*do-pro‑d‑, *√dō‑, § 63 vi (1).—*mpl- *mpr- > *aml‑, *amr- > W. af‑l‑, af‑r‑, as af-les ‘harm’, Ir. am-less thus af- spread for an- < *n̥- (neg. prefix) before l and r, see § 156 i (5).
(5) Ir. col, Bret. col, W. cŵl ‘fault’: Lat. culpa, O. Lat. colpa.—Ir. cilornn gl. urceus, O. W. cilurnn (≡ cỿlwrnn) gl. urnam, W. celwrn, Bret. kelorn: Lat. calpar, Calpurnius, Gk. κάλπη, Skr. karpara‑ḥ ‘shell’ (Kelt. ĭ or ĕ in first syll. unexplained).—W. crydd ‘shoemaker’ (for *cerydd § 40 iii (3)), Bret. kere < *karpíi̯ō, Ir. cairem < *karpimo‑: Lat. carpisculum, Gk. κρηπίς: √qerāˣp- ‘shoe’. *mp > *m > W. f or w: W. tywydd ‘weather’ for *tyw̯w͡yẟ < *tempes-edō: Lat. tempestas.
The view that rp, contrary to every analogy, gives rr is based upon one or two examples in which the group may have been rps or even rs, as Ir. serr, W. serr ‘bill-hook’ (: Lat. sarpo), which may be < *serp‑s- or *ser‑s- (cf., without p, Skr. sr̥ṇī́ ‘sickle’), and upon such an equation as W. gwarr ‘the back between the shoulders’ and Lith. várpa ‘ear of corn’.
(6) *mpl, *mpr gave *ml, *mr, W. fl, fr, as cyflawn ‘full’ < *kom-pl̥̄n‑, cyfran ‘share’ < *kom-prət-snā § 63 vii (2).
ii. (1) Before t, Ar. p became qu̯ > k (§ 89 ii) in Pr. Kelt. Thus Ar. *septm̥ > Pr. Kelt. *sektm̥ > Ir. secht n‑, W. saith: Lat. septem, Gk. ἑπτά, etc.—Ar. *qap-tos > Pr. Kelt. *kaktos > Ir. cacht, W. caeth ‘serf’: Lat. captus.—Ar. *neptís > Pr. Kelt. *nektís > Ir. necht, W. nith ‘niece’: Lat. neptis.—W. llithro ‘to slip’ < *sliktr- < *slip‑tr‑, *√slei‑b- extension of √slei‑: E. slip, etc., § 95 i.
Before or after s also, p was liable to become qu̯ in Kelt., § 96 iv; also before n, see iv below.
(2) Initially in anticipation of medial qu̯, Ar. p became qu̯ in Italo-Keltic; as Ar. *penqu̯e ‘five’ > Skr. pañca, Gk. πέντε: Lat. quinque, Pr. Kelt. *qu̯eŋqu̯e > O. W. pimp, Ml. W. pymp, pump, Ir. cōic, Gaul. πεμπε‑.—Ar. *pequ̯‑, *poqu̯- > Gk. πέπων, πόπανον: Lat. coquo (< *quequō), coctus, Bret. pibi, W. pobi ‘to bake’ (< *qu̯oqu̯‑), poeth ‘hot’ (< *qu̯oqu̯‑t‑).
