Encyclopaedia Biblica/Aalar-Acre

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(αλλαρ [B]), I Esd. 5:36† AV = Ezra 2:59, Immer, i. ; cp also Cherub, 2.


(אַהֲרֹן‎, § 7; see also below, §4, end; ααρων [BAL], αρ. [A] ; aaron).

1. In P.

In the post-exilic parts of the OT (including Ezra, Neh., Ch., and for our present purpose some of the Psalms) Aaron is the ancestor of all lawful priests, [1] and himself the first and typical high-priest. This view is founded upon the priestly document in the Hexateuch, according to which Aaron, the elder brother of Moses, took a prominent part, as Moses' prophet or interpreter, in the negotiations with Pharaoh, and was ultimately, together with his sons, consecrated by Moses to the priesthood. The rank and influence which are assigned to him are manifestly not equal to those of Moses, who stood to Pharaoh as a god (Ex. 7 1). He does, indeed, perform miracles before Pharaoh—he changes his rod into a serpent which swallows up the rods, similarly transformed, of the Egyptian sorcerers; and with the same rod he changes the waters of Egypt into blood, and brings the plagues of frogs and lice—but the order to execute the marvel is in each case communicated to him through Moses (Ex.7 f.). It is Moses, not Aaron, who disables the sorcerers by boils {Ex.9 8 f.), and causes the final destruction of the Egyptians in the Red Sea (14 15-18). Through his consecration by Moses, Aaron became 'the priest' (so usually) or, as he is elsewhere called, 'the anointed priest' (Lev. 43 5 16 6 15) or 'the high-priest' (Lev. 21 10 Nu. 35 25 28). His sons, representing the common priests, act under him (Nu. 3 4). As high-priest he has splendid vestments, different from those of his sons (Ex. 28); he alone is anointed (Ex.29 7) [2]; he alone, once a year, can enter the holy of holies (Lev. 16). He is the great representative of the tribe of Levi; and his rod, unlike the rods taken to represent the other tribes, buds miraculously, and is laid up for ever by the ark (Nu. 17 6 f. [21 f.]). Within this tribe, however, it is only the direct descendants of Aaron who may approach the altar, so that Korah the Levite, when he claims the power of the priesthood, is consumed by fire from Yahwè (Nu. 16 35). Aaron occasionally receives the law directly from Yahwè (Nu. 18). Even his civil authority is great, for he, with Moses, numbers the people (Nu. 1 3 17), and it is against him as well as against Moses that the rebellion of the Israelites is directed (Ex. l6 2 Nu. 14 2 5 26 16 3). This authority would have been greater but for the exceptional position of Moses, for in the priestly portions of Joshua the name of Eleazar (q.v. i), the next high-priest, is placed before that of Joshua. The 'priestly' writer mentions only one blot in the character of Aaron : viz., that in some way, which cannot be clearly ascertained in the present state of the text, he rebelled against Yahwè in the wilderness of Zin, when told to 'speak to the rock' and bring forth water (Nu. 2O 12). In penalty he dies, outside Canaan, at Mount Hor, on the borders of Edom (v. 22 f.).

2. In earlier writers.

As we ascend to the exilic and pre-exilic literature, Aaron is still a prominent figure; but he is no longer either the high-priest or the ancestor of all legitimate priests. Ezekiel traces the origin of the priests at Jerusalem no farther back than to Zadok (q.v. 1, § 3) in Solomon's time. Dt. 10 6 (which mentions Aaron's death, not at Hor but at Moserah, and the fact that Eleazar succeeded him in the priesthood) is generally and rightly regarded as an interpolation. In Mic. 6 4 (time of Manasseh?) Aaron is mentioned between Moses and Miriam as instrumental in the redemption of Israel.

3. In E.

In the Elohistic document of the Hexateuch (E) he is mentioned as the brother of Miriam the prophetess (Ex. 15 20; for other references to him see Ex. 17 12 24 1 9 10 14, Nu. 12 1); but it is Joshua, not Aaron, who is the minister of Moses in sacred things, and keeps guard over the tent of meeting (Ex. 33 11), and 'young men of the children of Israel' offer sacrifice, while the solenm act of sprinkling the blood of the covenant is reserved for Moses (Ex.24 5 6). Aaron, however, seems to have counted in the mind of E as the ancestor of the priests at 'the hill of Phinehas' (Josh. 24 33) and perhaps of those at Bethel. At all events, the author of a section added in a later edition of E speaks of Aaron as yielding to the people while Moses is absent on Mount Horeb, and taking the lead in the worship of Yahwè under the form of a golden calf. The narrator, influenced by prophetic teaching, really means to attack the worship carried on at the great sanctuary of Bethel, and looks back to the destruction of Samaria by the Assyrians in 721 as Yahwè's 'visitation' of the idolatrous worship maintained in N. Israel (Ex. 32 ; see especially v. 34).

4. In J.

It is extremely probable that Aaron's name was absent altogether from the earliest document of the Hexateuch (J) in its original form. In it Aaron appears only to disappear. For example, according to our present text, Pharaoh sends for Moses and Aaron that they may entreat Yahwè to remove the plague of frogs ; but in the course of the narrative Aaron is ignored, and the plague is withdrawn simply 'at the word of Moses' (Ex. 8 8-15 a [4-11 a]). Apparently, therefore, the name of Aaron has been introduced here and there into J by the editor who united it to E (cp Exodus, § 3 n.). If that is so we may perhaps agree with Oort that the legend of Aaron belonged originally to the 'house of Joseph,' which regarded Aaron as the ancestor of the priests of Bethel, and that single members of this clan succeeded, in spite of Ezekiel, in obtaining recognition as priests at Jerusalem. So, doubtfully, Stade (GVI i. 583), who points out that no strict proof of this hypothesis can be offered.

As to the derivation of 'Aaron,' Redslob's ingenious conjecture that it is but a more flowing pronunciation of hā'ārōn, 'the ark," is worth considering only if we can regard Aaron as the mythical ancestor of the priests of Jerusalem (bnē hā'ārōn = bnē Aharōn). So Land, De Gids, Nov. 1871, p. 271.

See Priests; and cp, besides the works of We., St., and Ki., Oorts essay 'De Aaronieden' in ThT xviii. 289-335 ['84].

W. E. A.


RV '[the house of] Aaron' (לְאַהֲרֹן; τω ααρων [B], των α. [A], των γιων α. [L]; [Arabic? Script] de stirpe aaron), i Ch. 12 27. See Aaron, note i.


(abacuc), 4 Esd. 1 40†. See Habakkuk.


(אֲבַדֹּון, but in Prov. 27 20 Kr.אֲבַדֹּו, by contraction[3] or misreading, though the full form is also cited by Gi., for Kt. ABDH אבדה; [4] απωλ[ε]ια [BאA], but Job 31 12 παντων των μερων [BאA], . . . λερων [אc.c.]; Rev 9 11, αβαδδων [אA, etc.], αβααδ. [B etc.], αββααδ. [some curss.] etc.; [Syriac? script] ; perditio, but Rev. 9 11 abaddon), RV Job 26 6, Prov. 15 11 27 20; RV mg. Job 28 22 31 12, Ps. 88 11 [12], elsewhere EV Destruction; in Rev. 9 11 Abaddon is stated to be the Hebrew equivalent of Apollyon (απολλυων [אA]). Etymologically it means '(place of ) destruction.' We find it parallel to Sheol in Job 26 6 28 22; Prov. 15 11 27 20 (see readings above). In these cases RV makes it a proper name, either Abaddon or Destruction, as being parallel to the proper names Sheol or Death. In Ps. 88 11 [12] 'Destruction' is parallel to 'the grave' ; in Job 31 12 the same term (in RV) is equivalent to 'utter ruin.' Thus Abaddon occurs only in the Wisdom- Literature. There is nothing in the usage to indicate that in OT it denotes any place or state different from Sheol (q.v.), though by its obvious etymology it emphasises the darker aspects of the state after death. An almost identical word (אַבְדָן) is used in Esth. 9 5 (constr אָבְדַן; 86) or 'destruction' in its ordinary sense as a common noun. In later Hebrew אבדוז is used for 'perdition' and 'hell' (Jastrow. Dict. s.v.), and is explained in Targ. on Job 26 6 as בית אבדנא, house of perdition—i.e., hell. The Syriac equivalent word (syriac script) has the meaning 'destruction,' and is used to translate 'א.

Rev. 9 11 mentions a king or angel of the abyss, whose name in Hebrew is Abaddon, and in Greek Apollyon ('Απολλύων, Destroyer), the -on being supposed to be a personal ending in Hebrew, as it is in Greek. This is, of course, poetic personification (cp Rev. 6 8 20 14), and may be paralleled in the OT (Job28 22;cp Ps. 49 14 [15]), and in Rabbinical writers (Schöttgen, Horæ Hebr. Apoc. ix. ii, and PRE(3) s.v.). The identification with the Asmodeus of the Book of Tobit is a mistake. Apollyon has become familiar to the world at large through the Pilgrim's Progress, but Abaddon may be said not to exist outside of the Apocalypse. w. h. b


(αβαδιας [BΑ]), i Esd. 8 39† = Ezra 8 9, Obadiah, ii.


אבגתא, etymology doubtful, but see Bigvai, Bagoas; according to Marq. [Fund. 71] the corresponding Gr. is. αβαταζα [BאΑ], which [reading αβαζατα] he regards as presupposing אבזתא, cp Bigtha; the fifth name in the list as it stands is ζαθολθα [Bא], ζηβαθαθα [A]), a chamberlain of Ahasuerus (Est. 1 10†). See Esther, ii. § 3.


RV Abanah (אֲבָנָה , II K. 5 12 Kt., אמנה [Kr.]; αβανα [BL], αρβ.. [(ρ superscr.) Βb?]. αναβ.[Ba?mg.], ναεβ. [A]; syriac script; abana), one of the 'rivers' (נהךות) of Damascus. The name, which occurs nowhere else, should probably be read Amana ( AV mg.) or Amanah (RV mg.; see further Amana, 2) ; in this form, as meaning 'constant,' it would be equally suitable to a river and to a mountain, though it was first of all given to the mountain range of Antilibanus, from which, near Zebedani, the Nahr Barada ('the cold') descends to refresh with its sparkling waters the city and the gardens of Damascus.[5] The romantically situated `Ain Fījeh (πηγή), a little to the S. of Sūk Wādy Baradā (the ancient Abila), appears from its name to have been regarded as the chief source of the Baradā. It is not, certainly, the most distant one ; but it does, at any rate, 'supply that stream with twice as much water as it contains before it is thus augmented' (Baed. Pal(2) 336). Close to it are the remains of a small temple, which was presumably dedicated to the river-god. The clear waters of the Nahr Baradā have a charm which is wanting to the Jordan through the greater part of its course. This explains Naaman's question in 2 K. 5 12, as far as the Amana is concerned. It is the fate of the Baradā to disappear in the swamps called the Meadow Lakes, about 18 m. to the E. of Damascus, on the verge of the desert. See Pharpar.

t. k. c.


(הָעֲבָרִים; αβαρειμ [BΑL], -ιν [BL], and phrases with πέραν [BAL], see below ; Jos. αβαρειμ), literally 'Those -on -the -other -side'—i.e., of the Jordan—is employed by the latest documents of the Pentateuch (P and R) in the phrase, Mt. or Mts. of the Abarim, to describe the edge of the great Moabite plateau overlooking the Jordan valley, of which Mt. Nebo was the most prominent headland : Nu. 27 12

[R], τò ὅρος τò ὲν τᾢ πέραν [BAL], see below; τ. ὅ . . . π. [του ιορδάνο] [L]; Dt. 32 49 (P[R]), τ. ὅ. τ. αβαρειν [BL], . . . ειμ [A], 'this Mt. of the Abarim, Mt. Nebo'; Nu. 33 47 f. (P[R] in Israel's itinerary between the Moab plateau and the plains of Shittim), 'Mts. of the Abarim' (τα ὅρη τὰ αβαρειμ, ὸρέων α. [BAL]). In Nu. 33 44 we find Ije-ha-abarim (AV Ije-Abarim), 'heaps of the Abarim' (to distinguish it from the Ijim of Judah, Josh. 15 29 ; see Iim, i), on the extreme SE. of Moab. Since the employment of the name thus confined to Moab occurs only in late documents, it is probably due to the fact that at the time these were written the Jews were settled only over against Moab. Josephus, too, uses the word in the same limited application (Ant. iv. 8 48, ὲπί τῷ ὅρει τῷ Αβαρει), and Eusebius (OS(2)216 4, 'Αβαραίμ) so quotes it as employed in his own day. But there are traces in the OT of that wider application to the whole trans- Jordanic range which the very general meaning of Abarim justifies us in supposing to have been its original application. In Jer. 22 20 (RV), Abarim (AV 'the passages'; 𝔊BAאQ, dividing the word in two, τὸ πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης) is ranged with Lebanon and Bashan— that is to say, is probably used as covering both Gilead and Moab;—and in the corrupt text of Ez. 39 11, 'the valley of the passengers,' as AV gives it (similarly RV), most probably should rather be 'a valley of [Mt.] Abarim' (עֲבָרִים for עֹֽבְרִים); so Hi., Co., Siegfr., Bu.). If so, that extends the name to Bashan. Thus the plural noun Abarim would denote the E. range in its entire extent—being, in fact, practically equivalent to the preposition עבר (originally a singular noun from the same root). There is no instance of the name earlier than Jeremiah. Targ. Nu. 27 12 Dt. 32 49 gives מור רעבראי.

As seen from W. Palestine this range forms a continuous mountain-wall, at a pretty constant level, which is broken only by the valley-mouths of the Varmūk, Zerkā or Jabbok, and Arnon. Across the gulf of the Jordan valley it rises with great impressiveness, and constitutes the eastern horizon (cp Stanley, SP; GASm, HG 53, 519, 548). The hardly varying edge masks a considerable difference of level behind. On the whole the level is maintained from the foot of Hermon to the S. end of the Dead Sea at a height of from 2000 to 3000 feet above the ocean. The basis through- out is limestone. N. of the Yarmūk this is deeply covered by volcanic deposits, and there are extinct craters NE. of the Lake of Galilee. Between the Yarmūk and the Wādy Ḥesbān, at the N. end of the Dead Sea, run transverse ridges, cut by deep wādies, and well wooded as far S. as the Zerkā. S. of Wādy Ḥesbān rolls the breezy treeless plateau of Moab, indented in its western edge by short wādies rising quickly to the plateau level, with the headlands that are more properly the Mts. of Abārim between them; and cut right through to the desert by the great trenches of the wādies, Zerkā, Mā'īn, and Mōjib or Arnon. For details see Ashdoth- Pisgah, Bamoth-Baal, Beth-Peor, Moab, Nebo, Pisgah, Zophim, etc., with authorities quoted there. On Nu. 33 47 see Wanderings, § ii.

g. a. s.


(αββα [Ti. WH], i.e. אבא, Ab, 'father,' in the 'emphatic stale'), an Aram. title of God used by Jesus and his contemporaries, and retained by Greek- speaking Christian Jews. See Mk. 14 36 Rom. 8 15 Gal. 46† ; where in each case ὸ πατήρ is subjoined.


(hebrew script, § 51, frequent in Phœn. and Aram. On the form cp Renan, REJ v. 165 f. ['82], and see Names, §§ 37, 51).

1. Father of Adoniram (i K. 46; αβαω [A]; εφρα [B]; εδραμ [Ι.]).

2. Levite in list of inhabitants of Jerusalem (see Ezra, ii. $ 5b, § 15 [1] a), Neh. 11 17 (αβδαςc.a.mg. sup.], ιωρηβ [א*], ωβηβ [B], ιω. [Α], αβδιας [L]). i Ch. 9 16, Obadiah, 9 (q.v.).


(hebrew script, 21, 'servant of God'), father of Shelemiah, Jer. 36 26†. (Not in 𝔊.)


hebrew script, 52. abbr. for 'servant of Yahwè'? cp Palm. ענדי, and see Obadiah; αβδια [L]).

1 . Father of Kish, a Levite under Hezekiah, mentioned in the genealogy of Ethan [q.v.], 1 Ch. 6 44 [29] 2 Ch. 29 12: αβδ[ε]ι [BAL].

2. One of the b'ne {sc|Elam}} [q.v. ii. i], in list of those with foreign wives (see Ezra, i. § 5 end), Ezra l0 26 (αβδ[ε]ια [BאA], -ς [L])= i Esd. 9 27 (RV Oabdias, AV om., ωαβδ[ε]ιος [BA]).


(abdias), 4 Esd.l 39†. See Obadiah, i.


(hebrew script, §§ 21, 37, 'servant of God' ; αβδεηλ [B]; -διηλ [AL]), in genealogy of Gad, i Ch. 5 15†.


(ענדונ; αβδων [AL], see also below), one of the four Levitical cities within the tribe of Asher; Josh. 21 30 i Ch. 6 74(59)†. The site has not been identified, but Guérin has suggested that of `Abdeh, 10 m. N. from 'Akka (Acre). The same city is referred to in Josh. 19 28, where עברנ. (AV Hebron; RV Ebron) is a graphical error for עבדנ, Abdon, which, in fact, some MSS. read (Josh. 21 30, δαββων [B]; 1 Ch. 6 74[59], αβαραν [B], om. [L]; Josh. 19 28, ελβων [B], αχραν [AL]).


(hebrew script § 77; dim. Ebed; αβδων [BAL]).

i. b. Hillel, one of the six minor judges (see Judges, § ). After judging Israel eight years, he was buried at Pirathon in Ephraim, his native place. He had forty sons and thirty grandsons, 'that rode on three-score and ten ass colts ' i.e. , was head of a large and wealthy family (cp Judg. 5 10). Judg. 12 13 15† (λαβδων [AL], v. 15 -ω [A]); on Ew.'s conjecture that his name should be restored in i S. 12 11, see Bedan, i.

2. b. Shashak, a Benjamite (i Ch. 8 23†, αβαδων [Β]).

3. b. Jeiel the father of Gibeon; i Ch. 8 30 (αβαλων [B]) = i Ch. 9 36 (σαβαδων [ii], σαβδων | [A]).

4. β. Micah, a courtier of King Josiah (2 Ch. 34 20 [H]), elsewhere called Achbor (q.v. 2).

5. See Bedan, 2.


(hebrew script or hebrew script, § 86; a corruption of עבד נבו , 'servant of Nebo' which occurs in an Assyrio-Aramaic inscription, COT2 126; αβδεναγω [BA 87]; syriac? script ardenago), the court name given to Azariah [10], the friend of Daniel (Dan. 1 7, etc.). On name see also Nergal


For works with similar titles, see Abel.

(hebrew script, 6; αβελ [ADL]; abel). Gen. 4 2 ff. There are three phases in Jewish beliefs respecting Abel. The second and the third may be mentioned first The catastrophe of the Exile shifted the mental horizon, and made a right view of the story of Abel impossible. Abel was therefore at first (as it would seem from P) neglected. Afterwards, however, he was restored to more than his old position by devout though uncritical students of Scripture, who saw in him the type of the highest saintliness, that sealed by a martyr's death (cp Kohler, JQR v. 413 ['93]). The same view appears in parts of the NT (Mt. 23 35=Lk. ll 51; Heb. 11 4; 12 24; i John 3 12). God bore witness, we are told (Heb. 11 4), that Abel was righteous—i.e., a possessor of true faith,— and it was by faith that Abel offered πλείονα (Cobet conjectures ὴδίονα) θυσιαν. Hence Magee assumes that Abel had received a revelation of the Atonement (Atonement and Sacrifice, i. 50-53). The original narrator (J), however, would certainly wish us to regard Abraham as the first believer; the story of Cain and Abel is an early Israelitish legend retained by J as having a profitable tendency. On this earliest phase of belief, see Cain, § 4 f.

Meaning of the name.—The Massorites understood Abel (Hebel) to mean 'a breath,' 'vanity' (cp Ps. 39 6 [7]): but the true meaning, both of Abel and of the collateral form Jabal, must be something concrete, and a right view of the story favours the meaning 'shepherd,' or, more generally, 'herdman.' This is supported by the existence of a group of Semitic words, some of which denote domesticated animals, while others are the corresponding words for their herdmen. Cp, e.g., Ass. ibilu, 'ram, camel, ass' (but some explain 'wild sheep': see Muss- Arn. s.v.); Aram. habbālā, 'herdman' (used widely; see PS, s.v.); Ar. ibil, 'camels,' abbāl, 'camel-herd.' The attempt of Lenormant (Les origines, i. 161) and, more definitely, Sayce (Hibbert Lects. 186, 236, 249), to find in the name a trace of a nature-myth, Abel (=Bab. ablu, 'son') being originally 'the only son Tammuz, who was a shepherd like Jabal and Abel' (Sayce), and whom Lenormant regards as, like Abel in early theology, a kind of type of Christ, is adventurous. The name 'son' is insufficient as a title of Tammuz (Abal-napisti) ; and there is nothing said of a mourning for Abel's death. The title of 'shepherd' applied to Tammuz in 4 R 27 1 is explained by the following word 'lord' (see Jeremias, Izaubar Nimrod, 50). In the Testament of Abraham (ed. James) Abel plays the part of Judge of the nether world, like the Jama (Yima) of the Aryans.

t. k. c.

ABEL (hebrew script, 89-100) occurs, apparently in the sense of 'meadow,' in the place-names dealt with in the following six articles. As a place-name it is to be struck out of i S. 6 18b, where for MT עד אבל הנדולה (so also Pesh.) 𝔊BA reads ἒως (ἒ. του [L]) λιθου τοῦ μεγάλου, with which the Targ. Jon. agrees (so also RV). Ew., We., and others further change the points so as to read: 'and a witness is the great stone.' Dr. suggests as an alternative : 'and still the great stone, whereon'—etc. On Abel in 2 S. 20 18, see Abel- Beth-Maachah.

g. a. s.


RV Abel-Beth-Maacah (2 S. 20 14: אבלה ובית מעכה 'to Abel and Beth-maacah,' RV unto Abel and to Beth- maac(h)ah' [many strike out the conjunction, but the places may have been different; cp 2 S. 20 15 I., 2 K. 15 29 BAL], εις αβελ και εις βαιθμαχα [Β], . . . βηθμαχα [A], κ. αβηλα κ. βαιθμακκω [L]).

Cp 2 S. 2O 15, באבלה בית המעכה EV 'in Abel of Beth-maac(h)ah, εν Αβελ την Βαιθμαχα [Β], εν Α. εν Βηθμαχα [A], εν τη Α. κ. Βαιθμακκω [L]; i K. l5 20, `אבל ב`-מ, Αδελμαθ [Β], Αβελ ουκον (sic) Μααχα [Α], Αβελμααχα [L]; 2 K. 15 29, `אבל ב`-מ, Αβελ κ. την Θαμααχα [Β], Καβελ κ. τ. Βερμααχα [Α], Αβελ κ. τ. Βαιθμααχα [L]; 2 S. 20 18 (on which see Aram, § 5), אבל, EV Abel, (τη) Αβελ [bis BAL].

This place, mentioned, although in now mutilated form [A]-bi-il, by Tiglath-pileser III. (cp Schr. COT on 2 K. 15 29), is the present Ābil—called also Ābil el-Ḳamḥ ('of the wheat') to distinguish it from Ābil es-Sūḳ (see Abilene) a small village inhabited by Christians on the Nahr Bareighīt, on a hill 1074 ft. above the sea, overlooking the Jordan valley, almost directly opposite to Bāniās, and on the main road thence to Sidon and the coast. It is a strong site, with a spring and a (probably artificial) mound; below is a broad level of good soil, whence the modern name. See Yākūt 1 56; Rob. LBR 372 f. (who argues against Ībel el-Hawā, a site 8 m. farther north) ; PEF Mem. i. 85 107; Merrill, East of the Jordan, 309, 315. In 2 Ch. 16 4, we have, instead of the Abel-beth-maacah of the parallel passage (i K. 15 20), Abel-maim (אבל מימ, Αβελμαιμ [A], -μαν [B], -μαειμ [L]; cp Jos. Ant. viii. 124, Αβελμανη), or 'Αbel of Waters,' a name suitable for so well-watered a neighbourhood. On Judith 4 4 7 3 where Pesh. reads Abelmeholah, and א apparently Abel- maim, see Belmen (cp also Bebai). On the ancient history of the place see Aram, § 5.

g. a. s.


(אבל כרמים, 'meadow of vine- yards,' § 103; εβελχαρμειν [B] ; αβελ αμπελωνων [AL]: Judg. 11 33† RV), the limit of Jephthah's pursuit and slaughter of the Ammonites. Eus. and Jer. (OS(2) 225 5 96 10, Αβελ ἀμπελων, Abel uinearim) identify it with a village of their day, named Αβελ, 7 R. m. from Philadelphia. This Abel may be any of the many fertile levels among the rolling hills around 'Ammān, on which the remains of vineyards and of terraces are not infrequent.

g. a. s.


(hebrew script, 2 Ch. 16 4†), see Abel-Beth-Maachah.


(אנל מחולה, i.e., 'dancing meadow'; εβελμαωλα, αβωμεουλα, εβαλμαο. [Β]; αβελμαουλ(α), βασελμεο. [Α]; αβελμεουλ(α), μαωλα [L]; abelme(h)ula; Jos. Ant. viii. 13 7, αβελα), the home of Elisha the prophet (i K. 19 16), and probably also of Adriel b. Barzillai 'the Meholathite' (i S. 18 19; 2 S. 21 8), is mentioned in conjunction with Bethshean as defining the province of one of Solomon's officers (i K. 4 12). Gideon pursued the Midianites 'as far as Beth-shittah towards Zererah as far as the border'—lit. 'lip,' probably the high bank which marks the edge of the Jordan valley proper 'of Abel-meholah, by Tabbath' (Judg. 7 22). According to Eus. and Jer. (OS 97 11 227 35), Abelmaula (or 'Αβελμαελαι) lay in the Ghōr, 10 R. m. to the south of Scythopolis (Bethshean), and was still an inhabited village in their time, with the name Bethaula, Βηθμαελά. (though they mention also an Abelmea, 'Αβελμεά). This points to a locality at or near the ]il.ace where the W. Māliḥ, coming down from 'Ain Māliḥ, joins the Jordan valley.


(אבל מצרים [see below], πενθος αιγυπτου [BAL]; so Pesh. Vg.), Gen. 50 11† (J), otherwise (v. 10 f.) called Goren ha-aṭad (גרן האטד; αλωνι αταδ [B'AL], α. ταδ [B* vid.], α. ατατ [D]) or 'the threshing-floor of the thorn-shrub" (EV 'of Atad," see Bramble, i), and said to be situated 'beyond Jordan' (cp v. 10 J). It was there that Joseph made a second mourning for his father, whence the etymological play on the name (v. 11). After this, Joseph and his brethren carried the embalmed body of Jacob to Machpelah for burial, and then returned to Egypt (v. 13 f. J and P). The words 'which is beyond Jordan' (v. 10 f.), however, cannot be accurate: the original text of J must, it would seem, have been altered, owing to a misreading or an editorial misunderstanding. The circuitous route round the north end of the Dead Sea has no obvious motive: had it really been meant, something more would have been said about it (cp Nu. 14 25). For הירדן, 'the Jordan,' J must have written either השחר (less probably היאר)—i.e., the most easterly arm of the Nile (a frontier of Canaan, according to Josh. 13 3)—or הנהר 'the stream'—i.e., the Wādy el-'Arīsh, the usual SW. boundary of Canaan (cp Gen. 15 18, where J calls this Wādy, not the נחל but the נהר of Egypt—i.e., 'the stream on the border of Egypt' (Kautzsch-Socin), on which see Egypt, River of).

The meaning of the narrative is this. At the first Canaanite village (the first after the border had been crossed) the 'great company' (v. 9) halted, while Joseph and his fellow-Hebrews mourned in their own way (cp v. 3b) in the very place where wedding and funeral ceremonies are still performed in the Syrian villages (Wetz.). The repetition of 'which is beyond Jordan' must be due to the editor.

It is remarkable that Jer. (OS 85 15), though he does not question the reading 'beyond Jordan,' identifies Area Atath with Bethaglai.e., Beth-hoglah (q.v.), which is certainly on the west bank of the Jordan. Dillm. is more consistently conservative, and, followed by Sayce (Crit. and Mon. 27 f.), finds in the trans-Jordanic Abel-Mizraim a testimony to the Egyptian empire in Palestine in the pre-Mosaic age, proved by the Amarna tablets. The exegetical difficulties of this view, however, are insuperable.

As to the name Abel-mizraim it is not improbable that its original meaning was 'meadow of Musri' (in N. Arabia, see Mizraim), but that before J's time it had come to be understood as meaning 'meadow [on the border] of Egypt.' Cp Wi. Altor. Forsch. 34, and see Egypt, River of.

t. k. c.


(hebrew script, § 100, i.e., 'the meadow of the acacias' ; Samar. omits the article; αβελ-σαττειμ [L], β . . ττιμ [A], -ττειν [F], βελσα [B]; abel-satim, Num.33 49), or, more briefly, Shittim (השטים, 'the acacias, σαττειν [BA], -μ [L]; but Nu. 25 1 σαττειμ [F], -ν [L]; Josh. 2 1 εκ σαττει [A], εξαττειν [F] 3 1 εκαττειν [F]; Mic. 6 5† των σχοινων [ΒΑQ] (for σχινων? cp Sus. 54), in the Arabah or Jordan basin at the foot of Mount Peor and opposite Jericho. In the time of Jos. (Ant. iv. 8 1, v. 1 1) a town named Abila {'Aβιλή), rich in palm trees, occupied such a site at a distance of 60 stadia (7½} R. m. ) from the river. Cp BJ iv. 7 6, where it is described as near the Dead Sea, and Jer. (Comm. on Joel), who locales it 6 R. m. from Livias. This seems to point to the neighbourhood of Khirbet el-Kefrein, where the Wādy Kefrein enters the Jordan valley, and there are ruins, including those of a fortress. It was at Abila, according to Jos., that Moses delivered the exhortations of Dt. The palm trees have disappeared, but there is an acacia grove at no great distance (Tristram, Conder). According to RP(2) v. 50, this is the Aubal or 'Abel' mentioned among the places conquered by Thotmes III.

In Joel 3 [4] 18 שםים should perhaps be treated as a common noun and translated 'acacias' (so RV mg., and Marti in HS; cp τῶν σχοίνων [BאAQ]). At all events the reference is not to Abel-shittim across the Jordan. Some (We., Now.) think the name has been preserved in the Wādy es-Sant (see Elah, Valley of), but the latter does not require the watering of which Joel speaks; and he intends, rather, some dry gorge nearer Jerusalem, perhaps (like Ez. 47 1-12) some part of the Kedron valley, Wādy en-Nār (cp Dr. ad loc.; GASm. HG 511; also, for acacias on W. of Dead Sea, Tristr. Land of Isr. 280, 298).


RV Ebez (אבץ; ρεβες [B], αεμε [A], -μις [L]; abes; Josh. l9 20†), [6] one of the sixteen cities of Issachar. The site is unknown, but the name is evidently connected with that of the judge Ibzan (q.v.) of Bethlehem—i.e., the northern Bethlehem. This Bethlehem, it is true, is Zebulunite, while Ebez is assigned to Issachar; but the places must have liccn very close to each other, and the frontiers doubtless varied. Conder's identification with El Beidā, 2 m. from Beit Laḥm, might suit as to position, but 'the white village' can have nothing to do with the old name.

w. r. s.


(אבי, so Targ. Jon.; abbrev. of abijah; αβου [BA], -θ [L]; Jos. 'Αβια; abi), daughter of Zechariah, wife of King Ahaz, and mother of King Hezekiah (2 K. 18 2†). In the parallel passage (2 Ch. 29 1) the name is given as Abijah (אביה, αββα [B : see Swete], αββαθυθ [A], αβια [L] ; syriac? script ; Αβια), but the probability is perhaps in favour of the contracted form in K. (So Gray, H P N 24.)

ABI, Names with[edit]

There has been much discussion as to the interpretation of the names compounded with abi, aḥi, and some other words denoting relationship[7] (cp Ammi-, Hamu'-, Dod-). Without assuming that this discussion is in all points closed (cp Names, § 44), the writer thinks it best to state the theory which he has himself long held, adopting certain points (with acknowledgment) from Gray's very lucid and thorough exposition, and then to consider the religious and archæological aspects of the subject.

1. Are the names sentences ?

The question whether these names are sentences has long been answered by some critics in the affirmative, and the arguments of Gray (HPN 75-86) put the student in possession of all the points to be urged. He also ably criticises the alternative view (viz. , that the two elements in Abimelech, Ammiel, etc., are related as construct and genitive). It is usual to refer on this side to such Phoenician names as -j^cnnN, in which the term of relation is always fern, in names of women and niasc. in those of men. But this is decisive only for Ph(cnician names, atul even in their case only for names in 'nx and nnK ('brother' and 'sister'). Compounds with ab ('father') are used indifferently of men and women in Phuenician, just as they are in Hebrew. In the latter case, therefore, at least, the term of relation cannot refer to the bearer of the name i.e. , cannot be in the construct state. No doubt in Ps. 110 4 Melchizedek (which suffers, along with other compound names con- taining a connective i [see below, 3], from the same ambiguity as names containing a term of kinship) is understood as a construct relation, ' king of righteous- ness,' and the phrase ii.n 'ax as we should certainly read in Is. 95 [6] for ly <3k'- obviously means for the writer 'glorious father' (i.e., glorious ruler of the family of Israel; cp Is. 222i). It would seem, therefore, that in the post-exilic age some names of this type were so understood. But we nmst remember that in later times the original sense of a formation may be forgotten. Gray's main objections to taking abi etc. as originally constructs are as follows : ( i ) The theory will not account for names like Eliab, Joah, etc. Eliab clearly stands to Abiel as Elijah to Joel ; in the latter case the

' On some possible hut by no means clear instances of em, 'mother,' in compound names, see Gray, ///'.V'64 n. 1.

2 The intcrpret.-ition of i> 'an as 'everlasting one' stands or falls with the interpretation of, e.g., Abinoam as 'father of graciousness," and of Abitub as 'father of goodness.' Though defended by reference to such names by Guthe {^/.ukun/tshild ties Jfs. 41 ('85]), it is now generally rejected in favour of 'perpetual father (of his people),' or 'father (/.c. proilucer) of booty.' Hut neither of these explanations gives a satisfactory parallel to ' prince of peace.' We must read 11:7 3(c 'Prince of peace 'suggests a reminiscence of AbSalom, which the writer probablyinterpreted 'father of peace,'/.^., peaceful (or prosperous) ruler.

genitive relation is excluded ; inferentially it is equally so in the former. (2) The u.se of ab with a nouti denoting a quality is a pure Arabism,' which should not be lightly admitted, while such an interpretation as ' father of Yah' for Abijah is unlikely. (3) A woman's

I name like ' brother of graciousness ' (Ahinoam) is incon- ceivable.* In favour of taking the names compounded

I with a term of relationshij) as sentences Cj ray urges that, though ab, ah, 'am, etc., all denote a male relative, the proper names compounded with them are u.sed in- differently of men and women ; while, on the other hand, nouns with ben (son) prefixed are used exclusively of men, the corresponding names of women having bath (daughter) for ben. He infers, therefore, that, while in the case of names in bin and bath the element denoting kindred refers to the bearer of the name, in the case of ab etc. it does not.

Assuming that these compound names are sen- tences, are there grounds for determining which of the XtThi Vi r* *^^" elements is .subject and which is . Wlicn paiX predicate? (1) In cases like Abijah, 18 predicate 7 ^y^^;^^^^ o,y j^g fir^t part can be regarded as indefinite* and therefore as predicate. We must, therefore, render ' Yahw^ is father," etc. The same principle would apply to Joab, Joah (if these are really compounds). Quite generally, therefore, when- ever one element is a proper name it must \x subject.* But (2) a divine proper name may give place to Sn (el) or some divine title e.g.. Lord. Hence Abiel, Abimelech, will be best explained on the analog}' of Abijah i.e., ' God is father,' ' the divine king is father.' Lastly (3) the divine name or title may give place to an epithet, such as ram, 'lofty.' Here the syntax is at first sight open to doubt. The usages of the terms of relation- ship in the cases just considered would suggest that -ram in Abi-ram is subject ; but the fact that ram nowhere occurs by itself designating Yahwe seems to the writer to show that it must be predicate. Abrani, therefore, means, not 'the exalted one is father,' but 'the (divine) father is e.xalted." Cp Adomram, Jkhor.vm.

The question whether the connective /", which occurs in most of the forms, is the suffix of the first [x-rs. sing. , or an old ending, has been variously answered. Should Abinoam, Ahinoam be rendered ' my father (or my brother) is graciousness " (so Olshausen, Lehrb. d. hebr. Spr. 277 e), or ' the (divine) father, or brother, is graciousness " ? Gray well expounds the reasons for holding the latter view . Thus, there are certain forms in which does not occur e.g., Abram, Absalom, beside Abiram, Abisalom. We also find Abiel beside Eliab. Lastly, the analogy of in'DT (Jeremiah), iri'pin' (Hezekiah), etc., favours the theory that the names before us contain utterances respecting the relation of a deity to all the members of the tribe or clan which worships him. To some this may appear a slight argument ; but to the writer it has long tx^en an infiuential consideration. An argument on the opposite side offered by Boscawen and Honmiel will be considered later (see 5).

It is not easy at first to appreciate, or even to under- stand, the conception which underlies compound names ,. . of this chiss. The representation of a 4. KellglOUS g^^ ^ jj^^. j-j^j^^.^ ^f ^ j^ij^ Q^ j,,^,, ,.^y

conception. ^ j^^^ repulsive to us than the representa- tion of him as a brother or as some other kinsman. Even a prophet does not object to the expression ' sons of the living God ' ( Hos. 1 10 [li 1] : see the commentators) ; but any one can see that to substitute some other relation

1 R.nre in ancient Arabic (see Names, | 45).

2 Kvin if in modern Ar. aim is so used of a woman (see Namks, g 45, third note).

3 This assumes that the connective I is not pronominal (see below 3).

The same principle will apply to other compounds contammg, instead of a term of kinship, a title, e.g.y as in Melchizedbk (y.7'.), Adonijah, etc., or a concrete noun, as in Uriah.

3. Connective - for sonship would in such a context be impossible. Names in Abi-, Ammi-, etc., are, in fact, of primitive origin, and must be explained in connection with primitive ideas of the kinship of gods and men (see WRS /^S(-> Lcct. 2). Names like Ahijah, Ahinoam, etc. , imply a time when the god was regarded as brother. The question then arises, May we take 'brother' in a wide sense as kinsman ? or did such formations descend from a remote age when society was polyandrous? Strabo (16 4) wrote of a polyandrous society in Arabia Feli.x that 'all are brothers of all,' and Robertson Smith {A'in. 167/) was of opinion that far back in the Sfx.ial development of Hebrew life lay a form of fraternal polyandry. Now, sup[X)sing that the Hebrews when in this stage conceived themselves to be related to a male deity, it is difficult to see under what other form than brotherhood such relationship could be conceived. Of course, if names expressing this conception were retained in later ages, they would receive a vaguer and more satisfactory meaning, such as ' Yahw6 is a kins- man,' or ' protector.' ^

I^astly, to supplement the Hebraistic arguments in 3, we must briefly consider the argument in favour of the

5. Relationship \^P^ff^^ \ll^' ^f^""' ^- ^' ^' individual ^'^'shalom, My father is gracious-

or tribal ?

ness' for Abinoam, etc., based on early Babylonian and S. Arabian names. Boscawen {Afigration of Abraham, Victoria Institute, Jan. 1886) long ago pointed out a series of primitive Babylonian names such as Ilusu-abisu, ' his god is his father,' Ilusu-ibnisu, ' his god made him,' which, in complete correspondence with the Babylonian penitential psalms, indicate a sense of the relation of a protective god not merely to a clan but to a person; and Hommel, in the interest of a too fascinating historical theory, has more recently given similar lists [AHT Ti. ff-), to which he has added a catalogue of S. Arabian names {ib. 83, 85/) compounded with Hi, abi, where these elements appear to mean ' my God,' ' my father,* etc. The present writer, however, must confess that, though aware of the names collected by Boscawen, he has long been of opinion that the course of the develop- ment of Israelitish thought and society is entirely adverse to the view that the relation of the deity described by abi, ahi, etc. , was primarily to the individual. This is a question of historical method on which no compromise is possible and not of Assyriology. We cannot argue that because the Babylonians, even in remote ages, bore names which imi>ly a tendency to individualistic religion, the Israelites also who, as far as our evidence goes, were much less advanced in all kinds of culture than the early Babylonians had a similar tendency, and gave expres- sion to it in their names. It is, therefore, wise to use these Babylonian and S. Arabian names, not as suggest- ing a theory to be followed in interpreting Israelitish names, but as monuments of early attainments of Semitic races which foreshadow those of the choicest part of the Jewish people at a much more recent period. The value of these names for explaining the formation of Hebrew proper names may be comparatively slight ; but they suggest the idea that it was only the want of the higher spiritual prophecy (as known in Israel), as a teaching and purifying agent, and of somewhat different historical circumstances, which prevented the Baby- lonians from rivalling the attainments in spiritual religion of the later Jewish church. T. K. C.


(n3N), RV Abijah. For i Ch.3io Mt. 1 7 see .Ahij.-^h, i ; for Lk. 1 sf, ibid., 6.


, an English variant of Abijah [q.v.) in AV of I.Sam. 82 iCh. 224 628[i3] 78, corrected in RV to the more usual form, except in i Ch. 224628f 13].

ABIALBON, the Arbathite[edit]

('na-iyn pSSinaK, 4.

1 Cp Barton, ' Kinship of god.s and men among the ancient Semites,' /A'Z, xv. 168^, especially 179^ ('96).

[rAA]ABiH\ Y'oc TOY apaBcoBaioy [B]. AcieABcoN o ApcoBooGeiAC [A], [taAcJaBihc o caraiBaBi [L]), 2 S. 2331, the name of one of David's 'thirty,' should in all probability be ' Abibaal a man of Beth- arabah' (so Bu., and partly Klo. and Ki. ), the al (^j;) in Abi-albon being a relic of Baal (7y3), and the final syllable bon a corruption of Beth (71^3). '"-, it is true, agrees with iCh. II32 (-nanyn sk-^n ; o,3i7j\ 6 yapa^aiddi [B], a. 6 yapafieff [X], a. 6 ffapafifdOa [A], o. 6 apajiadi [L]) in supporting the name Abiel (see Dr. TBS 283) ; but we know that early names of persons contained the name baal as a title of Yahsve where later writers would have preferred to see el (see Beeli.\ua). t. k. c.


(^DK^3N, 44 ; ' the (divine) father gathers ' or ' removes ' or [if the X be not original, see below] ' adds' [cp the popular etymologies of Joskph], unless it be supposed that P and the Chronicler adopted an ancient name indeed [Gray, BPN 244], but under- stood it in the sense ' father of Asaph ' [077C'-' 204 n.] ; aBiacap [B], -cA<j> [FL]), Ex.624 [P], one of the three sons of Korah, i.e. eponym of one of the three divisions of the Korahite guild of Levites, see AsAPH, 3. In I Ch. 623 [8] [a^iaOap [B], -acra0 [AL], .^mjld/ [sic-]. Abiasaph), 637 [22] (alSiaaap [BA], -acra^ [B^'- '^"'-'b. L], ,^^j!as( ; Abiasaph), 9i9 (a/3ia(Ta<^[BAL], ,a*^Lo/, Asaph) the name occurs also, without consonantal k as Ebias.\ph, f|D^3N (Samar. text omits k in Ex. 624), which name ought to be read for that of Asaph also in i Ch. 26 I (.-jCN ; a(3La<Ta(f>ap [B], a(ra.<p [AL], .a m 7 . . Asaph).


(hebrew script, i.e., 'the (divine) father is pre-eminent'; cp Ithream ; greek script [Bhebrew scriptAL]; in I Ch. 1816, greek script [hebrew script*] ; greek script, Jos. [Ant. vi. 146]), the son of Ahimelech and descendant of Eli ; the priestly guild or clan to which he belonged seems to have claimed to trace back its origin through Phinehas and Eliezer to Moses, who, in the early tradition (Ex. 337, E), guards the sanctuary of Yahwè and delivers his oracles. It was Abiathar's father, Ahimelech, who officiated as chief priest in the sanctuary of Nob when David came thither, fleeing from the jealous fury of Saul. Having no other bread at hand, Ahimelech gave the fugitives the holy loaves from the sanctuary. One of the royal couriers, however (see I S. 21 7 [8], with Dr. 's note), saw the act, and betrayed Ahimelech to Saul, who forthwith put the priests to death. No less than eighty-five (according to MT)[8] fell by Doeg's hands, and of the whole number Abiathar alone escaped. It may be inferred from 1 S. 2215 that David had before this contracted friendship and alliance with the house of Eli, and we can readily believe that, just as Samuel marked out Saul as the destined leader of Israel, so the priests at Nob, noting the tendency of the king to melancholy madness, and his inability to cope with the difficulties of his position, selected David as the future king and gave a religious sanction to his prospective claims (cp David, § 3). Certain it is that the massacre of the priests at Nob told strongly in David's favour. The odium of sacrilegious slaughter clung to Saul, while David won the prestige of close friendship with a great priestly house. Henceforth David was the patron of Abiathar, and Abiathar was bound fast to the interests of David - 'Abide thou with me,' said the warrior to the priest, 'for he that seeketh my life seeketh thy life' (I S. 2223). Moreover, Abiathar carried the ephod or sacred image into the camp of David : it was in the presence of this image that the lot was cast and answers were obtained from Yahwè : nor does it need much imagination to understand the strength infused into David's band by the confidence that they enjoyed supernatural direction in

their perplexities. Abiathar was faithful to David through every change of fortune. It was with the sanction of the sacred oracle that David settled at Hebron and became king of Judah (2 S. 21-3). and it was Abiathar who carried the ark, that palladium of Israel, which David used to consecrate Jerusalem, the capital of his united kingdom (I K. 226). Abiathar maintained his sacerdotal dignity amidst the splendour of the new court, though later (we do not know when) others were added to the list of the royal chaplains--viz., Zadok, of whose origin we have no certain information, and Ira, from the Manassite clan of Jair,[9] while David's sons also officiated as priests (2 S. 817 f. 2026). Zadok and Abiathar both continued faithful to their master during Absalom's revolt, and by means of their sons conveyed secret intelligence to the king after he had left the city.

When David was near his end, Abiathar along with Joab supported the claim of Adonijah to the throne, and consequently incurred the enmity of Solomon, the younger but successful aspirant. Solomon spared Abi- athar's life, remembering how long and how faithfully he had served David. But he was banished from the court to Anathoth, his native place, and Zadok, who had chosen the winning side, became chief priest in his stead. To the men of the time, or even long after the time at which it happened, such a proceeding needed no explanation. It was quite in order that the king should place or displace the priests at the royal sanctuary. But in a later age the writer of I S. 227-36,[10] who lived after the publication of D, did not think it so light a matter that the house of Eli should be deprived, at a monarch's arbitrary bidding, of the priesthood which they had held by immemorial right. Therefore, he attributes the forfeiture to the guilt of Eli's sons. A 'man of God,' he says, had told Eli himself of the punishment waiting for his descendants, and had announced Yahwè's purpose to substitute another priestly line which was to officiate before God's 'anointed' i.e. , in the royal presence. A late gloss inserted in I K. 227 calls attention to the fulfil- ment of this prediction.

A special point which has occasioned some difficulty remains to be noticed. In 2 S. 817 [MT GBAL and Vg.] and I Ch. 1816 [ib. and Pesh.; MT., however, reading Abimelech], instead of Abiathar b. Ahimelech it is Ahimelech b. Abiathar that is mentioned as priest along with Zadok. In I Ch. 2431 as well, MT has this reading, in v. 6 also GBAL Pesh.--except that GA* reads viol; in v. 3 these versions all read 'Ahimelech of the sons of Ithamar,' while in v. 31 MT GBAL Vg. omit the phrase 'b. Abiathar,' and Pesh. the whole passage. It is reasonable to suppose that this confusion is due to an early corruption of the text, and that in 2 S. 817 we should read with the Pesh. 'Abiathar b. Ahimelech' (so The. ad loc.; Baudissin, AT Priesterthum, 195; Dr. ad loc.). The Chronicler, however, must have had 2 S. 817 before him in its present corrupt form. In

Mk. 226, by a similar confusion, David is said to have gone into the house of God and received the shew- bread 'when Abiathar was high-priest.' In reporting our Lord's words the evangelist has confused Abiathar with Ahimelech, a mistake into which he was led by the constant association of David's name with that of Abiathar. Suggestions made to evade the difficulty--e.g., that father and son each bore the same double name, or that Abiathar officiated during his father's lifetime and in his father's stead are interesting when we remember the great names which have supported them, but are manifestly baseless (see Zadok, I). See Bu. RiSa 195f.

W. E. A.


(hebrew script, i.e., ' [month of] young ears of barley '). See Month, §§ 2, 5.


, and (AV in Gen.) Abidah (hebrew script, § 44, 'the (divine) father knoweth'? cp Eliada, Beeliada; Jehoiada; greek script [BAL], greek script [AD], greek script [E], greek script [L]; Abida), one of the five 'sons' of Midian, and grandson of Abraham by Keturah (Gen. 254 I Ch. 133+). Unexplained, as yet, except that the same name occurs in Sab. inscriptions (hebrew script, cp also hebrew script, Hal. 192, 202, etc.).


(hebrew script, § 44, 'the (divine) father is judge'; cp Daniel; greek script [BAL]; Abidan), chief of Benjamin in the time of Moses (Nu. 111 222 76065 1024†). On the age of the name see Gray, HPN 202, 244. Possibly P had a consciousness that -dan was archaic (cp Dan, I), and therefore suitable in the name of a tribal chief at the time of the Exodus. To infer with Homniel (A H S 298-301) from such a name as Abidan that P's record is itself ancient, is critically unjustifiable. P also gives the names Shaphat and Shiphtan, which are scarcely archaic.


(hebrew script, §§ 4, 44, 'God is father' (of the clan?); greek script [BAL] ; Abidan).

1. Father of Ner and Kish (i.S. 9i. also 14 sif, -t]p [B]) ; see Abnek.

2. One of David's thirty mighty men (iCh. II32); see A Bi A I, BON.


, A\- Abi-ezer ("lir^K. 44. * the (divine) father is help,' cp Ahiezer ; ABiezep [BAL]: Judg. 634 etc.).

1. The clan from which Gideon sprang belonged to the Gileadite branch of the tribe of Manasseh. In Gideon's time its seat was at Ophrah (Judg. 624), an unidentified site, but apparently on the west side of Jordan. It is probable that the first settlements of the Manassites lay to the west of that river, but the date at which their conquests were extended to the eastward is not known (Josh. 172 tefet [B], ax'er/> [A], ajiu^ep [L] ; Judg. 61124). In Nu. '2630 the name Abiczer appears, not as in the parallel i Ch. 7 18, but in an abbreviated form as Iezek (ni^'ht, AV Jeezer, axifj'ep [BAL]), and the gentilic as Iezerite (niy-K, AV Jeezerite, 6 axi-fi'fi-pfi [B], -fepi [.AL]). In i Ch. 7 18 Abiezer finds a place in the Manassite genealogy as son of Hamniolecheth the sister of Machir b. Manasseh. The patronymic Abi-ezrite AV, Abiezkite RV (; nturt), occurs in Judg. 611 24 (irarpbi toO eaSpei [B] ; ir. a/sJfpi, 7r. T. iefpi[A]; 7r.(r.) efpei [L]) and (j>erhaps as a gloss, see Moore, ad loc.) 832 (ajiifaSpi [B], rrps o^iefpet [A], Trarpds a. [L]).

2. Of Anathoth, one of David's heroes (2 S. 23 27, a^eiftfp [B] ; i Ch. 11 28 27. 2!). see David, 11 (a) i.


(usually ^'J'^K, but ^^JUK in i S.25i8 Kt.,and^r3K in i S.2532. 2 S.33Kt.. and [so RV Abigal] in 1725 ; and, perhaps with * and i transposed, ?33N in I S. 25336 ; possibly we should point /'^DS, 45 ; so oftenest ^^,^*( . sometimes M^q^J ; cp BDB Lex. s.v. ; AB[e]ir<MA [BAL], but in i S.253 ABipAiA [A]; meaning uncertain; ' Abi ' is a divine title (see Names. 44. and cp HPN77. 85).

1. Wife of Nabai, (q.v.), and. after his death, of David ( I S. 25). Her tactful speech against the causeless sheddingofblood( i S. 25 22-31) is noteworthy for the hi.story of Israelitish morality. Like Ahinoam. she accompanied David to Gath and Ziklag. and was taken capme by the Amalekites, but was recovered by David ( i S. 27 3 30s '8). While at Hebron she bore David a son (see Daniel, 4).

2. A sister of David, who married Jether or Ithra, and became the mother of Amasa, 2 S. 17 25 (see above), I Ch. 2 i6i 17. In M T of the former passage, her father

1 B omits Abigail in v. 16, and BA read aiA^j for aJcA^' of L.

is called Nahash (an error also found in "*, and clearly produced by the proximity of that name in v. 27 ; ' gives the correct reading, 'Jesse,' tf<r<rai), and her husband is called ' the Israelite ' (so MT ; iapar)\fiT-qs [B], }..\ ;rs.^) which, however, seems to be a corrup- tion from ' the Jezreelite ' (tefpaTjXiTT?^ [L], de iesraeli [ed. Rom.], de Hiesreli [cod. Amiat.]), just as ' Ahinoam the Jezreelitess (i S. 273) becomes in B axfivaafi 7) iffparjXfiTii. It is true, in i Ch. /.r. Jether is called the Ishmaelite' (t<r/ia7;\(f)iTr;s [BA], ismahelites), but this is plainly a conjectural emendation of ' the Israelite' (L indeed has LOpa.; Pesh. om. ). InaS. 17 25 the same emendation appears in * (jo-^a. ). David's sister was not likely to marry an Ishmaelite. Heyse wonders to what town Jerome's reading can refer. We can easily answer the question. It was the Jezreel situated in Judah (Josh. 1556), from which not only David's brother-in-law but also his first wife Ahinoam probably came (so Marq. Fund. 24 ; see Jezreel, i. 2). T. K. c.


l/'i'^S), 2 S. 1725 RVf. See Abigail, 2. 


(^"H'^S, 45, 'the (divine) father is strength,' cp Sab. ^^PIDS :">'! th^ ^- Arabian woman's name, Ili-hail [Hommel, .-///r 320] ; written ^'nnX [Gi. Ba.] in 2 and 4 ; Hommel [in the Ebers Festschrift, 29 ; cp AHT 320] compares the same name [with 11] in S. Arabian inscriptions from Ghazzat (Gaza) ; but h'^rVI^ is supported by ; AB[e]lX<MA [BAL], ^jtA^^- --IBIHAirj., abihail).

1. Father of Zuriel (Xu. Ssst. a/3txaiai [F"]).

2. Wife of Abishur the Jerahmeelite (i Ch. 229+ Sm'IN [Gi. Ba.] ; a/3etxa'a ^ [B], OL'^i-y. [A], a/StrjX [L]).

3. A Gadite (i Ch. 5 14!. a)3[ejixa'a [BA], a/3n?\

4. Daughter of Eliab, David's brother, and wife of Rehoboam (2 Ch. 11 iSf, S'.tdx [f^i. Ba.], ^a.iav\\\\ a/3. [B^b. vid.]_ a^iataX [A], rov warpos avTou [L, who reads 3N7n d-hh irrnn]).

5. Father of Esther, whose name however is given as Aminadab by C (Esth. 2 15 929t, afi[]ivaoa^ [BNALP], and -5a^ [N]).


(Xin^nX, 44. "my father is he ' ; aBiOyA [B.\L], i.e. ABiHCDr' ABiCOyp [A i" Ex. 623], abh-). See N.\i).\B AXD Abihu.


(nin3X, 45, 'the (divine) father is glory,' a name probably appearing in contracted form in Ehud [i/.z'. i. and ii.], cp Ammihud, Ishhod, as also nin ^3X \'ibi hud], an almost certain correction of ny *3N [EV ' everlasting father '] in Is. 95, which, how- ever, is to be treated as an Arabic ktinya, ' father of glory' [Che. 'Isaiah,' in SHOT]; aBioyA* [BAL]; >Oo*<o/ ; abivd), a Benjamite (i Ch. Sst)-


(in3N, n^'3SI, 44, 'Yahwe is father'; on names ending in n\ -IH^, see Names, 24; AB[e]lA [BAL]).

I. Son of Rehoboam by a ' daughter of Absalom ' (see M.^ACAH, 3), and for three years king of Judah (somewhere about 900 B.C. ; see Chronology, 32). The writer of the ' epitome' in Kings (see Dr.

Introd. 178) only tells us (i K. 15 1-57)* that he con- tinued his father's war against Israel, and that he

1 A mere scribal error, A for A ; so invariably in the case of Abigail.

2 Yet BA have oPiou (;.f. in'^K) 5 times for Abijam. See AnijAH, I end.

3 In BAi- this name is regularly substituted for Abihu of MT exc. Ex.623 [A]. See Ahihu.

4 According to Klo. i K. 15s/ should run thus, 'Because David had done that which was right ... all the days of his life.' From ' all the days of his life ' to ' Abijam (so read in accordance with the correction in T'. 7) and Jeroboam ' is probably a late gloss from the margin. The notice resi>ecting the war between Abijah and Rehoboam seems to be derived from 2 Ch. 13 2, where alone it is in point.

' walked in all the sins of his father ; ' and, since the first of these notices is very possibly due to an interpolator, we may confine our attention to the second. Why then does the epitomist take this unfavourable view of Abijah? As Stade points out, he must have read in the Annals of the kings of Judah statements respecting this king which, if judged by the standard of his later day, involved impiety, such as that Abijah, unlike his son Asa, tolerated foreign worships. It is surprising to find that the Chronicler (2 Ch. 13) draws a highly edifying portrait of Abijah, whom he repre- sents as delivering an earnest address to Jeroboam's army (for ' there was war between Abijah and Jeroboam ') on the sin of rebellion and schism, and as gaining a great victory over the Israelites, because he and liis people 'relied on Yahw6 the God of their fathers.' This, however, is a late Midrash, and has no historical value. The Chronicler (or his authority) wished to emphasize the value of the true ritual, and did this by introducing an artificial episode into an empty reign. Cp Bennett, Chron. 2>'^6 ff. (Pesh. always J^/ ; Jos. a|3ias : in 1 K. 14 31 \hiff., MT has five times the corrupt reading c'lN Abijam, ' a/3ioi/^ [B-A], -ta [L]. )

2. A son of Jeroboam I., king of Israel, who died in his father's lifetime.* The account of his illness is given in I K. 14 1-18 (MT '^), and in another recension in

  • '- immediately after the narrative of Jeroboam's

return from l'".gypt on the death of Solomon (3 K. 12 24 gff. [Swete], 13 1-13 [L]). If we accept the former version as original, we are bound to bring it down to the age which was under the influence of Dt. , for the prophecy in i K. 147-16 is in tone and phraseology closely akin to similar predictions in I61-4, 21 20-24, 2 K. 97-10, the Deutero- nomistic affinities of which are unmist.ikable. Nor is it possible to simplify the narrative without violence. The "'- version, on the other hand, can, without arbitrari- ness, be brought into a simple and very natural form. Jeroboam is not yet king. His wife, not being queen, has no occasion to disguise herself, and Ahijah simply predicts the death of the sick child, without any refer- ence to sins of Jeroboam which required this punish- ment. The writers who supplemented and expanded the older narrative were men of Judah ; the original story, however, is presumably Israelitish. (See Kue. Einl. 25; St. GVI\. 350 n. ; Wi. ATUnters. 12 f.) Cp Jeroboam, i.

3. A Benjamite, i Ch. 7 8t (AV AniAH ; a/3io [B], -ou [A]).

4. Wife of Hezron, i Ch. 2 24! (EV Abiah).

5. Son of the prophet Samuel, iS. 82 (AV Abiah ; a^ripa [L]), I Ch. 628 [islt (EV Abiah).

6. The eighth of the twenty-four courses of Priests (i^.v.) that to which Zechariah, father of John the Baptist, belonged, I Ch. -'i 10 (AV Ahijah); Lk. 1 5! (AV Asia).

7. Mother of King Hezekiah, 2Ch. 29 I. See Am.

8. Priest ill Zerubbabel's band (see Ezka, ii. 6^), Neb. 12 4 (a/3ias (L], 17 fB om. Zf.]); perhaps = No. 6.

9. Priestly signatory to the covenant(see Ezra, i. g 7), Neh. 10 7 [8]. T. K. c. w. E. A.


(Dnjf). I K. 14 /.f See Abijah, i.


(aB6iAhnh [BA ; W. and H.], aBiA. [N- ; Ti]), given in Lk. 3 1 as the tetrarchy of Lysanias, at the time when Christ's ministry began, was a territory round Abila (aBiAa). a town of some importance in Antilibanus, and known to both Josephus and Ptolemy as Abila of Lysanias ("A. 17 Avaavlov), to distinguish it from others of the same name, especially Abila of the Decapolis i^.v.). The Antonine and Peutinger Itinei;aries place it 18 R. m. from Damascus on the way to Heliopolis or Baalbek, which agrees with that portion of the gorge of the Abana in which the present village, Sfik Wady Barada, lies. Not only are there remains of a large temple on the precipitous heights to the E. of this village, with ancient aqueducts and a Roman road,

1 It is defended, however, by Jastrow, /BL xiii. 114 ("94).

2 I.e. '"I'^N, see Abihu.

3 Josephus calls this son *0^i>r) (Ant. viii. 11).

tombs and other ruins on IxDth sides of the river, but inscriptions have been discovered, one of which records the making of the road by ' a freedman of Lysanias the tetrarch,' and another its repair ' at the expense of the Abilenians." Moreover, a Moslem legend places on the temple height the tomb of Abel or Nebi Habil, doubtless a confused memory of the ancient name of Abila, which probably meant 'meadow' (cp Abici,, Ahkl-Hkth- Maacicau). The place was in fact, still called Abil es- Siik by Arabic geographers (Yakut, 1 57 ; Mardsi' , 1 4). The site is, therefore, certain (cp. Rob. LHh' 478^ and Porter, Five Years in Damascus, i. 261 ff., where there is a plan of the gorge). On the political relations of Abilene, see Lysanias. g. a. s.


(i'S0'3N. "God is a father,* cp Sab. name -innj?D3S, '^i father is 'Attar' [inC'y], Hal. Mt'l.; ZDMii, xx.wii. 18 ['83], and see JKKAHMKKI,, in. I ; ABiMenA [AL] ; B om. or wanting), a descendant of JoKTAN (Gen. IO28; ABiMeAeHA [K]: iCh. l22t. -AAeeiA [I'])- Tribal connection uncertain, but see (jlaser, Skizze, ii. 426.


(^l^O^as ; &B[]iMeAex [BAL], -AeK [B* Judf,'. 928], i.e., most proliably, ' Melech (Milk), the divine kin.ij, is father." Al)imilki and Ahimilki occur as names of princes of Arvad in the Annals of Asurbanipal (A'/? ii. 172 /. ); the former name, which is e\idently C'anaanitish, also belongs to the Egyptian governor of Tyre in the Aniarna tablets.

1. A Philistine, king of Gerar (see below), Gen. 26 I 7-1116, who, according to a folk-story in J, took Ri'bckah to be Isaac's sister, and reproved Isaac for having caused this mistake, and so very nearly brought guilt uix)n the Philistines. The same tradition is preserved in !: (Cien. 20), but without the anachronistic reference to the Philistines. The persons concerned are .\bimelech, king of Gerar, Abraham, and Sarah. The details are here much fuller, and the differences from J's narrative are striking. There is reason, however, to think that the narrative of E in its original form made no mention of Gerar. In this case the principality of Abimelech was described by E simply as being ' between Kadesh and Shur ' (omitting the following words). In J's account (Gen. 26) there are traces of a confusion between two Gerars, the more southerly of which (the true seat of Abimelech's principality) was probably in the N. .Arabian land of Musri (for particulars on this region see Mizraim, 2 [^]). J's account also refers to disputes between the herdsmen of .Abimelech and those of Isaac about wells, which were terminated by a covenant between Isaac and Abimelech at Beersheba (Gen. 26 17 19-33). The Elohistic form of this tradition passes lightly over the disputes, and lays the chief stress on the deference shown to Abraham by Abimelech when the oaths of friendship were exchanged. The scene of the treaty is, as in J, Beersheba (Gen. 21 22-323). On Ps. 34, title, see AcmsH. T. K. c.

2. Son of Jerubbaal (Gideon). His history, as related in Judg. 9, is of very great value for the light which it throws on the relations between the Israelites and the older population of the land in this early period. His mother was a Shechemite, and after his father's death he succeeded, through his mother's kinsmen, in persuading the Canaanite inhabitants of Shechem to submit to his rule rather than to that of the seventy sons of Jerubbaal. With silver from the temple- treasure of Baal-hekith (q.v.) he hired a band of bravos and slaughtered his brothers, Jotham, the youngest, alone escaping, and was acclaimed king by the people of .Shechem and Beth-millo, at the sacred tree near Shechem. From a safe height on Mt. Geri/.im, Jotham cried in the ears of the assembly his fable of the trees who went about to make them a king (see Jotham, i), and predicted that the partners in the crime against Jerubbaal's house would destroy each

2 T7

other, a prophecy which was signally fulfilled. After a short time (three years, J'. 22), the Shecliemitcs rose against Abimelech. Of the way in which this came

about, and of Abimelech's vengeance, the chapter contains two accounts. According to the first of these (jT. 23-25, 42-45), an evil spirit froni Vahwe sows discord between the Shechemites and Abimelech, who takes the city by a stratagem and totally destroys it. According to the other account (i/7'. 26-41), the insurrection is fomented by a certain Gaal b. Obed (sec Gaal, i ), who shrewdly appeals to the pride of the old Shechemite aristocracy against the Israelite half-breed, Abimelech.' Abimelech, appri.sed of the situation by Zebul, his lieutenant in the city, marches against it ; Gaal, at the head of the Shechemites, gotJS out to meet him, but is beaten and driven back into the city, from which he, with his partizans, is expelled by Zebul (on this episode, C[) G.\AL). Abimelech, carrying the war against other places'^ which had taken part m the revolt, destroys Migdal-Shechem {vr. 46-49, .swjuel of ft'. 42-451. While leading the assault upon Theliez he is niortally hurt by a mill-stone which a woman throws from the wall. To save himself from the disgrace of dying by a woman's hand, he calls on his armour-bearer to despatch him {in). 50-55 ; cp i S. 31 4).

Many recent scholars gather from the story of Abimelech that Israel was already feeling its way towards a stronger and more stable form of govern- ment. Jerubbaal, it is said, was really king at Ophrah, as appears from Judg. 92;* his son Abimelech reij;ned not only over the Canaanites of Shechem, but over Israelites also (v. 55). A short-lived Manassite kingdom thus preceded the Benjamite kingdom of Saul (We., St., Ki.). This theory rests, however, on very insecure foundations. That Jerubbaal's power descended, if Abimelech's representation is true, to his seventy sons (92), not to one chosen successor among them, does not prove that he was king, but rather the opposite. Abimelech was king of Shechem, to whose Canaanite people the city-kingdom was a familiar form of government ; that he ruled in that name over Israelite towns or clans is not intimated in the narrative, and is by no means a necessary inference from the fact that he had Israelites at his back in his effort to suppress the revolt of the Canaanite cities (9 55)- Cp GiDKON. G. V. M.

3. iCh. I816. A scribe's error for Ahimklech. See .Xhiathar (end).


(3nj^3K, 'my father apportions,' see N.XMKS, 5; 44, 46, or ' the father (i.e., god of the clan) is numitKcnl,' cp Jehonadab ; amLcJinaAaB [BNA], aBin. [E])-

1. David's second brother, son of Jesse ; i S. 168 17 13. also iCh. 2 13 {ifi-'-v. [L]). See David, i (a).

2. Son of Saul, slain upon Mt. Gilboa, according to iS. 3I2. The name .Abinadab, however, is not given in the list in i S. 11 49. There may have been a mistake ; Jesse's second son was named Abinadab. So Marq. Fund. 25 (twva5a/3 [B] /.<. , JONAliAB [q.v. 3]). iCh. 833 939; also iCh.102 (afupi'aSafi [B ""],

3. Of Kirjath-jearim, in whose house the ark is said to have been kept for twenty years (iS. 7i/. 2 S. 63/ I Ch. 137). See Ark. 5.

4. I K. 4ii, see Be.n-.Abinaoab.


(i:3S), I S. 14 sot. AV mg. See Abner.

1 Judg. 2S : ' Who is Abimelech, and who is Shechem, that we should bt subject to him? Were not the son of Jcrubb.ial, and Zobul his lieutenant, subjects cf Hamor(the blue blood of Shechem)? Why should < be subject to him?' For other interpretations and emendations of this much-vexed verse, see Moore, y</iVi, 257.

2 On the statement (Judg. 922) that 'Abimelech ruled over Israel three years," see Sloore, Jutiges, 253.

S Judg. SaayC is considered under Gideon. Cp also Moore, J urges, aag /


(DJ?i3, 45. 'the (divine) father is pleasiintntss,' cp Ahiiioam, Elnaam ; &B[e]lNeeM [HAL], iaBin. [A iti Jiidg. 412]; abinof.m). father of Barak (Judg. 46 1201 laf).


(ny3X, 44 '. 'the Father is the High One.' cp Aui, NAMES with, 2; ABeipcoN [BA], aBhp. [1>] ; v- ua l ! ABiRos), another form of

Abu-ram, which (Abu-ramu) is a well -attested Baby- lonian and Assyrian name (it occurs, ct;., in a contract- tablet of the time of Abil-sin, 2324-2300 B.C., and in the Assyrian cponym-canon under B.C. 677).' The second element in the name (-ram) is a divine title (cp 'Paulas 6 vfiffTos Oeds, Hcsych. ), but is also used, in the plur. , of all heavenly beings (Job 21 22). Parallel Hebrew names .are Ahi-ram, Adoni-ram, Jeho-ram, Malchi-ram (see also Abram). Ahiramu is the name of a petty Babylonian king under Asur-nasir-pal, and Malik-ram-mu that of a king of Edom in the time of Sennacherib (C'O 7" i. 95, 281).

1. A fellow conspirator of Dathan {i/.v.), Nu. 16 {aSapwv [A once], ojSjp. [F twice]); Ut. 116 Ps. IOG17 and (AV Abikon) Ecclus. 45 18, 4 Mace. 217! (afi^puv [V-J]).

2. Eldest son of Hiel the Bethelite, who died when his father laid the foundation of Jericho anew ; i K. 1634! (.4B1RAM ; L om. verse), cp Josh. 626 (5"'^'-. See HiEi,. T. K. c.


(DT3N), Ecclus. 45i8t AV. SccAbiram, i.


(./AV55/r/ etc ), 4 Esd. 1 2t. See Abishua, 2.


(Jk??^' 45. meaning obscure ; ^BeiCA [B], ABiCAr [^i' -C&K [I-]; *^*s/ ; n^'s.ic) the Shunammite, David's concubine (i !<.. 1 1-4), afterwards sought in marriage (2iT,ff.) by Adonijaii, i.


('tr^N, 45, written ^IfbX^ in 2 S. 10 lo and always [five times] in Ch., where moreover A omits final t ; meaning doubtful, cp Je.sse, Amasa, and for Lag. 's view see Abnek ; ABeiCA.[Bt<; A once], aBiCAI [A], -Aei [A three times], ABecCA[L, also seven times B, and three times A], -Bicc- [A, iCh. 2i6], AC&l [A, 2.S. 330], AMecCA [L, 2S. 206]), the brother of Joab, is mentioned immediately after the ' first three' and at the head of ' the thirty ' in the list of David's worthies (2S. 23i8/;; iCh. II20/. ; reading 'thirty' for ' three ' with SBOT etc. , after Pesh. ). He was one of David's close associates during his outlawry, and was his companion in the visit to Saul's camp on the hill of Hachilah (iS. 266). He was faithful to him in Absalom's rebellion (2S. I69), commanded a third part of the army (2S. I82), saved David's life when it was threatened by a Philistine (2S.2I1617), and, according to the Chronicler (iCh. I812), slew 18,000 Edomites in the \'al!ey of Salt (but see Joab, i).


(niy^r-aX), iK. 152iot. See Absalom, i.


(yV^aX, 44, for view of Lag. see Abner ; 'the (divine) father is opulence'? cp Malchishua, and Abi-isua, Wi. Gl 130 n. 3. See also Horn. AHT liii. 108 n. 209 n. i, ZDMG .xli.x. 525 ['95]).

1. A son of Bela (q.v. ii. 2), iCh.84 (a/3et(7-a.aaj ' [B], a^iffove [AL] ; -^OAAsi'; .-is/sra).

2. b. I'liinehas, b. Eleazar, b. Aaron (iCh. 64/ [5 30/]. 5o[35].a/3[e]i(roi;[B.A], a^iovd, -t(70va[L]; Ezra7s.

1 See Hommel, PS/i.4 xvi. 212 ['941: Schr. COTW. 187.

2 Krmnn and Maspcro connect this name with Ab-sha, the Egyptian form of the name of the Asiatic chief repre- sented on a famous wall -painting at Beni- Hasan. But sub- sidiary evidence is wanting. .See Joseph, i, io, and cp WMM, Ms. u. Eur. 36 n. 2. Hommel (AHT 53) connects Ab-sha or Ebshu'a with Abishua.

3 This presupposes ViyO'^Vi, a name for which there is no parallel in the OT, cp Samso.n, Shimshai.

a^[e]Krove [B.-\L]=i Esd. 82, Abisum [.AV], i.e., a^iaovfi [343, 248], RV Abi.sue {ajieia-ai [B], a^iaovau [A], afii<Tove [L]). Called Abisei in 4 Esd. Izf {Abissei [ed. Bensly], Abisaei [cod. Amb.]).


(>V>nN, 44. ' the (divine) father is (as) a wall' ?cp Sab. "lliJ'^N, Assvr. Abudiiru; AB[e]l- COYP [J^A], aBiac. [E] ; ahisvr), b. Shammai the Jerahmeelite (i Cii. 228/.t). Derenbourg [RI-.J, 1880. p. 58) gives -iiB-aK as a Himyaritic divine title (Hal. 148, 5). But the second part of Abi-shur may be a corruption of nns* ; cp Ahishah.\r.


, RV Abisue (aBicoym [243 etc.]), i Esd. 82t-E/.r. 75, Abishua, 2.


(Vi?^3X. 45, 'my father is dew'? cp HAMriAi, ; but should not these names be Abitub [Qp-aX], Hamutub [cp Ahitub]? A name com- pounded with 7t3 seems very improbable. 7 and 3 might be confounded in Palmyrene characters ; abitai.) ; wife of David, mother of Shephatiah ; 2.S. 84, i Ch. Sat (aBgitaA, thc caB. [B] ; aBit. [A] ; -taaA, -TAAA [E]). In 2 Ch. 3t)2, " reads A^eiraX for Ha.mut.vi,, the name of Jehoahaz's mother. T. K. c.


(3"1D2X : perhaps properly, as in versions, Abitob, 'the (divine) father is good,' see N.vmes, 45 ; cp Aram. aO^QX I aBitcoB [BAL] ; abitob), b. Shaharaim (iCh. 8iit).


(aBioyA [BA], -oyt [X*], i.e., Abihud, or Abihu), son of Zerubbabel, and ancestor of Joseph, husband of Mary (Mt. 1 13), see Ge.vealogies of Jesus, 2 c.


(inX. 44. but in iS. 1450 l.^aX ; aBgnnhp [BAL], -CNH- [A five times], aBainhr [A twice]; abner. Lag. Uebers. 75, holds that Abner = "13 prX] = ' son of Ner. ' This is suggested by the (5 form 'Abenner'; but cp ,n|^3T = 'Pe^Se/cKa, n^s^ = Bo<ro^pa. 'Abner' or 'Abiner' might mean 'my (divine) father is (as) a lamp'). Captain of the host under Saul and under Ishbaal. As a late but well-informed writer states, he was Saul's first cousin (iS. 1450, cp 9i), Ner the father of Abner and Kish the father of Saul being both sons^ of Abiel. The fortunes of Saul and Abner were as necessarily linked together as those of David and Joab, but tradition has teen even less kind to Abner than to his master. Of his warlike exploits we hear nothing, though there was ' sore war against the Philistines all the days of Saul' (i S. 1452), and tradition loved to e.xtol the prowess of individual heroes. Even at the battle of Gilboa there is no mention of Abner, though it was a part of his duty, according to David, or at least an early narrator, to guard the sacred person of the king (iS. 2615). All that we hear of him in Saul's reign is that he sat next to the king at table (i S. 2O25), that, accord- ing to one tradition, he introduced David to the presence of Saul (i S. 1757). and that he accompanied the king in his pursuit of David (iS. 265^). It was natural that upon Saul's death he should take up the cause of Ishbaal (David, 6). It suffices to mention here some personal incidents of that unhappy time. That Abner slew his pursuer Asahel (one of Joab's brothers) was, doubtless, not his fault but his misfortune. But his motive in passing over from Ishbaal to David was a shameful one. Ishbaal may indeed have been wrong in interpreting Abner's conduct to Rizpah. Saul's concu- bine, as an act of treason (cp 2.S. I621 1K.222); but to give up the cause of the Benjamite kingdom on this account, and transfer his allegiance to David, was

1 In 1 S. 1451 read '}3 for -fa with Jos. Ant. vi. 6 6, followed by Dr., Bu., KIo. The text of i Ch. 833 = 8 39 should doubtless run, 'And Ner begat Abner, and Kish begat Saul (see Kau. note in US).

ifl^oble. The result was not what he had expected the highest place undrr a grati-ful king. He had just left David with the view of prtK'uring a popular a.sseinl)]y for the recognition of David as king of all Israel, when Joah enticed him back, and treacherously assassinated him beside the gale of Hebron (sec Sikau, Well ok), partly jx-'rhaps from jealousy, partly in revenge for the death of Asahel (2 S. 830).

Abnir's death was regarded by David as a national calamity. ' Know ye not," he said, 'that a prince and a great man is fallen this day in Israel?" He ordered a public mourning for Abner, and himself sang an elegy over his grave, a fragment of which is preserved (2S. 831-39) : see Poetical Literatuke, 4, iii. (h). The Chronicler gives Abner a son named JAASIEL ((j.v. 2).

T. K. C.


, a word occurring over a hundred limes in the OT as a rendering of four* somewhat technical expressions (sometimes paraphrased ' abomin- able thing,' etc. ).

1. Vua (pi.i^ul) occurs four times in exilic and post- exilic writings (Ilz. 414 ['s -vra]. Lev. 7i8/ita(r/i ; 19? ILdxTov ; Is. 604! [C'S;9 pTD, 'broth,' Xwfibv . . . fi.eixo\vfjiiu.eva ; Kt. 's pis, ' scraps ']) as a technical term for sacrificial flesh become stale (/c/j^aj ?wXov or ^((iT)\ou in Ez. [HAQ]), which it was unlawful to eat. See Sackikice. In the last passage WRS regarded pijCiCUl as carrion, or flesh so killed as to retain the blood in it (A\S"(*-'I 343 n. 3).

2. j-pr [sekfs), also confined to exilic and post-exilic writings^ (Ez. 8 10 Lev. 7 21 11 10-42 Isa. 66 lyt ; (i5i\i'-yna [B.\]), is a term for what is taboo. See Clean and Unclean.

3- y\f)v{^'kkus, variously rendered ^5^\ii7/ia, eWojXoi', etc. ), a much commoner word, of the same form as ( i ), and from the same root as (2), occurring once in the present text of Hos. 9io, is freely used (over twenty times), chiefly from the E.xile onwards, as a contemptuous designation ofu-nest of images of deitfcs or of foreign deities themselves. See below, ABOMINATION OF Desolation and Idol, 2/.

4. n^vin {to'ebdh ; fideXvyfjia), a word of uncertain ety- mology frequently occurring from Dt. onwards (esp. in Ezek. ), is by far the commonest of these terms. It designates what gives offence to God (Dt. I231) or man (Pr. 2927), especially the violation of established custom. The former usage is the more common ; it applies to such things as rejected cults in general, Dt. 1231 (see Idol, 2/. ), child-sacrifice (Jer. 3235), ancestral worship (Ez. 438), images (Dt. 27i5). imperfect sacrificial victims {Dt. 17 1), sexual irregularities (Ezek. 22 n), false weights and measures (Dt. 25 16), etc. The latter us;ige, however, is not rare (esp. in Prov. ). Thus J tells us eating with foreigners (Gen. 4832), shepherds (4634), Hebrew sacrifices (Ex.826 [22]), were an abomination to the Egyptians (see Egypt, 19, 31).


(to BAeAyr^A thc epHMUicecoc). an onit;matical expres- sion in the apocalyptic section (Mt. 2415-28) of the discourse of Christ respecting HisnApoyciAlMt- 24 15 = Mk. 1314)- The passage containing the phrase runs thus in Mt. ' When therefore ye see the atomination of desolation, which was sjx)kcn of by Daniel the prophet. Standing (e^Toj) in the holy place (let him that readeth understand), then let them that are in Judaia flee unto the mountains.' The reference to Daniel, however, which is wanting in Mk., is clearly an addition of Mt. (cp Mt. 223 4 14, etc. ), and Mark's fffrrjKirra (masc. ),

' It is also used in 1S.I34 for PKaj, the word rendered ' sunk in 2 S. 106 (AV).

2 But in Is. /.c. Duhm and Cheyne read j*^C ; so also Sam. and some MSS. at l^v.7ai. In I.ev.llio^ we may point |-|3r, and in Ez.810 read D'xpt? (with O, Co.).

being more peculiar than Matthew's iffrdt (neut.), is to be preferred. Eioth reports agree in inserting the parenthetic appeal to the trained intelligence of the reader, which, being both natural and in accordance with usage in an ap<jcalyptic context, it would be un- ruxsonable to set aside as an 'ecclesiastical note* (Alford). There is an exact parallel to the clause in Rev. 13 18 (cp 179), ' Here is wisdom : let him that hath understanding count the number of the beast,* and a parallel of sense in Rev. 2; 189 : ' He that hath an ear (or, if any man have an ear), let him hear,' i.e., let him understand (as Is. 33 19) ; the Ijest commentary on which is a terzinu in Dante (//. 961-63), 'O voi, che avete gl' intelletti sani," etc. In fact, the whole section is a fivarripiov, not of the class in which Jesus delighted (Mt. 13ii), nor expressed in his highly original style, and is easily separable from its context. It is [irobably (apart from some editorial changes) the work of a Jewish writer, and was inserted to adapt the discourse, which had been handed down (itself not unaltered) by tradition, to the wants of the next generation.

Some light is thrown upon it by the ' little apocalypse in 2 Thess. 2 1-12, which evidently presupposes an eschatological tradition (see AnticukI.st). It is there explained how the irapovala. of Christ must be preceded by a great apostasy and by the manifestation of the 'man of sin,' whose irapovaia is 'with lying signs and wonders,' and who ' opposcth and exalteth himself against all that is called God or that is worshipix-d, so that he sitteth in the s;inctuary (va6^) of God, selling himself forth as (Jod,' but whom 'the Lord Jesus will slay with the breath of his mouth. ' The resemblance between the two Apocalypses is strong, and we can hardly avoid identifying the ' abomination of desolation ' in Mt. and Mk. with the ' man of sin' in 2 Thess. 'I iiat the one stands and the other sits in the sanctuary con- stitutes but a slight difference. In both cases a statue is obviously meant. The claimant of divinity would not, of course, be tied to one place, and it was Ix-lievcd that by spells a portion of the divine life could be cc m- niunicated to idols, so that the idol of ihe false god was the false god himself. In both ca>cs, loo, there is a striking resemblance to the dr}pia of Rev. 13, the second of whom, indeed, is said to be represented by an image which can speak, trickery coming to the help of su(>erstilion (Rev. 13 15). In fact, the 'abomination ' or ' the man of sin ' is but a humanised form of the original of these dT)fiLa viz., the apocalyptic dragon, who in his turn is but the Hebraised version of the mythical dragon Tiamat, which was destroyed by the liabylonian light god (see C'reation, 2). We can now recover the meaning of t% ipyfutlxreu^. The ' alKimination ' which thrusts itself into the ' holy place ' has for its nature 'desolation' i.e., finds its pleasure in undoing the divine work of a holy Creator.'

But why this particular title for the expected opponent of God ? It was derived from the first of the great apocalypses. In Dan. 927 11 31 12ii, according to the cxegetical tradition in , mention is made (combining the details of the several {passages) of an apostasy, of an 'abomination of desolation' (or ' of desolations ') in the sanctuary, of a time of unparalleled tribulation, of resur- rection, and of glory. That the original writer meant ' abomination ' to be taken in the sense descrilx^l above, and the appended qualification to Ix- rendered ' desolat- ing ' or 'of desolation,* cannot indeed Ix- said, ppv as used in Daniel means ' image of a false god ' (cp i K. II5; 2 K. 2813), and the most natural rendermg of DEC' and (if the text be correct) cpitrp or ccrs is ' appal-

1 It is no objection that in I.k. 21 20 the iprnmai^ is referred to thc hemming in of Jerusalem by Ronuin armies ; cp Jos. Ant. X. 11 7, where the passages in Dan. are explained of the desola- tion by the Romans. The true meaning must be decided by Matthew and Mark, where nothing is said bf injuries from invaders. "The memory of the experiences of 70 a.d. suggested to Luke a new interpretation of the traditional phrase.

ling. The phrase appears to be an intentional alteration of DDE' hv2 (Baal skiimim), 'heaven's lord.' That this was a current title of Zeus may be inferred from the Syri<ic of 2 Mace. 62, where the temple at Jerusalem is called by the emissary of Antiochus ' the temple of be'el shemin' (see Nestle, ZATW iv. 248 ['84]; cp his Marginalien u. Matenalien, 35 / ; G. Hoffmann, Ueb. ein. phon. Inschr. 1889, p. 29 ; Bevan, Daniel, 193). The author of Daniel (whose meaning is correctly given by, l/T") contemptuously says, 'Call it not "heaven's lord," but "an appalling abomination " ' ; and the object to which he refers is an image of Olympian Zeus, which, together with a small jiiofidi, the agents of Antiochus set up on the great altar (dvcriaaTrjpioi') of burnt offerings. The statement in i Mace. 1 59 is not destructive of this theory, for altars and idols necessarily went together, and the phrase of the Greek translator of the Hebrew original in v. 54 ^ (|35Ai7^a epTyyuuxrews ; cp rb (id4\vyfia, 67) might be used equally well of both or of either.^ All this, however, had been forgotten when the apoca- lyptic section in Mt. 24 and Mk. 13 was written.

Another (a highly plausible) interjjretation of the little evangelical apocalypse is given by Spitta (IJie Offen- bafung Jo/iaruiis, 493-497), who thinks that it was written in apprehension of the erection of a statue of Caligula in the temple (see Schiir. IJist. ii. ). This implies that rb 8i\. rrjs iptifi. means the statue of a historical king who claimed to be the supreme God, which, considering the nature of the context, is im- probable, and is not supported by the use of the Hebrew phrase in Daniel. It is, no doubt, highly probable that apocalyptic writers regarded the mad Caligula as a precursor of the expected embodiment of the principle of ' lawlessness ' [avoixia, 2 Thess. 2?) ; but, without putting some violence on their inherited eschato- logical phrases, they could not have said that he was ipr)fj.w(n% or dvo/j-la in person. For, after all, a Roman emperor could not be a purely destructive or lawless agent. Spitta's view, however, is preferable to that of Weiss, who, appealing to Lk. 21 20, understands the ' abomination ' to be the Roman armies ; and to that of Bleek and Alford, who explain it of the desecra- tion of the holy place by the Zelots (Jos. B/ iv. 36-8). For the criticism and exegesis of the difficult passages, iJan. 927 11 31, see the commentary of Bevan and the translation and critical notes in Kau. NS ; cp also Van Lennep's treatise on the seventy year- weeks of Daniel (Utrecht, i888), where it is proposed, on amply sufficient grounds, to change the impossible r^:3 h^) (927) into iir'Syi, 'and instead thereof.' The greatest problem is how to explain or rather correct cctrp D'sijSB' ; in ppa'n C2TO (11 31)- for c?rp we should perhaps read Dtxn. or delete ','2 as a gloss from 9 27. There is a similar problem in 813. T. K. c.


(DHn^N, 44; aBra&m [BAL] ; once ABpAM [-^J)- The name has no meaning in 1 Name etc ^^^'"^^^' ^^^ seems to be another form ' of Abram (g.v.), due probably to a misunderstanding of an early orthography.* In J and P, however, the latter is represented as the original name, which was changed at a critical point in the patriarch's life into Abraham (Gen. 17 s, P. where the etymology is a mere word-play ; on J's narrative, see Fripp, Gen. 53). It is only from the time of Ezekiel

1 See Ko. Finl. 482.

2 Ges., Berthi)ldt, Griitz, and others explain the 'abomination' ofa statue of Zeus; Hitz., HilKenfeld, Bleek, Kue., of an altar. The insertion of the did.-ictic story of Nebuchadrezzar's golden image slightly confirms the former view.

3 Honimel maintains that n in the Minsean (S. Arabian) alphabet represents a (a) or, in some cases, /. The same peculiarity (n for a) characterises the Moabite, the Hebrew, and the Samalite script. cmaK, therefore, was originally pronounced AbrSm (Hommel, Das graphische ,t itn Mindischcn, 22-24). WMM {As. u. Eur. 309 n. 3) finds an Egjptian proper name B-'-rj-ru-m^y = Baal-ram.

(see Ez. 3824)! that Abraham was reverenced by the Jews as their greatest ancestor ; cp Is. 41 8/ 51 12 63 16 Neh.97/. 2Ch.207 306 Fs. 479 ['o] 1056942 Ecclus. 44 19 I Mace. 252I221 Mt. Ii39 Lk. IG2430 lOg Jn. 8395356 Acts72l326 Rom. 411216 Heb. 6131117 Jas. 221, cp Gal. 37-9. But to give time for this general reverence to have arisen, we cannot help supposing that the name and, in some form, the story of Abraham were current in certain circles considerably earlier. Local traditions respecting him doubtless existed before the glory of the southern kingdom departed, and these traditions form the basis of the composite niSinor ' family history" of Abraham (P for a special reason substitutes Terah) contained in Gen. 11 27-25 18. That these tradi- tions are legends, and not historical records of the times which the ' family history ' appears to describe, is certain (see Historical Literature). But that in their ]iresent setting they are much more than legends needs to be not less firmly held. They have been purified both by abridgment and by expansion ; and, since the fusion of the original and of the added elements is by no means complete, it is not impossible to study the one from the point of view of prehistoric research, and the other from that of the history of religion. Let us, then, briefly con- sider these two questions : (i) What did the Abraham narratives of Genesis mean to their first editors and readers ? and ( 2 ) may any of them be regarded as contain- ing a historical element ?

I. The first question can be readily answered. Abraham to J and E is not so much a historical per- sonage as an ideal type of character.

2. Story of J and .

This theory alone will account for the ' dreamy, grand, and solemn ' impres- sion which this patriarch makes upon us. The frame- work of the narrative may be derived from myths and legends, but the spirit comes from the ideals stored up in the minds of the narrators. A school of writers (for J and E are not merely individuals) devoted them- selves to elaborating a typical example of that unworldly goodness which was rooted in faith and fervently preached by the prophets. That typical example was Abraham, who might, with a better right than the old Babylonian king, Hammurabi, have called himself the prophet of the heaven-god, and indeed is actually recog- nised by the Pharaoh (Gen. 2O7 E) as a prophet of Elohim. The ' dreaminess ' which has been noticed in him is caused by his mental attitude. The Moliam- medans appropriately call him 'the first Moslem.' He goes through life listening for the true tora, which is not shut up in formal precepts, but revealed from time to time to the conscience ; and this leaning upon God's word is declared to be in Yahwe's sight a proof of genuine righteousness (15 6 J). The Pirqe Aboth [c. 5 ; cp Ber. rabba, par. 56) reckons ten trials of Abraham's faith, ' in all of which he stood firm ' ; but this simply marks the intense Jewish reverence for the 'father of the faithful.' The word ,id3, ' (he) tried,' occurs only once in the narratives (Gen. 22 1), but from the first the faith of Abraham was tried like gold in the fire. He marries a woman who is ' barren ' ( 1 1 30 1 8 n /. both J ; 152_/; JE). He leaves his home at the divine bidding to seek an unknown land (12i J). As the climax, he is commanded to offer up the child of promise as a sacrifice (22 1-13 E). It is characteristic of the pre-exilic age that this privileged life presents no reverses of fortune (contrast Job). But prosperity does no moral harm to Abraham. He retains a pure and disinterested philanthropy, which would even, if possible, have saved wicked Sodom (1822^-330, a late Yahwistic passage). '^ Once, indeed, he appears as trusting in an arm of flesh, and defeating mighty kings (Gen. I41-17) ;

1 This is the earliest mention of Abraham outside the Hexa- teuch ; for Is. 29 22 Jcr. 33 26 Mic. 7 20 belong to passages inserted after the F.xile.

2 See We. CH) 27/ ; Documents o/the Hex. i. 26 ; Fripp, Gen. 48-50.

but this unique narrative, so flattering to the pride of the later Jews, is evidently a fragment of a post-exilic midrash on the life of Abraham.' It even contains a specimen of the mystic reckoning called 'gematria,' the number 318 in 14 14 being suggested by the name of Abraham's servant Eliezer,- of which it is the numerical equivalent, just as it is stated in the Haggada that Abraham served God from his third year, Ixjcause apy in nyctr* -afftt ipu (2'2i8) is equivalent to 172 (he was 175 when he offered up Isaac, according to the Midrash Tanchuma), and as the ' number of the beast ' in Rev. 13i8 is 666 (or 616).

The narratives of P differ, it is true, in some respects

from those of J and E. This writer, who is a lover of

. , p gradual, orderly progress, even in the

^ ** history of revelation, represents the

mii^ration into ('anaan as having been planned, without any express divine command, by Terah (CJen. II31), and admits no tlieopliany before that in Abraham's ninety-ninth year (17 1)- He introduces, also, some important modifications into the character of the patri- arch. The friendly intimacy between Yahw^ and Abraham has disappeared ; when Yahw6 at length manifests himself, Abraham falls upon his face (17 3 17). A legal element, too, finds its way into his righteousness, the rite of circumcision having been undergone, accord- ing to P, by Abraham and all the males of his house- hold. Still, it may be said of P as truly as of his prede- cessors that he regards Abraham as the greatest of men, and exhibits him as the ])attern for Israelitish piety. With this object in view, he has no scruple in dealing very freely with the traditional material. Since all things are best at their Ijeginnings, he asserts that the ancestor of Israel was all, and more than all, that his own sober imagination can devise. Later writers attempted to supply his deficiencies. Even in the OT we have a strange reference in Is. 2922 (i)ost-exilic) to dangers incurred by Abraham, which agrees with the hints dropped in the Book of Jubilees [c. VI), and points the way to the well-known legend of the furnace of N'imrod. Not less did the enigmatical war-chronicle in Gen. 14 stimulate later writers. Nicolaus of Damascus, the court historian of Herod the Great, related (Jos. Ant. \.l-2\ cp Justin, 862) that Abraham came with an army out of Chalda;a and reigned in Damascus, after which he settled in Canaan ; he adds that lh(Te still exists a village called 'Afipdfwv olKrjffLi (see Hobah). The only Biblical trace of such a story is in Gen. 152, where, however, ' Damascus' appears to be a gloss (see Elikzkk, i). It is bold in Ew. {Htsf. i. 312) to assume on such a basis that Damascus was a traditional link in the chain of the Hebrew migration. More i^robably these stories were invented by the Jews of Damascus (who were a numerous body) to glorify the national ancestor. The Moslems took up the tradition with avidity (see Ew. I.e. ), and still point to the village of Berza, or Bcrzat el Halll ( ' the marriage- tent of .Abraham '), one hour N. from Damascus, where the marriage of the p:Uriarch furnishes the occasion of an annual festival (Wetz. /Z>.V/f7 xxii. 105 ['68]).

2. What historical element (if any) do these narratives contain ? The Abraham traditions are twofold. Some 4 Historica.1 '^*^^"K exclusively to the great patri- Kpm 1 ^^^^ ' '^'^^ '^^ ^'^ attached to one

or another of his successors. The latter we can disregard : the foundation of the sanc- tuaries of Shechem and Bethel has a better tra- ditional connection with Jacob (Gen.33i8-2o 2811-22), and that of Bt;cr.->hcba with Isaac (2624/.), while the

^ Much confusion has been caused by the uncritical use of cuneiiorm research (see Che. Foutuiers, i-yj j^.). That the writer of Gen. 14 i-ii had access, directly or indirectly, to Baby- lonian sources for some of his statements is denied by none. But this does not make him a historian. See Kue. Hex. 43. 324 ; We. r//*'! 26 ; E. Mey. GA i. 165/: and cp Chedor-


  • So, long ago, Hitzig, following Btr. ratia, par. 43.

story of the imperilled wife has at least as good (or as bad ) a claim to be connected with Isaac ( 26 i-i i ). There remain (a) the migration from Harran or from Or Kasdlni ; (b) the close affinity between Abraham and Sarah, Abraham and Hagar (and Keturah), Abraham and Lot ; {c) the abode and burial of Abraham near Hebron ; * and, underlying all these, (</) the existence ' of an ancestor of the people of Israel bearing the name of Abraham or Abram. Let us first briefly consider (c) I and (</).

i. Existence of Abraham and connection with Hebron. The tradition, as it stands, is doubtless inadmissible. So much may lie conceded to that destructive criticism which, denying that the old rever- ence for the story of .Abraham has any justification, would throw that story aside as an outworn and useless myth. But the view taken by the patient reconstructive criticism of our day is that, not only religiously, but even, in a qualified sense, historically also, the narratives of Abraham have a claim on our attention. The religious value is for all ; the historical or quasi -historical for students only. In the present connection it is enough to say (but see further Historical Litkk.vturk) that, since Abraham may be a genuine personal name, it cannot be unreasonable to hold that there is a kernel of tradition in the narratives. Hebrew legend may have told of an ancient hero (in the Greek sense of the word) bearing this name and connected specially with Hebron. I This supposed hero (whose real existence is as doubtful I as that of other heroes) cannot originally have been ' grouped with Jacob or Israel, for the name Abraham has a different linguistic colouring from the two latter. It was natural, however, that when Hkbkon [q.v.) became Israelitish the southern hero Abraham should be grouped with the northern hero Jacob- Israel, and that the spirits of both heroes should be regarded as having a special connection with their people, and even as entitled to a kind of national cultus (cp Idolatry), I which, though discouraged by the highest religious teachers, has left traces of itself both in early and in late books, and is characteristically Semitic.'-* The cuUus was no doubt performed at Machpelah, on the posses- sion of which P lays such great stress (f. 23) ; but that the traditional hero was actually buried there cannot Ix; affirmed. Even among the Arabs there is hardly one well -authenticated case of a tribe which possessed a really ancient tradition as to the place where the tribal ancestor was interred.'

ii. Relation of Abraham to Sarah, Hagar, Lot. With regard to {b) it should be noted that, though an assertion of relationship may be literally correct, it may also merely mean that two particular trilx-s or peoples have been politically connected. If, with Robertson Smith, we may regard Sarah as a feminine corresponding to Israel, we may take the marriage between .\braham and .Sarah (or rather Sarai) to symbolise the political fusion between a southern Israelitish tribe and non- Israelitish clans to the south of Hebron (see, however, Sakah, i. 2). The relationshi[) lx>tween .Abraham and Hai;ar may also have a political meaning, for the close intercourse, and at times jiolitical union, between Egypt* and Palestine and parts of .Arabia is well attested. The story of the separation between .Abraham and Lot ' may

1 It is unnecessary to discuss here P's account of the origin of circumcision (see Cikcumcision, 4), or the story of the defeat of the four kings in Gen. 14 (see above, 8 2), or the birth and subse- quent offering up of Isa.ic (see Isaac, S$ \/.\

2 See i.S.--'8i3 ('I saw Klohim '), ls.63i^ Jer.SlM, cp I.k. 16 22 In. 8 56, and cp Che Intr. Is. 352/ For parallel Arabian beliefs, see Goldziher, Ka: ete thist. des rd. 1884, p. 336/, and for the later Jewish belief in the pr.iyers of the fathers, see 2 Mace. 1613/;, and Talmudic references in Castelli, // Messitx, 184 /

8 WRS Kin. 18.

  • We assume provisionally th.it Hagar is correctly regarded,

from the point of view of the original tradition, as an Egyptian. See, howtver, Hagar, and especially Mizkaim, f a (b), Ueek- Lahai-Roi, 8 2.

8 On the details of the story, cp WRS Kin. n/.

be but a foreshadowing of the separation between Israel and Moab and Amnion ; but, if Lot is to be explained by Lotan (the eponym of an Edomilish clan, Gen. 36 20-29), the asserted relationship between Abraham and Lot accords with the theory of the original non-Israelitlsh character of Abraham.

iii. Connection with Harrdn or Or. As to {a), even if we reject the theory of the migration of a clan called after Abraham from Harran or Ur Kasdim, it does not at once follow that the tradition is altogether unhistorical. Not only Abraham, but the wives of Isaac and Jacob also, are declared to have come from Harran. This cannot be a baseless tradition. Critics, it is true, are divided as to its historical value, nor can we discuss the matter here. But there is, at any rate, as Stade admits, nothing a priori improb- able in the view that certain Hebrew clans came from the neighbourhood of Harran to Palestine. The fluctuation of the tradition between Harran and Ur Kasdim need not detain us (see special articles). Both Harran and Uru were seats of the worship of the moon- god under different names, and we can well believe that at some unknown period the moon-worship of Harran affected the Hebrew clans (cp Sarah, i. 2, Milcah, 1 ). For what critic of to-day can venture to assume that it was repugnance to this worship, and in general to idolatry (cp Josh. 242/ ),^ that prompted the Hebrew clans to leave their early homes ? Surely this asserted religious movement is a specimen of that antedating of religious conditions which is characteristic of the OT narrators, and was copied from them by Mohammed. First, the insight of Isaiah is ascribed to Moses ; then, as if this were not wonderful enough, it is transferred to Abraham. But how recent is the evidence for either statement, and how inconsistent is the spiritual theism ascribed to Abraham with sound views of historical development ! Instead therefore of speaking of ' that life of faith which historically began with Abraham' (H. S. Holland, Lux Mundi, 41), should we not rather say ' that life of faith which, though germinally present from the earliest times, first found clear and undoubted expression in the writings of the prophets and in the recast legends of Abraham ' ?

Hommel's ambitious attempt to prove the strictly historical character of the Abraham narratives from the Arabian personal names of the dynasty of Hammurabi is, critically regarded, a failure. The existence in early Semitic antiquity of personal names expressing lofty ideas of the divine nature in its relation to man has long been known, though it is only in recent years that such names have been discovered so far back in the stream of history. But hitherto scholars have with good reason abstained from inferring the extreme antiquity of Hebrew narratives in which similar names occurred, because the age of these narratives had necessarily to be first of all determined by the ordinary critical methods, and the existence of such a phrase as ' in the days of Amraphel ' (Hammurabi?) proves only that the writer may have been acquainted with documents in which events of this period were referred to, not that his own narrative is strictly historical.

For the later Haggadic stories concerning Abraham see Beer, Leben Abrahams tiach Anffassung der jiid. Sage, 1859; Hamburger, RE fiir Bib. u. Talm.W (s.v. 'Abraham'); also Griinbaum, Neue Beitr. zur sent. Sagenkunde, 1893, pp. 89-131 (Jewish and Mohammedan legends) ; and, especially, a late apocry- phal book called The Testament of Abraham ( Texts and Studies, Cambridge, 1892), which presents perhaps the finest imaginable glorification of the character of the patriarch. All that he needs is to see the retributions

1 The words, ' and worshipped other gods,' belong lo R. But the sense of the earlier narrators is correctly given (cp. Gen. 31 1953354). And, of course, Israel's point of religious departure must, considering primitive circumstances, have been in some sense polytheistic (cp Reinach, R EJ xv. 311 ['87]; Boscawen, The Migration 0/ Abram, m/.).

of heaven and hell that he may learn (like Jonah) to have pity on sinners (see Aix:)CRYPiia, 11). For the archaeological aspects of the life of the patriarch see Tomkins, Studies on the Times of Abraham ('78 ; second ed. '97). The best critical literature is cited by Ki. Hist. i. ; add to his list Hal. REJ xv. 161^ {'87); Rev. s^m. \. \ ff. ('93); Renan, Hist, du peuple d Israel, i. (1887) ; and reviews of Renan by Reinach, RE:Jx\. 302^/ and by WRS, Eng. Hist. Rev. iii. 128/. ('88). Renan's statements that the Abraham of Genesis is the type of an Arab sheikh, and that the ancient Hebrews, represented by Abraham, worshipped a ' patri- archal, just, and universal God,' from whom the worship of Yahw6 was a falling away, are fantastically erroneous. For Nold.'s view that Abraham and Sarah are divine names, see his essay on the patriarchs in Im neuen Reich, 1 87 1, p. 508 J^, and on the other side Baethg. Beitr. z. sent. Rel.-gesch. 154^ See also EDO M (2; supposed divine character of Abraham) and Hoii.'\H (his connection with Damascus). T. K. c.


(Lk. 1622!). See Hades.


(D-i:3X, 44, Gen. 11 27-I7 s'l i Ch. I27 Neh. 97t ; aBRAM [BADL], but -p^N [A twice in Gen.], -pAAM [A once in Gen.; B in Ch. and B* ^ NL in Neh. ; p;.^/; ^ibram), i.e. probably, in the mind of the priestly writer (Gen. ITs), 'high father" (patriarch), to which the name Sarai, if taken as another form of Sarah [^.^'. ], would be a suitable companion. If, however, the name Abram be a genuine traditional one, it will be related to Abiram [y.t'.], as Abni:r [^.t'.] is to Abiner, and be explained similarly (cp Abraham, 1).


("^"!?N), Gen. 4l43t. 'Then he made him ride in the chariot next in rank to his own, and they cried before him Abrech. So he set him over all Egypt ' (Kau. HS). The passage occurs in E's (or Eg's) version of the appointment of Joseph to be grand-vizier, and the strange word Abrech greatly puzzled the ancient interpreters. *^'- gives Kal iKqpv^ev . . . Krjpv^ ; the Targums NsSdS N3N, while Pesh. , omitting jhji, paraphrases f V -V,^ n \^^ [cp458 Pesh.], and Vg. clamante pro-cone ut omnes coram eo genu flecterent. Jerome himself, however {Quccst. in Gen. ), remarks, ' Mihi videtur non tam praeco sive adgeniculatio . . . intelligenda, quam illud quod Hebrsei tradunt, dicentes " pat rem tenerum," . . . significante Scripture quod juxta prudentiam quidem pater omnium fuerit, sed juxta aetatem tenerrimus adolescens et puer.' So, in fact, the Midrash [Ber. rabba, par. 90) and the two later Targums (as an appendage to ' father of the king ' ) expressly interpret, and in Bab. Bathra, 4a we even find this justified by the combination of -p and rex. In Jubilees 40; (Charles) the form is Ablrer, i.e. Abirel (' God is a mighty one," or, being an imaginary form, ' mighty one of God ').

The different views of modern senolars can only be glanced at here. Luther is content with Landesvater, EV with ' bow the knee. ' RV mg. adopts the view- that the original word was ' similar in sound to the Hebrew word meaning to kneel ' (so Benfey, Brugsch, Chabas). The Mas. vocalisation, however, is guess- work, and the Hiphil of 713 occurs only once again (Gen. 24ii), and then in the sense of 'to cause (the camels) to kneel down.' If we look at the context, we sharll find reason to doubt whether any outward display of reverence at all (prostration would be more natural than kneeling) can be meant by Abrech. An official title is what the context most favours, not, however, such a title as ' chief of the wise men ' ' (ap-rex-u) ; but rather ' great lord," or some other equivalent to ' grand-

J Harkavy, J As., mars-avril 1870, pp. 161-163. I-e Page Renouf's e.xplanation {P.SB.l xi. s Jf. ['88]), 'tliy command is our desire ' (ai(-u)-reh), i.e., ' we are at thy service,' is much less suitable to the context.

vizier.' No such title including the letters b-r-k is quoted from the pure Egyptian vocabulary ; but may it not be really a loan-word ? This might account for the fact that Abrech is passed over in < S- It is well known that from the fifteenth century onwards there was close intercourse iKjtvveen the l-Igyptians and the Semitic peoples, and that many technical words were borrowed from the latter. This being the case, it aj^pears reasonable to connect Abrech with the Ass. -Bab. abarakku (fern, aharakkatii), which is applied to one of the five highest dignitaries in the empire. ' Schrader, who once opposed this view [COT \. 139), now thinks th.1t the Amarna discoveries (1888) have made it much more probable ; and Briinnow has expressed the opinion that 'the Assyrian a-ba-rak-ku seem undoubtedly to be the prototype of Abrech ' ^ (private letter). In spite of Dillmann's peremptory denial (1892), it has become very difficult to think otherwise. We might, indeed, correct the word out of existence ; but Ball's text [SDOT) is hardly an improvement except in the substi- tution of the Nip'i of the Sam. text (cp Pesh. ) for iNip'i, which is justified by the context, and had already been made by Geiger (Urschr. 463). T. K. C.


AV Ebronah (nriaj?), one of the stages in the w.-mdering in the wilderness (Nu. 3334/.f, P; ceBpWNA [B]. eB. [AFL]). See Wandkki.ng.s, 12, 14. On afip(j}va [AB] in Judith 224, see Akbo.vai.


(Di7w'?X, 45, or less correctly, as

Nold. thinks as in i K. 152io Di?'J"3X, Abish.alom, ytBHSSALOAf ; probably ' the [divine] father is peace,' cp Yahwe-shaloin Judg. 624, a title of Yahwe, but not Ps. I2O7; ABecCAAcOM [B.A, and in 2 S. 83, and I Ch., also L], -ecA- [A. 2S.I815], -eCA. [L ; but in I K. 228 COAOAAOONTOC, where also f%>f\.\-j sjiMfONKM] ^o\^.->/ ; ABecAcoM [A], 2S. I815 ; Jos. ABecCAAcOMOC and AyAAwMOC I ABSALOM) was D.ivid's third son, his mother being Maacah, daughter of Talmai, king of Gkshuk (q.v. 2). Born at Hebron, he grew up at Jerusalem, the idol of his father, and popular from his manly beauty and his winning manners. His tragic history is faithfully recorded by an ancient and well-informed writer in 2 S. 13-18.

We first hear of him in connection with the outrage on his sister Tamar by her half-brother Aninon, whom David, out of weak-minded affection for his first- born (2 S. 1321, ^'), omitted to chastise. Absalom soothed his sister, and silently bode his time. Then, after two years, he lured Amnon with the other princes to a feast of sheep-shearing on Absalom's estate at Baal-hazor (see H.AZOR, 2), and at a concerted sign his servants slew Amnon during the banquet. The next three years Ab.salom passed in exile in Geshur (q.v. 2), till Joab, knowing that the king pined for the fugitive, contrived by the help of a ' wise woman ' from Tekoa to bring him back. The form of the parable (2S. 14 5-7) may belong to the 'wise woman,' but the ideas which it suggested came froni Joab. Why was the king so willing to mitigate the custom of blood-vengeance for a stranger, and so hard towards his own son ? We die, and are like water spilt on the ground ; but God spares the life of him whose thoughts are bent on the restora- tion of the banished (2 S. 14 14 with Ewald's emenda- tion). The king gave way to this gentle pressure, and allowed his son to come back to Jerusalem, but refused to see him for two whole years. Nor would Joab take any further step, till the impetuous prince set his barley field on fire, and, when Joab came in person to complain, declared that death was better than con-

1 Friedr. Del., /feh. in the tight of Assyrian Restarth (1883), p. 25./:; cp rar. 225; .4m. hub 12. This l.riUiant suggestion w.us temporarily adopted by the present writer (Acitd. i2ih Apr. 1884), who has, since the Amarna discoveries, returned to it.

a So also Sayce (,Acad. 7th May 189a; Crit. Mon. ^n /.), but with an interpretation which needs fuller evidence.

tinued disgrace. He had his way. The king kissed him and restored him to full favour.

Four years followed (2 S. I07, L. Pesh. and Jos. ; MT "'^ \'g. have ' forty ') during which Absalom prepared men's minds for coming events. He let his hair grow enormously long (2 S. 14 26), in token, as Kol)crtson Smith thinks (A'6'<-' 484), of the sacredness of his person, though the ordinary view that it was merely a proof of vanity possesses the recommendation of simplicity. He rode in a chariot with horses (then scarcely known in Israel) and was accompanied by a guard of fifty men. He made every suitor's cause his own, and lamented aloud that his jxiwer did not match his desire to help (2 S. 15 1-6). At last he fired the train which had been so long and so carefully laid. On pretence of a sacrificial feast, he withdrew to Hebron, accompanied by 200 men, doubtless needy dependents, who followed him in ignorance of his plan. Here, at the old capital of Judah, amidst a people who were still unreconciled to their absorption in a larger state, he raised the standard of revolt. Ahithophel, a man of southern Judah, he made his principal counsellor ; Aniasa, Absalom's cousin, also from Judah, took command of the troops (cp Gkshur, 2). But an ai^peal was also made to the centrifugal forces always at work in the N. tribes, for, as he set out for Hebron, the rebel prince sent men through the land of Israel. At the sound of the trumpet these were to proclaim the accomplished fact, ' Absalom has been made king in Hebron.'

David, once the darling of the nation, was compelled to fly from the capital. Absalom as quickly entered it, and gave that public sign of his accession to the throne which the crafty Ahithophel recommended. The number of his counsellors was now increased by the addition of Hushai, ' David's friend' (on the epithet see Hush.'M), whose flattery he failed to see through. In reality Hushai only pretended to join the rebels. His object was twofold to frustrate the counsel of .Ahitho- phel, and to betray Absalom's plans to the priests, Zadok and Abiathar. These trusty friends of David were to coninumicatc with a maid, and she was to impart her knowledge to two sons of the priests, who waited to bear it to the king. This counterplot attained its end. Ahithophel, who knew how deceptive was the popular enthusiasm, wished Absalom to 'strike David before there was time for second thoughts' (WkS). But Hushai persuaded the pretender to wait, and so David, who was informed of all that happened at Jerusalem, safely crossed the Jordan and established himself at Mahanaim, once Ishbaal's cai)ital.

Thence, in three divisions, David's army sallied forth, and in the neighbouring forest (see Ei'HR.MM, Wood ok) the rebel troops were routed. In the flight Absalom's head (hair?; Heb. cin, cp 2 S. I426) was caught in the branches of a terebinth tree, and his mule left him hanging between heaven and earth. ' Not for a thousand shekels ' would the soldier who saw him hanging have taken his life. How could he venture to disregard the king's charge to watch over the young man Ab- salom? If he had treacherously attempted Absalom's life, would not the king have found it out. and would not Joab himself have stood aloof? But Joab, who felt his courage called in question (2 S. 18 14, "'^'- ; see Bu. SHOT), with an emphatic denial of the statement, plunged three javelins into Absalom's body. The corpse of the ill-fated prince was flung into a pit, and the soldiers cast stones upon it, that the restless spirit might trouble them no more.* Meantime the old king was waiting at the gate of Mahanaim. The pathetic story of his broken-hearted grief at hearing the news of his dearly loved son's death is enshrined in all memories.

.Such was the close of the sad tragedy which opened with the barbarous outrage upon Tamar. Just eleven years had passed since that event, so that if Absalom 1 See Tylor's Prim. Cult. ii. 29.

was about twenty when he took up his sister's cause, he must have died a little over thirty. Apparently his three sons died before him (2 S 14 27 18 18). On his 'daughter,' see Tamar, 3, and Maacah, 3, 4. The notice respecting Absalom's monument in 2SI818 is not very clear, perhaps owing to some confusion in the text of z'v. 17-19 (so Klo. ). It is evidently paren- thetical, and reminds the reader that Absalom had a suitable monument (erected, according to Klo.'s read- ing, by David) in the King's Vale (see Shavkh, i., Mkixhizedek, 3). The building close to Jerusalem, now known as Absalom's tomb, is of very late origin, as its Ionic pillars prove. w. E. A.

2. Father of Mattathias (i Mace. 11 70; 'Ai/zoAw^os [AV], i^aA/Li(uJo [xD- Zdckler proposes to read 'Jonathan' for 'Mattathias' here; or else to read Mattathias in i Mace. 13 II also.

3. Father of Jonathan (i Mace. 13 11: 'Ai/zoAiojaos [AVn]), probably the same as (2).

4. An ambassador to Lysias ; 2 Mace. 11 17 (APe<roraXu/u. [A], /xeacroAal A [sic V]). Possibly also to be identified with (2).


(aBoyBoc [A>V]; )-sr.^.,. cp Hubbah, iCh. 734 Kr. ; Ano/ius), father of Ptolemy, captain of the plain of Jericho, and son-in-law to Simon the Maccahee (i Mace. 16 n ist).

ABYSS, THE[edit]

(h aByccoc), the term substituted in RV of NT for the ' deep ' and the ' bottomless pit ' of AV; see Lk.831; Rom.107; Rev.9i/ii II7 178 20 1 3t. In the second of these passages, by an inexact use of the term, ' the abyss ' is equivalent to Sheol ; ' over the sea ' in Dt. 30 13 is taken to mean ' over the world-encircling ocean into which the " rivers " of the underworld (Ps. 184[5]. V'?^ -hm) discharge themselves to " the place where all flesh wanders " {i.e. , Sheol; EnocklK,).' Elsewhere it means the deeply- placed abode of the 'dragon' or devil, of the 'beast' his helper, and of the 5ai/x6;'ia, whether this abode be taken to be the ' deep (/<%(>/) that coucheth beneath' (Gen. 4925 RV), or the ' waste place ' with ' no firmament above and no foundation of earth beneath,' by which the fire-filled chasm was thought to be bordered {Enoch 18 12; cp 21 27). The former view is in accordance with OT usage, the tt^hom of MT and the d^vacxos of (5 being the flood or ocean which once enfolded the earth, but is now shut up in subterranean store- chambers (Ps. 337); and it is favoured by the use of OaXaffcra in Rev. 1-3 1 as synonymous with S-^vaaos. But the latter is more probably right in the Apocalypse, which agrees with Enoch in asserting the existence of a lake of fire, destined for the final punishment of the devil and his helpers. This fiery lake is not in either book technically called 'the abyss' ; in Enoch 10 13 the Greek has rd xaoj rod nvpos, and in 21 7 5LaK0Trr]v elxf 6 rdTTOs tuis TTJs a^vaaov. The angelic overseer of this region is Uriel, who is described in Enoch'10-z (Gizeh Gk. ) as 6 eTTt toO Kbdjiov koX toO Taprdpov. ' Tartarus ' occurs also in Job4l23, , in the phrase rbv Taprapov Trji dfiiKTcrov [BN.-\], which, being used in connection with Leviathan, is doubtless to be taken of the subterranean abode of Yahwe's enemy, the dragon (see Dragon, 4 / ). Cp Taprapdjaas, used of the fallen angels, 2 Pet. 24. T. K. C.


(na*^), E.K. 25 5 etc., RV. See Shittah Trki:.


(&KAT&N [B.\]), iEsd.838t .W=Ezr. 812, Hakkatan.


(akkaBa [B]), i Esd.530 RV=Ezra246,



(nSX; arx^A [AL]. ax- [DE] ; ->/ ; yicn.tD) is one of the four cities mentioned in Gen, 10 10 as forming the beginning of the kingdom of Nimrod in the land of Shinar or Babylonia. In the cuneiform inscriptions the name of Akkad is most fre-

^ If a Hebrew original could have been supposed for 2 Mace. lie<T(Ta\a might have represented a transliteration of part of a participle of n'?t!' (o' irtii<f>6evTtt follows).

quently met with in the title /ugai ICingi{ki) Uri(ki), which is rendered in Semitic hy .(ar (mdiu) humeri u {mt'itu) Akkadi. This title, which implied dominion over the whole of Babylonia, was borne from the earliest times by the Babylonian kings, and was adopted by those kings of Assyria who conquered Babylon (cp Bahy- I.O.NIA, 1). The Akkad referred to in Gen. 10 lo has lieen identified by some with the ancient city of Agade which was situated in northern Babylonia and attained a position of supremacy over the rest of the country under Sargon I. about 3800 B.C. This identification, however, is entirely hypothetical, and is based only on the super- ficial resemblance of the names. L. W. K.


(AKK&pcoN [A*]), I Macc.l089t AV = RV Ekron {q.v.).


, RV Acco (iSJ?), Judg. 1 31 and (see Ummah) Josh. IQsof ; see Ptolemais.


(akxojc [A], AKKOOC [N], iakk. [V] ; same as Hakkoz \_q.v.'\], grandfather of Eupolemus ; i Mace. 8.7t.


(akBcoc [B]), iEsd.53St AV=Ezra26i RV, Hakkoz, i.


(KATHrwp [Ti., \V & H following A], KATHropoc [BN, etc.]. The form of word found in the best texts is simply a Hebraised form pi3'*Pi5] of the common word KATHfOpOC- For Rabbinic usage see e.g. Buxt. Lex.), Rev. 12iot. See Satan, 6 (3) 7.


AV ; RV Akeldama (axeAAamax' [Tisch. A, etc.], aciieldemach [96 lat.j, <\Ke. [B fol- lowed by W & H], -Aaim. [D], aceldemach [d]), the name according to Acts 1 19 of a field bought by Judas Iscariot for some unknown purpose. The vet. Lat. of Mt. 278 applies the name (not, as in the Gk. MSS. , merely in translation, but in the original) also to a field bought by the priests of Jerusalem to bury strangers in.

MS. evidence is so overwhelmingly in favour of some

such form as Akeldaniach that the RV is quite unjusii-

. fied in rejecting it, especially when it

1. ine name, ^.^^rects the c into k. Acts 1,9 states that in the language of the dwellers at Jerusalem this name meant 'the field of blood' {x^^piov ai/xaros). ~01 hpn {hdkel dlmdkh), however, is obviously 'the field of Ml' blood, ' an impossible expression. Klostermann has therefore argued with great acuteness [Probleme im Apostcltexte, 1-8 ['83]) that -jai (DMKh) is one word viz. , the well-known Aram, root ' to sleep. ' All we ha\ e to do, then, is to understand it of the sleep of death, a usage known in Syr. , and ' field of sleep ' will mean cemetery, which, as Mt. tells us, was what the priests meant to make of the potter's field. Klostermann's argument is very strong it is certainly natural to suppose that the name originated in some fact known to the people at large, as the transformation of a potter's field into a burying place would be and his view was adopted by Wendt (MeyerC' ad loc. ). But we have no instance of a noun "im so used, and ch, x. may = K (cp iu3<jy)X [Lk. 326, BN. etc.] = 'Dr ; 2et/)ax, Sirach = NTD, Sira). Hence, whatever may have been the real origin of the name we can never know its form was probably n,'3t "jpri (Dalm. Gram. 161 and 105 n. i re- spectively), the field of blood ' (so Dalm. 161 n. 6 ; Am. Mey. Jesu Muttersprache, 49 n. i). On the questions who bought the field and why it was called Aceldama see also AcT.s, 14. Cp Judas, 9.

Tradition which goes as far back as to the fourth century has placed .Aceldama on a level overhanging the - m_ j-i- 1 Valley of the Son of Hinnom on the

2. Traditional ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ hjh ^f ,,41 counsel.

site. ^ tradition which rests precariously

on Jer. 18/, where the situation of the potter's house in

Jeremiah's day is thought to be indicated. Potter's

1 On this form see Dalm. (Gram. 304 n. 2), Kau. (Gram. 8).

material is still <lug out in the neighlxjurhood. The traditional Aceldama was used to bury Christian pilgrims in at least from 570 {Anton. Plac. I tin. 26) : especially during the Crusades, but, according to Maundrell, who says it was then called Campo Santo, even as late as 1697. A charnel house into which the bodies were let down from above has stood here from very early times. The best history and description of the site (with plans) is that by Schick, PEFQ, 1892, pp. 283^

G. A. s. H. w. H.


(axaia [Ti.WH]). It is a fact of some interest that both at the beginning and at the end of their history the word ' Achaian' was used as the general de- signation of the inhabitants of (irecce proper. During the classical pxTJod Achaia denoted only the narrow strip of coastland and the adjoining mountain stretching along the S. shore of the Ciorinthian gulf from the river Sythas (mod. Trikalitikos) 20 m. west of Corinth, to the river Larisus near Cape .Xraxus (mod. Kalogria). In the time of Paul, Achaia signifietl the Roman province i.e., the whole country south of Macedonia and Ulyricum, in- cluding some of the adjacent islands. The 'lanie Achaia was given to it in consetjuence of the part played by the Acho-MU League in the last spasmodic effort which occasioned the sack of Corinth and the downfall of Greek independence, 146 B.C. (Paus. vii. I610). Whether the formation of the province dates from that year, or not, is of no consequence to the student of the Bible. It was in 27 B.C. that Augustus definitely settled the boundaries of Achaia, assigning to it Thessaly, /J'ltolia, Acarnania, and part of Epirus (.Strabo, p. 840). The Achaia of Paul is, therefore, practically synonymous with the modern kingdom of Greece, but a little more extensive towards the north-west. The combination ' Macedonia and .-\chaia ' embraces the whole of European (ireece, as in Acts 19 21, 5u\dij.)v TT]i> "MoLKedoviav Kal 'Axo-iav (see also Rom. l.)26 i Thess. 1 7/. ). From 27 B.C. Achaia

naturally ranked as a senatorial province /. e. , its governor was an ex-jjra^tor, with the title proconsul (Strabo, /.c. ). In 15 A.I)., however, owing to their financial embarrass- ments, both Achaia and Macedonia were taken charge of by Tiberius ; and it was not until 44 A. D. that Claudius restored them to the Senate (Tac. Ann. i. 76 ; Suet. Claud. 25). The writer of ActslS 12 is thus quite correct in speaking of Gallio in 53 or 54 A.d. as avQi-Kcro-i i.e. , i^roconsul. The fiasco of Nero's proclamation made all Greece free, but this state of things lasted only a short time. With this exception, a proconsular governor was stationed in Corinth, the capital of Achaia, until the time of Justinian.

In the NT we hear of only three towns of Achaia Athens, Corinth, and Ck.nchrka ; but the Saluta- tions of the two Corinthian Epistles (esp. 2 Cor. 1 1 iv 6\ri TTj 'Axa^ff) imply other Christian communities in the province. In i Cor. 16 15 the ' house of Stephanas ' is called the 'first-fruits of Achaia' {dirapxv^^ 'Axo-io-s). In this place, for ' .Vchaia ' we should expect ' Corinth' ; for, according to Acts 17 34, Dionysius the Areopagite and other .Athc^nians must have been the first-fruits of teaching in the province of Achaia. In Rom. 16 5, where, according to the Text. Rec. , Epaenetus is spoken of as the d.irapxv ttjs 'Axat'aj, the best texts read 'Aaias [Ti. W & H, following B.\N, etc.]. The charity of Achajan converts is praised in 2 Cor. 92 Rom. 1026; but the reference may be merely to the church at Corinth (cp 2 Cor. 810). \v. J. w.


(axaikoc [Ti.WH]), a member of the Corinthian church, who, along with .Stejihanas and For- tunatus, had carried to Paul at Ephesus news of the Corinthians which had gladdened and refreshed him (i Cor. 16 17/. ). He is enumerated as one of the Seventy (Lk. 10 1) in Chron. Pasc. (Bonn ed. i. 402).


(IPV- Josh. 7), called Achar (13]; .^., ' troubled ' , cp OCR AN, n^y) in i Ch. 27 and {achar [ed. Bensly]) in 4 Esd. 737 [107] RV. 6's readings are 3 33

AXAp[ni'"-ind(exc<-ptJosh. 7i, &xan)IO. AXAN [A ; but AXApin Josh.724 iCh. 27]); thesonofCarniib. Zalxlib. Zerah b. Judah, who unlawfully took possession of some of the ' devoted ' spoil of Jericho (si-e liAN ). His breach of a talxK) had involved the whole host in guilt {RS^'^ 162), and the conununity had to free itself of responsi- bility by destroying not only Achan but also his whole family (Josh. 7). This is quite in accordance with primitive notions (A'.S'W 421), although our present text is due to later insertions in v. 24/ With the variety in the form of the name is to be connected the word- play in Josh. 725. Cp Cakmi, i.


(axaz [Ti], Ax&C [\VH], .\It.l9), KV Aha/ (</.?. i).


(li33y, 68, i.e., Mol.sk [y.z'.]; cp Ph. -I32y, N-iaDy, D-I33y; AXoBoopfBAL]).

1. Father of Baal-hnnan [ i] king of Edom ((Jen. ;}6 38, Xofioip [A*Z>] ; 39 ; I *^h. 1 49, liry [Ba. CJinsb. ], ax<'/iwp U^l X- [L]) ; a'so V. 50 in "'^. See Edom, 4.

2. b. Micah ; a courtier of King Josiah (2 K. 212 1214 ; Jer. 2622, MT and Thcod. in (J nig. [I5.\N om.] ; Jer. 36 12, aKXojiujp [BK'], -(iv [N*]. aKofiwp [Q]) ; in 2 Ch. 3-4 20 named Abdon [</.;. ,4] (ajioooofj. [li], a(i8u}t> [.\L]).


(axiaXAROC [HA]; see further below).

I. The prosperous nephew of Tobit (see Tobit). He was cup-bearer, signet-keeper, steward, and overseer of accounts to Esarhaddon at Nineveh (Tob. 1 21/).

In i88o George Hoffmann pointed out* the identity of the Achiacharus of Tob. I21/. lli8l4iot with Ahikar (on the name see below), a legendary sage and vezir of Sennacherib, who is the hero of a romance found in certain Syriac and Arabic MS.S. According to this romance, he almost lost his life through the base treachery of his sister's son (cp Pesh. in Tob. 11 18), Nadan ( = Aman of Tob. 14 10 cp [ewoiria-fi'] a5ajtt [B], vaSafi (N); see Aman and probably = Nabal [or I.al an or other form] of Tob. 11 18 ; see Nasbas), whom he had adopted. Restored to favour, he gave sundry proofs of his marvellous wisdom, especially in connec- tion with a mission to a foreign king. Assemanni had already observed {Bifi. Or. 3, pt. I286 <?) that in the Arabic story ' de Hicaro eadem fere narrantnr quae de .Esopo Phryge ' ; chaps. 23-32 of the legendary IJ/e of yEsop (Maximus Planudes) in fact tell of /Esop and his kinsman Ennos a quite similar story. There can be little doubt that the story is oriental in origin ; but it has been argued by Meissner (see below) that the ^Esop romance has preserved in some respects a more original form. The Greek recension, however, that must be assumed as the basis of certain Roumanian and Slavonic versions still surviving, was probably an independent version now lost, made from the Syriac. Allusions to an eastern sage axai'^apoy are found elsewhere {e.^^., Strabo, p. 762) ; and traces of his story seem to have made their way into the Talnmd {ZD.MG 48194/ ['94])- The nmtual relations of these various recensions are still obscure ; but there seems little reason to question that the allusions in Tobit are to an already well-known story. M. R. James (Guardian, Feb. 2, 1898, pp. 163/. ) suggests parallels to the same story in the NT.

Of the allusions, that in 11 18 is wanting in the It.; these in 11 18 and 14 10 are absent from the ' Chaldee ' and Heb. te.xts ; while the Vg. omits all s.ive that in 11 13 (Acltior) jwrhaps the allusions were felt to have little to do with the .story of Tobit.

(Ircek variants of the name are ax(i\apov [j< in c. 1, "ax- once in J<<^-1, axcli]*- Ik in !* 'oJ. axiKop [K' in 11 18, ax'ia- Xo^f K<^-^1, cp It. Achicarus, and in 14 10 Acktcar. The equivalent Hebrew would be -pTK. and Meissner has pointed out that Pesh. has i.Q'a( for |?3 in iCh. 05. The name remains obscure however. Pesh. has ; f* - f* ^ ; ' Chald.' H3, \p-p ; Hi |nnK 'ntt: Vg- Achior, and Pes h. in I2 1/. >Q*-(. 1 ' Ausziige aus syrischen Akten persischen Martyrer,' in Ahhatuil.f. d. Kunde d. Morgtnlandes, 7, no. 3, p. t8a.

In the romance the forms are , \ p - ^ ; ^^ft -^ [cod. Sach.]; lf*-,'( [cod. in Brit. Mus.].

Published texts ([) Semitic: Arabic, A. galhani, Carifes araies, 2-20 (Beyrouth, 1890) ; Ar. and Neo-Syr., M. Lidzbarski, from cod. Sachau 339, in K>xiinzungsh,-fte zur /.A Hefte 4-5, 1 Teil, with Germ, traiisl.; English transl. of Syriac (compared with Ar. and Neo.-Syr.), E. J. Dillon, Contevip. Ktv. March '98, p. 369-386; cp also versions of the .Arabian Nights <f.^^., Sir R. F. Burton, Alf Laylah 7va Lay/ah, supplemental volumes, 6 3-38 ; iEthiopic (precepts), C. H. Cornill, Vas Buck der veiseu Fhilo- sophen, 19-21, 40-44. (2) Slavonic: Germ, transl. V. Jagic, Byzant. Zeitsch. 1 11 1-126. (j) Armenian, printed at Constanti- nople, in 1708, 1731, and 1862.I (4) Tlu Story 0/ A hikar, Cony- beare, Harris, and Lewis, Camb. 1898 (Glc. text ; Armen., Syr., and Arab, texts and transl.; Slav, and Eth. transl.) appeared as these sheets were being passed for press.

Discussions : Bruno Meissner, ZDMG 48 171-197 ['94) ; Jagic (op. cit. 107-111); Ernst Kuhn (/A 127-130); Lidzbarski {I.e. x/-); Bickell, Atheturum, 22nd Nov. 1890, p. 700, and 24th Jan. 1891, p. 123; cp also 20th Nov. 1897, p. 711, and 27th Nov., p. 750; J. R. Harris in Story o/A/i/iar (see above), pp. vii.-lxxxviii.

2. 'King of Media' (Tob. 14 15 [.y*] ; It. .^r///e<ir)= Nebu- chadnezzar (/.'^ [B]) = Ahasuerus (/A [A]). See ToBiT, Book (>f.


[ach/as), 4 Esd. 1 2!. See Ahijah, i.


(AxeiM [BN*], -j^, a^in, -hn [A etc.], AXiM [N etc.], cp AxeiM = DN^nN, Aiiiam, i Ch. 11 35 [BN*A], and = pr, J.-vcm.v, Gen. 46io [.A*"'i-], i Ch. 24 i7[i<3] [B]), a name in the ancestry of Joseph (Mt. 1 14). See Gk.nkai.ogiks of Jesus, 2 c.


(Ax[e]ia)p [BXA], 44), in the romance of Judith {q.v.), 'captain of all the sons of Ammon." Having dared to warn Holofernes of the danger of attacking the Israelites, he was handed over to them to share their fate on the expected triumph of the Assyrian arms (65^). He was hospitably received, and ultimately became a Jewish proselyte no doubt to the great edification of Jewish readers of the story.

In some versions of 'lobit his name t.ikes the place of that of AcHiACHARus {q.v.)nn error due to the similarity of /t and w in Svri.ac.


(AxeiB<\ [B]),

251, HAKll'liA.

Esd.Ssit RV = Ezra


(""3X, ArXOYC [BA], akx- [L]), a Phihs- tine, .son of Maoch (i S. 272) or Maachah (i K. 239/ ; AfXiC [A]) ; a king of Oath, with whom David and i his band took refuge from the persecution of Saul (see D.Win, 5). He is described as a credulous man whom David found it easy to deceive, representing that | his raids against Bedouin tribes were really directed [ against the Judahites and their allies, and taking care not to leave any of his captives alive to reveal the truth to Achish. At Ziklag, which had been assigned to him as his place of residence, David hved as a freebooter in vas.salage to Achish for a year and four months (only four months). The confidence, however, with which his suzerain regarded him was not shared by the Philistine lords, who prevailed upon Achish to dismiss David from his army when starting to meet Saul at Gilboa. See i S. 27^-282 29i-ii, a'connected passage of date prior to 800 {SBOT). In another passage (1K.239/), where the execution of Shimei [i] is ac- counted for by his having gone to Gath in search of some runaway slaves, it is said that the fugitives went to Achish. No doubt the same king is meant (son of Maacah, v. 39), though the reference to Achish has the appearance of being a later ornamental insertion made in oblivion of chronology.

To a very much later writer (see i S. 21 10-15 [11-16]) the account in i S. 27-29 seemed to reflect on David's patriotism. He therefore devised an entertaining and unobjectionable story, in the style of the Midrash, which he hoped would supplant the no longer intelligible historical tradition. According to him, David went alone, and was compelled to feign madness for safety

1 According to information received from Mr. F. C. Cony- beare, there are two Armenian recensions, the earlier of which appears to be in some respects more primitive than the Syriac. There is also, probably, a Georgian version.

till he could escape. The author of the title of Ps. 34 accepted this story, but by mistake (thinking of Gen. 2O2) wrote 'Abimelech' for 'Achish' (a/3[e]i/ie\ex [BN.VR], axM- [U], Achimelech ; Pesh. quite different).

T. K. c.


(AxeiTOoB [B]), iEsd.82 = 4 Esd. lif AV = Ezra 72, Ahitub, 2.


(NnpnX), Ezra 6 2t, the capital of Media ; see Ecbatana.


("1133^; axwP [BAL]), a valley on the N. boundary of Judah (Josh. 15 7), which, as we may infer from josh. 7 (E/ie/cax^p [BAL]) combined with Hos. 2i5[i7], led up from Jericho into the highlands of Judah. In Is. 65 10 it represents the E. portion of Canaan on this side the Jordan. To an Israelite its name natur- ally suggested gloomy thoughts. Hosea promises that in the future, when Israel has repented, the evil omen shall be nullified, and a much later prophetic writer (Is. I.e.) that the valley of Achor shall become a resting-place of flocks. Early legend connected the name with the sin of Achan the ' troubler ' of Israel (Josh. 724-26t, JE). Many (^.^. Grove, very positively, in Smith's DB) have identified the valley with the Wady el-Kelt, which leads down through a stupendous chasm in the mountains to the plain of the Jordan, and is, to unromantic observers, dark and dismal. This wady, however, is scarcely lifeless enough to be Achor, for its slender torrent-stream rarely dries up. It is also scarcely broad enough ; it would never have occurred to the most ecstatic seer that flocks could lie down in the Wady el-Kelt. Some other valley must be intended. According to the 05(21725 8934) the valley was to the N. of Jericho, and its old name still clung to it. This cannot be reconciled with the statement in Josh. I.e. respecting the N. boundary of J udah.


(nppy, 71, 'anklet- ; ^CXA [B], axca [.\L]), according to Josh. I516-19, and (aza [B], ACXA [B^'i-'-'g-A]) Judg.l 12-15 (cp iCh. 249; AV Achsa, o2a [L]). a daughter of Caleb, who offered her in marriage to the conqueror of Kirjath-sepher. She was won by his younger brother Othniel. At her peti- tion, because her home was to be in the dry southland (Negeb), Caleb bestowed upon her certain coveted waters called the Upper and the Lower Golath (see below). The simple grace of the narrative holds us spell-bound ; but we must not, with Kittel [Hist. 1 299), pronounce the story historical on this account. That some clans should have been named after individuals is not incon- ceivable ; but it is most improbable that we have any true traditions respecting the fortunes of such possible individuals, and it would be throwing away the lessons of experience to admit the lifelikeness of a narrative as an argument for its historicity. According to analogy, Achsah must represent a Kenizzite clan, allied in the first instance to the Calebites of Hebron, but also, very closely, to the clan settled at Debir and called Othniel ; and the story arose in order to justify the claim of the Achsah clan to the possession of certain springs which lay much nearer to Hebron than to Debir (so Prof G. F. Moore, on Judg.l). That the cause is amply sufficient, can hardly be denied (cp the Beersheba and Rehoboth stories in Genesis). It only remains to discover the right springs. We know where to look, having identified Debir with the highest degree of probability. And our search is rewarded. In all other parts of the district the water supply is from cisterns ; no streams or springs occur. But about seven miles (Conder) N. of ed-Ddheriyeh (the true Debir), and near Van de Velde's site for Debir (A7^. ed-Dilheh), are beautiful springs (worthy of being Achsah's prize), which feed a stream that runs for three or four miles, and does not dry up.* The springs, which are fourteen, are in three groups, 1 PEF Mem.Z->pi; see also GASm. Hist. Geog. 279 (cp p. 78), who speaks of only two springs.

and the two which are nearest to the head of the valley may be presumed to lie the Upper and Lower Golath. The identification is certainly a valuable one. Sec, further, Goi.A th-Maim.


(fli;ON. i.e. 'sorcery'; &zl(J) [B], AXCACJ) [A]. &XAC- [1-]). one of the unknown sites in the hook of Joshua. It lay, according to P, on the Ixjrdcr of the .\slierite territory (Josh. I925 ; Kea(p [H]). Its king (if the s;\me Achshaph is meant) joined the northern confederation under Jabin, king of Hazor (11 i ; ox'<^ [A], axt/i [1'"]. [fiacuXta] x'^<'-'t> ['-]) i and shared the defeat of his allies (I220). Rob. (liRAss) connects it with the modern Kesaf, a village near the bend of the river Litany where there are some ruins of uncertain date; this identification would suit Josh. 11 1, but not 1925. Maspero, on the other hand, followed by WNLVI (As. u. Eur. 154, cp 173), identifies Achshaph with the Aksap of the name-list of Thotmes III. (A'/'IS*, 546). In this part of the li^t. however, there are names of localities in the region of Jezreel, which is outside the land of Asher. Flinoers Petrie (Hist, of Eg. 2326) connects Aksap with ' Asdfek, 9 m. SSW. of Jeba, which is hazardous. At any rate there were probably several places noted anciently for their sorcerers and therefore called Achshaph. The form Kea(^ (see above) has suggested a most improbable identification with Haifa (FEE Mem. 1 165). The statement of Eus. in OS, 21854^ (o.Kaa.<l>) is geographically impossible.


(3'T3X ; probably 'winter-torrent').

I. .\ town of Judah in the Shephelah, mentioned with Ke'ilah and Mareshah, Jos. I544 (aKtefei :. *cefet/i [B], axf \.-^\ axf"/* [I-]), also Mic. 1 ^f, where "'W, losing the intended paronomasia, renders ' the houses of .Achzib ' oXkovs fiaraiovs. The name becomes Chkzib (3*13; Samar. te.xt, Chazbah; x-<^^'- [^^L]) in Gen. 38 st, where the legend presupposes that Chezib is the centre of the clan of Shelah ; and since in i Ch. 4 22t ' the men of Cozeba ' (n3I3 ; x^fvi^a [AL] ; but ffuixn^o- [R], cp ffwxa = Socoh) are said to belong to the same clan, we may safely recognise COZKBA (so RV ; AV Chozeba) as another form of the same name. The name may perhaps linger in 'Ain el h'etbeh, between Yarmuk (Jarmuth) and Shuweikeh (Socoh), but to the E. of both (So GASm. , after PEE Mem. 3 36). Conders identification of Cozeba with the ruin of Kuweiziba, 2^ ni. NE. of Halhul towards Hebron (PEE Mem. '6^) is therefore superfiuous. IJuhl wi.scly doubts the pro- posal to identify it with Kus.sabe SE. of Tell el-Hesy (J'al. 192).

2. A Canaanite town, 9 m. to the north of Accho, like which city it was claimed but not conquered by the irilje of Asher, Josh. 19 29 {(xo^ofi [li], axf<^ [A']. af^ [A*], axaf^ [L]), Judg. Ijif (a<rxaf*i [HL], XivSn [.A]). Sennacherib mentions Akzibi and Akku together in the Taylor inscription (P/-> 688). Achzib (Aram. AcMifi) is the Ecdippa, fKSiTrira, of O.S, 95i3 2'24 77, the (KSi-mrwi' [/y/l 134], exSetTrocj (.-////. v. 1 22, where it is said to have been also called ipKrj) of Jos. , the modern ez-'/.lb. i . k. ( .


(AXeiBA [B]). Hakui>iia.

Esd. 53it AV = Ezra2 5i


(AKiBca [A]), Judiths. f. RV, Ahitub (q.v., 4).


(<\KpA [ ANV]), I Mace. 1 33 etc., AV ' strong- hold,' KV 'citadel.' See jKKrsALEM.


(D*3npy). Josh. 153t. RV Akkabbim.


("ip'ii, zeYPOC in Is. ; for in i Sam. cp We. Dr. ad he.). Is. 5 10, i S. 14i4 AV mg. RV. The Heb. word seems to denote the amount of land which a span or Yoke \q.~'.~\ of o.xen could plough in the course of a day (cp below) ; perhaps, like the Egyptian dpovpa, it ultimately became a fixed quantity (cp Now. Arch. 1 202). Even at the present day the fellahin of Palestine measure by the fadddn ( = Syr. paddand ' yoke ' ; cp ZZ?/'/' 4 79) ; cp also \^aX. Ji/i^i/nt , jugcrum. The term is not restricted to arable land, being applied in Is. I.e. to a vineyard. Winckler, however (AUE, 2nd scr. , 2 90), derives semed from Bab. samddu {=:Iai'd/u) to weigh, properly to measure off (which is at any rate barely possible), and attempts to show that seined in Is. can denote only a liquid measure (which is by no means obvious). See Weights and Measures.

Notes on Aalar to Acre[edit]

  1. In I Ch. 12 27, if MT is correct, Aaron (AV Aaronites) is almost a collective term for priests said by the Chronicler to have joined David at Hebron. In 27 17† RV rightly reads 'Aaron.'
  2. On passages in P which seem to conflict with this, see the circumspect and conclusive note of Di. on Lev. 8 12.
  3. Kö, Hebr. Sprache, ii. 479 γ, gives parallel contractions; cp BDB.
  4. On the several forms see Ba. NB § 194 n. 2, § 224 b.
  5. Rev. William Wright, formerly of Damascus, states that 'the river whose water is most prized is called the Abanias, doubtless the Abana' (Leisure Hour, 1874, p. 284; so Expositor, Oct. 1896, p. 204). Is the name due to a confusion with Nahr Bāniās (certainly not the ancient Amana)? No Abanias is mentioned in Porter's Five Years in Damascus or in Burton and Drake's Unexplored Syria.
  6. On some possible but by no means clear instances of ēm, 'mother,' in compound names, see Gray, H P N 64 n. 2.
  7. On some possible but by no means clear instances of ēm, 'mother,' in compound names, see Gray, HPN 64 'n' 2.
  8. See David, § 3 n.
  9. See, however, Ira, 3, where a Judahite origin is suggested.
  10. The section in its present form is from the school of the Deuteronomist. But the expression 'walk before my anointed' proves conclusively that there is an older substratum.