Page:Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar (1910 Kautzsch-Cowley edition).djvu/525

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 [163d]  Rem. The principal statement, to which כִּי אִם appends an exception, must sometimes be supplied from the context; thus, Gn 4014 (I desire nothing else) except that thou remember me, equivalent to only do thou remember, &c. (cf. 106 n, note 2; but it is probably better to read אַךְ for כִּי). Cf. Mi 68, where כִּי אִם, equivalent to nothing but, is used before an infinitive, and Jb 428, equivalent to only, before a noun. Similarly when כִּי אִם after an oath introduces an emphatic assurance, e.g. in 2 K 520 as the Lord liveth (I can do nothing else) except I run after him, &c.; cf. 2 S 1521 Keth., Jer 5114, Ru 312 Keth., and even without the oath, Ju 157; cf. the Rem. on c.

§164. Temporal Clauses.

 [164a1. The relations of time existing between two different actions or events are frequently expressed without the aid of a conjunction simply by juxtaposition:—

(a) Actions or events are represented as wholly or in part simultaneous by connecting a noun-clause with another noun-clause or verbal-clause introduced by וְ (or וְהִנֵּה), e.g. Gn 76 and Noah was six hundred years old (prop. a son of six hundred years), וְהַמַּבּוּל הָיָה and (i.e. when) the flood was. This is especially the case when the predicate of the noun-clause (frequently introduced by עוֹד still) is expressed by an active participle, e.g. Jb 116 f. עוֹד זֶה מְדַבֵּר וְזֶה בָא וג׳ he was yet speaking, and there came another, &c.; see the numerous examples in §111g and §116u. Instead of a complete noun-clause there often occurs a simple casus pendens after כָּל־ with a participial attribute in the sense of whenever any one..., e.g. 1 S 213 זׄבֵחַ זֶ֫בַח וּבָא וג׳ כָּל־אִישׁ whenever any man offered sacrifice, then came, &c.; 2 S 223, &c.; see the examples (in which the second member is generally introduced by wāw apodosis) in §116w.

 [164b]  (b) Sequence is expressed by the juxtaposition

(1) of two imperfects consecutive, e.g. Gn 2419 וַתְּכַל לְהַשְׁקֹתוֹ וַתֹּאמֶר and when she had done giving him drink, she said, &c.; 28:8 f., 29:31, 30:9, 32:26, &c.; cf. §111d;

(2) of a noun-clause with a passive participle as predicate, and a verbal-clause attached by וְ, e.g. Gn 3825; cf. §116v; in Gn 4929 an imperative follows without וְ;

(3) of two perfects (frequently with the secondary idea of rapid succession[1] of the two actions or events in past time), e.g. Gn 1923 הַשֶּׁ֫מָשׁ יָצָא... וְלוֹט בָּא וג׳ the sun was just risen..., and (=when) Lot came, &c., cf. 1 S 95, 2 S 224; Gn 443 f., Ju 324, 1514, 2039 f.—In all these examples the subject follows immediately after the connective Wāw, and then the (simple) perfect. On the other hand,

(4) a perfect consecutive follows another perfect consecutive to express the contingent succession of future actions, e.g. Gn 444 וְהִשַּׂגְתָּם וְאָֽטַרְתָּ אֲלֵהֶם

  1. This secondary idea is implied here by the mere co-ordination of two independent verbal-clauses, just as the idea of simultaneous occurrence (according to §116u, note 1) is implied in the co-ordination of a noun-clause with another clause. In Gn 2730 the immediate succession is especially emphasized by אַךְ and the infinitive absolute, Jacob was yet scarce gone out... then Esau his brother came; in 1 K 924 by אַךְ only in ψ 486 by כֵּן and the addition of two more perfects without וְ.