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After the prep. i ‘to, for’ the form w is used for the 3rd sg. and pl. with the mutations proper to the usual forms, as i’w dŷ ‘to his house’, i’w thŷ ‘to her house’, i’w tŷ ‘to their house’. The combi­nation appears in b.ch. as yu, as pan el e brenẏn yu estavell a.l. i 48 ‘when the king goes to his chamber’; later yw voli c.m. 49 lit. ‘for his praising’, yw swper do. 43 ‘for their supper’; it is prob. a metath­esis of *w͡y^{[W 1]} § 78 iv (1) from *(d)oi, an early contrac­tion of *do ĭ ‘to his’, *do being the orig. form of the prep. § 65 iv (2). A later but still old contrac­tion gives oe, as A ẟoei hi ẏ gyt ac ef oe wlat? Ỻ.A. 125 ‘would she come with him to his country?’ In the 16th cent. oi ‘to his’ was still used in Carnarvon­shire, G.R. [129], But oe, Mn. o’i also means ‘from his’; as this is an obvious meaning (o being ‘from’), oe ‘to his’ became obsolete. A third form of the combi­nation is ẏ, a contrac­tion of ẏ ẏ ‘to his’; this is a re-formation, with the prep. taken from other connex­ions after it had become ẏ; it is the usual form in Ml. mss., as y brenhin a aeth ẏ ystavell c.m. 43 ‘the king went to his chamber’, Ynteu Pwyll…a ẟoeth ẏ gyvoeth ac ẏ wlat w.m. 11 ‘Pwyll too came to his dominions and to his country’. In b.b. we find ẏ eu 66 l. 5 ‘to their’, a rare form. The form ī ‘to his, to her, to their’ survives in Gwyn. dial.; but the usual Mn. form is i’w, which is the least ambiguous, and repre­sents the oldest contrac­tion.

’u is quite a late spelling; it is sounded i̯ in natural speech, and thus has the same form as the 3rd sg., but takes the same mutation as eu. In Ml. W. there is no trace of *au, *ou; rarely we have o eu as in p 6/ii r., and often ac eu, oc eu, e.g. w.m. 89; where these are not employed, the forms met with are ae, oe or ay, oy like the sg.; in Early Mn. W. ai, oi. “Pro ’u pl. post istas parti­culas [a, na, o], & scribitur & pronun­ciatur ’i, vt, a’i carodd, pro a’u carodd, &c.” D. 177. The 1620 Bible always has ’i both gen. and acc.: iachâodd hwynt, ac a’i gwaredodd o’i dinistr Ps. cvii 20.

The forms m and i̯ occur after er in Ml. W. eirmoet ‘during my time’, eirẏoet ‘in his time’, Mn. W. er-m-ṓed, er-i̯-ṓed; the latter became the stereo­typed form for all persons, and is the usual expres­sion for ‘ever’. But ermoed survived in Early Mn. W., see L.G.C. 194.

(2) The following stand in the accusative case before verbs; all take the radical initial of the verb except ’th, which takes the soft.

Sg. 1. ‑m, now written ’m; 2. ‑th, ’th; 3. Ml. W. ‑e ‑y, ‑s, ‑w, Mn. W. ‑i, ’i, ‑s; pl. 1. ‑n, ’n; 2. ‑ch, ’ch; 3. Ml. W. ‑e ‑y, ‑s, ‑w, Mn. W. ‑i, ’i (recent ’u), ‑s.

’m, ’th, ’n, ’ch are used after the relatives a and y, and where y is lost after a vowel, as lle for lle y ‘where’, yno for yno y ‘it is there that’, etc.; after the affir­mative particles neu, a, ef a, e, fo, fe; the negative particles ni, na; the conjunc­tions o ‘if’, oni ‘unless’, y ‘that’, and pe ‘if’, Ml. pei, which is for pei y ‘were it that’; and in Ml. W. the tense particle ry. Thus:

1. On p. xxvii the author deletes the asterisk here.