weeks, so sharp that most of the sheep perished, and the greens, as hollys, furze, laurels, &c. were killed; and by the thaw, which was a very sudden one, great floods ensued, and much damage was done to the mills, bridges, and banks, in most places.
In 1565, the city being in much distress by the decay of the worsted manufacture, which was now at so low an ebb that many were forced to leave their houses and go into the country to get their bread: after many consultations had how to redress it, the mayor, sheriffs, &c. resolved to wait upon his grace Tho. Duke of Norfolk, who was then at his palace in the city, and there advising with him what was best to be done, a resolution passed, to invite divers strangers of the Low Countreys, which were now come to London and Sandwich, for refuge from the persecution then raised against them by the power of the Duke of Alva, principal for the King of Spain, which strangers had obtained license from the Queen to exercise the making of Flanders commodities of wool in her Majesty's dominions: and upon application made by the Duke, her Majesty granted her letters patent at the Duke's own charge, for the placing of 30 master workmen, each of them to have 10 servants, being in all 330, Dutch and Walloons, who came to Norwich and set up the making of bayes, sayes, arras, mockades, and such like, which immediately employed a great number of hands, so that the houses which were decayed were now repaired and inhabited, and both city and country grew rich, the first by the plentiful demand of their provisions, and the latter by their new way of trade: and after a while so many came over, that there were above 3000 of these strangers at once in the city, and the Dutch congregation had the quire of the friars-preachers church assigned them for their religious assemblies, which they enjoy to this day. And the Walloon or French congregation, first by leave, made use of the Bishop's chapel, but after had the church of St. Mary at Tombland assigned to them, which they still [1742] enjoy; though both the congregations are now very small, and almost quite decayed.
The said letters patent bear date at Westminster, and were sent by the Duke to Master Thomas Sotherton, then mayor, to be put in execution; who called an assembly, in which the commons refused to suffer the common seal of the city to be put to the admission of any stranger, and upon that, the court agreed to fix the common seal of the office of mayoralty to the admissions of the 30 masters, which were in form following:
Thomas Sotherton, mayor of the city of Norwich, with the advice of his brethren the aldermen, according to the Queen's Majesty's letters patent, bearing date November 5, in the 7th year of her Majesty's reign, do license John Powells, estraunger (alian) to take to farm any house, messuage or rent within the city aforesaid, there to inhabit and dwell with his household and family, to use, exercise, make, and work, as well all such commodities as in the said letters patent been contained, as others not heretofore made or wrought within the said city, during the time of his good behaviour and obedience to such constitutions and orders, as be now made, and hereafter shall be made, for the better governance of the said city, in witness whereof, the said mayor to these presents have caused his seal of office to be put, the 1st day of June, &c. 8 Eliz.
And now the twenty-four following persons were admitted masters for the Dutch, and the six for the Walloons.
1. John Powells.
2. George Van Exsham.
3. John Garrett.
4. Peter Janson.
5. John de Rhoode.
6. John Mychelles.
7. Christian Vrinde.
8. Gilberde Vijscheers.
9. John Brijninge.
10. Geo. Vramboute.
11. Romaine Debeche.
12. Frauncis Trian.
13. Frauncis Mysedome.
14. John Looten.
15. Adrian Van Dorte.
16. Peter Frenin, alias Vanbrughe.
17. Pascall Clarebote.
18. Tho. Bateman.
19. Jerusalem Pottelbergh.
20. Mychel Desonytte.
21. Francis Dedecre.
22. John Goose.
23. Lewis Spillebote.
24. Will. Steene.
1. Rob. Goddarte.
2. Noe le Turcke.
3. Ipolitè Barbè.
4. John Dumimè.
5. John Karseye.
6. Peter Waolls.
These thirty masters, with their families began to make their commodities, and had the church of St. Mary the Less, or St. Mary at Tombland, which was lately purchased by the city, assigned them by the court, for their hall, with seals and all other utensils, for the searching and sealing their goods, and then were rules and ordinances made for their better government, viz.
1. Two aldermen, one of which was to be a justice of peace, were to be assigned, to hear and determine all matters of controversy between them.
2. Every stranger hereafter to be admitted, was to be presented to the mayor, and the said two aldermen, and to produce a token from the elders of their company, of their names, faculties, and honest conversation.
3. All officers chosen for the search of the commodities, were to be sworn by the mayor yearly.
4. They shall truly pay all parish duties whatever, as other people do, both to the church, priest, clerk, &c. "that is to saye, of everye shyllinge for their house rente or fearme, a penye, for the whole yere, &c."
5. They are not to occupy, buy or sell any merchandise or goods whatever, only those of their own making, and them not by retail, unless to their own nation.
6. They are to pay all customs and duties due for their wrought commodities, to the said two aldermen and chamberlain, every quarter, viz. for every whole Flemish cloth ijd. every half one jd. every whole bay ijd. every double saye ijd. every double stamet ijd. and jd. for the single ones.
The knave, knape (or servant) of the hall, to have every 20th penny for his attendance, and the rest to the chamber of the city, &c.
To all which ordinances they willingly obeyed, behaved themselves orderly, became a civil people, and were of great service to the city, though the commons and some of the chief citizens raised many clamours against them; for in 1567, Thomas Whalle, then mayor, who never liked them, would have turned them out, which the majority of the court not approving, he obliged them to accept other ordinances, added to the rest; among which, one was, that the Dutch should yearly elect eight persons, and the Walloons four, and present them to the mayor, for governours, to answer for the whole companies, and that they should lodge no strangers above one night, without certifying the mayor of it; neither should they walk in the streets after the eight o'clock bell at St. Peter's of Mancroft had gone: and in 1569, Justice Whalle acquainted the privy council, that there were continual differences between the English and strangers, (which he, and the rest of his party, were continually raising,) who were now 1132 persons in all; upon which, the Lords directed their letters to the mayor and aldermen, Edward Clere, and Clement Paston, Esqrs. ordering them to permit such strangers as were settled already, to remain here, but suffer no more to come. Yet this did not give such satisfaction to the enemies of the strangers, as was expected, for in 1570, a conspiracy was discovered of certain gentlemen and others in the county of Norfolk, who purposed on Midsummer day, at Harleston fair, to have raised a number of men with sound of trumpet and beat of drum, and then to have declared the cause of their rising, namely, to expulse the strangers from the city and realm; this matter was discovered by Thomas Ket, one of the conspiracy, to John Kensey, who forthwith sent the said Ket to the next justice, before whom, and other justices, he opened the whole matter; whereupon Master Drue Drury immediately apprehended Master John Throgmorton of Norwich, Gent. and after him many gentlemen of the city of Norwich, and county of Norfolk, who were all committed to prison, and at the assizes held at the Castle on the 17th of July following, before Sir Rob. Cattyn, Knt. lord chief justice, Gilbert Gerrard, the Queen's attorney-general, and other justices, ten were then indicted of high treason, and others of contempt, and divers of them were condemned on the 21st of August, and afterwards three were hanged, drawn and quartered, viz. John Throgmorton, who stood mute at his arraignment, but at the gallows confessed himself to be the chief conspirator, and that none had deserved to die but himself, for that he had procured them: with him was executed Tho. Brooke of Rollesby, Gent. on the 30th of August, and George Redman of Cringleford, Gent. was also executed on the 2d of Sept. Mr. John Appleyerd, Mr. Hobart, Bryan Holland, Esq. Mr. Naller, and one more, were condemned to suffer imprisonment, and forfeit their goods and lands for life; one Mr. Holmes first discovered it to the court, assuring them, "that their intentions were to raise forces at Harleston fair, and out of Bongey and Beccles, and so to have been at Norwiche in such a sodeyne, as at the mayor's feaste, to have taken the whoale cubborde of plate, to have maynteyned their enterpryse." But as God shortened some of their days, their purposes were defeated, and the strangers whom they hated, found favour and were continued in their trades, by which they got much riches, and employed abundance of the poor: but still such citizens as were enemies to them, insisted upon new ordinances, and hard customs for them, to be subject to, as that they should sell none of their commodities to any but freemen of the city, and such like, which occasioned them to complain to the Queen's council, who wrote to the city in their behalf, requiring them to continue their favour, "to the poor men of the Dutch nation, who fleeing the persecution lately begun in their country, for the trewe religion, hath fledd into this realm for succour, and be now placed in the city of Norwich, and hath hitherto been favourablye and jentely ordered, which the Quenes Majestie as a mercifull and religious prince doth take in very good part, praicng you to continue your favoure unto them, so long as they shall lyve emongste you, quyetlye and obedyently to Godes trewe religion and to her Majesties lawes, for so one Chrystian man (in charitie) is bownde to helpe an other, especially them, who do suffre afflixion for the Ghospelles sake," &c. Willing them to suffer them to sell their commodities, as their brethren settled in Sandwich and Colchester do, to whom they please, reminding them, that the advantage accruing to the city from their houses being inhabited, which before stood desolate, and the number of people being employed, which before had nothing to support them, together with the consumption of provisions, were no small benefit both to the city and country, and therefore they ought to be favoured; this letter is dated at Greenwich, March 19, 1570.
Upon this, they were summoned to answer, why they had complained? their hall doors were shut up March 26, 1571, and no cloths sealed; and on the first day of April were sent up the orders appointed for the strangers, by John Bleverhasset, Esq. and Robert Suckling, alderman, then members for the city, to the council, who on the 10th of April referred the cause to Sir Walter Mildmay, master of the rolls, and Sir Thomas Smith, who favoured the strangers, and on the 21st of April, it was heard in the Treasury Chamber, and both sides agreeing to stand to the determination of the council, the strangers obtained a letter from Sir Tho. Smith to the mayor, to open their hall door, which was done, and on the 29th of April, the order of council came down, dated at Westminster, April 25, in which it was declared, that the strangers should have no new burthens or exactions laid upon them, but should be conformable as heretofore to their old ordinances, which were afterwards new ratified, and penalties added, by consent of both parties; and then the Dutch prayed the court to confirm certain articles made by the minister of the Dutch church, to keep their company in good order, with the deliberation and conclusion of the consistory, with the deacons, and men of communication, Feb. 24, 1569, being 24 in number, and concerned the government of the church, as for choosing twelve elders, and twelve deacons, administering the Lord's supper four times in the year, &c. which articles being put in execution, caused great debates and differences among them, so that Isebrandus Balkins, the head minister, and his party, openly contended with Theo. Rickwaert and Anthony Algoet the two other ministers, and their party, so much, that they were admonished by the bishop and mayor, to be at peace; but not conforming thereto, the Bishop directed a commission to the Chancellor, the Mayor, Dean Gardiner, and Henry Birde, reader of the Thursday divinity lecture, &c. commanding them to call the parties before them, try the matter, and punish the offenders with banishment, or any way that they thought proper, ordering that Johannes Paulus, author of all these troubles, whom the Bishop commanded to quit the city on the 14th of February last, should be forthwith sent away.
On summons given by the commissioners, Isbrand and his party appeared, but Rickwaert and Algoet, and their party, did not; and the matter being fully debated, a decree was drawn by Mr. Chancellor and the Commissioners, directed to the ministers, elders, deacons, and other governours of the Dutch church and congregation in Norwich, commanding them to be at unity among themselves, and to make no variances, under penalty of being banished the city, and removed from the congregation; and least any should pretend ignorance, the preachers in their sermons next Sunday were to publish this decree; but the party that did not appear refused to obey, applied to the bishop, and would not publish it; and upon Rickwaert's refusing to do it, he and Algoet were committed to prison for contempt; from whence they complained to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who called all parties before him, and thoroughly examined the whole proceedings of the complaining parties, and of the bishop, chancellor, mayor, and commissioners, and on the 15th day of September, the strangers charging the mayor with having usurped such spiritual jurisdiction in the city of Norwich, over their ministers, in imprisoning them, as did not belong to them, Mr. John Aldrich and Mr. Robert Suckling, aldermen, who appeared as attornies for the mayor, signed a declaration before the Archbishop, that the mayor never did exercise or pretend to exercise any spiritual jurisdiction over the citizens nor strangers, all such jurisdiction belonging to the Bishop of Norwich, and in his absence to his chancellor, and that accordingly, the whole proceedings had been transacted by their knowledge and consent, and that without their direction nothing had been done, which the Bishop not only owned to be true, but declared in their favour, that the city never did so much as pretend to intermeddle in, or have any eccleclesiastical jurisdiction whatsoever, but in this, and all other canses of this nature, always applied to him or his Chancellor for direction therein; this disappointed the strangers, who imagined that the Bishop would have looked upon the imprisonment of their ministers as an incroachment upon his jurisdiction.
Upon this, the Archbishop and the rest of the high commissioners made a final decree, dated September 16, 1571, subscribed by Mathew Archbishop of Canterbury, Edw. Bishop of London, Robert Bishop of Winchester, and John Hamound, containing eight articles, by which all spiritual jurisdiction whatever over them was confirmed and acknowledged to be in the Bishop of Norwich, and neither the mayor nor citizens to meddle in causes merely ecclesiastical: "excepting to the strangers their accustomed manner of governmente, hitherto graciously suffered by the Quene and her Cowncell," reserving to the mayor and commonalty all jurisdiction over them in all civil causes, according to law.
It was also decreed, that Isbrand Balkins, Theophilus Rickwaert, and Anthony Algoer, should be displaced from their ministry and seniority, and be hereafter incapable to be replaced either in Norwich or London, under pain of imprisonment without redemption, and that Johannes Pawlus of Sandwiche do forthwith depart the city of Norwich, and that no man entertain him under pain of imprisonment, and 20l. forfeiture; and the congregation were ordered to choose two ministers, three seniors, and eight men; and when they had so done, to return their names to the Bishop of Norwich, to be confirmed or repealed at his discretion, "the persons elected to continue in suche sorte, as was used in the dayes of King Edwarde, by the prescription of Mr. Alasco, and was practised at the fyrste." And others, as Romaine de Beche, John Cutmann, Peter Obrye, Francis Tryan, William Stenne, Peter the Camere, and Charles Harman were commanded not to trouble the peace of their church, under penalty of being turned out.
This decree being directed to the Bishop and Mayor to put in execution, he sent it to his Chancellor, and he and the Mayor acted accordingly; but the Bishop being in some measure afterwards gained over to Rickwaert's party, pricked for their consistory some of that party, and for the politique elders, Mr. Mayor appointed eight Dutch and four Walloons of the other party, which bred a new contention, both concerning the number that should be permitted to inhabit here, which was, according to the Council's letter, not to exceed 2826 persons, and also about certain articles which the elders were sworn to; as to present all such as made any disturbance, or pretended to trade without the mayor's license, according to the Queen's grant, &c. and the city perceiving the Bishop would not remove those he had pricked, though they gave great disturbance, applied to the high commissioners, upon which the following order was directed for that purpose:
"To the Right Worshipfull Mr. Mayor of the City of Norwich, and to the aldermen of the same.
"Whear we understaunde by credible reporte of the unrestfull dissention betwixte the straungers themselves, the conspirators of which dissention regardinge nothing the goodness of God in this their exile, nor the Quenes Majesties great favoure towards them, and her lovinge subjectes good intertaynment, neyther considerynge the shame and sclander they worke to Chryste his Ghospell and religion, and to the perpetuall blotte of their nation, so insolente in a straunge countrye, which in sences pretendinge a defence of their consciens, and mainteynance of trewe religion, and under the cloake thereof, be rather as Judas and Barabas, amongs a Christian society. Whereupon we have thought good to advertise your Lordshipp to stande earnestlye to the reformation of them. And seinge that diverse of them supposinge that the magistrates of this nation, having nothing elles a doo but to sarve their turnes, we require your Lordshipp, as we do also Mr. Mayor and his Bretherne to governe them in lesse libertye then they have hitherto used, (or rather abused,) and thereupon we wyll you the Bishop to accepte of these syxe men fyrst chosen seniors, viz.
Mr. Mathew Richens.
Nicasius de Wilde.
John de Spigell.
Cornelis de Heill.
John de Rode.
Maximilian Van Dan.
"And your Lordshippe or your Chancellor with the consente of Mr. Mayor, and Mr. Aldriche, and with the counsell of theis aforesaid, to accepte syxe of that nombre that had the most voyces nexte unto the fyrst vi men, viz.
Cornelis Willensi.
Hubreit Vander Heiden.
Adrian Porter.
Rob. Jansy.
Joose de Ram.
Lambrette Halfebiers.
Barnard Van Dijnsye.
Peter Halgman.
Jaques Van Borwen.
Phillipus Andrias.
Jacob de Volder.
"And yf this can not be done by your discrecion to some quiete contentacion, beinge chosen but for one yere to come, then we require you the Bishop and your offycers in all causes ecclesiasticall, to proceed according to your ecclesiasticall jurisdiction, not regarding their particular eleccions or disciplins, before so shamefully abused: and appointe you their preachers and ministers accordynglye. And whereas there is much standinge in the validite of their eleccions (except they desarve better, by their more quiet behaviour) they shall be less regarded; moreover whear such chosen thought but to revenge their yll willers, (as they take them,) and so to abuse their romethes privatelve in fullfyllinge their own partial stomakes. We requyre you the Bishop, and the Mayor of the citye, to bridle in such unruly sprites. And yf ther be any contentious heades lurkinge in those congregations, to fire them in this unnatural and barbarous dissention, we require you, and chardge you, in the Quenes Majesties name, to roote them owte. And if any such be, whom ye cannot rewle, we will be means to the uttermost of ower power, to have them considered. And thus expectyng your awnswers, we comytte you to God, as owr selves. From Lambhethe this therd of November 1571.
"Matthue Cantuar.
Tho. Wattes.
Ed. London.
Tho. Galle.
Tho. Lincho.
Jo. Hamounde."
Upon this letter the chancellor and mayor summoned the parties at the Gild-hall, and all wisely conferring upon the matter, were brought to unity and peace on all sides, except the four masters, Anthony Pascheson, Anthony Paulus, Jacob de Vos, and John Gherard, who resisted every body, and would agree to nothing that either the chancellor, mayor, aldermen, and their own countrymen did, and not only refused to join them, but withheld the Book of the Drapereye belonging to the hall, so that the whole manufacture was stopped, for which reason they committed the masters to prison, who laid there seven days, and then delivered the book, and were discharged.
It was written in Dutch, and contained excellent orders and rules about the making of bays, fustians of Naples, &c. and concerning the parchmentiers or makers of lace and fringe, and their four wardens, two of which were to be English, one Dutch, and one Walloon, yearly elected and sworn before the mayor; as also for the caungeantries, tufted mockados, currelles, and all other works mingled with silk, saietrie, or linnen yarn, &c. by which the whole manufacture was well managed.
After the delivery of the masters, there came a letter from the Lords of the Council, directed
"To ower lovinge Frendes the Mayor and his Bretherne: the Customer, Controller, and Searcher of the Citye of Norwiche.
"After ower hartye comendacions: for as muche as it is perceyved, that upon a gracious and mercifull dysposicion in the Quens most excellente Majestie, in grauntynge favoure to suche straungers as have of late been compelled for the avoydinge of the calamities and troubles that weare in sondrye countryes beyonde the seas; besyds a great multitude of good, honeste, and devoute poore and afflicted people, ther ar also another nombre of evel disposed people, (under coullor of religion and pietye) lately entered at sondry ports and cryckes into the realme, wherbie the naturall good subjects are lyke not only to be corrupted with the evel condicions of them that are nought) but also by the excesse nombre of both sorts, shall sustayne dyverse ways, suche lacks as yt is not meete to be borne withall, besydes other inconveniences justelye to be feared, by practyse of the lewder sorte. For remedye wherof, her Majestie hath wylled us presentlye and withoute delaye, to take order for redress hereof, and therewithe also, to cause suche moderation to be used, as in no one cittie or towne, shuld be any greater nombre of strangers (thoughe they be of honeste conversation) suffred to resorte and abyde, otherwise than may stande charitablye with the weale, or at the leaste withoute damadge of the naturall enhabitants of the same places. Whereupon as we have directed order to other counties, cities and towns, so do we at this present to you: wyllynge and commandinge you (forthwithe) to take order, that beginninge the tenthe daye of the next monthe, at whiche time a like inquisicion shal be begonne, throughe other the maritime cownties of the realme. You do by all good meanes that in you shall lye, cawse a good and trewe searche to be made, how manye straungers of everie nation are within that citye, and distinctlie apparte, howe manie are come into that cittie, sythence the 25th day of Marche laste, and by what qualitie and meanis they do live and sustayne themselves, and how they do inhabite, and in what sorte they do resorte orderlye to anie churches and places of prayer, to hear and use divine service and sacraments, as (by the ecclesiastical lawes of the realme) they ought to do. Or otherwise wheare anie straungers are tolerated withall by the bishop of the diocesse, to use divine service in their own mother toungs; and hereof to make us sertificate. And ffurther you shall circumspectlye and charitablye consider emonge your selves (being publique offycers) using conference herein withe the bishop of the diocesse (yf he be nere unto you) or withe the ordinarie, parson, or curate of the place, whether the whole nombre of strangers (nowe recidente in that cittye beinge of honeste conversacion) may withowte dammadge to the naturall good subjects of the same, contynue in as greate nombre as they now are, and yf the nombre shall seem to you too grete, to consider how manie may be suffred to remayne, and in what sorte, and to what other places conveniente (for their releife) the excesse may be sent to have habitacion, so as order may be given for that purpose. Wherein we do not meane that anie regarde be had, but only to suche straungers as are known to be honeste in conversation, and well dysposed to the obediens of the Quenes Majestie and the realme. For so it is mente: and so we wyll you, that all other straungers of contrarye sorte, that shall not shewe a good and open testymonye to be obedyent, as above is sayde, shall be charged as unprofitable persons to departe by a reasonable tyme. And therin you shall use all carefulness and circumspecion to cause them (in dede) to departe. Besydes this, you shall cawse a dewe searche to be made, what armoure, or offencyve weapons anie straungers have in their howses. And yf cawses so shall seem requisyte, to commytte the same into the custodye of some meet persons of that citye, that may be awnserable for the same to the owners. And of all this the premises, we chardge you (with all spede) to make to us awnsere (by wrightinge) with your opinions in anie thinge concerning the same, when you have considered of the persons whom you shall think meete to be sente away owte of the realme. We wolde that you should advertise us of the nombre, qualities, and condicions, of the trade, and manner of lyving of the same persons, so meete to be sente owte of the realme, before they be sente awaye. And so we bydd you farewell. From Greenwiche the 26 of Octob. 1571.
Your lovinge Freends,
Nic. Bacon Cancs. Tho. Sussex. Fr. Bedford. Ro. Leycestre. Ed. Clynton. Wyllm. Howarde. Willm. Burgllye. Jamis Crofte. Ralphe Sadlerch. Tho. Smythe.
Upon this, the mayor, according to an order of assembly held on this occasion, made search in every ward, and found as follows,
And upon the return, 48 persons were desired to avoid the city, as disturbers of the quiet peace of a great number of good people therein: and out of the said number, the return was thus,
whereof be children Inglish born 666. Of this number 355 be come to this cityc sythen 25 of Marche laste, viz. Dutch 85, Wallowns 25. Women of both nations 85, children of both nations, 160, and one French man from Depe, of no occupation.
They sustain themselves by working and making commodities, and are of two several churches, and use divine service and the administration of sacraments in their own languages, by toleration of the Queen's high commissioners and the Bishop of the diocese.
They certified also that the generality of the strangers were of good and honest conversation, and used trade and lawful exercises of merchandise to the better peopling the city, their number being convenient and profitable for its common weal, by their keeping not only their own people, but many others at work, to the great advantage of the city and adjacent country; only of late some dissensions have risen among them, by means of three of the ministers of the Dutch church, which notwithstanding the great care of the high commissioners, are not fully ended, or like to be, so long as Theophilus Rickwaert is permitted to live in any place of this realm; he obstinately continuing to be, as hitherto he hath been, a great disturber of the peace of the congregation.
Furthermore here are certain disorderly persons of no church, which were designed to be removed. And also others, which are artizans, and though they are men of honest conversation, are not needful to the city, as tailors, shoemakers, bakers, and joiners, which give offence to the citizens of the same trades, and others to the offence of other citizens, are lately made denizens: as to the armour found among them, being only 2 calyvers, 45 dags and pistolets, 4 halberds and bylls, 2 boarspears, 2 swords, and 270 rapiers, we did not think them of quantity sufficient to cause us to take them away.
We do also according to command, "give ower cimple opinions, (that) haven townes be no convenient place for straungers, nor yet anie place within the cownties of Norfolke and Suffolke, but muste needis be to the greate detryment and hinderaunce of this common weale, by reason of conveyenge awaye secretlye the rock-spun yarne, whiche is more naturally spun here, then in anie other place of the realme, and the bayes, mockados and suche other commodities, as are here practised and used."
This return was dated at Norwich, 16 Nov. 1571, signed by Thomas Greene, Mayor, the Sheriffs, and all the Aldermen, and was sent up by Mr. Simon Bowde, alderman, who was elected for that purpose.
After whose return, the strangers, who in the mean time had made some complaints to the mayor, and had remedy, as to their manufacture, became very quiet, and continued their trades to the general advantage of all parties; and it seems, some of them were settled at Lyn, for on Febr. 10, 1571, Ant. de Potter, dyer, on behalf of those that made mockados at Lynn, obtained, after a long debate in the court, that the wardens of the Walloons in this city should search and seal all the commodities appertaining to the saitrie, brought from Lynn, according to the orders made here; and in 1574, it was ordered, that every cloth found truly wrought and dyed should have a seal of lead marked Norwich Dye.
In 1575, the Dutch elders presented in court a new work called Bombasins, and prayed to have the search and seal of it to their own use, exclusive of the Walloons, who alleged that all white works whatsoever belonged to them, but the Dutch first inventing it, had it allowed them.
June 7, 1575, came a letter to the mayor from the high commissioners, to inform them that divers strangers having been examined before them, "had been found to maintain the horrible and dampnable error of the anabaptistes. And therefore commanded him to call before him all straungers in the city, as well men as women being of the yeris of discrecion, to give their assent, and subscribe to the articles followinge, viz.
1. That Chryste, toke flesh of the substance of the Virgin Mary.
2. That the infaunts of the feythefull are to be baptized.
3. That yt is lawfull for a Christian to take an othe.
4. That a Chrystian man may be a magistrate, and beare the sworde of office of aucthorite.
5. That yt is lawfull for a magestrate to execute obstinate heretiques.
6. That yt is lawfull for a Christian man to warre.
7. That yt is lawfull for a Christian man to require the awcthorite of the magestrate and of the lawe, that he may be delivered from wrong, and restored to right.
8. That a Christian man may lawfully have proprietye in his goodes, and not to make them common, yet owght (accordinge to the rewle of charite) to relieve the nedye, accordinge to his habilitye."
To all which articles the whole companye of alyens, did set their hands on the 27th of the same month; so that now there seems to have been none that had openly avouched these tenets, to the disquiet of the realm, as some had done in many other places, but afterwards there were too many that propagated them in these counties; for at a court held in 1578,
Mathew Hamond of Hetherset, wheelwright, was convicted at the sessions held in the Gild-hall at Norwich, for speaking seditious and slanderous words against the Queen's Majesty, and was condemned to pay 100l. in a month next following the sentence, to the Queen, or else be set on the pillory in the market-place, and have both his ears cut off, which was accordingly done on May the 13th, after which he was sent back to prison, being before condemned by the Bishop of Norwich, "for denying Christ Jesus to be the Sune of "God, and that by his death and passion, none can be saved," for when he was tried for heresy, which was on the 13th day of April last, he was found to have openly avowed the following blasphemies:
1. That the New Testament and Gospel of Christ, are but mere foolishness, a story of man, or rather a mere fable.
2. That man is restored to grace by God's meer mercy, without the mean of Christ's blood, death, or passion.
3. That Christ is not God, nor the saviour of the world, but a meer man, a sinfull man, and an abominable idoll.
4. That all they that worship him are abominable idolaters, and that Christ did not rise again from death to life by the power of his godhead, neither that he ascended into heaven.
5. That the Holy Ghost is not God, neither is there any such Holy Ghost.
6. That baptism is not necessary in the church of God, neither the use of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ.
For which he was burnt in the Castle Ditch on the 20th of May.
And on the 18th of Sept. 1583, John Lewes, who named himself Abdoit, an obstinate blasphemer, (much like his predecessor Hamond,) was burnt here.
And in 1587, Peter Cole of Ipswich, tanner, suffered the like death in the Castle Ditch, for those abominable blasphemies.
In 1588, on the 14th of January, Francis Knight, alias Ket, of Windham, master of arts, was burnt in the same place for the like heresies: this family having now produced three arch-rebels, and one blasphemer, who all met with their deserved ends; and had not some of this crew been made publick examples of, these wicked tenets would in all appearance, under the notion of having all things common, soon have raised such rebellions as might have endangered both church and state. For it is observeable that those strangers who came over last, were the persons that introduced these wicked blasphemies, and gave rise to many sects, which till then were never known here; so that it is difficult to know, all things considered, whether the introduction of these strangers did not do more damage than service to the nation in general, which the Queen foreseeing, resolved to put a stop to their increasing numbers.
For in 1582, there was another certificate required from the mayor, in order to see what increase had been of them in this city, and there were found 1128 men, 1358 women, children strangers born 815, children English born 1378, in all 4679 souls; of which number 653 dwelt in Colgate ward, and paid for the rents of their houses (most of which before stood empty) 292l. 15s. 4d. a year, so that upon this representation, and their living peaceably, they continued to the end of this century, in a flourishing condition, and enjoyed the several privileges of their two congregations.
And now having done with them at present, I shall only observe, that the vast quantities of brass money of divers bignesses, thicknesses, and impressions, which are daily dug up here, and are often called by the common people, Roman counters, were brought over by these strangers, they being the current money of their country, and when brought hither, being of no value, were quite neglected and lost.
In 1567, Rob. Wood, Tho. Whall, and Tho. Peck, aldermen, executors of Mr. Edm. Wood, alderman deceased, paid 66l. 13s. 8d. in full of all the legacies of the said Edmund Wood, for the cleansing the streets. And on the 26th of May, the seal of the city having on it the picture of the Trinity, it was agreed to be altered to the city arms.
In 1568, the two towers at the west end of the Gild-hall, one of which was the treasury, and the other the dungeon to the gaol, fell down through age, and the breach being repaired, it fell again, being damaged by the frost, and was rebuilt in the same manner as it is at this day.
And now also the order relating to post-horses was first established here, by the Duke of Norfolk, and the mayor, who agreed that there should be three post-masters, every one of which had 3l. 13s. and 4s. lent them out of the city treasury, free from interest, and a stipend of 4l. per annum, paid by the sheriffs, the half of which was levied on the inn-keepers and tiplers in the city, and the other half on the other inhabitants, and was taxed by the aldermen, and gathered by the constables of every ward: and no man was to take up any post-horses in the city, unless he was licensed by warrant from the Queen's Majesty, the Duke of Norfolk, the Privy Council, or the Mayor, nor to use any one horse above 12 or 14 miles together; for which he was to pay 2d. each mile outward, and 6d. to his guide, to go and carry back the horses, and the said horses were not to carry any cloakbag, &c. of above ten pounds weight.
The hire of the hackney horses in the city, was also now settled, at 12d. the first day, and 8d. each day after till their redelivery, for which horses all strangers were to give security for their return, and if the horse held not out his journey, the owner was to pay all charges of such default; but journeys to London were excepted, for which every one was to agree as he could.
On the 2d of Oct. 6l. was distributed to the poor, of the gift of Mrs. Wingfield, and 3l. of the gift of Mr. Rich. Walpole, late of Braken-Ash; and on Oct. 6, Will. Yelverton of Rougham, Esq. paid 26s. 8d. to the Norwich prisoners, of the gift of William Howlet of Ketlestone.
Nic. Norgate, alderman, gave 20l. which was distributed Dec. 23.
In 1569, Dr. Spencer gave 10l. and Mrs. Anne Tailor, widow, 15l. which sum was distributed every year for her gift, till 1576.
An aid of an 100l. was levied upon the citizens, which was assessed and rated by 4 commoners of every ward, with the advice of the aldermen of the said wards.
In 1570, Rich. Fletcher, alderman, by will dated April 12, gave 15l. (if his debt due from Mr. Bainard was recovered) to be employed among the young sadlers in Norwich, as the gift of Mr. Bulwer was to the smiths, namely, three sadlers to have each 5l. lent them free from interest, giving security at the discretion of Mr. Mayor, and three of the justices.
About this time Mr. Augustine Steward, alderman, gave five tenements in St. Swithin's churchyard, for five poor widows, of good behaviour to dwell in, such as the mayor and court shall think fit, who for misbehaviour, have power to remove them and put in others.
This year the city purchased a close without St. Stephen's gates, and two orchards in St. Stephen's, of Tho. Pede, notary; and 66l. 13s. 4d. remaining in the treasury of the gift of Mr. Edward Wood, late mayor, was applied towards the purchase.
The art of printing was now introduced here, by Anthony Solen, printer, one of the strangers, which was so well approved of by the city, that they presented him with his freedom.
Ten days before Christmas, there began a snow, which increased to such a depth in the Christmas holidays, that the like had not been known in the memory of man; it continued, by reason of the sharp frost that attended it, till Candlemas day, when it began to thaw, and then the waters rose exceedingly, so that on Saturday morning the 5th of Febr. all the part of the city on the north side of the river was totally overflown, and it continued rising till the Wednesday following, to such a degree, that the mayor and aldermen, at a court held on Monday the 7th of Febr. were forced to provide "relyfe of bread, drynke, and herryng, to be gyven to the pore on the further side of the water, who are now kept in their houses by a great rage of water," which flowed so violently that it not only threw down many stone walls and buildings, "but remeved the stooles in all the churches on the other side of the water, except St. Augustens: and the water at this flud, was a handfull higher than St. Leonard's flodd." This was called Candlemas flood. It did incredible damage at Yarmouth, Dunwich, Wisbitch, Lynn, and Marshland, as Holinshed shows us.
In 1571, the poor being very oppressive for want of regular relief, Mr. John Aldrich, mayor, and Tho. Greene, his successour, made divers excellent orders and rules for their maintenance, and by erecting a bridewell at the Norman spitel, did much service to the city.
In 1572, on the 14th of June, "abowt 9 of the clock in the forenone, a good, godly, and a vertuos brother of this howse, viz. John Rede, alderman, a bigg man, and hott with travell, after reverens done to Mr. Mayor and other bretheren, and his place taken in the councill chamber, beyng trobled with a rume that fell from his hed, as it is supposed, did coffe iij tymes, wherwith he was stoppyd, and his wynd fayled, and so in a soden sized downe, and never spake eny worde, and so there presently departed this transytory lyfe, unto a more joyfull place of rest."
On the second of June, the Duke of Norfolk, who had always been a great friend to the city, was beheaded on Tower-hill, for whom there was great lamentation here, such a number of poor being constantly relieved at his palace, where hospitality always abounded.
In 1573, died John Caius, Dr. of Physick, who was born in this city in 1510, the 2d of King Henry VIII. His true name was Keye; Fuller makes his father, Rob. Keye, a Yorkshire man, but as far as ever I cold learn, without foundation; for it is evident that he was not of the same family with Thomas Key or Cay of Oxford, who was descended from the Yorkshire family of that name, whose book intituled Assertio Antiquitatis Oxoniensis Academiœ, our Caïus answered in his book intituled, De Antiquitate Cantabrigiensis Academiœ, under the name of Londinensis, in 1568, and in 1574, in his own name; to which, Thomas wrote a reply, but it was never printed; so that there being no relation between them, I am apt to believe he was of the Norfolk family of that name, who had been settled in Norwich and different places in this county a long time, though in truth of no great fortunes; which appears to me the more likely, our Caïus not so much as pretending (that I can find) to bear any arms from his family, for which reason he procured a coat for his own bearing, with license for his college to bear it impaled with that of Gonvile, as they do at this day.
Fuller rightly tells us, that they are better hierogliphicks than heraldry, fitter to be reported than blazoned, viz. or, seme of slips of purple amarant, or flower gentle, on a pedestal or marble stone, two serpents erect, with their tails nowed or knotted together, az. between them a book sab. bossed or, the leaves edged gul. on it a root and springing branch of semper-vive, or houseleek, proper, "wherein wisdom is designed in a stable posture, by the embracing of learning, to attain to uncorrupted immortality, or to take the words of the patent, ex prudentia et literis, virtutis petra firmatis, immortalitas, that is, from prudence and learning established on the rock of virtue, proceeds immortality.
He was first educated in school learning at Norwich, whence he was admitted of Gonvile-Hall in Cambridge, very young, where he studied some time, was chosen fellow, and admitted doctor of physick, went thence to Italy, and entered himself in the University of Padua, a city of Venice, then famous for the study of physick, under John Baptist Montanus of Verona, the greatest physician of that time; there he abundantly filled himself with all the medicinal knowledge of the Esculapian schools, being so great a master of the faculty, that he became a most renowned public reader of physick for several years, and a great ornament of that University, where he also read publick Greek lectures, as he informs us, about the year 1542, and the 32d year of his age: while he was abroad, he made many, and translated more, learned books: at his return he came to Norwich, and practised physick with great success, till the year 1551, when the sweating sickness came hither, which he treated with such success, and was so generous as to communicate his method to all men for the publick good, that he became the most famous physician in the whole realm; was sent for to London and made physician to King Edward VI. and in 1556, he published his "History of the Sweating Sickness," in Latin, for the benefit of foreigners.
In 1557, being then physician to Queen Mary, to whom he was a most acceptable oracle, and great favourite, he applied to her Majesty for leave to advance the hall in which he had been educated, to a college; for till this time, Gonvile's Hall, was never incorporated, but had only several licenses of Mortmain, to receive or purchase lands, tenements, &c. notwithstanding the statute: the master and fellows did indeed suppose themselves a corporation, though they were only incorporated by Bishop Bateman's power, and letters confirmed by the chancellor of the University, and the Bishop of Ely, which, without letters patent under the great seal of England, gave them no legal power to be a corporation or body politique, but were, what they thought they had been, rather by the piety, goodness, and simplicity of those ages, than by any right of law: wherefore the master and fellows, by the advice of Caïus, petitioned the King and Queen for a charter of foundation, and confirmation of all their rights, estates, and privileges they formerly enjoyed, which was obtained by Caïus, who thereby was made a founder, and added to Gonvile and Bateman, and had full power assigned him, to appoint rules and statutes, for the master, fellows, and scholars to observe and keep, providing they were not repugnant to Bateman's statutes, or any way incroaching on the prerogative of the Queen, or her successours; the same charter also impowered him to settle 70l. per annum more, and to found two fellows or more, and 12 scholars or more, the college being hereafter to be called, the College of Gonvile and Caius; and to be incorporated by the name of, The Master and Fellows of Gonvile and Caius College, founded in the honour of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and by this title and no other, they are to sue and be sued, implead, or be impleaded, receive lands, manors, houses, &c. And the year following, on the Feast of the Annunciation, Dr. Caius rededicated and consecrated the college to the honour of the Annunciation aforesaid, to which it was formerly dedicated by Gonvile and Bateman, and endowed it (besides plate, money, books, and other things, which now and soon after he gave to it) with the manor of Croxley in Hertfordshire, then 23l. 1s. 7d. ob. per annum, formerly parcel of the abbey of St. Alban's. The manor of Runcton in Norfolk, formerly belonging to the monastery of St. Edmund's Bury in Suffolk, then 22l. 5s. per annum, together with the patronages of Holme, Wallington, and the manor of Burnham in Norfolk, formerly belonging to the monastery of Wimondham, then 6l. per annum. All these manors he purchased of King Philip and Queen Mary (they being vested in the Crown upon the dissolution of monasteries) on the 12th of Feb. in the 4th and 5th year of their reign, at the price of 1030l. 12s. 6d. But the advowsons of Runcton, Holme, and Wallington, were conveyed before to Sir Edward Fines, Lord Clinton and Saye, High Admiral of England, and Henry Herdson of London, by Edward VI. anno regni 6° Dec. 11°. So that the college has lost them. After that determination of the leases then in being, Dr. Caius ordained the raising of the rents, together with the quitrents, to the annual sum of 121l. 14s. 2d. ob. such a proportion of land did he then settle upon his colleges, notwithstanding the unjust cavil of a certain author, who would insinuate that his gifts were small and inconsiderable: but this was not all, for he built the south court called Caius's Court, at his own charge, of durable freestone, and uniform in all respects; which he designed should continue so, as is evident from his ordering that no new windows should be ever made in it, new lights causing the decay of old structures; and that the gates might read a lecture of morality to them that go through them, he caused that which enters the college by St. Michael's church, low and little as it is, to be inscribed humilitatis, or the gate of humility; a necessary qualification for the students that enter there; the next entrance is inscribed, virtvtis, or the gate of virtue, to which humility is a principal step; on the other side of this portico, which is one of the best pieces of architecture in England, (as Fuller says,) are these words, Jo. Caivs posvit sapientiæ, 1567, that is John Caius placed this in honour of wisdom, which every virtuous man must be acquainted with; the other gate on the south side of his court, leading to the publickschools, exceeds the former, according to the judgment of some, and is inscribed honoris, or the gate of honour, which all that pass through it for their degrees, are supposed to have attained: the expenses of all which amounted to above 1834l. and so careful was he of his foundation, that he was chosen warden or master, Jan. 24, 1559, and resigned in the year 1573, when he appointed Dr. Thomas Legge of Norwich his successour; and lived in his chambers over the gate of wisdom and virtue, as fellow commoner in his own college, and having built himself a little seat in the chapel, was constantly present at Protestant prayers: and though some since have thought to injure his memory for being a Papist, considering the time in which he was born, and the foreign places where he was bred, it could hardly be expected but that he should think favourably that way; however, it may be justly averred in his defence, that he never mentioned Protestants but with respect, and sometimes condemns the superstitious credulity of Popish miracles; if any say all this amounts to a lukewarm religion, let us leave the heat of his faith to God's sole judgment, and the light of his good works, to men's imitation. After he had compiled a body of statutes for his college, he died at London, of a languishing disease, disturbed (I believe indeed) at the furious and too rash zeal of those times.
The 29th of July, on which day he died, is now one of his commemoration days, and the 6th of October, which is his birth day, is the other.
Before his death, he gave orders for making his sepulchre, under the altar of the Virgin Mary, on the north side of the chapel, in which he was interred; his monument, when the chapel was rebuilt some time since, and made longer than formerly, was raised from the floor, and placed in the wall, as it now stands, and then his body was found whole and perfect, as I have been informed by some who were eye witnesses.
The tomb consists of a canopy supported by three pillars of veined marble, over a scrinium, or sort of altar tomb, with this excellent short epitaph,
FVI CAIVS.
VIVIT POST FVNERA VIRTVS.
Ætatis Svæ
Lxiii
Obiit xxix Ivlii Anno Dni 1573.
I was CAIUS.
Virtue or Death survives.
He died 29th July, in the year of our Lord, 1573, of his age 63.
And left William Gerard, Esq. and William Cornway, citizen and grocer of London, his executors, ordering them purchase lands of 100l. per annum, and settle them on his college; and further appropriated his fellowships and scholarships to his own countrymen of the diocese and city of Norwich, therein following the example of the first founders, who had done the same, for the singular comfort and instruction of their posterity, to the great benefit and advantage both of their college and native country, for which reason it cannot be amiss for all us of this foundation, "to express our gratitude to the wisdom of our founders, who did not without the direction of God, consecrate the foundations of this college to the nation and genius of the East-Angles, perhaps because they foresaw the sunshine of so many patrons rising out of this corner, who might in process of time cherish this their country structure with their rays;" which happened accordingly: the college being raised to the flourishing condition it now enjoys, chiefly by the liberal benefactions of such as were either educated in it, or were masters of it; among which, to avoid ingratitude, I shall here add such benefactors only as this city hath produced, that belonging only to my present purpose.
William Buckenham, D. D. rector of St. Michael Coslany in this city, was chosen the 12th warden in 1514, having been vice chancellor in 1509; besides divers gifts of his own, he procured
Nicholas Buckenham, his brother, to build the south part of the college as far as the chapel, and to give the lands at Hadenham on the Hill, in the isle of Ely.
In 1516, Dame Anne Drury of Norwich gave 20 marks issuing out of her house in St. Michael's of Coslany parish, to buy lands of the yearly value of 13s. 4d. to be laid out in bread and wine for the three stipendiary priests celebrating in St. Michael's church aforesaid, and the overplus to be given to those that perform divine service in the college chapel.
In 1524 Rob Long, citizen, and Agnes his wife, gave to the college the nomination of an honest priest or fellow of the college, to their chantry in St. Michael's church in Coslany in Norwich, with the perpetual donation of that chantry.
Nicholas Shaxton, D. D. Bishop of Salisbury, president here, and guardian of St Giles's hospital at Norwich, was a benefactor.
In 1539, John Witacres, clerk, of Norwich, gave all his lands and tenements in Steeple-Morden and Gilden-Morden in Cambridgeshire, and Ashwell in Hertfordshire, then valued at 3l. 13s. 4d. per annum to this college.
Mathew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, was also a benefactor, as will hereafter appear.
Thomas Legge, LL. D. a native of this city, was first of Trinity, and after of Jesus college, to whom Dr. Caius resigned his mastership; he was one of the Masters in Chancery, the King's Law Professor, twice Vice-Chancellor, and a great antiquarian, therein following the steps of his friend Caius; he wrote a tragedy intituled the The Destruction of Jerusalem, which was filched from him by a plagiary: and another of the Life of Richard III. which was acted with great applause in the University. He left money to build the side of the New Court by St. Michael's church, which was accordingly done; and dying on the 12th day of July, 1607, was interred in the college chapel, on the south side of which is fixed a large monument in the wall, having a canopy with his effigies kneeling in his doctor's robes under it, his hands erected towards heaven, and a book on a desk lying before him, and this under him,
Thomas Legge
Legvm Doctor Quondam
Cvstos Hvjvs Collegij
Obijt Anno Domini
- 1607, 12 die Jvlij
Ætatis svæ 72.
Between the two columns of this inscription, is the representation of two hands supporting a heart, and under it these verses,
JVNXIT AMOR VIVOS, SIC JVNGAT TERRA SEPVLTOS, GOSTLINI RELIQVVM COR TIBI LEGGUS HABES. MORIENDO VIVIT.
Placed there, I suppose, by Dr. John Gostlin, his great friend, who was afterwards master of this college; which may be thus rendered in English,
Thomas Legge, Doctor of Laws, formerly warden of this college, died in the year of our Lord, 1607, the 12th day of July, in the 72d year of his age:
That love, that living, made us two but one, Wishes at last we both may have this tomb, The heart of Gostlin, still continuing here, Is kept for Legge, to whom it was so dear, By death he lives, for ever to remain, And Gostlin hopes to meet him once again.
On the top are the arms of Legge, viz. or a cross flore sab. And under them these words:
COL, LEGAME, DELLA, LEGGE.
William Branthwait of Norwich was bred in Clare-hall, chosen fellow of Emmanuel college, created doctor of divinity in 1598, elected warden in 1607, on Legge's death; he died vice-chancellor, Feb. 15, 1618, and gave most part of his valuable library to the college, and according to his will Rich. Branthwait, Esq. his executor, purchased lands in Wigenhall in Norfolk, in 1621, above the clear yearly value of 26l. 13s. 4d. and settled them on the college, for the founding of four scholarships, of 5l. per annum each, and 3l. per annum for the master and fellows, to make a feast on his commemoration day, which is kept on the day of his death, and 20s. for the like, to the scholars: to the provost of King's and master of Emmanuel colleges, his superintendants, 6s. 8d. each, to two scholars of Emmanuel, 1s. each, and to dine in the hall.
On the 30th of Sept. 1615, died Stephen Perse, doctor of physick, senior fellow of the college, who by his will gave his executors 5000l. to purchase lands of 250l. per annum in mortmain: with which, Martin Perse, Esq. purchased the manor of Fratinghall in Bassingbourn in Cambridgeshire, with all the farms and woods belonging to it, of Sir Thomas Bendish, to the yearly value of 250l. and settled it according to the doctor's will, as follows,
To the schoolmaster, who is to be a master of arts of the University of Cambridge, 40l. a year; and to the usher, who is to be at least a bachelor of arts of that University, 20l. a year; both master and usher to be such as were educated in his school (if fit for it) before others; which school he ordered his executors to erect and build: they are to teach 100 scholars born in Trumpington, Chesterton, Barnwell, and Cambridge, and no more, nor any other are to be taught in this school.
To six women of his alms-house 4l. per annum each; they are to be poor, aged, single, and unmarried people, at least 40 years old, to be chosen out of the parishes of St. Edward and St. Michael in Cambridge, and for want of such persons in those parishes, out of St. Benedict's.
To six fellows of his foundation 10l. per annum each; they must be bachelors of arts at least, and such as are scholars, to be elected and have his fellowships before any other.
To six scholars of his foundation 4l. per annum each, and such to be chosen as have been scholars in his school three years at least, before any others.
These and many other gifts this society enjoys of his munificence, besides the north side of their new-court, which was built in 1618, with 500l. that he left for that purpose.
He lies buried in the college chapel, in the north wall of which is fixed a grand monument, much like Dr. Legge's, his arms being on the top of it, viz.
Perse, sab. a chevron ermine, between three cockatrices heads erased arg. langued gul. Crest, on a torce arg. and sab. a pelican or, vulning herself-proper.
Prænomen Stephanvs Cognomen PERSE vocatvm, Sola Deo soli vita Corona fvit, Cvm vivente Deo remanet mihi vita perennis, Jamqve Cano soli [pantote doxa theo]] Hæc moriens cecini Lectvro PERSEVS ipse, Non vlli melivs qvam mihi notvs eram.
Christin, Svrnamde, Stephan PERSE I hight, Sole life with God alone, my Crowne, my Light, With living God eternall Life I live, This now my Song, to sole God Praise I give, This Epitaph by me PERSE was deviz'd, To none else better were my Thovghts compriz'd.
Hic Stephanus Perse, Medicinæ Doctor, per Quadraginta annos Socius hujus Collegij, requiescit, qui moriens donavit quinque mille Librarum, quibus annui Redditus ducentarum et quinquaginta Librarum emerentur, ut ex ijs, Socij sex, sex scholares, sex Eleemosinarij, Ludimagister et Hypodidasculus alerentur, et Stipendia Custodis hujus Collegij et quatour Seniorum Sociorum, et Sociorum Jocosæ Franckelande augerentur, Qui legavit quingentas Libras ad Cubicula suis Socijs et Scholaribus in Collegio ædificanda, Qui Grammaticam Scholam ad centum Discipulos recipiendum idoneam et domum ad suorum Eleemosinariorum habitationem extrui, Viamque à villâ Cantab: ad Pontem Stirbrigiensem, ex relictis Bonis perfici, ultima voluntatate mandavit. Vixit annos 65. mortuus est ultimo Sept: Anno 1615.
Dr. John Gostlin of Norwich, was chosen fellow in 1591, proctor in 1600, doctor of physick in 1602, and warden Feb. 16, 1618, on which day and year he was also elected vice-chancellor. This learned and excellent governour of the college died Oct. 21, 1626, and is still commemorated on that day; he gave the Rose and Crown in Cambridge to the college. "Item, I do give unto the said master and fellows and their successors for ever, my annuity of 30l. per annum out of the manor and lordship of Milton, with arrearage of rents, already due of 73l. which annuity of 30l. I purchased of Mr. Harris of the said town, to the end that the rents of the aforesaid house or houses, and also of the aforesaid annuity, should for the first 7 years be gathered into the college chest, and that time being expired, the master and fellows for the time being shall out of that money, together with the houses and annuity, make sufficient and good surety unto Caius college of 40l. per annum, for ever to be employed, viz. to four scholars born in the city of Norwich, 5l. apiece per annum." 4l. for a feast on his commemoration day, 40s. to the master of the college, for his care to see his will performed, 13s. 4d. to the preacher, 3s. 4d. to each of the senior fellows present, 2s. 6d. to each of his scholars present, and the residue to the college chest.
On the 12th of June, 1635, died Mr. Mathew Stokys, senior fellow of the college, and gave both his rectories of Dilham and Honing in Norfolk, held by lease of the Bishop of Ely, to the master and fellows, after his decease, to the following uses; viz that within every ten years for ever, they should renew the lease with the Bishop for the time being, at and under the usual rent of 13l. 6s. 8d. per annum, and shall pay yearly for ever to three scholars of his foundation, 5l. apiece, and 10s. per annum, to each for their chamber rent, and to one fellow who is actually a divine, or to apply himself to the study of divinity, 15l. per annum and 20s. for his chamber rent; they are all to be subject to the college statutes, and to be chosen within three months after every vacancy, and two of the three scholars must be born within the city of Norwich, or county of Norfolk, and the third scholar is to be named by the Bishop of Ely, within two months after every vacancy, otherwise the election devolves to the college; he is commemorated on his dying day, having settled 4l. for a feast on that day, and 6s. 8d. on the master; on the esquire beadles who are to be invited, 2s. each, and to each of the college almes-women, 3s. 4d.
Caius, fo. 65, mentions John Warrok, and John Preston, citizens of Norwich, among the benefactors; to which we may be add,
John Gostlin, doctor of physick, 25 years a worthy president of this house, who gave 500l. in his lifetime to augment the stipends of the four scholars founded by Dr. Gostlin, his great uncle, and at his death gave them the advowson of Hetherset in Norfolk, as I learn from the following inscription, which is on a mural monument on the south side of the college chapel, where he was buried, on which are the arms of
Gostlin, viz. gul. a chevron between three crescents ermine.
In vicino pulvere, spe letæ Resurrectionis, quiescunt Reliquiæ, Johannis Gostlin M. Dris. in Politiori Literaturâ, et fœlici medendi Methodo peritissimi, et hujus Collegij 25 annos Præsidentis dignissimi, qui vivus 500l. ad augenda Stipendia 4 Scolarium porpatrui sui Dris. Gostlin, quondam hujus Collegij Custodis donavit, et Testamento suo, perpetuam advocationem Rectoriæ de Hetherset in Agro Norff. Collegio legavit: obijt Feb. 10. A. Æt. 72. Dni: 1704.
In 1573, the citizens of Norwich collected by way of benevolence, 87l. 12s. 7d. towards the charges of Yarmouth haven.
In 1574, it appears by the Queen's musters, that Norfolk had 6150 able men on the muster-roll, of which 3632 were armed; and the city of Norwich had 2120 able men, of which 400 were armed; and 2065 of them were selected men, fit to be ready on any occasion. And in 1584, her majesty appointed 380 men to be trained in Norfolk, 80 in Norwich, 20 in Lynn, and 20 in Yarmouth.
In 1575, the city procured sundry writs directed to the mayors, of London, Lynn, and many other places, certifying them that the citizens of Norwich were free from all toll, pontage, &c. throughout all England.
It was occasioned by the citizens of London, who continually disputed the liberties of the citizens of Norwich, but could never prevail; for this year the mayor and citizens of London issued a printed proclamation, dated Oct. 28 by which they forbad all wares and merchandise coming from Norwich to be lodged in any of the Londoners houses, ordering them to be brought to a certain hall. and there sold at fixed times only, imposing certain customs and sums of money to be paid by the owners of such goods, which were never before paid; upon which, the Norwich citizens complained to the Lords of the Privy Council, who referred them to the Lord Chief Jastices of England, and of the Common Pleas, who examined their charters and gave it in favour of the citizens of Norwich; notwithstanding which, the Londoners still aggrieved the Norwich people, and were again cited to appear before the Privy Council at a set time, which they neglected to do; and then was signed an act of council, dated at Whitehall, Febr. 8, 1578, viz. "that the citizens of Norwich shoulde continwe their trade of occupyeng and buying and selling of ther wares in the cittie of London, as they had bene accustomed withome any exaccion or innovacon to be offered by them of London, untill they of London shoulde shew more sufficient cause before their lordeshipps for the contrary." And thus it rested quiet, the Norwich citizens enjoying their ancient privileges unmolested till 1638, notwithstanding a proclamation dated at Royston, 7th Dec. 1613, which ordered all clothes, drapery, &c. to be searched in BlackwellHall in London, in which the Norwich citizens goods were never so much as pretended to be included; but then the Londoners having procured another proclamation, grounded on the statutes of 39th and 43d of Eliz. dated at Whitehall, Apr. 16, 1638, which commanded all woollen cloths and stuffs made or mixed with wool, and brought to London, to be sold or transported, to be first searched in Blackwell-Hall: the city of Norwich petitioned the King, setting forth that the worsted stuffs made in Norwich and Norfolk were never heretofore taken to be included in those acts; they, by the statutes of 7th Edward IV. divers statutes of Henry VII. and 26th Henry VIII. having wardens yearly elected and sworn to view and seal the stuffs made in the city of Norwich, and county of Norfolk, by the mayor of the city, and steward of the Dutchy of Lancaster, which acts are duly executed: upon this, the King referred it to his council, before whom the two cities had a hearing, May 25, 1638, and the Council declared Norwich stuffs not to be included in the proclamation, but that they might buy and sell them as usual, having wardens of their own to search and seal them, so that no further search was needful to be required.
Under this year I must not omit an account of that great benefactor to the publick, and eminent ornament to this city,
Mathew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, son of William Parker, citizen of Norwich, by Alice Monings his wife; which William was son of John Parker, son of Nic. Parker, publick notary, of Norwich diocese: and though a schismatical writer says that his father was a poor man, a scourer or calenderer of worsteds, it was not so, his family having been in this city many ages, and principal traders here. In 1391, Roger Parker is often mentioned as a principal citizen, who in 1396 was chosen one of the bailiffs of the city, his father William was a worsted weaver of good fortunes, his brother, Tho. Parker, was mayor in 1568, and Michael Parker, his son, in 1625. Indeed it is certain, the Archbishop did not pretend to derive his lineage from that family of the Parkers Lord Morley, because in 1559 he had the ancient arms of his own family confirmed, viz.
Gul. a chevron between three keys arg. to which were added on the chevron as many estoils or stars.
He was born in St. Saviour's parish in this city, Aug. 6, 1504, and was brought up at the grammar school here; his father died Jan. 10, 1516, from which time he continued with his mother till Sept. 4, 1520, by whom he was then sent to Corpus Christi or Bennet college in Cambridge; and on the 4th of March following, was elected Bible clerk, studied philosophy in St. Mary's hostle, which belonged to the college, took his bachelor of arts degree in 1524, and his master's in 1527, was elected fellow, and then studied divinity, read over all the fathers and councils in five years, and took his bachelor's degree in divinity in 1535, and doctor's in 1538; on June 24, 1547, he married Margaret, daughter of Robert, son of Thomas Harleston of Mateshate, Gent. who was born June the 23d, 1519; he was a most noted preacher, not only in the University, but in all other publick places in the kingdom; being so remarkable that Queen Anne Bullen sent for him to court, and made him her chaplain; and soon after he was made dean of the college of Stoke by Clare, at her intercession; in 1541, he was made prebend of the second stall in the church of Ely, by Henry VIII. and in 1544, was chosen warden or master of his own college; in 1545, was elected vice-chancellor of the University, and again in 1548; was presented by the college to Landbeach rectory, about 6 miles from Cambridge; and made chaplain to Edward VI. by whom he was preferred in 1552, to the deanery of Lincoln, and prebendary of Coldingham in that church; but when Queen Mary came to the crown, he lost all his spiritualities because he was married, and lived beyond sea during her time. His mastership was given to Dr. Laurence Maptid, his deanery to Dr. Francis Mallet, confessor to the Queen, and master of Michael-house in Cambridge; Mr. Will. Whaley had his rectory of Landbeach, and John Young, provost of Pembrook-hall, his prebendary: but when Queen Elizabeth came to the crown, Dr. Parker, though a married man, was nominated by her to the see of Canterbury, and was consecrated thereto in the Archbishop's chapel at Lambhithe, on Sunday the 17th of Dec. 1559, according to the royal mandate, dated Dec. 6, directed to Anthony Kitchin Bishop of Landaff, William Barlow, late Bishop of Bath and Wells, lord elect of Chichester, John Scory late Bishop of Chichester, lord elect of Hereford, Miles Coverdale late Bishop of Exeter, John Hodgeskins Suffragan of Bedford, John Salisbury Suffragan Bishop of Thetford, and John Bale Bishop of Ossory in Ireland; the first and two last did not attend the service, which was performed by the other four, according to the ordinal of King Edward VI. then newly published: the ceremony was performed with much magnificence, the east end of the chapel being hung with rich tapestry, the floor covered with red cloth, the morning service read by Mr. Andrew Pearson, the Archbishop's chaplain, the sermon preached by Dr. Scory lord elect of Hereford, whose text was in 1 Peter v. 1. The elders which are among you I exhort, &c. The letters patent for proceeding to the consecration were publickly read by Dr. Dale; the act of consecration lawfully performed by the imposition of the hands of the said four bishops, according to the ancient canons, and King Edward's ordinal; and after all, a grand dinner was provided for the entertainment of the company, amongst whom Charles Howard, eldest son of the Lord Effingham, who was afterwards created Lord Howard, and Earl of Notingham, happened to be one, and after testified the whole truth, when the reality and form of this consecration was called in question by some busy and too forward sticklers for the church of Rome.
He sat in this see with great honour to the time of his death, being a religious learned man, of modest manners and courteous behaviour, well read in English history, a diligent and curious collector of ancient manuscripts, which were scattered about at the dissolution of the monasteries.
He got together a most valuable library of such ancient records, all which he gave to the college in which he had been educated, where they now are deposited, and are the most valuable collection remaining in this nation: he had a spirit of universal charity, and was one of the greatest benefactors to the publick that we ever had; as the following account of his benefactions testifies.
The principal book which he published and wrote (assisted therein by his chaplain, John Josline,) was that De Antiquitate Britannicæ Ecclesiæ et Privilegijs Ecclesiæ Cantuariensis cum Archiepiscopis ejusdem 70, printed in folio at London, in 1572; most of the copies of the impression that were sold, conclude with the life of Reginald Pole Archbishop of Canterbury, who died in 1558; the other copies which remained and were bestowed on publick libraries or given to special friends, had in 1574 added to them,
1. The life of the author Mathew Parker, containing 29 pages.
2. A catalogue of such books as he gave to the Publick Library at Cambridge, containing 4 pages.
3. A catalogue of chancellors, vice-chancellors, proctors, and doctors of all faculties, that took their degrees in Cambridge from 1500 to 1571, containing 6 pages.
4. A catalogue of all the bishops that have been educated at Cambridge, &c.
5. The divers charters granted to that University from Henry III. to 14th Eliz.
6. A particular delivered to the magistrates and servants of the University, when they enter into their respective places.
7. The foundations of the colleges, &c. and all contained under this head, were involved by Caius, in his History of Cambridge.
This great man died May 17, 1575, and was buried in the chapel where he was consecrated, and there rested in peace, till the time of the Usurpation, "when the bishops were put down, and their lands sold, and then the palace (at Lambhithe) was inhabited by several lay persons, of whom Thomas Scot, one of the regicides, and one Hardynge, were two; which last having the chapel allotted to him, as part of his share, he divided it into two rooms, making the upper part towards the east (where the altar stood) a dining room, on the bottom of which he laid joysts, and on them a floor of boards. At length hearing that the corps of Archbishop Parker had been there interred, he took up the floor and pavement under it, and having so done, dug up the corps, which was put into cerecloth of many doubles in a coffin of lead. The coffin he sold to a plummer, and after caused the cerecloth to be cut open to the flesh, (which he found fresh as if newly dead,) he conveyed the corps into an outhouse where he kept poultry, and there privately tumbled it into a hole. About the time of the restauration of King Charles II. that base fellow, the brute that removed it, was forced to discover where he had laid it: whereupon it was brought into the chapel, and buried just above the litany desk, near the steps ascending to the altar." He had issue John Parker, born May 5, 1548, educated at Cambridge, who married Joan, daughter of Dr. Richard Coxe Bishop of Ely; secondly, Mathew, who died young; thirdly, another Mathew, who married Frances, daughter of William Barlow Bishop of Bath and Wells, and afterwards of Chichester, but he dying 28th Jan. 1574, his widow married Dr. Tob. Mathews, Dean of Durham, who was afterwards Archbishop of York. There was a decent tomb over him, which was destroyed by Scot and Harding.
Holinshed, fo. 1261, says it was a marble, with this epitaph,
Sobrius et Prudens, Studijs excultus et Usu, Integer, et veræ Relligionis amans, Matthæus vixit Parkerus, foverat illum Aula Virum, Juvenem, fovit et Aula Senem, Ordine res gessit, Recti Defensor et Æqui, Vixerat ille Deo, Mortuus ille Deo est.
Matthew Parker lived soberlie and wise, Learned by Studie and continuall Practise, Loving, true, of Life uncontrol'd, The Court did foster him both yoong and old, Orderlie he dealt, the Right he did defend, He lived unto God, to God he made his End.
This reverend father examined thoroughly the English translation of the holy Bibles, using the help of his bretheren, the bishops and other doctors, and caused the same to be new printed in a large volume, for the proper furniture of many churches that then wanted them.
He made diligent search after the British and English-Saxon antiquities, and caused such ancient records to be well covered, and such as he found had but few good copies extant, (as Mat. Paris, Mat. Florilegus, Tho. Walsingham, &c.) he caused to be printed.
The famous palace of his see at Canterbury, by long continuance decayed and consumed with fire, he fully restored at 1400l. expense.
He founded a grammar school at Rachdale in the county of Lancaster, in 1564, and endowed it with 15l. per annum for the master, and 40s. a year for an usher, payable by the farmers or lessees of the rectory of Rachdale for ever; the master to be named by the Archbishop within three months after every vacancy, signified to them by the vicar and church-warders, and the youth born in Rachdale to be taught gratis.
He added four fellowships, two from the increased rents, and two of his own foundation, one Bible clerk, eight scholars of his own foundation, one from Canterbury, five from Norwich, and two from Windham and Aylesham, to Corpus Christi college in Cambridge.
He gave the patronage of St. Mary Abchurch in London, and procured them a charter of mortmain to amortize 100l. per annum.
Moreover, he gave them 309 ounces of silver plate double gilt, and surrendered to them a lease with the improvement of 14l. 8s. yearly for 17 years, also 100l. the interest whereof was to find a fire in the common-hall from All-Saints to Candlemas, and also 500l. more to the increase of the commons of the fellows and scholars.
And furthermore there is granted to the Regr. his whole commons, with one chamber amongst the Norwich scholars, to be hereafter named by the city, and to be the senior Bible clerk.
Which sums were paid by his son, John Parker, Esq. of Lambhithe, his executor, in 1580, and then the college settled 4l. a year to keep the fire, 13s. 4d. to treat the two masters of Trinity-hall and Caius college, when they dine in the hall every 6th of August, to view all the Archbishop's ordinances and foundations, and 3s. 4d. for their pains in coming.
He gave to this city, one bason and ewer of silver double gilt, weighing 175 ounces, to be used at the mayor's table, and to be delivered from mayor to mayor by indenture, for ever; and the mayor and aldermen, in 1572, sent him a letter of thanks for that, and all other his honourable favours and furtherances, touching the quiet state of the city, and particularly for his fellowships and scholarships.
They are now [1742] used by the mayor, and are adorned with his arms and name in a cipher,
On the bason is this;
Matthævs Parker, Norwicensis, Archiepiscopus Cantuar: dedit eidem Civitati 1° Jan. Ao. Dni: 1569, et Anno Consecrationis Suæ xi°. Ætatis vero suæ 66.
There is a curious draught of them in the Archbishop's book in the Gild-hall.
He founded a physick scholar in Gonvile and Caius college in 1571, with a salary of 3l. 8d. per annum his chamber rent and tutorship free, to be chosen by the Archbishop of Canterbury, or if the see be void, by the Dean and Chapter there, which scholar must be born in Canterlury, and educated in some school there, and shall enjoy it six years. He gave them a standing cup and pot of silver double gilt, with a number of good books to their library.
He founded also a scholarship in Trinity-hall, for a student in civil law, of the same value, rent, and tutorship free; which scholar they may choose out of Bennet college every vacancy, if they will, out of some of them newly established by the Archbishop, or else that college is to certify to the mayor and aldermen of the city of Norwich, the voidance of that scholarship, and they are to fill it in a month's time with a scholar out of their school from Norwich; he gave them also a standing cup, and a pot of silver gilt, weighing 53 ounces, all which are delineated in the Archbishop's book, besides a nest of silver goblets gilt, and several valuable manuscripts.
He gave 50 ancient manuscripts, and 50 printed books to the University library, and repaired the Regent-Walk and walls by the publick schools in Cambridge.
Augmented the parsonage, repaired, pewed, and beautified the chancel of Beakebourn in Kent, and gave 100l. to set the poor at Canterbury on work, 30l. to Lambeth, and 30l. to Croydon for the same uses.
And in 1573, when Queen Elizabeth was at Canterbury, and dined in the Archbishop's hall with her nobles and the French ambassadour, on her birth-day, this prelate presented her with a salt-celler of gold and agate, with a diamond on the top, and the hollow of the agate filled with six Portugal pieces of 3l. 10s. each.
In 1566, the Archbishop offered the city a gift of 200l. if they would assure to the master and fellows of Bennet college in Cambridge an annuity of 10l. for which that college was for ever to receive, at the nomination of the mayor of the city of Norwich, and majority of the aldermen for the time being, under their hands, three scholars "out of the scholes at or in the saide city of Norwiche or Aylesham in Norfolk," and each of them to receive of the college 53s. 4d. a a year, their chamber rent, washing, barber, landerer, and teaching, freely, without any thing paying therefore; all which the city thankfully accepted, and on the 24th of June, the indentures for that purpose were sealed between the city and college, in which the city settled an annuity of 10l. per annum out of their manor and farms of Hetheld and Carleton in Norfolk, to be paid to the college by halfyearly sums at Lady and St. Michael, the college to employ 8l. yearly for the exhibition of the three scholars as aforesaid. "the maior with the more part of his bretheren the aldermen, without all affection and parcialytie, as they will answer to Almighty God for doing the contrarye, shall name and appointe for scholars such as be or shall be borne within the said city being betwixte the age of xiiij and xxty yeres, being well instructed in the grammer, hable to write and singe, and if it may be, hable to make a verse, and such as shall be of honest parents, and brought up in the fear of God, and disposed to enter by God's grace into the ministery, in that vocation to serve God and his churche," which scholars, after three years study, if found not to like divinity, are to be removed upon notice to the mayor and aldermen from the master and fellows, and then they are to send others in their places; otherwise they are to enjoy their exhibitions for six years from their admission. If the mayor sends any scholar unfit to be admitted, the college shall certify their refusal of him, but must have him examined first by the proctors, who must also declare his unfitness, and no scholarship shall be longer vacant than six weeks; the fellows to have two weeks to certify, and the city to have a month to elect and send up such scholars, and the profits in the vacancies to go to the naperye of the college common table, and no scholar is to absent himself in visiting his friends more than a month in a year, and that with the license of the master or president.
The other 40s. to be retained by the mayor, and employed by him to pay to such preacher or preachers as shall be yearly sent by the college "to preache and declare one sermon at the towne of Thetforde, and therefore yearly to have 6s. 8d. and one other sermon at Wymondham in the countie of Norff. and therefore yearlie to have vjs. viijd.; and one other sermon within the Grene Yarde in the citie of Norwiche, and therefore yerly to have vjs. viijd.; and one other sermon in the parishe churche of St. Clement by Fybridge in Norwiche aforesaide, and therefore yerlie to have xs; all to be paid by the mayor into the handes of the preachers immediately after they have preached, and the other 10 shillings to be distributed by the mayor as follows," to the mayor for the time, being at the sermon at St. Clement's, 1s.; to the two sheriffs being there, 16d.; to the parson or curate for the time, being at the sermon 8d.; to the town clerk being at the sermon 6d.; to the sword-bearer, if there, 6d.; to the four serjeants at mace, if there, 16d.; to the clerk of the parish church of St. Clement, if he be at the sermon, 4d.; "and to the same clarke yerlie for overseeing the tomb of Will. Parker and Alice his wife (his father and mother) set within the churche-yarde of the parishe of St. Clement aforesaide, that it be not misused to the decay thereof, xiid.;" to the poor of St. Clement's 20d. to the prisoners of the city gaol 20d.; and the portions of all such persons abovementioned (the prisoners and poor people only excepted) as shall be absent from the sermon, half to the poor, and half to the prisoners.
The same book informs us, that the first sermon of this foundation was preached in the Green Yard on Sunday morning, July 20, 1567, by Tho. Godwin, D.D. Dean of Canterbury, at which the commissioners of the Archbishop then exercising his metropolitical visitation in the diocese of Norwich were present, with Thomas Duke of Norfolk, John Bishop of Norwich, the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and commonalty. And in the afternoon the said Dr Godwin preached in the churchyard of St. Clement by Fybridge, under a large oak there, that church not being large enough to contain the audience The 25th of July, John Pory, D. D. master of Corpus Christi college, preached at Wimondham, and the 27th at Thetford.
In 1568, Dr. Porye preached at Thetford May 23, at Windham May 24, at St. Clement's May 27, and in the Green Yard May 30.
In 1569, Henry Clifford, A. M. fellow of Bennet, preached at Thetford May 15, at Windham May 16; and Edward Dering, S.T. B. another fellow, preached at St. Clement's May 19, and in the Green Yard May 22.
- 1570, April 3, Mr. Sherbrook, S.T. B. preached at Thetford on Rogation Sunday, and on Rogation Monday. May 1; Mr. Robert Willan fellow there, at Windham; and on Ascension day, at St. Clement's; and the Sunday following Mr. Sherbroke preached before the mayor and court, in the Green Yard.
In 1571, May 20, being Rogation Sunday, Thomas Aldrich, master of the college, preached at Thetford, on Monday at Windham, and on Tuesday at Matishall, and there saw the first distribution made among the poor of the said town, according to the ordinance of Mathew Archbishop of Canterbury, who caused to be settled by indenture dated Nov. 15, 1570, made between Rob. Harlestone, and the townsmen of Matteshall, and Corpus Christi college, in pursuanceof the will of Margaret Parker, (his wife,) daughter of Robert Harlestone late of Mateshall, deceased, in which town she and her father were born, divers lands in Estfield in Mateshall, containing about 10 acres, on the townsmen as feoffees, chargeable with an annuity of 50s. payable every May-day to the vicar, church-wardens, and overseers, who immediately after the sermon preached, shall pay 6s. 8d. to the preacher, to 30 of the poorest people in the parish, 30s. to one Thomas Sparrow, "and to the porest of his name and kindred after him for ever 5s. to the vicar, curate, or parish clerke, which ever will take paynes to teach children, 6s. 8d.;" and if none do, then 6s. of the said sum to be distributed among the aforesaid poor, and 8d. to the parish clerk: the feoffees have power to seize the lands for non-payment, and the college covenants to send every year, "one of the preachers, scholars or fellows, of theire said college, and in the defalte of their sufficiency, one of Gunwell and Caius college in Cambridge aforesaide, whiche shall take in hand to entreate either of one or two petytions of the Lord's Prayer, or one or two of the Articles of the Faithe, or one or two of the Tenne Commandements, and thereupon make a sermon in the said church of Matishall, in which sermon he shall make some honest remembrance of the said Robert Harlestone the father, and Margaret his daughter, and of the said distribution." And if the college fails sending, the owner of the lands shall at Midsummer following, procure a preacher and have a sermon, and make the distribution as aforesaid.
On Ascension day he preached at St. Clement's, and before the mayor and court in the Green Yard the Sunday following.
In 1572, Richard Fletcher, A. M. fellow of the college, preached at Thetford on Rogation Sunday; at Windham on the Monday; at Matsall on the Tuesday; at St. Clement's on Ascension day; and the Sunday following in the Green Yard. And now the same course is continued; the Green Yard sermon being in the cathedral, as all other annual sermons are, that used to be preached there.
In 1573, Nic. Norgate, A. M. senior fellow, preached there, and
In 1574, Robert Sayer, A. M. president of the college, &c.
In 1578, at a court held April 21, Thomas Parker, then mayor, openyd to the hole sembly my Lorde of Caunterbury's grace's goodwill in the gyfte of CCl. for one annuitie of 18l. for the fyndyng of two skoltars and two fellows in Corpus Christi colledge, which they like well of and agre a lettre of thanks, and that two cittizens awayte upon his grace for that purpose."
In pursuance of which, an indenture was signed the 6th of August, 1568, between the city and college, by which the city, for 320l. paid them by the Archbishop, did grant to the college an annuity of 18l. issuing out of all the revenues of the corporation, (except such as were settled for the relief of the poor,) to be paid at Lady and Michaelmas, in each year, to the college; to be employed to the use of two fellows, yearly to be found and continued in their college for ever, which are to be called Norwich fellows, and to be elected as the other fellows, and no fellowship to be void above one month, under penalty of 6s. 8d. each week above the month after any vacancy, to be paid to the vice-chancellor, to be distributed to the prisoners in the Tolboth in Cambridge.
The said fellows to be in all things as the other fellows, except in this that they shall not claim any other stipend than six pounds a year, paid quarterly to each of them, whether they be within orders or not; neither shall they partake of such dividends as anciently belonged to the master and eight ordinary fellows, commonly called the dividends of beache, of liveries, of cooks, of the steward, of the pensioners for outward chambers, and for commemorations of the founders, amounting to the master and eight fellows, about 46s. and 8d. a year; but shall be partakers of any increase or augmentations hereafter made to the society, and shall keep their seniority as other fellows; and at their admissions shall swear to all the statutes as other fellows, with this exception, that they may have and hold any pensions or canonships, prebend, or prebends, in any cathedral or collegiate churches without cure, being under 10l. value in the King's books, and the ix h a d xth fellows may do the like, for which the four fellows shall be bound to teach freely the Norwich scholars, in such order as the master and fellows shall think convenient; and the two Norwich fellows shall always have the the two upper chambers on the east side of the court, and the garrets.
The other six pounds of the annuity, is to found two other Norwich scholarships, which scholars are to be named by the mayor and majority of the aldermen, out of any of the schools in the city of Norwich, to be qualified in like manner as the other three Norwich scholars, and to be subject in all things as they are, except that if there be no such scholars within the said city meet to be sent to college from time to time, as the rooms are void, that then they shall nominate the said scholar or scholars, first, out of the grammar school at Windham; and if there are none fit there, out of the grammar school at Aylesham, provided all such so named be born either in the city or towns aforesaid, and the five Norwich scholars shall have the three undermost, or ground rooms, on the east side of the court, which the Archbishop furnished with beds and all necessaries for them, two in one chamber, and two in another, and the fifth scholar shall have the little room under the old library there, for his sole use, who shall be assigned to it by the master, whomever he finds the most worthy of all the scholars, and they are to pay nothing for their rooms, but are to have their teaching, barber, and landerer free; and the two Norwich fellows must be chosen out of the Norwich scholars, by the master and majority of the fellows.
And by the same indenture, the college bound themselves to the city in the penal sum of 200l. "ever more to electe, admitt, and have of the fellowshippe of theire saide college always, over and above the two forenamed Norwich fellowes, (if it maie be,) foure of theire nomber of fellows out of the countie of Norfolk, borne in anie citie or towne of the saide shire, to be chosen of the most hable of the whole nomber of scholars of foundation within the said college, which scholars at this presente daie doe amounte to the nomber of xxty and in defaulte of such hable scholers to be founde within the said college, to electe them from tyme to tyme oute of anie other college in the saide universitye, as their statutes may beare it, being borne in the countie aforesaide, und the other fellows of their company being six in number, to be elected, chosen, and admitted at their pleasure." And fo. 119, b, of Parker's manuscript, there is a catalogue of the books chained in a ground room on the east side of the court, for the common use of the six Norwich scholars, together with an inventory of the furniture of their chambers.
He founded exhibitions also for three scholars, to be called Canterbury scholars, who are to have 12d. a week for their commons, their chambers, barber, landerer, and other necessaries free, like the other scholars; the first of which is to be sent from Canterbury school, and must be born in that city; the second from Aylesham school in Norfolk, and must be born in Aylesham; the 3d from Wimondham school, and must be born in that town. They were to be nominated by John Parker, Esq. son of the Archbishop, during his life, and after his decease, to be chosen out of the said schools by the master and fellows of the college, "all which sayd schollers shall and must at the time of their election be so entered into the skyll of songe, as that they shall at the fyrste sight sol-fe and syng playne songe and that they shall be the best and aptest schollers, well instructed in the grammar, and if it may be, such as can make a vearse." But if there be none properly qualified in that school where the vacancy is, then the college may choose out of any other school in the county, for that turn only, and within thirty days after every vacancy, they shall certify such vacancy to each schoolmaster, and the scholarship must be filled in two months time, and the scholars must not be absent from college above a month in a year, unless they be sent out on the college business, or be sick, and in such cases they shall have their allowance of 12d. a week for their commons as if resident; and chambers were assigned at their foundation, for ever to belong to their scholarships.
The Archbishop's motto was taken from the 1st epistle of St. John, chap ii. verse 17, Mundus Transit, Et Comcupiscentia Ejus, the world passeth away and the lust thereof.
His Archiepiscopal seal was made in 1560, which date, with a cipher of his name, under the arms of Canterbury deanery and his own conjoined, is on the small private seal on the back side of the large publick one; on which latter is this, Sigillvm: Matthei: Parkeri: Cantvariensis: Archiepiscopi: the seal of Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury: in which is represented Christ standing on the world, judging the quick and the dead, and on each side of him one of these words, mundus transit, the world passeth away. The angels sounding the last trump. On his right hand the blessed rising from their graves, and this word Venite, come ye, &c. and on his left-hand the cursed, and this word A bite, depart ye, &c. At the bottom is a shield of his own arms, of which Dr. Walter Haddon, Judge of the Prerogative court, makes honourable mention, comprising in six verses the ensigns of his ancestors, with those added by the Queen when she made him bishop, comprehending in the same his good qualities, answerable to the ensigns he bare, viz.
Sunt antiquorum claves monumenta parentum, Venit ab Augusta principe, stella triplex, Sic bene conspirant, Virtus, Doctrina, Potestas, Et placidæ Pacis semina leta serunt.
Sed tamen ad finem decurrunt gaudia vitæ, Ac homo pulviseret, pulvis ut ante fuit.
The keys, the ancient arms his fathers bare, The triple stars, came from Augusta fair,
Thus Learning, Virtue, Power, in him conjoined, Declared the beauty of his peaceful mind.
The joys of life all to one period tend, Man's dust at first, at last in dust must end.
And now to take our farewell of this charitable and worthy prelate, I shall end the account of him, as he doth his own manuscript, with the following lines:
Da tua, dum tua sunt, post mortem tunc tua non sunt.
Dunn potes, esto dator, alius veniet dominator, Qui res quasque tuas: arguet esse suas.
Resque gazasque tuas, qui volet esse suas.
Give thine, whilst thine they are, for when once dead, They then arn't thine, for you from them art fled; Another owner now supplies thy place, Who says' tis his, no thine, as once it was, Use time and do much good, whilst time is thine, In future ages then, thy name will shine.
In 1576, John Harding, alderman of London, gave 20l. to the poor of Norwich, and from this time to 1582, Mrs. Anne Rede, widow, paid 4l. yearly, for provision of one "meles meat wekely for xii pore men," according to the will of Peter Rede, Esq. her husband.
In 1577, Henry Sackford, Esq. one of the Queen's privy chamber, paid 30l. of her Majesty's gift for the poor strangers residing in this city, which the court paid to Harmanus Modert, minister of the Dutch congregation, and Lodowyc Maupin, minister of the Walloons, and to the four deacons; the Dutch to have 19l. and the Walloons 11. and th