The fine technically trained intelligence of Sorel showed a wholesome fear of sabotage and cried out lustily against it, as does also Edouard Berth. H. G. Wells is the easy peer of M. Sorel. He has M. Sorel's dislike for Fabian politics, but these features of Syndicalism offer him no possible plan of social development. It is to him merely "a spirit of conflict." It is "the cheap labor panacea to which the more passionate and less intelligent portion of the younger workers drift." It is the "tawdrification of the trade unionism" and even its dream is "an impossible social fragmentation." Kautsky and the uncompromising Guèsde who despises parliamentary action, are little less severe. I do not bring against the I. W. W. the hostile opinions of the Webbs, Keir Hardy, MacDonald and German leaders. Such opposition is to be expected. It is more serious when men as untrammeled as Sorel, Guesde, Bax and Wells rise up against it. These writers, one and all, look upon sabotage as a clumsily out-of-date and reactionary device.
sheet in Newcastle, Pa. Even Mr. Debs is attacked for raising doubts about sabotage. Last week I cut from an I. W. W. paper the following:
"Sabotage repels the American worker," says Debs. That is not true. The American worker has used the methods of the sabotier right along. I witnessed as slick a piece of sabotage last week as was ever pulled off. Done right under the boss's eyes when he endeavored to speed the machines up. He did not recognize it as such, but he lowered the speed. Indifferent work is a form of sabotage. The American worker inclines to it when disposed to resent his treatment.
"The checker in freight houses, to my knowledge, often puts a package in the wrong car to avenge a fancied wrong. This is sabotage. I have seen in mining camps soap put in the blacksmith's tub to prevent a good temper being secured on the steel."