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§ 156
Compounds
267

‘under’ + *stong-: Goth. stiŋqan ‘to thrust’. The irregular mutation in dármerth ‘provision’ (of food, etc.) is due to -sm- > -mm‑; *do-are-smer‑t‑, √smer‑: Lat. mereo, Gk. μέρος, μερίς. In dárbod, dárpar, the prefix had the form *d(o)-aros‑, see § 196 i (3). This form may also account for the preserva­tion of -st- in dár-stain ‘to resound’, thus *d(o)-aros-stani̯‑: W. sain ‘sound’, √sten‑.

dos- < *d(o)-u̯o(s)- + initial s‑; dósbarth ‘division, arrange­ment, system’: gosparth b.b. 11 ‘rule, govern­ment’, √sper- § 101 iv (2).

dỿr- (also written dry‑) in dyrcháfel ‘to raise’ < *do-(p)ro‑, see § 188 iv; cf. cyfr- (9).

It is now generally held that the original form of the prep. is *to, and that *do- is a pretonic or proclitic form, like W. ti ‘thou’, proclitic dy ‘thy’. But pretonic softening, though it occurs in W. and Ir. cannot be proved to be primitive, and is obviously in most cases compara­tively late. The facts in this case are as follows: (α) In Ir. the prep. is do, du, always with d‑ (as opposed to tar, mostly with t‑); the pref. is to‑, tu‑, at first both accented and pretonic, later pretonic do‑, du‑. (β) In W. pretonic d- for t- as in dy ‘thy’ is not mutated further (i.e. does not become *ẟ‑); but the prep. was *ẟỿ (written di in O.W.) giving Ml. W. , Mn. W. i; it starts therefore from Brit. *do, and agrees in form with the Ir.; the pref. is dy‑, rarely ty‑.—There is no trace of t- in the prep, proper in W. or Ir.; and the supposed original *to equates with no prep. in the Ar. languages. But in Pr. Kelt. the possibil­ity of t- for d- is proved by W. tafod, Ir. tenge, so that *to‑, which occurs only in compo­sition, may be for *do‑. Pr. Kelt. *do: E. to, Ger. zu, Lat. en-do‑, in-du‑, O. Bulg. do, Av. ‑da ‘to’. Cf. W. ann- ii (1) from *n̥-do‑, which places *do beyond doubt.

(14) dỿ- ‘bad’ < *dus‑: Gk. δυσ‑; dỿ́chan ‘lampoon’ < *dus-kan-: cân ‘song’; reduced to *du- on the analogy of *su‑, (19) below, in dỿ́-bryd ‘shapeless, ugly’, Ir. do-chruth < *du-qr̥-tu : W. pryd, Ir. cruth ‘form’.

(15) eb- < *ek-u̯o‑; in épil for *eb-hil § 89 iii, ébrwydd ‘quick’: rhwydd ‘easy’ § 143 iii (22).

e‑, eh‑, ech- < *eks- § 96 iii (6); é-ofn, Ml. W. eh-ofɏn ‘fearless’: Ir. esomun, Gaul. Exobnus; é-ang ‘wide, extensive’: *ang ‘narrow’. ech- developed before vowels, but spread by analogy: éch-nos ‘night before last’, éch-doe ‘day before yesterday’. But the regular form before an explosive is es- (ỿs‑) as in és-tron ‘stranger’ < Lat. extrāneus; éstyn ‘extend’ < ex-tend‑, etc.; és-gor ‘to be delivered’ (of young), √(s)qer- ‘separate, cut’.

(16) go‑, gw̯o‑, gw̯a- [soft] ‘sub-’ < Kelt. *u̯o- < *upo‑: Skr. úpa, Gk. ὑπό, Lat. s‑ub, § 65 v (1); gwo‑br ‘prize’ < *u̯o‑pr‑: prynu ‘to buy’ § 201 i (4); gwá-stad ‘level’ § 63 vi (1); go-fúned, ‘desire’, ar-ó-fun (13) above. In Mn. W. go- freely forms loose compounds with adjec­tives § 220 viii (1).

gos- < *u̯o‑s- + initial s‑; gósgorẟ ‘retinue’, Ml. W. gwoscorẟ b.b. 10 < *u̯o-skor‑d‑, √sqer‑: dósbarth (13) above.

(17) gor‑, gw̯or‑, gw̯ar- ‘super-’ < *u̯or- for *u̯er < *uper: Skr.