formation of the 3rd sg. pres. ind. of verbs; thus tereu ‘strikes’: taraw = saif: saf § 173 iv (1). It is seen that when ‑eu is the result of affection as above, an a before it is affected to e; see iii (2).
(2) ‑óu̯i̯- gives ‑yw. Thus W. dilyw ‘flood’ (now generally misspelt diluw) < *dīlóu̯i̯o- < Lat. dīluvium;—distryw ‘destruction’ < *dī-stróu̯i̯‑: Goth. straujan, Lat. destruo ; the vb. is distrywi̯af iv (2);—W. llyw ‘rudder’, < *lóu̯i̯o‑: Ir. lue < *lu-ii̯o‑: Gk. πλόος, √pleu‑;—W. clyw ‘hearing’ < *klou̯i̯- < k̑léu̯es- § 75 vii (1).
There is no reason to suppose that uu̯ became iu̯ in Brit., as stated by Pedersen, Gr. i 61; yw is from óu̯i̯ as above. Clywaf ‘I hear’ is a denominative from clyw, cf. clywẏaf c.m. 32 (the pres. stem of √k̑leu̯- meant ‘to be named’, and clywaf cannot come directly from it; cf. Meillet, MSL. xv 337).
(3) ‑ā́u̯i̯- became ‑ā́i- which gives ‑w͡y § 75 i (3); thus W. wy ‘egg’ < Brit. *ā́u̯i̯on < Ar. *ṓu̯i̯om: Gk. ὤιον, ᾦον, Lat. ōvum;—Cornwy < Cornā́u̯i̯‑(a);—Aethwy r.p. 1419 < *Oethwy § 78 ii (3) < Octā́vius.
Pedersen Gr. i. 66 suggests that Ir. og is borrowed from W., but this is improbable, and does not help to explain the ‑g. Thurneysen IA. xxvi 26 insists upon a Kelt. *ugos, *uges. The fact, however, seems to be that u̯i̯ under certain conditions became in Ir. a spirant written g; thus Ir. ugaire ‘shepherd’ < *ou̯i̯-ārius: ōi, ui ‘sheep’, Lat. ovis; Mn. Ir. ughachd ‘will’ < *ou̯i̯-akt‑, √au̯ei̯‑, iv (1). Eng. egg is from Icel. egg < Pr. Germ. *ajja- < *ōu̯i̯o‑.
(4) ‑ou̯ī́ or ‑ou̯i̯´- was similarly simplified to ‑o-ī́, ‑oi̯´‑, which gives ‑w͡y; thus W. dwy ‘two’ f. < *dou̯ī́ < *duu̯ái: Lat. duae, Skr. duvé < *duu̯ái;—W. aswy ‘left (hand)’ < *at-sou̯i̯-ā́: Skr. savyá‑ḥ ‘left’.
‑wy as in (3) and (4) may be weakened to ‑eu; as Cerneu, asseu; these are not direct affections, as shown by the unaffected a‑; also to w, assw, see § 78 iii, i.
(5) ‑āu̯ī́, ‑āuí- or ‑āu̯i̯´- by the shortening of unacc. ā became ‑au̯ī́, ‑au̯í- or ‑au̯i̯´- simplified to ‑a-ī́, ‑a-í- or ‑ai̯´‑, which gives ‑oe. The simplification here was late, so that ‑au̯ī́ did not, like ‑asī́, give ‑ei. It did not take place in Bret. and Corn., in which the groups appear as ‑ou (‑ow). In W. ‑oe generally becomes ‑o, 78 i (1). Examples: ‑(g)no in proper names; Iud-noe l.l. 176, 187, Balch-noe D. G. 43; Gueithgno l.l. 144, Guiþno
