Before the value of Wentworth's advice could be tested he was once more in England. Some time before he learnt that Crosby and Mountnorris had been collecting evidence against him in the Esmond case. He anticipated their attack by prosecuting them in the Star-chamber as the authors of grave statements circulated to his discredit. The suit came up for judgment in May 1639, and Wentworth appeared to enforce his views. He had also to justify himself against the complaint of the Irish chancellor, Lord Loftus of Ely, against whom he had given sentence—as it was alleged unreasonably—in favour of his daughter-in-law's claim for a settlement (see for the whole affair, Loftus, Adam, first Viscount Loftus of Ely, to which may be added, as an argument against the suspicion that Wentworth had been too familiar with the young Lady Loftus, the testimony of his intimate friend Sir G. Radcliffe, Strafford Letters, ii. 435).
Wentworth not merely gained his way on all these points, but on 22 Sept., when the attempt to invade Scotland had broken down and Charles was beginning to be dissatisfied with the results of the treaty of Berwick, he was admitted by the king to the informal position of his chief counsellor. It was to him that was owing the advice to summon parliament, coupled with the suggestion that, to make Charles independent of parliament, the privy councillors should make up a sufficient sum as a loan. His advice was accepted, and he himself contributed 20,000l. on the security of the recusants' fines in the north, the collection of which was in his own hands. Before parliament met in England he was to revisit Ireland, and to summon a parliament in Dublin to show the way of loyalty to the one at Westminster. On 12 Jan. 1640 he was created Baron of Raby and Earl of Strafford. His assumption of the title of Raby gave deep offence to the elder Vane [see Vane, Sir Henry, the elder]. It was, says Clarendon, ‘an act of the most unnecessary provocation that I have known, and I believe was the chief occasion of the loss of his head.’ Shortly afterwards Strafford was raised to the dignity of lord lieutenant of Ireland. He was to bring with him from that country a thousand men to serve against the Scots, and was himself named lieutenant-general under the Earl of Northumberland, who was to take command of the invading army. Before leaving for Dublin Strafford supported the claims of Robert Sidney, second earl of Leicester [q. v.], to the secretaryship about to be vacated by Sir John Coke, but Charles refused his request, and appointed the elder Vane. Strafford's advocacy of Leicester's candidature is mainly noticeable as a sign of his desire to be on good terms with the queen, who also favoured it.
On 18 March 1640 the lord lieutenant landed in Ireland. He found the parliament already sitting, and on the 23rd a majority, composed of officials and Roman catholics, voted four subsidies, or about 180,000l. There can be little doubt that the Roman catholics hoped by supporting Charles against the covenanters to obtain toleration for their own religion. The next day Strafford wrote to Secretary Windebank that, if only money were sent him in advance of the collection of the subsidies, he would assist the king with an army of nine thousand men from Ireland (Strafford Letters, ii. 398). As soon as the session was ended he returned to Westminster to take his place in the House of Lords in the Short parliament. He found everything in confusion. On 23 April the commons resolved not to vote supplies till their grievances had been redressed. On this Strafford audaciously recommended Charles to go in person to the House of Lords, and to urge the peers to declare that the king ought to be satisfied before grievances were presented (Montreuil to Bellièvre, 10 March, 30 April, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 15995, fol. 81). On the 27th Charles spoke as Strafford had suggested, and was supported by a majority of sixty-one to twenty-five. Strafford had not only gained the support of the peers; he even obtained the queen's favour, who now in the time of peril discovered his value. The commons, on the other hand, on 27 April declared the intervention of the lords to be a breach of privilege. On 2 May, the king having asked for an immediate answer to his request for money, Strafford announced that a refusal would be followed by a dissolution. On the 3rd Strafford induced the king to hold out a hand to the opposition by allowing the ship-money judgment to be carried to the House of Lords upon a writ of error, at the same time urging him not to require the exact twelve subsidies which he had authorised Vane to demand, but simply to ‘put it upon’ the affections of his subjects. Charles could not understand the wisdom of this course, but agreed to be content with no more than eight subsidies (Whitaker, Life of Radcliffe, p. 233).
It is uncertain whether Vane played the traitor or persuaded the vacillating king to return to his former resolution. At all events, on the 4th he announced to the commons that, if ship-money was to be abandoned, the whole twelve subsidies must be granted. The house made further demands, but broke
