powered to settle a dispute between the citizens of Bayonne and the Castilians (ib. ii. 70). On 6 July 1310 he received the custody of the great seal (Cal. Close Rolls, 1307–13, p. 326). The ‘communitas Angliæ,’ says the St. Paul's chronicler, did not assent to his elevation as chancellor, which was due to his fidelity in upholding the king's cause against the baronial opposition (Ann. Paulini, p. 269).
On 25 Aug. 1311 orders were issued to the constable of Dover to allow Reynolds safe passage beyond seas, as he was about to attend the general council at Vienne (Cal. Close Rolls, 1307–13, p. 372). On 27 Aug. he surrendered the custody of the great seal to Adam de Osgodby [q. v.] (ib. p. 435), who, however, on 28 Sept. restored it to the king, by whom it was re-delivered to the bishop of Worcester (ib. p. 438). On 19 Dec. Edward II wrote to the pope, excusing Reynolds's attendance at the council, on the ground that he was ‘not only useful, but indispensable’ at home (Fœdera, ii. 101). In November of the same year he was one of the godfathers of the king's first-born child, the future Edward III (Cal. Close Rolls, 1307–13, p. 558). On 20 Dec. 1312 he attested the peace made at London between the king and the barons (Ann. Paulini, p. 225). He continued to hold the seal, continuously at least until April 1314, though in later years he was merely designated ‘keeper’ (Cal. Close Rolls, 1307–13 pp. 534, 557, 581–4, 1313–18 pp. 45, 71). In March 1312 he was also holding the mastership of St. Leonard's Hospital, York (ib. 1307–13, pp. 453–4).
Just before the death of Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury, Clement V issued a bull (27 April 1313), reserving to himself the appointment of the next archbishop. Winchelsey died on 11 May. The monks of Canterbury, anxious not to lose their rights, proceeded immediately after the funeral to the election of Thomas Cobham [see Cobham, Thomas de]. But Edward had resolved that the archbishopric was to reward Reynolds's loyalty. He at once began negotiations with the pope. Large sums of money, it was believed, found their way to the papal coffers (Monk of Malmesbury, p. 197; Chron. de Melsa, ii. 329; Flores Hist. iii. 156; Fœdera, ii. 257), and on 1 Oct. a papal bull quashed Cobham's election, and appointed Reynolds to the see (Fœdera, iii. 228–9). Reynolds obtained restitution of temporalities on 3 Jan. 1314 (ib. ii. 239). On 4 Jan. the bull of appointment was published at Canterbury, and on 11 Feb. Reynolds received the pallium in Chartham church from the hands of Walter Maidstone. On 17 Feb. the new archbishop was splendidly enthroned at Canterbury in the presence of the king and many magnates (Ann. Paulini, p. 275). This simoniacal appointment of a ‘mere creature of court favour’ (Stubbs, Const. Hist. ii. 351) to the highest post in the English church created a very unfavourable impression. With the exception of Trokelowe, the chroniclers express themselves emphatically on the subject. Trokelowe, adopting the official view of the election (p. 82), gives a vague catalogue of Reynolds's virtues, and even says that Reynolds only took the archbishopric ‘post longas reluctationes.’
Contrary to precedent, the archbishop of Canterbury retained the custody of the great seal for at least three months after his consecration. About 5 April he seems to have resigned it in order to accompany Edward II to Scotland. He continued an active member of the king's council, and gave a general support to Edward against his enemies. But he took no leading part. In strong contrast to his predecessor, Winchelsey, he persuaded the unwilling clergy to pay liberal taxes to meet the king's necessities (Cal. Close Rolls, 1313–1318, pp. 96, 103, 121, 163; Flores Hist. iii. 170, 173, 181; Monk of Malmesbury, pp. 225–6). This attitude may account for something of the clerical chroniclers' hostility to him. In 1318 he assisted in procuring the pacification between the king and the barons at the parliament of Leicester (Canon of Bridlington, p. 54). In July 1321 he attempted mediation between the king and the barons at the crisis of the quarrel about the Despensers (Ann. Paulini, p. 295; Monk of Malmesbury, p. 259). In October he was one of those sent by the barons to the king to beg Edward to desist from the siege of Leeds Castle (Murimuth, p. 34; G. Le Baker, p. 12). But, as soon as he dared, he went round again to the king's side. In December of the same year he held a scantily attended convocation at St. Paul's, at which the banishment of the Despensers was declared invalid (Murimuth, p. 35; Ann. Paulini, p. 300). On New Year's day 1323 he publicly pronounced this sentence in St. Paul's (ib. p. 301).
The ecclesiastical side of Reynolds's work presents more creditable features than his labours in politics. His opportunist attitude gave his efforts in the way of ecclesiastical reformation a good chance of success. He sought to limit such crying abuses as pluralities, the ordination of unfit persons, and, above all, to reform the gross abuses of the ecclesiastical courts (Stubbs, Const. Hist. ii. 438–9). Like Wolsey in later times, he sought to effect these objects by combining, as far as he could, the papal authority with his
