the end of a monosyllable with short root-vowel rʹ is always clipped like l, lʹ, n, nʹ, r, e.g. fʹirʹ, ‘men’; kyrʹ`, ‘send’.
The rʹ just described is doubtless not the original sound. According to its articulation it lies between *rʹ and *Rʹ.
§ 283. rʹ represents O.Ir. medial and final r followed by an original e, i whether preserved or lost. Initially Rʹ has become r. Examples—ærʹə, ‘care’, O.Ir. aire; ærʹiαχ, ‘herd, watchman’, Di. airigheach; dærʹ, ‘oak’, M.Ir. dair; fwærʹə, ‘wake of the dead’, M.Ir. faire; gα꞉rʹə, ‘laugh’, M.Ir. gáire; mwærʹəm, ‘I remain’, M.Ir. maraim; ʃerʹ, ‘eastwards’, M.Ir. sair. We may note that by the side of əmα꞉rαχ, ‘to-morrow’, the form əmα꞉rʹαχ occurs. The two seem to run according to families and also exist side by side on Aran, cp. Finck ii p. 253.
rʹ precedes other palatal consonants than Lʹ, Nʹ, tʹ, dʹ, ʃ, e.g. ærʹəgʹïd, ‘money’, O.Ir. arget; dirʹibʹ, ‘waterworm’, Di. dairb; ïmʹirʹkʹə, ‘removing’, M.Ir. immirge, immirce; irʹimʹ, ‘armies’, M.Ir. airm; kɔrʹkʹə, ‘oats’, Meyer coirce; kyrʹpʹ, ‘corpses’, M.Ir. cuirp; χyrʹfʹi꞉, condit. pass. of kyrʹ ‘to put’. Following bʹ, dʹ, fʹ, gʹ, j, kʹ, ç, mʹ, pʹ, e.g. bʹrʹɛə, ‘fine’, Meyer bregda; dʹrʹeimʹirʹə, ‘ladder’, M.Ir. drémire; fʹrʹïgrə, ‘answer’, O.Ir. frecre; gʹrʹiən, ‘sun’, O.Ir. grían; tα꞉ də jrʹeimʹ ə Nαsky꞉, ‘your expectation is vain’; kʹrʹïs, ‘girdle’, O.Ir. cris; tʹinʹi çrαsə, ‘tinder-box’, Meyer s. criss; ko̤mʹrʹi꞉, ‘protection’, Di. coimrighe, Meyer comairghe s. commairge (cp. comraighe Sg. Fearn. p. 96); kUʃkʹrʹəχαn, ‘place covered with reeds’, O’Don. Suppl. cuiscreach, Di. cuise, cuiseag; pʹrʹαbαn sα꞉lʹə, ‘lifter, patch on the heel of a boot’, Di. preabán; tʹrʹouw, ‘to plough’, M.Ir. trebad. Initially ʃ+rʹ gives sr (§ 273) but medially except in the case of αsrïgər, ‘sharp retort’, ʃrʹ remains, e.g. kɔʃrʹikʹi꞉m, kɔʃrʹïkəm, ‘I consecrate’, Meyer coisregadh < cosecrad; ɔʃrʹαχ, ‘oyster’, Di. oisre; pʹiʃrʹɔg, ‘incantation’, Di. pisreog; ʃeʃrʹαχ, ‘plough’, M.Ir. sessrech.
§ 284. rʹ arises from nʹ after tʹ, kʹ, e.g. ko̤r ə tʹrʹαχtə, ‘fall of snow’; kʹrʹαtαn, ‘asthma’, Macleod cneatan < M.Ir. cnett; kʹrʹαdi꞉, ‘groan’, Di. cneadach; kʹrʹαsuw, ‘cicatrise’, M.Ir. cnessugud.
§ 285. A number of proclitic forms ending in r have rʹ in Donegal. This is partly due to the influence of the preposition erʹ, ‘upon’, which is strictly speaking a pronominal form arising from a confusion of O.Ir. aire and fair. erʹ for ar would further arise regularly in the interrogative particle ar < in ro before a preterite with palatal initial, cp. Nʹ < n in the article § 253.
