the earl's property and subjected to violent treatment all the English who fell into their hands. Burton's uncorroborated testimony regarding the conduct of the islanders is open to strong suspicion; but there is no doubt that the forts were seized, and that Christian was the leader of the movement. The governor sent to question Christian respecting the motives of the rising. He replied that it was to procure redress of certain grievances which the islanders had suffered from the earl, and added that the countess had sold the country into the hands of the parliament. The grievances referred to were no doubt connected with the earl's attempt to introduce a new system of land tenure. By the desire of the countess, the governor consented to a parley with Christian, and the result was an aggreement with which both parties professed themselves satisfied. The next day the parliamentary fleet was seen approaching, and it was resolved to defend the island until satisfactory conditions could be obtained. According to Burton, Christian volunteered to the governor to take an oath of fidelity to the countess, but Musgrave 'did use him kindly, and refused his oath.' On the same day, however, he heard that Christian had sent out a boat to the English commander to assure him that no opposition would be offered to the landing, and that he had for the same purpose caused a white flag to be hung out from the fort of Douglas.
Whether this accusation be true has been much disputed, and the insular writers, who regard 'Illiam Dhone' as a martyr of popular rights, have frequently asserted that it is without foundation. The 'Mercurius Politicus' of November 1651, however, contains a letter from a person on board the fleet, stating that a Manxman named Hugh Moore, Hugh Moore, 'employed by Mr. Receiver Christian and others the chief of the island, had come on board to assure us that we should have no opposition in landing, but might securely come under any of their forts, which, he said, they had already taken possession of for us'—Peel and Caste Rushen being the only exceptions. This stattmient clearly proves that Christian had intrigued with the parliament against the countess. We have, moreover, evidence that the part he took was satisfactory to Cromwell's government, as the journals of the House of Commons for December 1651 contain a resolution confirming a proposal of the council of state to the effect that the receiver and his brother the deemster, 'two of the ablest and honestest gentlemen in the island,' should be called before the council to give information respecting the laws observed in the Isle of Man. He continued to hold the office of receiver, and was afterwards governor in 1656. Having this independent proof that Christian had made himself acceptable to the ruling powers, we may reasonably give credit to the evidence sworn at his trial by the Hugh Moore previously mentioned, who testified that before employing him as already related the receiver showed him a formal document signed by Major Fox, as the representative of the parliament, and empowering him to effect a rising of the islanders in favour of the republican cause.
The governor lost no time in sending a messenger to inform the countess of the treachery of Christian, who was then with her at Castle Rushen. On 27 Oct. the English troops, under Colonel Duckenfield, came ashore and surrounded the castle, and two days later a letter from the commander, calling upon her to surrender, was delivered to her by Christian. The letter contained the words 'the late Earl of Derby.' This was the first intimation the countess had had of her husband's death, and the sad news naturally caused great excitement. At first the defenders of the castle seem to have had thoughts of defying the enemy ; but eventually a letter was despatched to Colonel Ducken field, proposing terms of surrender, which, as the writer in the 'Mercurius' very justly observes, 'could not be much satisfactory' to them to whom they were sent, unless we had been at her mercy as she was at ours.' No answer was returned to this letter, but on 31 Oct. the countess learned that she could not rely on the fidelity of her garrison (who had probably come under Christian's influence), and determined to offer more acceptable conditions. At a meeting between representatives of both sides it was agreed that Castle Rushen and Peel Castle should be surrendered by 3 Nov., the property of the countess being at the absolute disposal of the parliament, but that she herself and all her household should have permission to go whither they chose, and that all the inmates of the castle should be set at liberty, with full control over their personal possessions. The countess was allowed 100l. in plate for the expenses of her removal from the island. It is affirmed by Burton that Lady Derby, notwithstanding a verbal promise by Duckenfield that she should be allowed to remain for some time in the castle, was removed at once, and lodged first in 'a mean alehouse' and afterwards in the house of Christian. Burton lays great stress on the cruelty of compelling the countess to accept the bread of one whom she knew to be
