and does after full deliberation. Hence, still more elliptically, after alam: thus, alaṁ vicārya (Ç.) enough of hesitation; tad alaṁ te vanaṁ gatvā (R.) so have done with going to the forest.
e. Other less regular constructions are met with, especially in the older language: thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like (268 a), as táṁ hiṅsitvè ’va mene (ÇB.) he thought he had hurt him; tā adbhir abhiṣicya nijāsyāi ’vā ’manyata (AB.) having sprinkled them with water, he believed himself to have exhausted them; — in the manner of a participle forming a continuous tense with √i (1075 a), as indram evāi ’tāir ārabhya yanti (AB.) by means of them they keep taking hold of Indra; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence, as puroḍā́çam evá kūrmám bhūtvā́ sárpantam (ÇB.) to the sacrificial cake creeping about, having become a tortoise; ayodhyām . . . saphenām sasvanām bhūtvā jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhyā, like a surge that had been foamy and roaring; — even absolutely, as ātithyéna vāí devā́ iṣṭvā́ tā́nt samád avindat (ÇB.) when the gods had sacrificed with the guest-offering, strife befel them.
f. As in the two examples before the last, a predicate word with bhūtvā is put in the same case with the subject: thus, further, tád iyám evāì ’tád bhūtvā́ yajati (ÇB.) so having thus become this earth he makes offering; yena vāmanenā ’pi bhūtvā (Vet.) by whom, even when he had become a dwarf. The construction is a rare one.
g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to the semblance of a preposition or adverb: such are adhikṛtya making a subject of, i. e. respecting, of; ādāya, upāgṛhya taking, i. e. with; uddiçya pointing toward, i. e. at; āsādya, arriving at, i. e. along, by; ārabhya beginning, i.e. from; sambhūya being with, i. e. with; saṁhatya striking together, i. e. in unison; prasahya using force, i. e. violently; tyaktvā, parityajya, muktvā, vihāya, uddhṛtya, varjayitvā leaving out etc., i. e. excepting, without; and others. Examples are: çakuntalām adhikṛtya bravīmi (Ç.) I am speaking of Çakuntalā; tam uddiçya kṣiptalaguḍaḥ (H.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimittaṁ kiṁcid āsādya (H.) for some reason or other.
h. The gerund is in the later language sometimes found in composition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. prasahyaharaṇa taking with violence; pretyabhāva existence after death; vibhajyapāṭha separate enunciation; sambhūyagamana going together. It is also often repeated (1260), in a distributive sense: e. g. sá vāí sammṛ́jya-sammṛjya pratápya-pratapya prá yacchati (ÇB.) in each case, after wiping and warming them, he hands them over; gṛhītvā-gṛhītvā (KÇS.) at each taking; unnamyo’nnamya (Pañc.) every time that they arise.
995. The accusative of a derivative nomen actionis in a, used adverbially, assumes sometimes a value and construction so accord-