Lower Fraser:
q'āmi, maid; pl., q'ā'lami
yā'suq, hat; pl., yā'lsuq.
This is the same type of plural formation as occurs in Lkuñgen and Clallam (extension with a y-glide in this dialect).
qa'ñi, maid; pl., qalā'ñi Hill-Tout: JAI 37, p.314
(Lkungen ñ<Nanaimo—Lower Fraser m)
sqā'xa, dog; pl., skalā'xa
The diminutive is formed as usual by a repetition of the stem exclusive of the second consonant and by a shifting of the accent on the reduplicating-syllable.
sta'lo, RIVER; dim., sta'tElo B. (H.T.)
stca'atltEm, SALMON; dim., stca'tsElatltEm B.
qa'qEn, POST; dim., qa'qqEn B.
spa'qEm, FLOWER; dim., spa'pqEm B.
Augmentative forms in Nanaimo are: snE'xuitl, BOAT; aug., sno'xuotl sia'm, CHIEF; sfsia'm, HIGHEST CHIEF
There is one Lower Fraser example of a plural-diminutive formation in our material: q'ami, MAID; pi. dim., qaka'lami \H.T.:
dim., qa'qami; pi., q'a'lami J BAAS 1902 p-372
I regard this form very interesting when compared with the plural-diminutive forms of Clallam. While the plurals and the diminu- tives are formed according to the same prin- ciples in Nanaimo-Lower Fraser and in Clal- lam-Lkungen, this plural-diminutive form is derived in a different way. As already stated, the plural-diminutives of Clallam are always derived from the diminutive form with an ex- tension of the reduplicating-vowel by means of a y-glide (Clallam y < / in Lkungen, Nanaimo, etc.). But the Lower Fraser form qaka'lami is derived from the plural form by means of a diminutive reduplication. Com- pare for instance, qaka'lami with Clallam:
sta'tcin, WOLF; pi. dim., sta'ya'ta'tcin dim., stata'tcin; pi., sta'ya'tcin
SESHELT
The only material on reduplications from this dialect is that published by Hill-Tout in JAI Vol. 34-
��The plural is formed by a reduplication of the stem with or without the second con- sonant :
sto'mic, MAN; pi., stE'mtomic
stEkai'Q, HORSE; pi., stEkte'akaiu
Lu'mstan, HOUSE; pi., La'Lumstan
kwo'yiluk, TO MURDER; kwokwoyi'luk, MURDERER
There are no examples of a plural formation by means of an extension of the stem-vowel as found so frequently in Clallam-Lkungen and Nanaimo-Lower Fraser. Compare for in- stance :
Seshelt: ho'pit, DEER; pi., hEpho'pIt H.T.
Nanaimo: ha'pet, DEER; pi., hala'pEt B.
The diminutive is formed by the common process of repeating the stem without the con- sonant following the vowel. This is sometimes associated with a shift of the reduplicating vowel to an i (e) :
tlu'mstan, HOUSE; dim., tle'tlumstan
sto'lo, RIVER; dim., sto'tElo
ho'pit, DEER; dim., hohoplt, FAWN
skwuke't, SPLINTER; dim., skwe'kwuket
tla'nai, WOMAN; LiLa'nai, GIRL (Pentlatch: sla'aLnae, GIRL)
I can cite only the following three examples of plural-diminutive formation:
tla'nai, WOMAN; tli'tlintlanai, GIRLS
tlitla'nai= GIRL
me'man, CHILD; mume'man, CHILDREN swa'wElos, BOY; pi., swawe'wElos Compare :
Lower Fraser: swe'wilus, YOUTH;
pi., swa'wilus H.T. Comox: we'walQs; pi., we"'walps Sapir.
Seshelt is a dialect closely related to Comox and Pentlatch. The form tli'tlintlanai is de- rived in the same way as the Comox plural- diminutives, namely, by a secondary redupli- cation of the plural form (see p. 170).
COMOX
In his paper on "Noun Reduplication in Comox" (Geological Survey of Canada, memoir 63), Dr. Sapir has given us much valuable material. He has tabulated it in
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