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sible enjoyment of human rights. But the right to resist oppression, is not denied. The gentlemen's doctrine cannot therefore apply to national communities. If any additional force was wanting to confirm what I advance^, it would be derived from the treaty of peace, which further proves, that we were entitled to all the privileges of independent nations. The consent of all the people of Europe said we were free. Our former master with- held his consent till difew unlucky events compelled him. And when he gave his fiat, it gave us, hy relation back to the time of the declaration of independence, all the rights and privileges of a completely sovereign nation: our independence was acknowledged by him, previous to the completion of the treaty of peace. It was not a condition of the treaty, but was acknowledged by his own overture, preparatory to it. View the consequences of their fatal doctrine. There would not only have been long arrears of debts to pay, but a long catalogue of crimes to be punished. If the ultimate acknowledg- ment of our independence by Great Britain, had not relation back to the time of the declaration of indepen- dence, all the intermediate acts of legislation would be void — and every decision and act, consequent thereon, would be null. But, sir, we were a complete nation on every principle, according to the authorities I have al- ready read; in addition to which I will refer your honours to Vattel, book iv. ch. vii. sect. 88, to show we were entitled to the benefits of national law, and to use all the resources of the community: ' From the equality of all nations really sovereign and independent, it is a principle of the voluntary law of nations, that no nation can controul another in its internal municipal legisla- tion." If we consider the business of confiscation according to the immemorial usages of Great Britain,
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