Sanskrit Grammar/Chapter IX
599. The present-system, or system of forms coming from the present-stem, is composed (as was pointed out above) of a present indicative tense, together with a subjunctive (mostly lost in the classical language), an optative, an imperative, and a participle, and also a past tense, an augment-preterit, to which we give (by analogy with the Greek) the name of imperfect.
a. These forms often go in Sanskrit grammars by the name of "special tenses", while the other tense-systems are styled "general tenses" — as if the former were made from a special tense-stem or modified root, while the latter came, all alike, from the root itself. There is no reason why such a distinction and nomenclature should be retained; since, on the one hand, the "special tenses" come in one set of verbs directly from the root, and, on the other hand, the other tense-systems are mostly made from stems — and, in the case of the aorist, from stems having a variety of form comparable with that of present-stems.
600. Practically, the present-system is the most prominent and important part of the whole conjugation, since, from the earliest period of the language, its forms are very much more frequent than those of all the other systems together.
a. Thus, in the Veda, the occurrences of personal forms of this system are to those of all others about as three to one; in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, as five to one; in the Hitopadeça, as six to one; in the Çakuntalā, as eight to one; in Manu, as thirty to one.601. And, as there is also great variety in the manner in which different roots form their present-stem, this, as being their most conspicuous difference, is made the basis of their principal classification; and a verb is said to be of this or of that conjugation, or class, according to the way in which its present-stem is made and inflected. 602. In a small minority of verbs, the present-stem is identical with the root. Then there are besides (excluding the passive and causative) seven more or less different methods of forming a present-stem from the root, each method being followed by a larger or smaller number of verbs. These are the "classes" or "conjugation-classes", as laid down by the native Hindu grammarians. They are arranged by the latter in a certain wholly artificial and unsystematic order (the ground of which has never been discovered); and they are wont to be designated in European works according to this order, or else, after Hindu example, by the root standing at the head of each class in the Hindu lists. A different arrangement and nomenclature will be followed here, namely as below — the classes being divided (as is usual in European grammars) into two more general classes or conjugations, distinguished from one another by wider differences than those which separate the special classes.
603. The classes of the First or non-a-Conjugation are as follows:
I. The root-class (second class, or ad-class, of the Hindu grammarians); its present-stem is coincident with the root itself: thus, अद् ad eat; इ i go; आस् ās sit; या yā go; द्विष् dviṣ hate; दुह् duh milk.
II. The reduplicating class (third or hu-class); the root is reduplicated to form the present-stem: thus, जुहु juhu from √हु hu sacrifice; ददा dadā from √दा dā give; बिभृ bibhṛ from √भृ bhṛ bear.III. The nasal class (seventh or rudh-class); a nasal, extended to the syllable न na in strong forms, is inserted before the final consonant of the root: thus, रुन्ध् rundh (or रुणध् ruṇadh) from √रुध् rudh obstruct; yuñj जुञ्ज् (or युनज् yunaj) from √युज् yuj join. IV. a. The nu-class (fifth or su-class); the syllable नु nu is added to the root: thus, सुनु sunu from √सु su press out; आप्नु āpnu from √आप् āp obtain.
b. A very small number (only half-a-dozen) of roots ending already in न् n, and also one very common and quite irregularly inflected root not so ending (कृ kṛ make), add उ u alone to form the present-stem. This is the eighth or tan-class of the Hindu grammarians; it may be best ranked by us as a sub-class, the u-class: thus, तनु tanu from √तन् tan stretch.
V. The nā-class (ninth or krī-class); the syllable ना nā (or, in weak forms, नी nī) is added to the root: thus, क्रीणा krīṇā (or क्रीणी krīṇī) from √क्री krī buy; स्तभ्ना stabhnā (or स्तभ्नी stabhnī) from √स्तभ् stabh establish.
604. These classes have in common, as their most fundamental characteristic, a shift of accent: the tone being now upon the ending, and now upon the root or the class-sign. Along with this goes a variatior in the stem itself, which has a stronger or fuller form when the accent rests upon it, and a weaker or briefer form when the accent is on theforms are to be distinguished as the strong stem and the weak stem respectively (in part, both have been given above). The classes also form their optative active, their 2d sing. imperative, their 3d pl. middle, and their middle participle, in a different manner from the others.
605. In the classes of the Second or a-Conjugation, the present-stem ends in a, and the accent has a fixed place, remaining always upon the same syllable of the stem, and never shifted to the endings. Also, the optative, the 2d sing. impv., the 3d pl. middle, and the middle participle, are (as just stated) unlike those of the other conjugation.
606. The classes of this conjugation are as follows:
VI. The a-class, or unaccented a-class (first or bhū-class); the added class-sign is a simply; and the root, which has the accent, is (if capable of it) strengthened by guṇa throughout: thus, भव bháva from √भू bhū be; नय náya from √नी nī lead; बोध bódha from √बुध् budh wake; वद váda from √वद् vad speak.
VII. The á-class, or accented a-class (sixth or tud-class); the added class-sign is a, as in the preceding class; but it has the accent, and the unaccented root remains unstrengthened: thus, तुद tudá from √तुद् tud thrust; सृज sṛjá from √सृज् sṛj let loose; सुव suvá from √सू sū give birth.
VIII. The ya-class (fourth or div-class); ya is added to the root, which has the accent: thus, दीव्य dī́vya from √दिव् div (more properly दीव् dīv: see 765) play; नह्य náhya from √नह् nah bind; क्रुध्य krúdhya from √क्रुध् krudh be angry.IX. The passive conjugation is also properly a present-system only, having a class-sign which is not extended into the other systems; though it differs markedly from the remaining classes in having a specific meaning, and in being formable in the middle voice from all transitive verbs. Its inflection may therefore best be treated next to that of the ya-class, with which it is most nearly connected, differing from it as the á-class from the a-class. It forms its stem, namely, by adding an accented yá to the root: thus, अद्य adyá from √अद् ad eat; रुध्य rudhyá from √रुध् rudh obstruct; बुध्य budhyá from √बुध् budh wake; तुद्य tudyá from √तुद् tud thrust. 607. The Hindu grammarians reckon a tenth class or cur-class, having a class-sign áya added to a strengthened root (thus, coráya from √cur), and an inflection like that of the other a-stems. Since, however, this stem is not limited to the present-system, but extends also into the rest of the conjugation — while it also has to a great extent a causative value, and may be formed in that value from a large number of roots — it will be best treated in full along with the derivative conjugations (chap. XIV., 1041 ff.).
608. A small number of roots add in the present-system a ch, or substitute a ch for their final consonant, and form a stem ending in cha or chá, which is then inflected like any a-stem. This is historically, doubtless, a true class-sign, analogous with the rest; but the verbs showing it are so few, and in formation so irregular, that they are not well to be put together into a class, but may best be treated as special cases falling under the other classes.
a. Roots adding ch are ṛ and yu, which make the stems ṛcchá and yúccha.
b. Roots substituting ch for their final are iṣ, uṣ (or vas shine), gam, yam, which make the stems icchá, ucchá, gáccha, yáccha.
c. Of the so-called roots ending in ch, several are more or less clearly stems, whose use has been extended from the present to other systems of tenses.
609. Roots are not wholly limited, even in the later language, to one mode of formation of their present-stem, but are sometimes reckoned as belonging to two or more different conjugation-classes. And such variety of formation is especially frequent in the Veda, being exhibited by a considerable proportion of the roots there occurring; already in the Brāhmaṇas, however, a condition is reached nearly agreeing in this respect with the classical language. The different present-formations sometimes have differences of meaning; yet not more important ones than are often found belonging to the same formation, nor of a kind to show clearly a difference of value as originally belonging to the separate classes of presents. If anything of this kind is to be established, it must be from the derivative conjugations, which are separated by no fixed line from the present-systems.
610. We take up now the different classes, in the order in which they have been arranged above, to describe more in detail, and with illustration, the formation of their present-systems, and to notice the irregularities belonging under each class.
611. In this class there is no class-sign; the root itself is also present-stem, and to it are added directly the personal endings — but combined in subjunctive and optative with the respective mode-signs; and in the imperfect the augment is prefixed to the root.
a. The accented endings (552) regularly take the accent — except in the imperfect, where it falls on the augment — and before them the root remains unchanged; before the unaccented endings, the root takes the guṇa-strengthening.
b. It is only in the first three classes that the endings come immediately in contact with a final consonant of the root, and that the roles for consonant combination have to be noted and applied. In these classes, then, additional paradigms will be given, to illustrate the modes of combination.
612. The endings are the primary (with अते áte in 3d pl. mid.), added to the bare root. The root takes the accent, and has guṇa, if capable of it, in the three persons sing. act.
Examples of inflection: a. active, root इ i go: strong form of root-stem, ए é; weak form, इ i; middle, root ās sit, stem ā́s (irregularly accented throughout: 628).
b. root dviṣ. hate: strong stem-form, dvéṣ; weak, dviṣ. For rules of combination for the final ṣ, see 226.
c. root duh milk: strong stem-form, dóh; weak, duh. For rules of combination for the final h, and for the conversion of the initial to dh, see 222 a, 155, 160.
613. Examples of the 3d sing. mid. coincident in form with the 1st sing. are not rare in the older language (both V. and B.): the most frequent examples are ī́çe, duhé, vidé, çáye; more sporadic are cité, bruve, huvé. To tha of the 2d pl. is added na in sthána, pāthánā, yāthána. The irregular accent of the 3d pl. mid. is found in RV. in rihaté, duhaté. Examples of the same person in re and rate also occur: thus (besides those mentioned below, 629–30, 635), vidré, and, with auxiliary vowel, arhire (unless these are to be ranked, rather, as perfect forms without reduplication: 790 b).
614. Subjunctive forms of this class are not uncommon in the older language, and nearly all those which the formation anywhere admits are quotable, from Veda or from Brāhmaṇa. A complete paradigm, accordingly, is given below, with the few forms not actually quotable for this class enclosed in brackets. We may take as models (as above), for the active the root i go, and for the middle the root ās sit, from both of which numerous forms are met with (although neither for these nor for any others can the whole series be found in actual use).
a. The mode-stems are áya (é+a) and ā́sa (ā́s+a) respectively.
| ā́sāmahāi |
|ā́sāite|| [ā́sante] -nta |
616. The personal endings combined with the mode-signs of this mode (या yā in act., ई ī in mid.) have been given in full above (566). The stem-form is the unaccented and unstrengthened root.
| आसीमहि |
| आसीरन् |
a. In the same manner, from √dviṣ, dviṣyā́m and dviṣīyá; from √duh, duhyā́m and duhīyá; from √lih, lihyā́m and lihīyá. The inflection is so regular that the example above given is enough, with the addition of dviṣīyá, to show the normal accentuation in the middle: thus, sing. dviṣīyá, dviṣīthā́s, dviṣītá; du. dviṣīváhi, dviṣīyā́thām, dviṣīyā́tām; pl. dviṣīmáhi, dviṣīdhvám, dviṣīrán.
b. The RV. has once tana in 2d pl. act. (in syātana).
b. From the roots dviṣ and duh and lih:
618. The 2d sing. act. ending tāt is found in the older language in a few verbs of this class: namely, vittā́t, vītāt, brūtā́t, hatāt, yātāt, stutāt. In 3d sing. mid., two or three verbs have in the older language the ending ām: thus, duhā́m (only RV. case), vidām, çayām; and in 3d pl. mid. AV. has duhrā́m and duhratām. The use of tana for ta in 2d pl. act. is quite frequent in the Veda: thus, itana, yātána, attana, etc. And in stota, éta étana, bravītana, çāstána, hantana, we have examples in the same person of a strong (and accented) stem.
c. The root ās forms the anomalous and isolated ā́sīna (in RV. also āsāná).
d. But a number of these participles in the older language have a double accent, either on the ending or on the radical syllable: thus, īçāná and ī́çāna, ohāná and óhāna, duhāná and dúhāna (also dúghāna), rihāṇá and ríhāṇa, vidāná and vídāna, suvāná and súvāna, stuvāná and stavāná and stávāna — the last having in part also a strong form of the root.
620. This tense adds the secondary endings to the root as increased by prefixion of the augment. The root has the guṇa-strengthening (if capable of it) in the three persons of the singular active, although the accent is always upon the augment. Examples of inflection are:
a. From the roots इ i and आस् ās:
b. From the roots dviṣ and duh and lih:
621. a. Roots ending in ā may in the later language optionally take us instead of an in 3d pl. act. (the ā being lost before it); and in the older they always do so: thus, áyus from √yā, ápus from √pā protect, abhus from √bhā. The same ending is also allowed and met with in the case of a few roots ending in consonants: namely vid know, cakṣ, dviṣ, duh, mṛj. RV. has atviṣus.
b. The ending tana, 2d pl. act., is found in the Veda in áyātana, ásastana, āítana, ábravītana. A strong stem is seen in the 1st pl. homa, and the 2d pl. abravīta and ábravītana.
c. To save the characteristic endings in 2d and 3d sing. act., the root ad inserts a: thus, ā́das, ā́dat; the root as inserts ī: thus, ā́sīs, ā́sīt (see below, 636); compare also 631–4.
622. The use of the persons of this tense, without augment, in the older language, has been noticed above (587). Augmentless imperfects of this class are rather uncommon in the Veda: thus, hán, vés, 2d sing.; han, vet, stāut, dán (?), 3d sing.; bruvan, duhús, cakṣus, 3d pl.; vasta, sūta, 3d sing. mid.
623. The first or root-form of aorist is identical in its formation with this imperfect: see below, 829 ff.
624. In the Veda (but hardly outside of the RV.) are found certain 2d sing. forms, having an imperative value, made by adding the ending si to the (accented and strengthened) root. In part, they are the only root-forms belonging to the roots from which they come: thus, jóṣi (for jóṣṣi, from √juṣ), dhákṣi, párṣi (√pṛ pass), prā́si, bhakṣi, ratsi, sátsi, hoṣi; but the majority of them have forms (one or more) of a root-present, or sometimes of a root-aorist, beside them: thus, kṣéṣi (√kṣi rule), jéṣi, dárṣi, nakṣi (√naç. attain), néṣi, mátsi, māsi (√mā measure), yákṣi, yáṁsi, yāsi, yótsi, rā́si, vákṣi (√vah), véṣi, çróṣi, sakṣi. Their formal character is somewhat disputed; but they are probably indicative persons of the root-class, used imperatively.
625. Forms of this class are made from nearly 150 roots, either in the earlier language, or in the later, or in both: namely, from about 50 through the whole life of the language, from 80 in the older period (of Veda, Brāhmaṇa, and Sūtra) alone, and from a few (about 15) in the later period (epic and classical) only. Not a few of these roots, however, show only sporadic root-forms, beside a more usual conjugation of some other class; nor is it in all cases possible to separate clearly root-present from root-aorist forms.
a. Many roots of this class, as of the other classes of the first conjugation, show transfers to the second or a-conjugation, forming a conjugation-stem by adding a to their strong or weak stem, or even to both: thus, from √mṛj, both mārja (627) and mṛja. Such transfers are met with even in the oldest language; but they usually become more frequent later, often establishing a new mode of present inflection by the side of, or in substitution for, the earlier mode.
b. A number of roots offer irregularities of inflection; these are, in the main, pointed out in the following paragraphs.
626. The roots of the class ending in u have in their strong forms the vṛddhi instead of the guṇa-strengthening before an ending beginning with a consonant: thus, from √stu, stāúmi, ástāut, and the like: but ástavam, stávāni, etc.
a. Roots found to exhibit this peculiarity in actual use are kṣṇu, yu unite, su (or sū) impel, sku, stu, snu (these in the earlier language), nu, ru, and hnu. RV. has once stoṣi, and anāvan. Compare also 633.
627. The root mṛj also has the vṛddhi-vowel in its strong forms: thus, mā́rjmi, ámārjam, ámārṭ (150 b); and the same strengthening is said to be allowed in weak forms before endings beginning with a vowel: thus, mārjantu, amārjan; but the only quotable case is mārjīta (LÇS.). Forms from a-stems begin to appear already in AV.
a In the other tense-systems, also, and in derivation, mṛj shows often the vṛddhi instead of the guṇa-strengthening.
628. A number of roots accent the radical syllable throughout, both in strong and in weak forms: thus, all those beginning with a long vowel, ās, īḍ, īr, īç; and also cakṣ, takṣ, trā, nīṅs, vas clothe, çiñj, çī lie, and sū. All these, except takṣ and trā (and trā also in the Vedic forms), are ordinarily conjugated in middle voice only. Forms with the same irregular accent occur now and then in the Veda from other verbs: thus, mátsva, yákṣva, sákṣva, sā́kṣva, ṛ́dhat. Middle participles so accented have been noticed above (619 d).
629. Of the roots mentioned in the last paragraph, çī lie has the guṇa-strengthening throughout: thus, çáye, çéṣe, çáyīya, çáyāna, and so on. Other irregularities in its inflection (in part already noticed) are the 3d pl. persons çérate (AV. etc. have also çére), çératām, áçerata (RV. has also áçeran), the 3d sing. pres. çáye (R.) and impv. çáyām. The isolated active form áçayat is common in the older language; other a-forms, active and middle, occur later.630. Of the same roots, īḍ and īç insert a union-vowel i before certain endings: thus, ī́çiṣe, ī́çidhve, ī́ḍiṣva (these three being the only forms noted in the older language); but RV. has ī́kṣe beside ī́çiṣe; the ÇvU. has once īçite for īṣṭe. The 3d pl. ī́çire (on account of its accent) is also apparently present rather than perfect. The MS. has once the 3d sing. impf. āiça (like aduha: 635). 631. The roots rud weep, svap sleep, an breathe, and çvas blow insert a union-vowel i before all the endings beginning with a consonant, except the s and t of 2d and 3d sing. impf., where they insert instead either a or ī: thus, svápimi, çvásiṣi, ániti, and ā́nat or ā́nīt. And in the other forms, the last three are allowed to accent either root or ending: thus, svápantu and çvásantu (AV.), or svapántu etc. The AV. has sváptu instead of svápitu.
a. In the older language, √vam makes the same insertions: thus, vamiti, avamīt; and other cases occasionally occur: thus, jániṣva, vasiṣva (√vas clothe), çnathihi, stanihi (all RV.), yamiti (JB.), çocimi (MBh.). On the other hand, √an early makes forms from an a-stem: thus, ánati (AV.); pple ánant (ÇB.); opt. anet (AB.).
632. The root brū speak, say (of very frequent use) takes the union-vowel ī after the root when strengthened, before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, brávīmi, brávīṣi, brávīti, ábravīs, ábravīt; but brūmás, brūyā́m, ábravam, ábruvan, etc. Special occasional irregularities are brūmi, bravīhi, abruvam, abrūvan, bruyāt, and sporadic forms from an a-stem. The subj. dual brávāite has been noticed above (616); also the strong forms abravīta, ábravītana (621 a).
633. Some of the roots in u are allowed to be inflected like brū: namely, ku, tu, ru, and stu; and an occasional instance is met with of a form so made (in the older language, only tavīti noted; in the later, only stavīmi, once).
634. The root am (hardly found in the later language) takes ī as union-vowel: thus, amīṣi (RV.), amīti and āmīt and amīṣva (TS). From √çam occur çamīṣva (VS. ; TS. çamiṣva) and çamīdhvam (TB. etc.).
635. The irregularities of √duh in the older language have been already in part noted: the 3d pl. indic. mid. duhaté, duhré, and duhráte; 3d sing. impv. duhā́m, pl. duhrā́m and duhratām; impf. act. 3d sing. áduhat (which is found also in the later language), 3d pl. aduhran (beside áduhan and duhús); the mid. pple dúghāna; and (quite unexampled elsewhere) the opt. forms duhīyát and duhīyán (RV. only). The MS. has aduha 3d sing. and aduhra 3d pl. impf. mid., apparently formed to correspond to the pres. duhe (613) and duhre as adugdha and aduhata correspond to dugdhe and duhate: compare āiça (630), related in like manner to the 3d sing. īçe.
Some of the roots of this class are abbreviated or otherwise weakened in their weak forms: thus: —
636. The root अस् as be loses its vowel in weak forms (except where protected by combination with the augment). Its 2d sing. indic. is असि ási (instead of assi); its 2d sing. impv. is एधि edhí (irregularly from asdhi). The insertion of ई ī in 2d and 3d sing. impf. has been noticed already above.
a. The forms of this extremely common verb are, then, as follows:
Participle सन्त् sánt (fem. सती satī́).
b. Besides the forms of the present-system, there is made from this root only a perfect, ā́sa etc. (800), of wholly regular inflection.
c. The Vedic subjunctive forms are the usual ones, made upon the stem ása. They are in frequent use, and appear (asat especially) even in late texts where the subjunctive is almost lost. The resolution siā́m etc. (opt.) is common in Vedic verse. As 2d and 3d sing. impf. is a few times met with the more normal ās (for ās-s, ās-t). Sthána, 2d pl., was noted above (613).d. Middle forms from √as are also given by the grammarians as allowed with certain prepositions (vi+ati), but they are not quotable; smahe and syāmahe (!) occur in the epics, but are merely instances of the ordinary epic confusion of voices (529 a). Confusions of primary and secondary endings — namely, sva and sma (not rare), and, on the other hand, syāvas and syāmas — are also epic. A middle present indicative is said to be compounded (in 1st and 2d persons) with the nomen agentis in tṛ (tar) to form a periphrastic future in the middle voice (but see below, 947). The 1st sing. indic. is he; the rest is in the usual relation of middle to active forms (in 2d pers., se, dhve, sva, dhvam, with total loss of the root itself). 637. The root han smite, slay is treated somewhat after the manner of noun-stems in an in declension (421): in weak forms, it loses its n before an initial consonant (except m and v) of a personal ending (not in the optative), and its a before an initial vowel — and in the latter case its h, in contact with the n, is changed to gh (compare 402). Thus, for example:
a. Its participle is ghnánt (fem. ghnatī́). Its 2d sing. impv. is jahí (by anomalous dissimilation, on the model of reduplicating forms).
b. Middle forms from this root are frequent in the Brāhmaṇas, and those that occur are formed in general according to the same rules: thus, hate, hanmahe, ghnate; ahata, aghnātām, aghnata (in AB., also ahata); ghnīta (but also hanīta). Forms from transfer-stems, hana and ghna, are met with from an early period.
638. The root vaç be eager is in the weak forms regularly and usually contracted to uç (as in the perfect: 794 b): thus, uçmási (V.: once apparently abbreviated in RV. to çmasi), uçánti; pple uçánt, uçāná. Middle forms (except the pple) do not occur; nor do the weak forms of the imperfect, which are given as āuçva, āuṣṭam, etc.
a. RV. has in like, manner the participle uṣāṇá from the root vas clothe.
639. The root çās order shows some of the peculiarities of a reduplicated verb, lacking (646) the n before t in all 3d persons pl. and in the active participle. A part of its active forms — namely, the weak forms having endings beginning with consonants (including the optative) — are said to come from a stem with weakened vowel, çiṣ (as do the aorist, 854, and some of the derivatives); but, excepting the optative (çiṣyām etc., U. S. and later), no such forms are quotable.
a. The 3d sing. impf. is açāt (555 a), and the same form is said to be allowed also as 2d sing. The 2d sing. impv. is çādhí (with total loss of the s); and RV. has the strong 2d pl. çāstána (with anomalous accent); and a-forms, from stem (çāsa, occasionally occur.
b. The middle inflection is regular, and the accent (apparently) always upon the radical syllable (çā́ste, (çā́sate, çā́sāna).
c. The root dāç worship has in like manner (RV.) the pple dā́çat (not dā́çant).
640. The double so-called root jakṣ eat, laugh is an evident reduplication of ghas and has respectively. It has the absence of n in act. 3d persons pl. and pple, and the accent on the root before vowel-endings, which belong to reduplicated verbs; and it also takes the union-vowel i in the manner of rud etc. (above, 631). For its forms and derivatives made with utter loss of the final sibilant, see 233 f.
641. Certain other obviously reduplicated verbs are treated by the native grammarians as if simple, and referred to this conjugation: such are the intensively reduplicated jāgṛ (1020 a), daridrā (1024 a), and vevī (1024 a), dīdhī etc. (676), and cakās (677).
642. This class forms its present-stem by prefixing a reduplication to the root.
643. a. As regards the consonant of the reduplication, the general rules which have already been given above (590) are followed.
b. A long vowel is shortened in the reduplicating syllable: thus,
ददा dadā from √दा dā; बिभी bibhī from √भी bhī; जुहू juhū from √हू hū. The vowel ऋ ṛ never appears in the reduplication, but is replaced by इ i: thus, बिभृ bibhṛ from √भृ bhṛ; पिपृच् pipṛc from √पृच् pṛc.
c. For verbs in which a and ā also are irregularly represented in the reduplication by i, see below, 660. The root vṛt (V. B.) makes vavartti etc.; cakránt (RV.) is very doubtful.
d. The only root of this class with initial vowel is ṛ (or ar); it takes as reduplication i, which is held apart from the root by an interposed y: thus, iyar and iyṛ (the latter has not been found in actual use).644. The present-stem of this class (as of the other classes belonging to the first or non-a-conjugation) has a double form: a stronger form, with gunated root-vowel; and a weaker form, without guṇa: thus, from √हु hu, the two forms are जुहो juho and जुहु juhu; from √भी bhī, they are बिभे bibhe and बिभी bibhī. And the rule for their use is the same as in the other classes of this conjugation: the strong stem is found before the unaccented endings (552), and the weak stem before the accented. 645. According to all the analogies of the first general conjugation, we should expect to find the accent upon the root-syllable when this is strengthened. That is actually the case, however, only in a small minority of the roots composing the class: namely, in hu, bhī (no test-forms in the older language), hrī (no test-forms found in the older language), mad (very rare), jan (no forms of this class found to occur) , ci notice (in V.), yu separate (in older language only), and in bhṛ in the later language (in V. it goes with the majority: but RV. has bibhárti once, and AV. twice; and this, the later accentuation, is found also in the Brāhmaṇas); and RV. has once iyárṣi. In all the rest — apparently, by a recent transfer — it rests upon the reduplicating instead of upon the radical syllable. And in both classes alike, the accent is anomalously thrown back upon the reduplication in those weak forms of which the ending begins with a vowel; while in the other weak forms it is upon the ending (but compare 666 a).
a. Apparently (the cases with written accent are too few to determine the point satisfactorily) the middle optative endings, īya etc. (566), are reckoned throughout as endings with initial vowel, and throw back the accent upon the reduplication.
646. The verbs of this class lose the न् n in the 3d pl. endings in active as well as middle, and in the imperfect have उस् us instead of अन् an — and before this a final radical vowel has guṇa.
647. The combination of stem and endings is as in the preceding class.
Examples of inflection: a. √हु hu sacrifice: strong stem-form, जुहो juhó; weak form,जुहु juhu (or júhu).
c. The u of hu (like that of the class-signs nu and u: see below, 697 a) is said to be omissible before v and m of the endings of 1st du. and pl.: thus, juhvás, juhváhe, etc.; but no such forms are quotable.
648. It is not possible at present to draw a distinct line between those subjunctive forms of the older language which should be reckoned as belonging to the present-system and those which should be assigned to the perfect — or even, in some cases, to the reduplicated aorist and intensive. Here will be noticed only those which most clearly belong to this class; the more doubtful cases will be treated under the perfect-system. Except in first persons (which continue in use as "imperatives" down to the later language), subjunctives from roots having unmistakably a reduplicated present-system are of far from frequent occurrence.
649. The subjunctive mode-stem is formed in the usual manner, with the mode-sign a and guṇa of the root-vowel, if this is capable of such strengthening. The evidence of the few accented forms met with indicates that the accent is laid in accordance with that of the strong indicative forms: thus, from √hu, the stem would be juháva; from √bhṛ, it would be bíbhara (but bibhára later). Before the mode-sign, final radical ā would be, in accordance with analogies elsewhere, dropped: thus, dáda from √dā, dádha from √dhā (all the forms actually occurring would be derivable from the secondary roots dad and dadh).
650. Instead of giving a theoretically complete scheme of inflection, it will be better to note all the examples quotable from the older language (accented when found so occurring).
a. Thus, of 1st persons, we have in the active juhávāni, bibharāṇi, dadāni, dadhāni, jahāni; juhavāma, dádhāma, jáhāma; — in the middle, dadhāi, mimāi; dadhāvahāi; juhavāmahāi, dadāmahe, dadāmahāi, dadhāmahāi.
b. Of other persons, we have with primary endings in the active bibharāsi (with double mode-sign: 560 e), dádhathas, juhavātha (do.) and juhavatha; in the middle, dádhase; dádhate, rárate, dádhātāi, dadātāi; — with secondary endings, dádhas, víveṣas, juhavat, bibharat, yuyávat, dádhat, dadhánat, babhasat; dadhan, yuyavan, juhavan.
651. To form this mode, the optative endings given above (566 a), as made up of mode-sign and personal endings, are added to the unstrengthened stem. The accent is as already stated (645 a). The inflection is so regular that it is unnecessary to give here more than the first persons of a single verb: thus,
652. The endings, and the mode of their combination with the root, have been already given. In 2d sing. act., the ending is हि hi after a vowel, but धि dhi after a consonant: हु hu, however, forms जुहुधि juhudhí (apparently, in order to avoid the recurrence of ह् h in two successive syllables): and other examples of धि dhi after a vowel are found in the Veda.
653. a. Example of inflection:
b. The verbs of the other division differ here, as in the indicative, in the accentuation of their strong forms only: namely, in all the first persons (borrowed subjunctives), and in the 3d sing. act.: thus, (in the older language) bíbharāṇi etc., bíbhartu, bíbharāi etc.
654. Vedic irregularities of inflection are: 1. the occasional use of strong forms in 2d persons: thus, yuyodhí, çiçādhi (beside çiçīhí); yuyotam (beside yuyutám); íyarta, dádāta and dadātana, dádhāta and dádhātana (see below, 668), pipartana, juhóta and juhótana, yuyota and yuyotana; rarāsva (666); 2. the use of dhi instead of hi after a vowel (only in the two instances just quoted); 3. the ending tana in 2d pl. act.: namely, besides those just given, in jigātana, dhattana, mamáttana, vivaktana, didiṣṭana, bibhītana, jujuṣṭana, juhutana, vavṛttana: the cases are proportionally much more numerous in this than in any other class; 4. the ending tāt in 2d sing. act., in dattāt, dhattā́t, pipṛtāt, jahītāt.
655. As elsewhere, the active participle-stem may be made mechanically from the 3d pl. indic. by dropping इ i: thus, जुह्वत् júhvat, बिभ्रत् bíbhrat. In inflection, it has no distinction of strong and weak forms (444). The feminine stem ends in अती atī. The middle participles are regularly made: thus, जुह्वान júhvāna, बिभ्राण bíbhrāṇa.
a. RV. shows an irregular accent in pipāná (√pā drink).
656. As already pointed out, the 3d pl. act. of this class takes the ending उस् us, and a final radical vowel has guṇa before it. The strong forms are, as in present indicative, the three singular active persons.
657. Examples of inflection:
b. In MS., once, abibhrus is doubtless a false reading.
658. The usual Vedic irregularities in 2d pl. act. — strong forms, and the ending tana — occur in this tense also: thus, ádadāta, ádadhāta; ádattana, ájahātana. The RV. has also once apiprata for apipṛta in 3d sing. mid., and abibhran for abibharus in 3d pl. act. Examples of augmentless forms are çiçās, vivés, jígāt; jíhīta, çíçīta, jihata; and, with irregular strengthening, yuyoma (AV.), yuyothās, yuyota.
659. The roots that form their present-stem by reduplication are a very small class, especially in the modern language; they are only 50, all told, and of these only a third (16) are met with later. It is, however, very difficult to determine the precise limits of the class, because of the impossibility (referred to above, under subjunctive: 648) of always distinguishing its forms from those of other reduplicating conjugations and parts of conjugations.
a. Besides the irregularities in tense-inflection already pointed out, others may be noticed as follows.
660. Besides the roots in ṛ or ar — namely, ṛ, ghṛ (usually written ghar), tṛ, pṛ, bhṛ, sṛ, hṛ, pṛc — the following roots having a or ā as radical vowel take i instead of a in the reduplicating syllable: gā go, mā measure, mā bellow, çā, hā remove (mid.), vac, sac; vaç. has both i and a; rā has i once in RV.; for sthā, pā drink ghrā, han, hi, see below (670–4).
661. Several roots of this class in final ā change the ā in weak forms to ī (occasionally even to i), and then drop it altogether before endings beginning with a vowel.
a. This is in close analogy with the treatment of the vowel of the class-sign of the nā-class: below, 717.
These roots are:
662. çā sharpen, act. and mid.: thus, çiçāti, çiçīmasi, çiçīhí (also çiçādhi: above, 654), çiçātu, açiçāt, çíçīte, çíçīta.663. mā bellow, act., and mā measure, mid. (rarely also act.): thus, mimāti, mimīyāt; mímīte, mimate, ámimīta; mimīhi, mímātu. RV. has once mimanti 3d pl. (for mimati). 664. hā remove, mid.: thus, jíhīte, jihīdhve, jíhate; jihīṣva, jihatām; ájihīta, ajihata. ÇB. has jihīthām (for jihāthām).
665. hā quit, act. (originally identical with the former), may further shorten the ī to i: thus, jahāti, jahīta, jahītāt (AV.); jahimas (AV.), jahitas (TB.), jahitam (TA.), ajahitām (TS. AB.). In the optative, the radical vowel is lost altogether; thus, jahyām, jahyus (AV.). The 2d sing. impv., according to the grammarians, is jahīhi or jahihi or jahāhi; only the first appears quotable.
a. Forms from an a-stem, jaha, are made for this root, and even derivatives from a quasi-root jah.
666. rā give, mid.: thus, rarīdhvam, rarīthās (impf. without augment); and, with i in reduplication, rirīhi. But AV. has rarāsva.
a. In these verbs, the accent is generally constant on the reduplicating syllable.
667. The two roots dā and dhā (the commonest of the class) lose their radical vowel altogether in the weak forms, being shortened to dad and dadh. In 2d sing. impv. act., they form respectively dehí and dhehí. In combination with a following t or th, the final dh of dadh does not follow the special rule of combination of a final sonant aspirate (becoming ddh with the t or th: 160), but — as also before s and dhv — the more general rules of aspirate and of surd and sonant combination; and its lost aspiration is thrown back upon the initial of the root (155).
668. The inflection of √dhā is, then, as follows:
a. In the middle (except impf.), only those forms are here accented for which there is authority in the accentuated texts, as there is discordance between the actual accent and that which the analogies of the class would lead us to expect. RV. has once dhátse: dadhé and dadhā́te might be perfects, so far as the form is concerned. RV. accents dadhītá once (dádhīta thrice); several other texts have dádhīta, dádhīran, dádīta.
b. The root dā is inflected in precisely the same way, with change everywhere of (radical) dh to d.
669. The older language has irregularities as follows: 1. the usual strong forms in 2d pl., dádhāta and ádadhāta, dádāta and ádadāta; 2. the usual tana endings in the same person, dhattana, dádātana, etc. (654, 658); 3. the 3d sing. indic. act. dadhé (like 1st sing.); 4. the 2d sing. impv. act. daddhí (for both dehi and dhehi). And R. has dadmi.
670. A number of roots have been transferred from this to the a- or bhū-class (below, 749), their reduplicated root becoming a stereotyped stem inflected after the manner of a-stems. These roots are as follows:
671. In all periods of the language, from the roots sthā stand, pā drink, and ghrā smell, are made the presents tíṣṭhāmi, píbāmi (with irregular sonantizing of the second p), and jíghrāmi — which then are inflected not like mímāmi, but like bhávāmi, as if from the present-stems tíṣṭha, píba, jíghra.
672. In the Veda (especially; also later), the reduplicated roots dā and dhā are sometimes turned into the a-stems dáda and dádha, or inflected as if roots dad and dadh of the a-class; and single forms of the same character are made from other roots: thus, mimanti (√mā bellow), rárate (√rā give: 3d sing. mid.).
673. In the Veda, also, a like secondary stem, jighna, is made from √han (with omission of the radical vowel, and conversion, usual in this root, of h to gh when in contact with n: 637); and some of the forms of saçc, from √sac, show the same conversion to an a-stem, saçca.
674. In AB. (viii. 28), a similar secondary form, jighya, is given to √hi or hā: thus, jighyati, jighyatu.
675. A few so-called roots of the first or root-class are the products of reduplication, more or less obvious: thus, jakṣ (640), and probably çās (from √ças) and cakṣ (from √kāç or a lost root kas see). In the Veda is found also saçc, from √sac.
676. The grammarians reckon (as already noticed, 641) several roots of the most evidently reduplicate character as simple, and belonging to the root-class. Some of these (jāgṛ, daridrā, vevī) are regular intensive stems, and will be described below under Intensives (1020 a, 1024 a); dīdhī shine, together with Vedic dīdī shine and pīpī swell, are sometimes also classed as intensives; but they have not the proper reduplication of such, and may perhaps be best noticed here, as reduplicated present-stems with irregularly long reduplicating vowel.
a. Of pres. indic. occurs in the older language only dīdyati, 3d pl., with the pples dī́dyat and dī́dhyat, and mid. dīdye, dīdhye, dīdhyāthām, with the pples dī́dyāna, dī́dhyāna, pī́pyāna. The subj. stems are dīdáya, dīdhaya, pīpáya, and from them are made forms with both primary (from dīdáya) and secondary endings (and the irregularly accented dī́dayat and dīdāyat and dī́dhayan). No opt. occurs. In impv. we have dīdihí (and didīhí) and pīpihí, and pipyatam, pipyatām, pipyata. In impf., adīdes and pīpes, ádīdet and ádīdhet and apīpet (with augmentless forms), apīpema (with strong form of root), and adīdhayus and (irregular) apīpyan.
b. A few forms from all the three show transfer to an a-inflection: thus, dīdhaya and pīpaya (impv.), ápīpayat, etc.
c. Similar forms from √mī bellow are amīmet and mīmayat.
677. The stem cakās shine (sometimes cakāç) is also regarded by the grammarians as a root, and supplied as such with tenses outside the present-system — which, however, hardly occur in genuine use. It is not known in the older language.
678. The root bhas chew loses its radical vowel in weak forms, taking the form baps: thus, bábhasti, but bápsati (3d pl.), bápsat (pple). For babdhām, see 233 f.
679. The root bhī fear is allowed by the grammarians to shorten its vowel in weak forms: thus, bibhīmas or bibhimas, bibhīyām or bibhiyām; and bibhiyāt etc. are met with in the later language.
680. Forms of this class from √jan give birth, with added i — thus, jajñiṣe, jajñidhve — are given by the grammarians, but have never been found in use.
681. The roots ci and cit have in the Veda reversion of c to k in the root-syllable after the reduplication: thus, cikéṣi, cikéthe (anomalous, for cikyā́the), cikitām, aciket, cíkyat (pple); cikiddhi.
682. The root vyac has i in the reduplication (from the y), and is contracted to vic in weak forms: thus, viviktás, áviviktām. So the root hvar (if its forms are to be reckoned here) has u in reduplication, and contracts to hur: thus, juhūrthās.
684. Examples of inflection: a. the root युज् yuj join: strong stem-form, युनज् yunáj; weak, युञ्ज् yuñj.
For the rules of combination of final j, see 219.
| युञ्ज्महे |
| युङ्ग्ध्वे |
b. the root रुध् rudh obstruct; bases रुणध् ruṇadh and रुन्ध् rundh.
For rules of combination of final dh, see 153, 160.
c. Instead of yun̄kthas, yun̄gdhve, and the like (here and in the impv. and impf.), it is allowed and more usual (231) to write yun̄thas, yun̄dhve, etc.; and, in like manner, rundhas, rundhe, for runddhas, runddhe; and so in other like cases.
685. Vedic irregularities of inflection are: 1. the ordinary use of a 3d sing. mid. like the 1st sing., as vṛñje; 2. the accent on té of 3d pl. mid. in añjaté, indhaté, bhuñjaté.
a. Yunañkṣi, in BhP., is doubtless a false reading.
686. The stem is made, as usual, by adding a to the strong present-stem: thus, yunája, ruṇádha. Below are given as if made from √yuj all the forms for which examples have been noted as actually occurring in the older language.
687. The RV. has once añjatas, which is anomalous as being made from the weak tense-stem. Forms with double mode-sign are met with: thus, tṛṇáhān (AV.), rādhnávāt and yunajān (ÇB.); and the only quotable example of 3d du. act. (besides añjatás) is hinásātas (ÇB.). ÇB. has also hinasāvas as 1st du. act.: an elsewhere unexampled form.
688. The optative is made, as elsewhere, by adding the compounded mode-endings to the weak form of present-stem. Thus:
a. AB. has once the anomalous 1st sing. act. vṛñjīyam. And forms like bhuñjīyām -yāt, yuñjīyāt, are here and there met with in the epics (bhuñjīyātām once in GGS.). MBh., too, has once bhuñjītam.
689. In this class (as the roots all end in consonants) the ending of the 2d sing. act. is always धि dhi.
691. The participles are made in this class as in the preceding ones: thus, act. युञ्जन्त् yuñjánt (fem. युञ्जती yuñjatī́); mid. युञ्जान yuñjāná (but RV. has índhāna).
692. The example of the regular inflection of this tense needs no introduction:
a. The endings s and t are necessarily lost in the nasal class throughout in 2d and 3d sing. act., unless saved at the expense of the final radical consonant: which is a case of very rare occurrence (the only quotable examples were given at 555 a).
693. The Veda shows no irregularities in this tense. Occurrences of augmentless forms are found, especially in 2d and 3d sing. act., showing an accent like that of the present: for example, bhinát, pṛṇák, vṛṇák, piṇák, riṇák.
a. The 1st sing. act. atṛṇam and acchinam (for atṛṇadam and acchinadam) were noted above, at 555 a.694. The roots of this class number about thirty, more than half of them being found only in the earlier language; no new ones make their first appearance later. Three of them, añj and bhañj and hiṅs, carry their nasal also into other tense-systems than the present. Two, ṛdh and ubh, make present-systems also of other classes having a nasal in the class-sign: thus, ṛdhnoti (nu-class) and ubhnāti (nā-class). a. Many of the roots make forms from secondary a-stems: thus, from añja, unda, umbhá, chinda, tṛṅhá, piṅṣa, pṛñcá, bhuñja, rundha, çiṅṣá, etc.
695. The root tṛh combines tṛṇah with ti, tu, etc. into tṛṇeḍhi, tṛṇéḍhu; and, according to the grammarians, has also such forms as tṛṇehmi: see above, 224 b.
696. The root hiṅs (by origin apparently a desiderative from √han) accents irregularly the root-syllable in the weak forms: thus, híṅsanti, híṅste, híṅsāna (but hinásat etc. and hiṅsyā́t ÇB.).
697. A. The present-stem of the nu-class is made by adding to the root the syllable नु nu, which then in the strong forms receives the accent, and is strengthened to नो nó.
B. The few roots of the u-class (about half-a-dozen) end in न् n, with the exception of the later irregular कृ kṛ (or kar) — for which, see below, 714. The two classes, then, are closely correspondent in form; and they are wholly accordant in inflection.
a. The u of either class-sign is allowed to be dropped before v and m of the 1st du. and 1st pl. endings, except when the root (nu-class) ends in a consonant; and the u before a vowel-ending becomes v or uv, according as it is preceded by one or by two consonants (129 a).
698. Examples of inflection: A. nu-class; root सु su press out: strong form of stem, सुनो sunó; weak form, सुनु sunu.
a. The forms sunvás, sunmás, sunváhe, sunmáhe are alternative with those given here for 1st du. and pl., and in practice are more common. From √āp, however (for example), only the forms with u can occur: thus, āpnuvás, āpnumáhe; and also only āpnuvánti, āpnuvé, āpnuváte.
B. u-class; root तन् tan stretch: strong form of stem, तनो tanó; weak, तनु tanu.
b. The inflection is so precisely like that given above that it is not worth writing out in full. The abbreviated forms in 1st du. and pl. are presented here, instead of the fuller, which rarely occur (as no double consonant ever precedes).
699. a. In the older language, no strong 2d persons du. or pl., and no thana-endings, chance to occur (but they are numerous in the impv. and impf.: see below). The RV. has several cases of the irregular accent in 3d pl. mid.: thus, kṛṇvaté, tanvaté, manvaté, vṛṇvaté, spṛṇvaté.
b. In RV. occur also several 3d pl. mid. in ire from present-stems of this class: thus, invire, ṛṇvire, pinvire, çṛṇviré, sunviré, hinviré. Of these, pinvire and hinviré might be perfects without reduplication from the secondary roots pinv and hinv (below, 716). The 2d sing. mid. (with passive value) çṛṇviṣé (RV.) is of anomalous and questionable character.
700. The subjunctive mode-stem is made in the usual manner, by adding a to the gunated and accented class-sign: thus, sunáva, tanáva. In the following scheme are given all the forms of which examples have been met with in actual use in the older language from either division of the class; some of them are quite numerously represented there.
702. The combined endings (566) are added, as usual, to the weak tense-stem: thus,
a. From √āp, the middle optative would be āpnuvīyá — and so in other like cases.
703. The inflection of the imperative is in general like that in the preceding classes. As regards the 2d sing. act., the rule of the later language is that the ending हि hi is taken whenever the root itself ends in a consonant; otherwise, the tense- (or mode-) stem stands by itself as 2d person (for the earlier usage, see below, 704). An example of inflection is:
704. In the earliest language, the rule as to the omission of hi after a root with final vowel does not hold good: in RV., such forms as inuhi, kṛṇuhí, cinuhí, dhūnuhi, çṛṇuhí, spṛṇuhi, hinuhi, and tanuhi, sanuhi, are nearly thrice as frequent in use as inú, çṛṇu, sunú, tanu, and their like; in AV., however, they are only one sixth as frequent; and in the Brāhmaṇas they appear only sporadically: even çṛṇudhí (with dhi) occurs several times in RV. RV. has the 1st sing. act. hinavā. The ending tāt is found in kṛṇutāt and hinutāt, and kurutāt. The strong stem-form is found in 2d du. act. in hinotam and kṛṇotam; and in 2d pl. act. in kṛṇóta and kṛṇótana, çṛṇóta and çṛṇotana, sunóta and sunótana, hinóta and hinotana, and tanota, karóta. The ending tana occurs only in the forms just quoted.
705. The endings अन्त् ánt and आन āná are added to the weak form of tense stem: thus, from √सु su come act. सुन्वन्त् sunvánt (fem. सुन्वती sunvatī́), mid. सुन्वान sunvāná; from √तन् tan, तन्वन्त् tanvánt (fem. तन्वती tanvatī́), तन्वान tanvāná. From √आप् āp, they are आप्नुवन्त् āpnuvánt and आप्नुवान āpnuvāná.
706. The combination of augmented stem and endings is according to the rules already stated: thus,
708. About fifty roots make, either exclusively or in part, their present-forms after the manner of the nu-class: half of them do so only in the older language; three or four, only in the later.
a. As to transfers to the a-conjugation, see below, 716.
709. The roots of the other division, or of the u-class, are extremely few, not exceeding eight, even including tṛ on account of taruté RV., and han on account of the occurrence of hanomi once in a Sūtra (PGS. i. 3. 27). BR. refer the stem inu to in of the u-class instead of i of the nu-class.
710. The root tṛp be pleased is said by the grammarians to retain the n of its class-sign unlingualized in the later language — where, however, forms of conjugation of this class are very rare; while in the Veda the regular change is made: thus, tṛpṇu.
711. The root çru hear is contracted to çṛ before the class-sign, forming çṛṇó and çṛṇu as stem. Its forms çṛṇviṣé and çṛṇviré have been noted above (699 b).
712. The root dhū shake in the later language (and rarely in B. and S.) shortens its vowel, making the stem-forms dhunó and dhunu (earlier dhūnó, dhūnu).
713. The so-called root ūrṇu, treated by the native grammarians as dissyllabic and belonging to the root-class (I.), is properly a present-stem of this class, with anomalous contraction, from the root vṛ (or var). In the Veda, it has no forms which are not regularly made according to the nu-class; but in the Brāhmaṇa language are found sometimes such forms as ūrṇāuti, as if from an u-root of the root class (626); and the grammarians make for it a perfect, aorist, future, etc. Its 2d sing. impv. act. is ūrṇu or ūrṇuhi; its impf., āúrṇos, āurṇot; its opt. mid., ūrṇuvīta (K.) or ūrṇvītá (TS.).
714. The extremely common root कृ kṛ (or kar) make is in the later language inflected in the present-system exclusively according to the u-class (being the only root of that class not ending in न् n). It has the irregularity that in the strong form of stem it (as well as the class-sign) has the guṇa-strengthening, and that in the weak form it is changed to kur, so that the two forms of stem are करो karó and कुरु kuru. The class-sign उ u is always dropped before of व् v and म् m of the 1st du. and pl., and also before य् y of the opt. act. Thus:
|1. Present Indicative.|
|2. Present Optative.|
|3. Present Imperative.|
|4. Present Participle.|
|कुर्वन्त् kurvánt (fem. कुर्वती kurvatī́) कुर्वाण kurvāṇá|
a. As 1st sing. pres. act. is found kurmi in the epos.
b. What irregular forms from kṛ as a verb of the nu-class occur in the older language have been already noticed above.
c. The isolated form taruté, from √tṛ, shows an apparent analogy with these u-forms from kṛ.
716. A few verbs belonging originally to these classes have been shifted, in part or altogether, to the a-class, their proper class-sign having been stereotyped as a part of the root.
a. Thus, in RV. we find forms both from the stem inu (√i or in), and also from ínva, representing a derivative quasi-root inv (and these latter alone occur in AV.). So likewise forms from a stem ṛṇva beside those from ṛṇu (√ṛ); and from hinva beside those from hinu (√hi). The so-called roots jinv and pinv are doubtless of the same origin, although no forms from the stem pinu are met with at any period — unless pinvire (above, 699 b) be so regarded; and AV. has the participle pinvánt, f. pinvatī́. The grammarians set up a root dhinv, but only forms from dhi (stem dhinu) appear to occur in the present-system (the aorist adhinvīt is found in PB.).
b. Occasional a-forms are met with also from other roots: thus, cinvata etc., dunvasva.
717. The class-sign of this class is in the strong forms the syllable ना nā́, accented, which is added to the root; in the weak forms, or where the accent falls upon the ending, it is नी nī; but before the initial vowel of an ending the ई ī of नी nī disappears altogether.
718. Example of inflection: root क्री krī buy: strong form of stem, क्रीणा krīṇā́; weak form, क्रीणी krīṇī (before a vowel, क्रीण् krīṇ).
719. In the Veda, the 3d sing. mid. has the same form with the 1st in gṛṇé; the peculiar accent of 3d pl. mid. is seen in punaté and riṇaté; and vṛṇīmahé (beside vṛṇīmáhe) occurs once in RV.
720. The subjunctive forms which have been found exemplified in Veda and Brāhmaṇa are given below. The subjunctive mode-stem is, of course, indistinguishable in form from the strong tense-stem. And the 2d and 3d sing. act. (with secondary endings) are indistinguishable from augmentless imperfects.
721. This mode is formed and inflected with entire regularity; owing to the fusion of tense-sign and mode-sign in the middle, some of its persons are indistinguishable from augmentless imperfects. Its first persons are as follows:
722. The ending in 2d sing. act., as being always preceded by a vowel, is हि hi (never धि dhi); and there are no examples of an omission of it. But this person is forbidden to be formed in the classical language from roots ending in a consonant; for both class-sign and ending is substituted the peculiar ending आन āná.
| क्रीणामहै |
a. Examples of the ending āná in 2d sing. act. are açāna, gṛhāṇá, badhāná, stabhāná.
723. The ending āna is known also to the earliest language; of the examples just given, all are found in AV., and the first two in RV.; others are iṣāṇa, muṣāṇa, skabhāna. But AV. has also gṛbhṇīhi (also AB.), and even gṛhṇāhi, with strong stem; BhP. has badhnīhi. Strong stems are farther found in gṛṇāhi and stṛṇāhi (TS.), pṛṇāhi (TB.), and çrīṇāhi (Āpast.), and, with anomalous accent, punāhí and çṛṇāhí (SV.); and, in 2d pl. act., in punā́ta (RV.). The ending tāt of 2d sing. act. occurs in gṛhṇītāt, jānītā́t, punītāt. The ending tana is found in punītána, pṛṇītana, çrīṇītana.
724. The participles are regularly formed: thus, for example, act. क्रीणन्त् krīṇánt (fem. क्रीणती krīṇatī́); mid. क्रीणान krīṇāná.
725. There is nothing special to be noted as to the inflection of this tense: an example is —
a. AB. has the false form ajānīmas, and in AA. occurs avṛṇīta as 3d plural.
727. The roots which form their present-systems, wholly or in part, after the manner of this class, are over fifty in number: but, for about three fifths of them, the forms are quotable only from the older language, and for half-a-dozen they make their first appearance later; for less than twenty are they in use through the whole life of the language, from the Veda down.
a. As to secondary a-stems, see 731.
728. a. The roots ending in ū shorten that vowel before the class-sign: thus, from √pū, punā́ti and punīté; in like manner also jū, dhū, lū.
b. The root vlī (B.S.) forms either vlīnā or vlinā.
729. The root grabh or grah (the former Vedic) is weakened to gṛbh or gṛh.
a. As the perfect also in weak forms has gṛbh or gṛh, it is not easy to see why the grammarians should not have written ṛ instead of ra in the root.
730. a. A few of the roots have a more or less persistent nasal in forms outside the present-system; such are without nasal before the class-sign: thus, grath or granth, badh or bandh, math or manth, skabh or skambh, stabh or stambh.
b. The root jñā also loses its nasal before the class-sign: thus, jānā́ti, jānīté.
731. Not rarely, forms showing a transfer to the a-conjugation are met with: thus, even in RV., minati, minat, aminanta, from √mi; in AV., çṛṇa from √çṛ; later, gṛhṇa, jāna, prīṇa, mathna, etc. And from roots pṛ and mṛ are formed the stems pṛṇá and mṛṇá, which are inflected after the manner of the á-class, as if from roots pṛṇ and mṛṇ.732. In the Veda, an apparently denominative inflection of a stem in āyá is not infrequent beside the conjugation of roots of this class: thus, gṛbhāyá, mathāyáti, açrathāyas, skabhāyáta, astabhāyat, pruṣāyánte, muṣāyát, and so on. See below, 1066 b.
733. We come now to the classes which compose the Second or a-Conjugation. These are more markedly similar in their mode of inflection than the preceding classes; their common characteristics, already stated, may be here repeated in summary. They are: 1. A final a in the present-stem; 2. a constant accent, not changing between stem and ending; 3. a briefer form of the optative mode-sign in the active, namely ī instead of yā (combining in both voices alike with a to e); 4. the absence of any ending (except when tāt is used) in 2d sing. impv. act.; 5. the conversion of initial ā of the 2d and 3d du. mid. endings to e; 6. the use of the full endings ante, anta, antām in 3d pl. mid. forms; 7. the invariable use of an (not us) in 3d pl. impf. act.; 8. and the use of māna instead of āna as ending of the mid. pple. Moreover, 9. the stem-final a becomes ā before m and v of 1st personal endings — but not before am of 1st sing. impf.: here, as before the 3d pl. endings, the stem-final is lost, and the short a of the ending remains (or the contrary): thus, bhávanti (bháva+anti), bhávante (bháva+ante), ábhavam (ábhava+am).
a. All these characteristics belong not to the inflection of the a-present-systems alone, but also to that of the a-, reduplicated, and sa-aorists, the s-future, and the desiderative, causative, and denominative present-systems. That is to say, wherever in conjugation an a-stem is found, it is inflected in the same manner.
735. The endings and the rules for their combination with the stem have been already fully given, for this and the other parts of the present-system; and it only remains to illustrate them by examples.
a. Example of inflection: root भू bhū be; stem भव bháva (bho+a: 131).
b. The V. has but a single example of the thana-ending, namely vádathana (and no other in any class of this conjugation). The 1st pl. mid. manāmahé (RV., once) is probably an error. RV. has çóbhe once as 3d singular.
736. The mode-stem is bhávā (bháva+a). Subjunctive forms of this conjugation are very numerous in the older language; the following scheme instances all that have been found to occur.
738. The scheme of optative endings as combined with the final of an a-stem was given in full above (566).
a. The RV. has once the 3d pl. mid. bharerata (for one other example, see 752 b). AV. has udeyam from √vad.
b. A few instances are met with of middle 3d persons from a-stems in īta and (very rarely) īran, instead of eta and eran. For convenience, they may be put together here (excepting the more numerous causative forms, for which see 1043 c); they are (so far as noted) these: nayīta S. and later, çaṅsīta S., çrayīta S.; dhayīta S., dhyāyīta U., hvayīta AB. S. and hvayīran S., dhmāyīta U. An active form çaṅsīyāt C. is isolated and anomalous.
739. An example of the imperative inflection is:
741. The endings अन्त् ant and मान māna are added to the present-stem, with loss, before the former, of the final stem-vowel: thus, act. भवन्त् bhávant (fem. भवन्ती bhávantī); mid. भवमान bhávamāna.
a. A small number of middle participles appear to be made from stems of this class (as of other a-classes: see 752 e, 1043 f) by the suffix āna instead of māna: thus, namāna, pacāna, çikṣāṇa, svajāna, hvayāna (all epic), majjāna and kaṣāṇa (later); and there are Vedic examples (as cyávāna, prathāná, yátāna or yatāná, çúmbhāna, all RV.) of which the character, whether present or aorist, is doubtful: compare 840, 852.
742. An example of the imperfect inflection is:
743. No forms in tana are made in this tense from any a-class. Examples of augmentless forms (which are not uncommon) are: cyávam, ávas, dáhas, bódhat, bhárat, cáran, náçan; bādhathās, várdhata, çócanta. The subjunctively used forms of 2d and 3d sing. act. are more frequent than those of either of the proper subjunctive persons.744. A far larger number of roots form their present-system according to the a-class than according to any of the other classes: in the RV., they are about two hundred and forty (nearly two fifths of the whole body of roots); in the AV., about two hundred (nearly the same proportion); for the whole language, the proportion is still larger, or nearly one half the whole number of present-stems: namely, over two hundred in both earlier and later language, one hundred and seventy-five in the older alone, nearly a hundred and fifty in the later alone. Among these are not a few transfers from the classes of the first conjugation: see those classes above. There are no roots ending in long ā — except a few which make an a-stem in some anomalous way: below, 749 a.
745. A few verbs have irregular vowel-changes in forming the present-stem: thus,
a. ūh consider has guṇa-strengthening (against 240): thus, óhate.
b. kṛp (or krap) lament, on the contrary, remains unchanged: thus, ḱṛ́pate.
c. guh hide has prolongation instead of guṇa: thus, ǵū́hati.
d. kram stride regularly lengthens its vowel in the active, but not in the middle: thus, kŕā́mati, krámate; but the vowel-quantities are somewhat mixed up, even from the oldest language down; — klam tire is said to form klāmati etc., but is not quotable; — cam with the preposition ā rinse the mouth forms ́ā́cāmati.
e. In the later language are found occasional forms of this class from mṛj wipe; and they show the same vṛddhi (instead of guṇa) which belongs to the root in its more proper inflection (627): thus, mārjasva.
f. The grammarians give a number of roots in urv, which they declare to lengthen the u in the present-stem. Only three are found in (quite limited) use, and they show no forms anywhere with short u. All appear to be of secondary formation from roots in ṛ or ar. The root murch or mūrch coagulate has likewise only ū in quotable forms.
g. The onomatopoetic root ṣṭhīv spew is written by the grammarians as ṣṭhiv, and declared to lengthen its vowel in the present-system: compare 240 b.
746. The roots daṅç bite, rañj color, sañj hang, svañj embrace, of which the nasal is in other parts of the conjugation not constant, lose it in the present-system: thus, dáçati etc.; sañj forms both sajati and sajjati (probably for sajyati, or for sasjati from sasajati); math or manth has mathati later. In general, as the present of this class is a strengthening formation, a root that has such a nasal anywhere has it here also.
747. The roots gam go and yam reach make the present-stems gáccha and yáccha: thus, gácchāmi etc.: see 608.
748. The root sad sit forms śī́da (conjectured to be contracted from sisda for sisada: thus, śī́dāmi etc.
749. Transfers to this class from other classes are not rare, as has been already pointed out above, both throughout the present-system and in occasional forms. The most important cases are the following:
a. The roots in ā, sthā stand, pā drink, and ghrā smell, form the present-stems tíṣṭha (tíṣṭhāmi etc.), píba (píbāmi etc.), and jíghra (jíghrāmi etc.): for these and other similar cases, see 671–4.
b. Secondary root-forms like inv, jinv, pinv, from simpler roots of the nu-class, are either found alongside their originals, or have crowded these out of use: see 716.
750. On the other hand, the root dham or dhmā blow forms its present-stem from the more original form of the root: thus, dhámati etc.
751. The present-stem of this class has the accent on the class-sign अ á, and the root remains unstrengthened. In its whole inflection, it follows so closely the model of the preceding class that to give the paradigm in full will be unnecessary (only for the subjunctive, all the forms found to occur will be instanced).
752. Example of inflection: root विश् viç enter; stem विश viçá:
a. A single example of the briefer 1st sing. act. is mṛkṣā́. The only forms in āithe and āite are pṛṇāíthe and yuvāíte.
The first persons having been given above as subjunctives, the second are added here:
c. The ending tāt is found in RV. and AV. in mṛḍatāt, vṛhatāt, suvatāt; other examples are not infrequent in the Brāhmaṇa language: thus, khidatāt, chyatāt, pṛcchatāt, viçatāt, sṛjatāt; and later, spṛçatāt. The 3d sing. act nudātu and muñcātu occur in Sūtras (cf. 740).
The active participle is विशन्त् viçánt; the middle is विशमान viçámāna.
d. The feminine of the active participle is usually made from the strong stem-form: thus, viçántī; but sometimes from the weak: thus, siñcántī and siñcatī́ (RV. and AV.), tudántī and tudatī́ (AV.): see above, 449 d, e.
e. Middle participles in āna instead of māna are dhuvāná, dhṛṣāṇá, liçāna, çyāna, in the older language; kṛçāna, muñcāna, spṛçāna in the later (cf. 741 a).
f. Examples of augmentless forms accented are sṛjás, sṛját, tiránta.
g. The a-aorist (846 ff.) is in general the equivalent, as regards its forms, of an imperfect of this class.
753. Stems of the á-class are made from nearly a hundred and fifty roots: for about a third of these, in both the earlier and the later language; for a half, in the earlier only; for the remainder, nearly twenty, only in the later language. Among them are a number of transfers from the classes of the non-a-conjugation.
a. In some of these transfers, as pṛṇ and mṛṇ (731), there takes place almost a setting-up of independent roots.
b. The stems icchá, ucchá, and ṛcchá are reckoned as belonging respectively to the roots iṣ desire, vas shine, and ṛ go.
c. The roots written by the Hindu grammarians with final o — namely, cho, do, ço, and so — and forming the present-stems chyá, dyá, çyá, syá, are more properly (as having an accented á in the stem) to be reckoned to this class than to the ya-class, where the native classification puts them (see 761 g). They appear to be analogous with the stems kṣya, sva, hva, noted below (755).
754. The roots from which á-stems are made have certain noticeable peculiarities of form. Hardly any of them have long vowels, and none have long interior vowels; very few have final vowels; and none (save two or three transfers, and √lajj be ashamed, which does not occur in any accentuated text, and is perhaps to be referred rather to the a-class) have a as radical vowel, except as this forms a combination with r, which is then reduced with it to ṛ or some of the usual substitutes of ṛ.
755. The roots in i and u and ū change those vowels into iy and uv before the class-sign: thus, kṣiyá, yuvá, ruvá; suvá, etc.; and sva, hva occur, instead of suva and huva, in the older language, while TS. has the participle kṣyánt. K. has dhūva from √dhū.
756. The three roots in ṛ form the present-stems kirá, girá (also gila), tirá, and are sometimes written as kir etc.; and gur, jur, tur are really only varieties of gṛ, jṛ, tṛ; and bhur and sphur are evidently related with other ar or ṛ root-forms.
a. The common root prach ask makes the stem pṛcchá.
757. As to the stems -driyá and -priyá, and mriyá and dhriyá, sometimes reckoned as belonging to this class, see below, 773.
758. Although the present-stem of this class shows in general a weak form of the root, there are nevertheless a number of roots belonging to it which are strengthened by a penultimate nasal. Thus, the stem muñcá is made from √muc release; siñcá from √sic sprinkle; vindá from √vid find; kṛntá from √kṛt cut; piṅçá from √piç adorn; tṛmpá from √tṛp enjoy; lumpá from √lup break; limpá from √lip smear; and occasional forms of the same kind are met with from a few others, as tunda from √tud thrust; bṛṅhá from √bṛh strengthen; dṛṅhá (beside dṛ́ṅha) from √dṛh make firm; çumbhá (beside çúmbha) from √çubh shine; TS. has çṛnthati from √çrath (instead of çrathnāti; uñcha, vindhá, sumbha, are of doubtful character.
a. Nasalized á-stems are also in several instances made by transfer from the nasal class: thus, unda, umbha, ṛñjá, piṅṣá, yuñja, rundha, çiṅṣa.
759. The present-stem of this class adds य ya to the accented but unstrengthened root. Its inflection is also precisely like that of the a-class, and may be presented in the same abbreviated form as that of the á-class.
760. Example of inflection: root नह् nah bind; stem नह्य náhya.
|1. Present Indicative.|
|2. Present Subjunctive.|
a. A 3d pl. mid. in antāi (jāyantāi) occurs once in TS.
|3. Present Optative.|
b. For two or three 3d sing. mid. forms in īta (for eta), see 738 b.
|4. Present Imperative.|
c. Of the ending tana, RV. has one example, nahyatana; the ending tāt is found in asyatāt, khyāyatāt, naçyatāt.
The active participle is नह्यन्त् náhyant (fem. नह्यन्ती náhyantī); the middle is नह्यमान náhyamāna.
761. The ya-class stems are more than a hundred and thirty in number, and nearly half of them have forms in use in all periods of the language, about forty occurring only in the earlier, and about thirty only in the modern period.
a. Of the roots making ya-stems, a very considerable part (over fifty) signify a state of feeling, or a condition of mind or body: thus, kup be angry, klam be weary, kṣudh be hungry, muh be confused, lubh be lustful, çuṣ be dry, etc. etc.
b. A further number have a more or less distinctly passive sense, and are in part evident and in part presumable transfers from the passive or yá-class, with change of accent, and sometimes also with assumption of active endings. It is not possible to draw precisely the limits of the division; but there are in the older language a number of clear cases, in which the accent wavers and changes, and the others are to be judged by analogy with them. Thus, √muc forms múcyate once or twice, beside the usual mucyáte, in RV. and AV.; and in the Brāhmaṇas the former is the regular accent. Similar changes are found also in ya-forms from other roots: thus, from kṣi destroy, jī or jyā injure, tap heat, dṛh make firm, pac cook, pṛ fill, mī damage, ric leave, lup break, hā leave. Active forms are early made from some of these, and they grow more common later. It is worthy of special mention that, from the Veda down, jā́yate is born etc. is found as altered passive or original ya-formation by the side of √jan give birth.
c. A considerable body of roots (about forty) differ from the above in having an apparently original transitive or neuter meaning: examples are as throw, nah bind, paç see, pad go, çliṣ clasp.
d. A number of roots, of various meaning, and of somewhat doubtful character and relations, having present-stems ending in ya, are by the native grammarians written with final diphthongs, āi or e or o. Thus:
e. Roots reckoned as ending in āi and belonging to the a- (or bhū-) class, as gāi sing (gā́yati etc.). As these show abundantly, and for the most part exclusively, ā-forms outside the present-system, there seems to be no good reason why they should not rather be regarded as ā-roots of the ya-class. They are kṣā burn, gā sing, glā be weary, trā save, dhyā think, pyā fill up, mlā relax, rā bark, vā be blown, çyā coagulate, çrā boil, styā stiffen. Some of them are evident extensions of simpler roots by the addition of ā. The secondary roots tāy stretch (beside tan), and cāy observe (beside ci) appear to be of similar character.
f. Roots reckoned as ending in e and belonging to the a- (or bhū-) class, as dhe suck (dháyati etc.). These, too, have ā-forms, and sometimes ī-forms, outside the present system, and are best regarded as ā-roots, either with ā weakened to a before the class-sign of this class, or with ā weakened to ī or i and inflected according to the a-class. They are dhā suck, mā exchange, vā weave, vyā envelop, hvā call (secondary, from hū). As of kindred form may be mentioned day share and vyay expend (probably denominative of vyaya).
g. A few roots artificially written with final o and reckoned to the ya-class, with radical vowel lost before the class-sign: thus, do cut, bind, pres. dyáti etc. These, as having an accented á in the sign, have plainly no right to be put in this class; and they are better referred to the á-class (see above, 753 c). Outside the present-system they show ā- and i-forms; and in that system the ya is often resolved into ia in the oldest language.
762. The ya-class is the only one thus far described which shows any tendency toward a restriction to a certain variety of meaning. In this tendency, as well as in the form of its sign, it appears related with the class of distinctly defined meaning which is next to be taken up — the passive, with yá-sign. Though very far from being as widely used as the latter beside other present-systems, it is in some cases an intransitive conjugation by the side of a transitive of some other class.
763. The roots of this class ending in am lengthen their vowel in forming the present-stem: they are klam, tam, dam, bhram, çam be quiet, çram: for example, tā́myati, çrā́myati. From kṣam, however, only kṣamyate occurs; and çam labor makes çamyati (B.).
764. The root mad has the same lengthening: thus, mā́dyati.
765. The roots in īv — namely, dīv, sīv, srīv or çrīv, and ṣṭhīv (from which no forms of this class are quotable) — are written by the grammarians with iv, and a similar lengthening in the present-system is prescribed for them.
a. They appear to be properly dīū etc., since their vocalized final in other forms is always ū; dīv is by this proved to have nothing to do with the assumed root div shine, which changes to dyu (361 d): compare 240 b.
766. From the roots jṛ and tṛ (also written as jur and tir or tur) come the stems jī́rya and tī́rya, and jū́rya and tūrya (the last two only in RV.); from pṛ comes pū́rya.767. The root vyadh is abbreviated to vidh: thus, vídhyati. And any root which in other forms has a penultimate nasal loses it here: thus, dṛ́hya from dṛṅh or dṛh; bhraçya from bhraṅç or bhraç; rajya from rañj or raj.
768. A certain form of present-stem, inflected with middle endings, is used only in a passive sense, and is formed from all roots for which there is occasion to make a passive conjugation. Its sign is an accented य yá added to the root: thus, हन्य hanyá from √ हन् han slay, आप्य āpyá from √आप् āp obtain, गृहय grhyá from √गृह् gṛh (or grah) seize: and so on, without any reference to the class according to which the active and middle forms are made.
769. The form of the root to which the passive-sign is added is (since the accent is on the sign) the weak one: thus, a penultimate nasal is dropped, and any abbreviation which is made in the weak forms of the perfect (794), in the aorist optative (922 b), or before ta of the passive participle (954), is made also in the passive present-system: thus, ajyá from √añj, badhyá from √bandh, ucyá from √vac, ijyá from √yaj.
770. On the other hand, a final vowel of a root is in general liable to the same changes as in other parts of the verbal system where it is followed by y: thus —
a. Final i and u are lengthened: thus, mīyá from √mi; sūyá from √su;
b. Final ā is usually changed to ī: thus, dīyá from √dā; hīyá from √hā: but jñāyá from √jñā, and so khyāyá, khāyá, mnāyá, etc.;
c. Final ṛ is in general changed to ri: thus, kriyá from √kṛ; but if preceded by two consonants (and also, it is claimed, in the root ṛ), it has instead the guṇa-strengthening: thus, smaryá from √smṛ (the only quotable case); — and in those roots which show a change of ṛ to ir and ur (so-called ṝ-verbs: see 242), that change is made here also, and the vowel is lengthened: thus, çīrya from √çṛ, pūryá from √pṛ.
771. The inflectiom of the passive-stem is precisely like that of the other a-stems; it differs only in accent from that of the class last given. It may be here presented, therefore, in the same abbreviated form:a. Example of inflection: root kṛ make; passive-stem क्रिय kriyá:
b. The forms noticed as occurring in the older language are alone here instanced:
c. The 3d pl. ending antāi is found once (ucyantāi K.).
d. No forms of the passive optative chance to occur in RV. or AV.; they are found, however, in the Brāhmaṇas. ChU. has once dhmāyīta.
e. This is made with the suffix मान māna: thus, क्रियमाण kriyámāṇa.
f. In use, this participle is well distinguished from the other passive participle by its distinctively present meaning: thus, kṛtá done, but kriyámāṇa in process of doing, or being done.
g. The passive-sign is never resolved into ia in the Veda.
772. The roots tan and khan usually form their passives from parallel roots in ā: thus, tāyáte, khāyáte (but also tanyate, khanyate); and dham, in like manner, makes either dhamyate or dhmāyáte. The corresponding form to √jan, namely jā́yate (above, 761 b), is apparently a transfer to the preceding class.
773. By their form, mriyáte dies, and dhriyáte maintains itself, is steadfast, are passives from the roots mṛ die and dhṛ hold; although neither is used in a proper passive sense, and mṛ is not transitive except in the derivative form mṛṇ (above, 731). With them are to be compared the stems ā-driyá heed and ā-priyá be busy, which are perhaps peculiar adaptations of meaning of passives from the roots dṛ pierce and pṛ fill.
774. Examples of the transfer of stems from the yá- or passive class to the ya- or intransitive class were given above (761 b); and it was also pointed out that active instead of middle endings are occasionally, even in the earlier language, assumed by forms properly passive: examples are ā́ dhmāyati and vy àpruṣyat (ÇB.), bhūyati (MāiU.). In the epics, however (as a part of their general confusion of active and middle forms: 529 a), active endings are by no means infrequently taken by the passive: thus, çakyati, çrūyanti, bhriyantu, ijyant-, etc.
775. As was noticed above (607), the Hindu grammarians — and, after their example, most European also — recognize yet another conjugation-class, coördinate with those already described; its stems show the class-sign áya, added to a generally strengthened root (for details as to the strengthening, see 1042). Though this is no proper class, but a secondary or derivative conjugation (its stems are partly of causative formation, partly denominative with altered accent), an abbreviated example of its forms may, for the sake of accordance with other grammars, be added here.
a. Example: root cint think, meditate; stem cintáya:
c. The middle participle, in the later language, is more often made with āna instead of māna: thus, cintayāna: see 1043 f.
b. The inflection, of course, is the same with that of other forms from a-stems (733 a).
776. The uses of the mode-forms of the present-system have been already briefly treated in the preceding chapter (572 ff.). The tense-uses of the two indicative tenses, present and imperfect, call here for only a word or two of explanation.
777. The present has, besides its strictly present use, the same subsidiary uses which belong in general to the tense: namely, the expression of habitual action, of future action, and of past action in lively narration.
a. Examples of future meaning are: imáṁ céd vā́ imé cinváte táta evá no ‘bhíbhavanti (ÇB.) verily if these build this up, then they will straightway get the better of us; agnir ātmabhavam prādād yatra vāñchati nāiṣadhaḥ (MBh.) Agni gave his own presence wherever the Nishadhan should desire; svāgataṁ te ‘stu kiṁ karomi tava (R.) welcome to thee; what shall I do for thee?
b. Examples of past meaning are: úttarā sū́r ádharaḥ putrá āsīd dā́nuḥ çaye sahávatsā ná dhenúḥ (RV.) the mother was over, the son under; there Dānu lies, like a cow with her calf; prahasanti ca tāṁ kecid abhyasūyanti cā ’pare akurvata dayāṁ kecit (MBh.) some ridicule her, some revile her, some pitied her; tato yasya vacanāt tatrā ’valambitās taṁ sarve tiraskurvanti (H.) thereupon they all fall to reproaching him by whose advice they had alighted there.
778. In connection with certain particles, the present has rather more definitely the value of a past tense. Thus:
a. With purā́ formerly: thus, saptarṣī́n u ha sma vāí purá rkṣā íty ā́cakṣate (ÇB.) the seven sages, namely, are of old called the bears; tanmātram api cen mahyaṁ na dadāti purā bhavān (MBh.) if you have never before given me even an atom.
b. With the asseverative particle sma: thus, çrámeṇa ha sma vāí tád devā́ jayanti yád eṣāṁ jáyyam ā́sá rṣayaç ca (ÇB.) in truth, both gods and sages were wont to win by penance what was to be won; āviṣṭaḥ kalinā dyūte jīyate sma nalas tadā (MBh.) then Nala, being possessed by Kali, was beaten in play.
c. No example of this last construction is found in either RV. or AV., or elsewhere in the metrical parts of the Veda. In the Brāhmaṇas, only habitual action is expressed by it. At all periods of the language, the use of sma with a verb as pure asseverative particle, with no effect on the tense-meaning, is very common; and the examples later are hardly to be distinguished from the present of lively narration — of which the whole construction is doubtless a form.
779. The imperfect has remained unchanged in value through the whole history of the language; it is the tense of narration; it expresses simple past time, without any other implication.
a. Compare what is said later (end of chap. X. and chap. XI.) as to the value of the older past tenses, the perfect and aorist.
- Such statements of numbers, with regard to the various parts of the system of conjugation, are in all cases taken from the author's Supplement to this grammar, entitled "Roots, Verb-Forms, and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language", where lists of roots, and details as to forms etc., are also given.