INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS
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��Algonkin ki im, from Baraga and Lemoine; see also folder at end of RBAE 28]) ; pl'ciwd'- 'kitce THEY MUST BRING ME (iwd'kitce, the pro- nominal elements for THEY ME in the potential mode ; apparently Fox has the medial portion in a reversed order; Kickapoo apparently agrees with Peoria), all as con- trasted with kifnlami'na" WE BROUGHT THEM (ki dmina", the pronominal elements for WE [inclusive] THEM [animate] of the inde- pendent mode [Potawatomi has a similar termination: see RBAE 28:267]; I ls the instrumental particle DONE BY THE HAND);
pll.\tc THOU BROUGHTEST THEM (Ate THOU
THEM [animate] of the conjunctive mode; com- pare the equivalents in Fox, Sauk, Kickapoo, and Shawnee) ; pile'ko' BRING YE HIM (e, to prevent a consonantic cluster foreign to the language; 'ko are the pronominal elements for YE HIM of the imperative mode [Fox '&"]); nimbila' i BROUGHT HIM (nim a' are the elements for I HIM of the independent mode; b, regularly for p after a nasal). The action of original? nullifying the lawwhen it immediately precedes the consonant is illustrated by mllllo' GIVE THOU ME (Fox nilcin") as contrasted with niml'ld' (Fox nemlndw a ) i GAVE HIM. Note also mill't?' HE THAT GAVE ME as compared with pi'ci'V 1 ' . This proves that Fox yd after consonants is more original than Peoria I. The same contraction takes place in Ojibwa and Menominee. Besides establishing the fact that Fox e and i are more original than Ojibwa * (see the papers cited above), the law shows that the terminal vowels in Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, Shawnee, and Peoria, which are lacking in Ojibwa, etc., are more primitive, as I previously inferred from the evidence of Montagnais (see RBAE 28 : 247).
The Interchange of a and a. At the end of 1 1 of the Algonquian sketch in the "Handbook of American Indian Languages" I pointed out that a and a interchange in Fo.x under unknown conditions: e. g., pydw" HE COMES, pydn" COME, d'pydlc' WHEN HE CAME, etc. The same phenomenon
��naturally occurs in Sauk and Kickapoo. From my early Shawnee notes (collected in the summer and fall of 1911) and recent (summer and fall of 1916) work with Peoria, I find that we have the same phenomenon in both these dialects, though it is disguised in Peoria owing to phonetic laws. Examples are, Shawnee pyditf HE COMES, pydte IF HE COMES. As pointed out above, yd after consonants in Peoria contracts to I, and so we find the variation * and ya. An example is piw"' HE COMES as compared with kipydmwa" YE COME, pydtci WHEN HE CAME, pya'kitce'
HE MUST COME.
The Conjunctive of the Independent Passive with Obviatives as Subjects. The conjunctive of the independent passive with obviatives as subjects is not touched upon in the Algon- quian sketch in the "Handbook of American Indian Languages." For -etc' we have -mete'. Examples are, d'inemetc' THEY WERE TOLD, anesemetc' ugydn' Acaha HIS MOTHER WAS SLAIN BY THE sioux, utdneswdwa dme- cenemetc' THEIR DAUGHTERS WERE CAPTURED. In the examples given, terminal vowels have not been elided before initial ones, that the point at issue may not be obscured.
THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF Mo- HEGAN-PEQUOT. The material upon which I base my classification is contained in the articles by Speck and Prince in Volumes 5 and 6 of the "American Anthropologist," N. S. In my "Preliminary report on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes" (RBAE 28) I left the affiliations of this dialect unde- cided. Prince and Speck (I.e. 5:195) say: "Pequot, a dialect which shows a more striking kinship with the idiom of the Rhode Island Narragansetts and with the present speech of the Canadian Abenakis than with the lan- guage of the Lenni Lenape Mohicans . . . it seems probable either that the Pequot- Mohegans were only distantly akin to the Mohicans of the Hudson River region, or that the Pequots had modified their language to a New England form during the years of their
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