mo shúil. Else in pausa forms only in the case of a few adverbs and the pronouns huw, hïsə (Pedersen, KZ. xxxv 331 f.), hαL, ‘yonder’, O.Ir. tall; huəs, ‘aloft’, O.Ir. túas; hui, əhui, ‘in the north, to the north’, O.Ir. fa thuaith; herʹ, ‘in the east’, hiər, ‘in the west’, M.Ir. tair, tíar; hærʹ, hærʹə, ‘past, beyond’ (prep.), O.Ir. tar, dar. The h as initial of heidʹ ʃə, ‘he will go’, is due to the loss of the pretonic syllable < do-théit, which has doubtless influenced higʹ ʃə, ‘he comes’, M.Ir. tic (future tʹïky꞉). The reason for the constant aspiration of the infin. hαχt, O.Ir. techt as also of ꬶɔl, ‘to go’, is not plain. The h of henʹikʹ, ‘came’, O.Ir. tánicc is due to the analogy of other preterites.
§ 177. h arises sometimes in combinations like ghth, bhth, thmh, as in Nʹi꞉ αhαr = ní fhághthar; Lʹɛhαrαχt, ‘reading’, Di. léightheoireacht; tihə, ‘houses’, Di. tighthe; dαhinʹ mʹə, ‘I recognised’, < aithgeuin; Nʹα̃ujlʹi꞉hu꞉lʹ (‑jlʹiw̥əlʹ), ‘unlawful’, Di. neamh-dhlightheamhuil; LUhə, ‘rotten’, < lobhtha; Lũ꞉hər, ‘vigorous, active’, Di. lúthmhar.
§ 178. χ has a tendency to give up its spirant character and become h. This seems to be general in Ulster, cp. O’Donovan, Grammar p. 48; G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2. See also Rhys p. 71. Initially we find h for χ in hαnikʹ, henʹikʹ, ‘saw’, = chonnaic; ho̤gəd, ‘to you’, Mod.Ir. chugad (Spir. Rose p. 5 spelt thugad); hui, ‘went’, O.Ir. docuaid; hαskər sə, ‘it thawed’, cp. M.Ir. coscrad; ku꞉gʹi꞉ ho̤Nαχtə, ‘Province of Connaught’, M.Ir. cóiced Connacht; hα(꞉), ‘not’, < ní co (the distribution of ní and cha as negatives in Donegal is discussed by Lloyd in Seachrán Chairn tSiadhail p. 124. I can only say that in Meenawannia cha is generally confined to emphatic answers and here principally in hα ·nɛlʹ, hα row̥ being much rarer. Further east round Ballinamore cha seems to be much more frequent). Medially h may be heard in αhαsαn, ‘reviling’, Di. achmhusán, Meyer athchomsan; brαhαn, ‘porridge’, O.Ir. brothchán; fʹlʹαhuw, ‘to starve’, fʹlʹætʹə, ‘perished with cold’, M.Ir. flechud. See further § 333.
§ 179. In a few words h arises from ç, cp. Finck i p. 85. This is the case in hïnəfʹænʹ, ‘already’, Mod.Ir. cheana, O.Ir. cena + féin; fʹihə, ‘twenty’, O.Ir. fiche; ĩ꞉hə, ‘night’, O.Ir. aidche.
§ 180. In certain stress-groups initial f when standing after a word which does not aspirate tends to become h. This is also the case with medial fr. Compare Rhys pp. 72, 165; Pedersen
