Encyclopaedia Biblica/Asaramel-Assyria

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a name occurring in the inscription set up in honour of Simon the Maccabee (i Mace. 14 28). The writing begins as follows : ' On the i8th day of Elul in the 172nd year, this is the third year of Simon, the high priest ev aapafxeX (so (5^. whence AV SARAMKt., v aa-apaiJ-eX [NV], asaramel [Vg.]) in a great congrega- tion ' etc. It has long been recognised that this ex- pression is a transliteration of some Hebrew word which stood in the original, as is the case with the difficult sarbeth sabanai el in the title of this book (see MACCA- BEES, EiKST, 1). By some it is taken to represent a place ^.^.^., it might be a corruption of Jerusalem (Castellio) or to represent the Heb. hv; Dj; "isn, ' the court of the people of (lOd ' i.e. , the great court of the temple (Keil ; cp Ew. GeschS"^^ 4438) or n>d liin, the court of Millo (Grotius), or "jn dj? nyc*. ' the gate of the people of God.' It is better, however, to see in this expression an honorific title. From 1 Mace. 1842 we see that contracts were dated from the first year of Simon ' the great high priest, and captain and leader of the Jews' (cp the titles given him in I447 and 15i), and it seems natural that in an inscription written in honour of Simon we should find more than the simple

title 'high priest.' (Cp the Pesh. ^^ira,..).^ )s9. ' leader [or " great one "] in Israel '). Hence Asaramel is taken by many (Wernsdorf, Scholz, Grinnn, Ztickler, etc. ) to represent Sv cy "ib, ' prince of the people of God.' The great difficulty would then lie in the presence of the preposition kv. This, however, may have been inserted by a copyist who supposed that the word was the name of a place not of a person. 1 Possibly iv is an integral part of the word, and we should read Sn-cj,' !>.:. 'the sprout (cp Is. lli) of the people of God,' or, better, 'r.s-cj; i^j, ' protector of the people of God ' (cp v. 47/,).


or, better, RV Asarel ("^Nlb'X, 67 ; cp P^nt^'N, and sec Ahab, 4, n. 5 ; iccrahA [B], ec. [A] (\cepH. [E which adds koi iwa.Xi'-P-\)< ' son ' of (the unknown) Jehaleleel (i Ch. 4 16) and 'brother' of ZiPH ('/.i'., 2), Ziphah and Tiria.


(n^XIV'i^ [Ba. Ginsb.]. ^73; cp

'PNTJ'N; epAH\ [B], lecmA [A], AcelpH^<^ [L]), a 'son of Asaph' i Ch. 252; called Jesarclah, I-^V Jesh.\relah (nSjsnt;'; ; ia-epL7)\ [B], i<Tpe-r]\a[A]) in v. 14.


(<\cBAKA(l)<\e [B] ; in Pesh. the name is KSjs)^*./), i Esd. 569 RV"e-, AV (1611) Asbazareth, RV Asbasareth (AcBACApee [A]), the name answering in i l'>sd. 069 "-^ to the lisarhaddon of ]| Ezra 4 2 (which is reproduced by ', axopBav). The right reading is aa^a<pad, which represents ns2DX- This is evidently an alternative to the reading isjdn of Ezra 4 10, and it suggests that the writer of the gloss in Ezra49/ (see ' Ezra' in SHOT) found, not [nmox, but ns:D.x, in his text of Ezra 4 2. So Marq. [Fund. 59); but, in connection with the difficult theory that the name originally given in Ezra 4 2 was pnaN = |ijnD. Sargon ; see A.SNAPPER.


(^^ckaAcon). i Mace. 1086, etc., RV

ASHKELON [q.v.).


(HSBn n!>y ; ana

1 The prefixed iv is explained by Schiirer {Gl'l 1 197, n. 17) as a corruption of o-eyer ([JD), which corresponds to the Gr. (TTpoTTjyos. Renan's suggestion {Iftst. <t Isr. ix. cap. 1 ad Jin.) that ev acrapa^ieA is a corruption of some it'isli, may be mentioned : in his view the expression is similar to those which Arabian authors often add to the names of persons.

M6CON THC KAMnHC [B] I AN&B&CeaiC THC K. [NA]: THC A. T. rwNiAC [L]) Neh. 831 RV. See Jekusai.im.


Ksd. 932 = Ezra IO31,


(ac&iac ISSIllAII, 5.


RV Asebebias (AceBHBiAC [BA]). I l.sd. 847- I>.ra8i8, SUKKKUIAH, q.v.


(AceBiAN [A]), i Esd. 847 AV, RV Asebiaa i:zra 8 19. Hashabiah, 7.


(n:pN; AceNNcG [ADE], -cnc. [K]). ACCeNeO [I-l. daughter of Potiphcrah, priest of On ; wife of Joseph (lien. 41 4550 4(i iuf). A genuine Egyptian name. See JoSKPii 1, 4 I a""^ " the apo- cryplial ' Life of Aseneth,' Ai'ocryi-ha, 12.


RV AsHEK (achp [BA]), Tob. 1 2. See Hazok, I.


RV Skkau (cepAp [BA]), i Esd. 5 32= ' Ezra 253, SisKRA, 2. \


(pX, niTYc). fjetter RV Fir-Tree, seems to I

tx- naini'd (Is. 44 14) as a tree used by makers of idols. If Oirn is genuine (see below) we may reasonably hold it to l)e the .Assyrian irin cedar or fir. ' Fir ' is supported by the versions (tti'tv?, pinus) and by the Rabbis (retT. in ties. Tlies.); Tristram's suggestion, J'inns \ hal,f>ens:s. Mill, the Aleppo Pine {NHB, 33s), is attractive.

That Hcb. Orel

improbable ; px

cannot be Fraxinus ortiiis, L., the Manna Ash, a native of -S. Kurope, not found farther E. than W. .\sia iMiuor. Celsius (11 ierobot. 1 i%^ff.) held jix to be the ardii of AbulfadI, and the 'thorny tree" th.nt he meant it is not difficult to make out. Rhus pxy-

cai: r ' ' b:it like Sorjtus A-uciiparid)

is I . '<>re (1e [ Egypie, 205), and that aliough not yet proved, is by no p uiria, which also might be thou.L;lit i)f, r.xiuliK-. .Siv/v^.v .[u^ :<piiria more closely.

The reading, however, is uncertain, px occurs only in this passage, and a Mass. note calls attention to the ' small r,' which seems to point to a reading nx ' cedar.' Perhaps a better emendation would be Sk (' God ').

So Rio. and Che. (SHOT, Heb. 138), following . The ord TTiTu? is wanting in nearly all the best ISISS (RNAQP) of (?, and in others appears as a Hcxaplaric addition with an asterisk. The text of the whole verse as it appe.ars in (P" and other M.S.S is simply Ikoi^ci/ ^v\ov eK tov Spviiov 6 iil>vTev<reii o Kvpio<; Kal iierb? ifiriKvvei' (the Peshitta is even shorter, ' the wood that w.xs cut down from the thicket, that by rain was nurtured '). I'ctween eKO^ev and ^v\ov Origen inserted in the Ifexaplaric te.\t this addition, from .Aq. and Theod., eauTcp kc'6/jovs, koX eAajSt't/ aypiofiaXa.vov Kai Spvi^ Koi iKaprepuitTev avT(^ aiKl similarly added niTW after 6 (cv'pios ; see Field's llexnpla in loc).

N. M. \V. T. T.-U.


(;^y; acan [BAE], AceNNA[A]. acanna [I/), an unidentified site in the lowland of Judah, apparently in its most .southern part (Josh. I542, ancox [B], AceNNA [A], -CANN. [E]), assigned in Josh. ] 9? (AC^^^ [-^1) to Simeon, and named among the priests' cities in i Ch. 659 [44] = Josh. 21 16 (where for MT ry, EV A I.N, AIN [A], NAeiN [L], we should probably read jr;*. -\shan ; cp0" aca ; so Bennett in .S/jO 7'). A.shan m;iy perhaps I)e the same as the Bok-A.sh.^n \(J.v.\ or CuoH-.\snAN (RV C'OK-ASHAN) of I S. 3O30, the site of some well or reservoir.


(n'rNlbVX, Rii. Ginsb.), r Ch. 252

kV, A\- .\S.\KKI.AH.


(yi'J'N, 42. for Sy3L"N? ; ecoBA [BA], AceBA [E]). The 'house of Ashliea ' included 'the (Judahile) families of the house of those that wrought fine linen ' ( i Ch. 42i) ; or Beth Ashljea may be the name of their dwelling-place. Nothing further is known of this weaving guild.


h%^% 43 : ACBhA [ADL] ; acaBhAoc

[Jos.]; Sam. ^X3B>N), gentilic Ashbelite, Nu. 2638

(^Sa^N, ACYBHp[e]i [BAF], -coyBhpi [E]). in a gene- alogy of Benjamin (4'.t/.,9ii.[y3J), Gen. 4621 = Nu. 2538 (acyBhp [BAF], -coyB [E])=iCh. 81 (caBa [B]) ; ap|)arently represented by Jkdiakl in 1 Ch. 76-ii (v. 6). Probably the name is a corruption of Isiikaai. (ii.v.).


(TJS'^'K), Jer. 51 27 AV ; RV Asii-KE.NAZ, q.v.


(nni^N, 'strength, strongly-founded' or iHjrhaps 'man |inen]of I)<xl, Uudu ' ; cp AbiuiLK. Bi.Ni;-HEK.\K ? ; AZa)TOC [B.XNQI'EI, hence its name in .\pocr. , NT, etc.), gentilic Asbdodite, .\N' Ashdotbite nntri*. Josh. 133 (AZCoT(e)ioc [B\E| ; pi. fem. ni-inc'N; Neh. 1823 in Kr. ni'T^e'K ; azcotiac [B.\E], -|AaC [N]). ^ famous Philistine city .some 2-3 m. from the Mediterranean coast, about half-way Ixitween Gaza and Joppa. It was one of the five confederated towns of the Philistines, and stood far above the others in importance a pre-eminence due doulitless to its commanding position on the great military road Itetween .Syria and Egypt, at the spot where a branch of it leads off to Ekron and Ramleh. It survives in the modern Esdud, a miserable little village on a woody and beautiful height, to the W. of which, at an hour's distance, are still found the traces of a harbour now called Minet el-Kal'a. JE assigns .\shdod to Judah (Josh. I546/. , affr)5u0, affeiedwff [B], acrSuj/x [A, in v. 47 om.], eadujS [E]) ; but this statement clearly needs modification in view of Josh. 133 (1).. ; cp 11 22. afffXSo} [BJ, aduB [.\], aarjSoid [F], acy(55ix>d [E]), which is supported by the fact that Israel seems never to have sulxlued the Philistine strong- hold (2 Ch. 2()6 is doubtful). In Samuel's time the ark was removeil thither from Eben-ezer, and placed in the tem])le of Dagon ( i S. 5/. ), whose cult was more particu- Inrly associated with .\shdod (cp i Mace. IO83 1 1 4).- Aslulod is denounced by Amos with other Philistine towns for the infamous slave-raids upon Judah, and the same prophet alludes to it again in terms which show that in the middle of the eighth century it was a place of no little repute (39 [|i Egypt], "^ ^eads '.Assyria,' against which cp We., Now. ; Aq., Sym. , Theod. read -Ashdod). Although unmentioned in the annals of Tiglath-pileser'scampaign against Philistia and Pha-nicia (cp Wi. Gl'I 1223) it probably suffered at his hands. On the other hand, we are fortunately well-informed of its fate some years later in the siege alluded to in Is. 2O1 (711 H.c.).^ As a commemorative record relates (cp A'./r<-> 398/, KB 265/.), Azuri |cp Heb. T,^y, Azzur), king of Asdudu, had been sujierseded * by his brother Ahi-miti (cp Ahimoth, Mahath), who in turn was overthrown by the anti- Assyrian party (the Ha-at-ti) ^ in favour of Yaniani (or Vavani = the Ionian?). Ashdod was besieged, not by Sargon, but, as the MT more correctly states, by his general or Tartan [q.v.]. This siege, as Is. 206 suggests, involved the surrounding peoples, and ultimately resulted in the flight of Yavani to the land of Musri. which belongs to Miluhha, the district lying in N. Arabia, bordering on Edom (see Mizraim, ^b). The same tablet records the destruction of (/;) liimtu Asdudiinmu, which, according tt) Schrader, is ' Gath of

1 In early Christian times 'A^coto? irapoAtot and '.Xftoxot (xecrd-yeios are keut distinct. Josephus sometimes .speaks of .Ash- dod (and similarly of Jabneh, Jamnia) as an inland town (.//. xiv. 4 4, lij i. 7 7), at other times as a coast town (Attt. xiii. l."! 4). There may have been a harbour here in the time of Sargon ; cp above.

2 Hence it has been conjectured that Dagan-takala in the Amarna tablets (A"Z> .")2i5 /.) belonged to Ashdod.

3 For the date, etc., cp Ch. Itr. \io/. ; Wi. Alt. I'nt. '42-^

He had sought to ally himself with the surrounding kings against As.syria. Another inscription relates that the men of Philistia, Judah, Edom, and Moab had sent presents to Pir'il, king of Musri, for a like purpose (cp A' A' -^n/. and note).

' These Ha-at-ti of Ashdoil seem to have been closelv related to Musri (cp also Wi., " Musri, etc." in Ml'G, 1898, 1 26/.).

the Ashdodites' (cp ' Gath of the Philistines,' Am. 62, and for a wider use of Ashdod see below). Others (Del. Par. '2i<)/., \Vi. Che.) read as two names, and explain the latter as c'n inc-N i.e., the port of Ashdod (cp note I, below).

Ashdod soon regained its power, and in the following century the 'great city of Syria' (Herod2i57) was be- sieged by Psammetichus for twenty -nine years, an allusion to which is seen in Jer. 252o (less probably also Zeph. 24: seeZKi'H.\Ni.\ii, ii. ). further evidence of its independence may l)e seen in the mention of Ahi-milki, king of Ashdod, temp. Esarhaddon {A'AT^'^ 355 12).

The Ashdodites were allied with the Arabians and the .\mmonites against the Jews of Jerusalem (Xeh. 4? [i]), and Xehemiah, denouncing the foreign marriages, mentions the women of Ashdod (also of Ammon and Moab), whose offspring speak a degraded dialect called rnnc'K (Xeh. 1823/ , afwri(rr[e]i [BNAL]) : cp the allu- sion in Zech. 96. The use of Ashdod in these passages is peculiar, and, if genuine, suggests that the name Ashdod comprised also the surrounding district (cp Schrader's explanation oi asdudimtnu above). ^

Ashdod and its neighbourhood was ravaged by Judas (i Mace. 068, cp 415), and in 147 li.c. his brother Jonathan defeated Apollonius there and burnt the temple of Dagon (i .Mace. IO77 ^, cp 11 4). John Hyrcanus burnt the towers in the surrounding fields after defeating Cendelxtus (i Mace. 16 10). In the time of Alexander Jannreus it Ixilonged to Juda;a (Jos. Ant. xiii. I54) ; but it was separated from it under Ptolemy (Jos. BJ i.l ^]. In the XT it is mentioned only once, in connection with Philip's return from (Jaza to C;fsarea (Acts 8 40). See Schiir. Gil 267/, \\i. (;/7 I223/. ; and cp Pun.is- TINKS. ,s. A. c.

ASHDOTH-PISGAH (HipSSn nhC'N) is uniformly traiislatfil, in RV, 'the slopes (manf. or springs) of Pisgah' [\n. 817 449 [liL-re also AV] Josh. I23 [no marg. note] I820; for <2>'s readings see Pisgah). In like maimer, the Heb. nh^^x, rendered ' springs ' in Josh. 10 40 128, is in RV ' slopes.' The declivities or shoulders of a mountain plateau, where it sinks sharply into the plain, are meant. The word is perhaps derived from na-N, in the sense of 'pouring out';- the explanation usually given is that the Ashedoth are the line on the mountain-side where springs break forth. See PiSG.\H.


{-V^- ACHp [BAL], ^CH [A*Xu.772],

iachB [B, Josh. 17 10]; Jos. ACHpoc ; gentilic ^"!"'N -^-slierite),

the eponymous head of the

1 Name and origin.[edit]

tribe of the same name. Unimportant for the history of Israel it is traced by the Yahwist to Zilpah, Leah's maid (Gen. 3O12/. ), this tribe, perhaps more than the other Zilpah and Bilhah tribes (see Israki,, 5), raises questions diffi- cult to answer. Is the popular etymology (Gen. 30 13, probably also alluded to in the 'Blessings') correct, or does the name not rather point to some deitv^ in which case it is natural to connect it with the root irN (\V-), 'to be propitious,' whence the name of the Assyrian God Asur?* In what relation does Asher stand to a once somewhat important state called Aseru,

' So in I Mace. 14 34 Gazara (in reality 17 m. to NE.) is ' upon the borders of Azotiis ' ; cp also (doubtfully) 2 Ch. 'lu (,.

-' Delitzsch compares the Ass. iit/u, pi. iSdati, the 'base' of anvthing (Prol. 46 ; cp Dr. on Dfut. 3 17).

=' Tiele long ago wrote, ' Asher, like Gad, is a god of good fortinie, the consort of Asherah ' iVergelijIc. Gescli. Tan de ^'Sy/'t. en Xtesofiotain. Godsdiensien, 1872, p. 542), and both parts of this statement may still be defended. So Che. Proph. /s.O) 1 ,03 (on Is. 178). Cp Del. .^.m. //Jl^B 148. G. A. Barton (, 15 174 ['96]) suggests a connection with the divine name implied in the name Abd-a.sirta referred to towards the end of g I (see Ashkrah, 3). Jensen (Hittiter u. Armenier) offers proof that the name of the consort o*" the goddess Asratii was Hadad or Rammun the storm-god. Had he also the title A.sir? Lastlv (;. H. Skipwith UQK H 241 ['99]) even sug-ests

As[s)nru, which occupieil W. Galilee in the time of Seti I. and Ram.ses II. (W.\IM, ^/j. u. Eur. 236-9)? Did that ancient people to some extent throw in their lot with the invaders from the wilderness (cp HakmI>her), or is Asher in the O T simply a geographical name for some Israelites who settled in a district already long known as Asher? Honmiel {A HI' 228, 237) thinks that the Asherites were one of several Israelitish trilx;s which, l^efore the time of Moses, had encami^ed in the district between Egypt and Judah (cp Shihok- LIB.NATH) and that they are the Habiri referred to in the Amarna letters as having burst into Palestine from the south. Jastrow, on the other hand, inclines to identify the Habiri with the Asherite clan Heber (see below, 4) and to connect the Asherite clan Malchiel with the followers of Milkili, the writer of several of the Amarna letters, while G. A. Barton suggests that the sons of Abd-asirta (b'lie l-",bed Asera), of whom we hear so much in the letters of Rib-Addi of Gebal, may have become an important constituent part of the O T tribe of Asher, so that it inherited their name in abbreviated form. That the OT Asherites were at all events not 2 Earlier ^^^^ closely bound to Israel is proved by references """^ earliest historical notice of the tril)e, according to which it took no interest in the rising against Sisera : ' Asher sat still at the shore of the sea, and abode by his creeks' (Judg. 517).' Moreover, that they were somewhat mixed up with older inhabitants appears clearly enough in Judg. 1 32. 'Whilst, therefore, the fertility ascribed in the ' Blessings of Jacob and Moses ' to the district where Asher dwelt, although it at once suggests the popular etymology (see above), is known to have been really characteristic of the part of (jalilee in cjuestion (see reff. in Dr. on Dt. 8824, and cp BiuzAii h), we can hardly say how far the distinctness from the Phoenicians of the coast, apparently implied in 7'. 25 of the later Blessing, was an actual fact. On the other hand, the writer of the account of Ishhaal {q.v., 1) seems to have thought Asher worth mentioning as included in the I5enjamite claim (see AsHiKiTKS, Geshur, i). It is not surpris- ing in view of the prevailing vagueness, that the ' Bless- ing of Jacob ' speaks of Zebllu.n in almost the same words that the Song of Deborah had applied to Asher, and that the ' Blessing of Moses ' then associates I.s- SAc:nAR with Zebulun. Definite boundary there can hardly have been, whilst the distribution of the popula- tion must have changed somewhat from age to age. We need not wonder that the account of Ashcr's territory

3. Boundaries.[edit]

"^'^'"^ the priestly compiler has given 

us in Josh. 1924-31 (in which some scholars have found traces of JE) is unusually vague. Not many of the places can be identified with certainty.

Ai.AMMELECH (Wady el - Melek), Jifhthah-ei. (Jefat), Cabui, (Kabul), Kanah (JjLana) have probably been identified, and possibly also P^bron (i.e., AiiOON, i.) and Ham.mon, i (Umm el 'Amfld). Ummah should probably be read Accho. Shihor-Limsath {(/.7>.) may perhaps be the Nahr ez-Zarka. MisHAi, and Hosah {qq.i'.) are probably to be recognised in Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions.

That Accho or .\chzib or Sidon was ever included in an Israelitish tribe Asher, is a purely ideal conception, and the same is clearly true (Judg. I31/. ) of other cities in the list. For indications of an Aramaean element in the population (2 S. 106) see Ar.-KM, 5.

The tribe to the S. of Asher was Manasseh. In Josh. 1 7 1 1 we have a Yahwistic passage which is commonly interpreted as declaring that Dor lay within the limits of territory ideally assigned to Asher, although it really belonged to Manasseh. This interpretation gives support to the hypothesis that Shihor- Libnath (Josh. 1926) is to be taken as the southern boundary of Asher, and to be identified with the river Zarka, which enters the sea almost midway between Dor and CiKsarea. If Asher really moved northwards from an earlier home

1 On the statement in Judg. 6 35 723, that Asher took part in the conflict with Midian, see .Moore, ad loc.

Dor is represented as belonging to Asher, since, as a matter of fact, it and the cities mentioned with it

in S. Palestine (see above, i). traces or at least memorials of it may have long survived (see Siiihok- LlHNA Til). This would make it not quite so difficult to understand the account of P, even if it is a fact that he really brings Asher farther S. than Carmel (Josh. 1926).

The linguistic peculiarities of the verse Josh. 17 ii support the sugcestion of Dillmann (ad loc.) that all that follows the word ' .\shcr ' except ' the three heights ' belongs really to r. 12, taking the pl.ice there of the words ' those cities "(cp Judg. 1 27) ; ' but we do not know what ' the three heights ' are (though they certainly might include ' the heights of Uor ' ; cp Josh. 11 2 l'.'2j). Ihere Is, however, little historical importance in the question whether - . Ash. .

remained in the posses-sion of the Canaanites or Phoenicians.

On the other three sides the territory of Asher is even less defined. According to Josh. 19 27, it was conter- minous with Zebulun on the M, while according to V. 34 it stood in the same relation to Naphtali. It is diflicult to bring it into relation with Issachar. In general, Asher nmst l)e regarded as the norlh-western- most district connected with Israel, and as stretching indefinitely W. and N. and losing itself gradually amongst the Phoenicians of the coast.

(i. ) P's genealogy of .Asher (given twice : Nu. 2644, probably the more original, =(jen. 4617), which is re- , _ , . produced in almost identical form by

4. Genealogies[edit]

, ^j^^ Chronicler (iCh.730/.). is very simple, consisting probably of (primarily) the three clans, the Imiiites (perhaps really Jamin ; so (P^^l j^ Nu. and perhaps " in i Ch. ), Ishvites (doubtful), and IJeri'ites.

With the last mentioned are associated as secondary clans the Hel>erites (known as a Kenite name)2 and the Malchielites (known as a personal name in the Amarna letters from S. Palestine) as ' sons,' and Serah (perhaps an Aram, name ; root not found in Hebrew) as sister. There is no earlier mention, however, of any of these names in connection wiili .Asher, though the first and third are well known in the central high- lands of Palestine.

(ii.) To this simple genealogy the Chronicler appends (i Ch. 731 i-^9) a remarkable list of one Malchielite and over thirty Heberites remarkable because the names are not of the dis- tinctive type that abounds in the Chronicler. The list, if we remove certain textual corruptions, looks as if it were meant to be schematic (t'.t'., 3 sons and 3 x 3 j^randsons, followed by .some seventeen in the fourth, fifth, and sixth generations); but we cannot reach a text that inspires confidence. It nuist be remembered, however, that many of the names may well be foreign. Harnepher has been referred to above. The alTinities of some of the names are worthy of note ; note, <r.J^^, the rem.irk- able groups Heber, Ithran, Jether ; so also Beria, Shelesh = Shilsha iv. 37 (Shalisha? cp B), Shual.

Lk. 236 speaks of a certain Anna as being of the trilKj of Asher (but see Gkneakogiks, i. 8). 2. Tob. I2 RV, AV AsKK. See Hazor, i.

II. w. 11.


("I'J'X ; achr [RAL]), a town on the southern border of Manasseh, mentioned in Josh. 17? (RV') in the following terms : ' And the border of Manasseh was from Asher to Michmethath which is before [. I-- of] Shecliem.' After this we are told that ' the border went along to the right hand {i.e., to the .S.J, unto the inhabitants [/.<., the district] of En- tappuah. ' These statements nuist Ix; taken in connec- tion with the description of the N. bortler of Ephraim in 166, where the names which corresiK>nd to Asher and Michmethath are Michmethath and Taannth- Shiloh, and Taanath-Shiloh is stated to lie E. of Mich- methath. On the assumption that En-tappuah is .SW. of .Shechem (see T.\PPUAH, 2), .\sher nmst lie some- where to the E. of Shechem, between Michmethath and Taanath-shiloh. Thus far we have proceeded on the

1 'Dor' in Judg. I31 B*i- is no objection, for it does not fit the context, and is probably simply an insertion bused on the passage in Joshua.

2 Note that for Jehubbah (i Ch. 734) b reads ic. utpafir'.e., Hobab?

8 Ahi in 71. 34 should certainly be 'his brother.' Probably Hotham (r'. 37) is a miswritten Helem(cp7'. 35), in which c.ise ' sister ' (I'l/tOtftttm) in t. 32 may be a duplicate of Hotham. Ulla (v. 39), as it ought to resume some name already mentioned, may be a corruption of Shual, which we should perhaps restore for Shua in v. 32.

theory that RVs reading is correct ; it is in fact that of most scholars, including Dillmann and Kautzsch. The rendering seems, however, to need revision. Consider- ing that MlcuMKTHATii [q.v.) stands in 17 7 hi close proximity to Asher (without any connecting anJ), and that it would be natural to distinguish this .\sher from the better known one (with which indc-ed Kerr in PEFQu Si., 1877, p. 45, actually confounds it) by add- ing the name of the district in which it w;is (cp ' Kedesh- Naphtali'), it seems probable that Michmethath is the name of a district, and that we should render (against the accents and Targ. , but in accordance with *'), 'And the Ixsrder of Manasseh was from Asher of (thei Michmethath,' the starting-point alone lx;ing mentioned in the opening clause, as in 152 (so Reland, J. Schwarz, Conder). The description in 17? will then exactly correspond to that in 106 in so far as Michmethath is the first point mentioned on the border between Ephraim and Manasseh. ' .Asher of the Michmethath ' might l)e .some place in the N. of the district called ' the Michmethath. ' If this district is the plain of el-Makhna, two ruined places at once suggest themselves, now called the upjjer and the lower Makhna respectively ((ju<;rin, Sam. 1 459/1 ). Mere, however, no villages preserve any traces of the ancient name. Eus. and Jer. \OS 2"2li29 9828) suggest another identification. They refer to a village called Asher, 15 R. m. from Neaiwlis on the road to Scylhopolis, a description which points to J't-vasir, I R. m. N'l. of Thelx;z, where the 15th R. milestone has actually lieen discovered (S^journi?, K'ci'. liibl., 1895, p. biy /.). Tiyasir is now a mud hamlet ; but it succeeds a place of some importance. Rock-cut sepulchres abound ((jucrin, Sam. 1 108). It is not probable, however, that Eus. and Jer. had a clear or cor?ect view of the Ixjundary line, and the transition fr'ini Asher to Teva.^ir\s not an easy one. (The latter name seems to be the i)lur. of taisir, inf. 2 coiij. of yasara. So Kampffmeyer, /.DP] \^-z.) T. K. c.


plur. Asherim, the RV transliteration of the Heb. nTJ'X (pi. D*"^L*'N ; in three late passages rilX'S), a word which AV, following 6 (aAcoc [B.AFL]) and Vg. [lucus), renders grove, groves. That this translation is mistaken has long l>een universally recognised. R\' avoids the error by not translating the word at all ; but, by consistently treating the word as a proper noun, it gives occasion to more serious misunderstanding.

The lisherd was a wooden post or mast, which stood at Canaanite places of worship (Ex. 34 13 Judg. 25 and frequently), and, down to the seventh century, also, by the altars of Yahwe, not only on the high places, or at Samaria (2 K. 136) and Bethel (2 K. 2315). but also in the temple in Jerusalem (2 K. 236). The ashera is frequently named in conjunction with the upright stone or stele {ma.^seM, hammdn ; see Massebah and IliOl.ATKV, 4). The pole or post might Ix; of considerable size (cp Judg. 625/) ; it was perhaps sometimes carved (i K. 15 13),* or draped (2 K. 287), but the draping especially is doubtful. The shape of an ashera is unknown. Many Cypriote and Phamician gems and seals representing an act of adoration show two (more rarely three) posts, generally of alwut the height of a man, of extreniely variable forms,'- which are supposed by many archreo- logists to be the asheras (and masse/'as) of the OT (see Phoenicia). This is not improbable, though direct evidence is thus far lacking ; but in view of the

1 ' A shocking thing (Jewish tr.adition, phalhis) as an ashera ' ; on 2 K. L'l 7 see below.

- .See Lajard, Culte ife Mithra, 18477:; Ohnefalsch-Richter, Ky/>ros, 1893, where a great many of these pieces are collected. Similar figures are found on Assyrian reliefs, and on Carthaginian ci/>/(i. We may compare the Kcyptian tifJu column (at Busiris), the Indian sacrifici.il post (Oldenberg, Ktligion dei Veda, 91), the so-called 'totem-posts' of the N. American Indians, etc See in general Lippert, Kulturgcschichte, 2 iltff., and Jevons, Inir. Hist. Rel. 134/


great variety of types, and the age and origin of the figures in question, it can hardly be confidently inferred that the asheras of the Old Canaanites and Israelites were of similar forms. The representations do not give any support to the theory that the ashera was a phallic emblem.

It is the common opinion that the ashera was origin- ally a living tree (Si/ri on Dt. 12 3, Aboda zara, fol. 45

2. Not a tree.[edit]

";!' ? ^'- " ^^- ^^">' ^'" "^^'"^ 

the pole or mast was a conventional

substitute. 1 This is antecedently not very probable. ]"he sacred tree had in Hebrew a specific name of its own (el, eld, elon, or, with a different and perhaps artificial pronunciation, alia, allon), which would natur- ally have attached to the artificial representative also ; nor is it easy to explain, upon this hypothesis, how the ashera came to be set up Ijeneath the living tree (2 K. 17 10). The only passage in the OT which can be cited in support of the theory is Dt. I621 : ' Thou shalt not plant thee an asherah of any kind of tree (RV) beside the altar of Yahwe thy God,' or, more grammatically, 'an ashera any kind of tree ' (ry Sa mrx). As, how- ever, in the seventh century the ashera was certainly not ordinarily a tree, this epe.vegesis would be very strange. In the context, whether the words in question be original or a gloss, we expect, not a restriction of the prohibition such as this rendering in effect gives us, but a sweeping extension of it. We must, therefore, trans- late, ' an ashera any wooden object. ' '-'

It does not appear from the OT that the asheras belonged exclusively to the worship of any one deity. The ashera at Ophrah (Judg. 625) was sacred to Baal ; the prohibitions of the law (Dt. l(52i/) are sufficient proof that they were erected to Yahwe ; ^ nor is there any reason to think that those at Bethel, Samaria, and Jeru- salem were dedicated to any other god. The assertion, still often made, that in the religion of Canaan the massefias were sacred to male, the asheras to female deities, is supported by no proof whatever.

From certain passages in the OT (especially Judg. 87 I K. 18 19 2 K. 234),'* it has been thought that there was

3 A Goddess[edit]

' ^'"^ ^ Canaanite goddess Ashera, whose ^ s}-mbol or idol was the ashera post.

.Since in the places cited the names of Baal and Ashera are couijlcd precisely as those of Baal and Astarte are elsewhere (Judg. 2 13 106 i S. 74 [&"- ra dXcnj A(Trapu6] 12 10 ["al ^^^^s &\cT<nv]), many scholars have inferred, further, that Ashera was only another name or form of the great Semitic goddess, Astarte (Tiieodoret, Qiiwst. jj in iv. Reg., Selden, Spencer, etc. ) ; whilst others attempt in various ways to distinguish them e.g., Astarte, a pure celestial deity, Ashera, an impure 'telluric' divinity (Movers); or the former a goddess of the Northern Canaanites, the latter of the Southern (Tiele, Sayce). Conservative scholars such as Hengstenl)erg, Bachmann, and Baethgen, however, have contended that in the passages in question the symbol of Astarte is merely put by metonymy for the name of the goddess ; and many recent critics ^ see in these places only a confusion (on the part of late writers) of the sacred post with the goddess Astarte. ^ A critical examination of the passages makes it highly probable

1 See Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kyfiros, etc., PI. Ixxxiv. 3 and 7, where in precisely similar relations to the scene a carved post (supposed ashera) takes the place of a cypress tree.

- j'j; is not only a tree, but also a stake (Dt. 21 22 and often). That the trees depicted on Phoen. coins, etc., were called asheras (Pietschmann, Phonizier, 213) is merely inferred from the OT.

^ The condemnation is based, not on the fact that the presence of these symbols presumes the worship of other gods, but on the principle that Israel shall not worship Yahwe as the Canaanites worship their gods (Dt. 122^).

  • In 2 K. 21 7, ' the image of the ashera,' the word image is a

gloss; cp V. 3 and 2 Ch.337. On i K. 15 13 and 2 K. 287, see above. In i K. 18 19 the 400 prophets of Ashera are interpo- lated (We., Klo., Dr.).

5 We., G. Hoffmann, E. Mey., St.. WRS, and others.

8 This confusion is found in a still greater measure in the versions.

that in the OT the supposed goddess Ashera owes her existence only to this confusion. In the Amarna corre- spondence, however, there is frequent mention of a Canaanite who bears the name Abd-asratum, equivalent to Heb. ' Ebed-asherd, sometimes with the divine deter- minative, ^z.*. , Servant of (the divine) Ashera. This has not unnaturally been regarded as conclusive evidence that a goddess Ashera was worshipped in Palestine in the fifteenth century b.c.^ The determinative might here signify no more than that the ashera post was esteemed divine a fetish, or a cultus-god as no one doubts that it was in OT times ; cp Phoenician names such as 'Ebed-susim, Servant of (the sacred) horses [CIS i. 46, 49, 53, 933, etc.); or 'Ebed-hckal, Ger- hckal (G. Hoffmann), which might in Assyrian writing have the same determinative ; further, Assyr. ekurru, 'temple, sanctuary,' in pi. sometimes 'deities' (Del. HWB 718). The name of the 'goddess Asratum," however, occurs in other cuneiform texts, where this explanation seems not to be admissible : viz. , on a haematite cylinder published by Sayce (7. A 6 161); in an astronomical work copied in the year 138 B.C., published by Strassmaier [7.A 6241, /. <^ ff.) ; and in a hymn published by Reisner [Sumer.-babylon. Hyninen, 92) in the last in connection with a god Amurrii, which suggests that the worship may have been intro- duced from the West. See Jensen, ' Die Gotter Ainur- ru(i',) und Asratu,' ZA 11 302-305.

The word ashera occurs also in an enigmatical Phfijnician inscription from Ma'sfib, which records a dedication ' to the Astarte in the ashera of El-hammon ' (G. Hoffmann) ; where it is at least clear that ashera cannot be the name of a deity. The most natural interpretation in the context would be ' in the sacred precincts.' In an inscription from Citium in which the word was formerly read (Schroeder, ZD.MG 35 424, 'mother Ashera'; contra, St. ZATW l^^^f. ; cp v.. Mcy. in Roscher, 2870), the reading and interpreta- tion are insecure (see CIS i. no. 13). Cp PncK.\ici.\.

4. Etymology.[edit]

The etymology and the meaning of the word are obscure. The most plausible hypothesis perhaps is that asher tm ongmally denoted onXyihn sign- posts set up to mark the site or the boundaries of the holy place (G. Hoffmann, I.e. 26). The use of the word in the Ma'sub inscription for the sacred precincts would then be readily explained, and also the Assyrian asirtu plur. asrati [esreti), defined in the syllabaries as meaning ' high place, oracle, sanc- tuary. ' In any case, ashera is a nonien ufiitatis, and its gender has no other than a grammatical significance.

Forsome further questions connected with the prophetic opposition to the use of asheras in the worship of Yahwe and the prohibition in the laws, see Idol.'vtky, 8.

The older literature is cited under Ashtoreth \q.v.]. For recent discussion see We. CM 28iyC note ; St. Cl'f 1 458^, cp ^,-17'/Fl345, 4 293^ t)3i8y:; G. HotTmann, Lfher einige plum. Inschriftcn, id ff. ; WRS, Rel. Sc,.<^) 187^ On the other side, Schr. ZA 3 364. Reference may be made also to Baethgen, Beitr. ziZJT. ; and to Collins, P.^BA 11 2^1 _^., who endeavours to show that the ashera was a phallic emblem sacred to Baal. G. V. M.


(1SX, of uncertain derivation) is used in various figures of speech typifying humiliation, frailty, nothingness, etc. : e.g. , to sit in, or be covered with, ashes (Job28, cp Ez. 273 Lam. 3i6), to eat ashes (Ps. 1029), to follow after ashes (Is. 44 20, Che. ad loc, cp Hos. 12 1). To throw ashes on the head (2S. 13x9 Is. 61 3), or to wear ashes and sackcloth (Dan. 93 Esth. 4i Jonah36, cp Mt. II21 Lk. IO13), was a common way of showing one's grief; see Mourning Customs, i. The combination ' dust and ashes ' (ieni isy ; cp also Dust) is found in Gen. 1827 Job 42 6 (cp Ecclus. IO9) note the striking assonance isn nnn iNB Is. 61 3, 'in- stead of ashes a coronal ' ; cp Ewald's ' Schmuck statt

1 Schr. ZA 3 364, and many. The name is once written with the common ideogram for the goddess Iltar (Br. Mils. 33 obv. 1.3).

Schmutz." 'Proverbs of ashes' (Job 13 12) is a sym- bolism of empty triHing sayings. '

To denote the ' ashes ' of sacrificial victims the alx)ve word is found only in Nu. I99/ , where the ashes of the burnt heifer are represented as endowed with the power of rendering clean or unclean the person who came into contact with them (cp Hel). 913). The usual term is jC'T iiekn, prop. ' fatness,' which comes to be used of the ashes of the victims nnxed with fat. From l.ev. 1 16 (P) it would seem that these were placed on the ea.st side of the altiu-, and afterwards removed to a place ' outside the camp' [ib. 4 12, cp 610/ [j/.J P).^

It is noteworthy that |Cn occurs only twice outside P: viz., Jcr. 31 40 and i K. 13 3 5 (the latter in a passage which is a late atUlition to the book ; see Kings, 5, n. 1). JB'^3 n'S 'ashes (RV mg. 'soot'; cp Ges.-bu.) of the furnace,' Ex. '.is 10 ((P aiOiiAi)) is quite obscure ; see Furnace, ^jrofio?, (D's usual rendering of "lEK (cp also in NT I.e. above), is found aj;ain in 2 M.UX-. 13 5, in connection with the tower full of ashes at llerea (2) wherein Menelaus met his death. 'Vi<t>pa (of which the verb re^pou), 'to turn to ashes,' is used in 2 I'et. 2 6 of Sodom and (Joniorrah) is found only in Tob. (i 16 8 2, ' ashes of perfume ' (or ' incense,' RV)and Wisd. 'J3, ' our body shall be turned toashes.'


(so RV) ; AV AsiiuR CVjntf'X, 81, origin- ally ' man of Morus ' [on this class of names see also Ei.in.M)]; in iCh. li24. acxco [15], acAooA [A], ACCcap [I-]; in 4, CARA [1^]. Acxoyp [^J. Acocop [L], .isi/HK, .-issik), mentioned apart from tlic more important branches of Hezron Jerahmeel, Ram, and ( hclubai (Caleb) as a posthumous child (i Ch. 224 45), father of Tekoa (see Juuah).


{^lp'\^^ : Ac[e]iMAe [BA], accnaG [L]).

a Ilamathite deity (2K. ITjof). On the true form of the name (cp (P) and its moaning, see Ham.\TH.


(fl'Ppy'N, deriv. unknown, ack&AcoN l]iSAL]:3 ethnic ^Ji^ptJ'is*, -[e]iTHC. Ashkelonite, josh. 133 RV, AV EshkAI.omtk) ; mod. '.Askaldn [with initial V]), one of the five cities of the Philistines, the only one (it is generally held) * just on the sea coast (cp Jer. 477), lies 12 m. N. from Gaza. The site is a rocky amphithentre, with traces of an old dock, filled with Herodian and Crusading ruins. It has no natural strength ; its military value seems to be due to its com- mand of the sea, though the harbour w;is small and difficult of access.

Under the Kgyi)tian rule Ashkolon was a fortress ; letters from its governor Jitia appear in the Amarna correspondence (Am. Tab. 211/), and Alxl-hiba of Jerusalem complains that the territories of Askaluna and Gazri have joined in the alliance against him {ib. 180, 14). Ashkelon seems to have revolted from Rameses II. (WMM, As. u. Eur. 222 ; cp Egvi'T, 58), and from Meneptah (see Egyi'T, 60, n. ) ; but it was reconciuered by them.' The storming of the city

t In I K. '20 38 41 it is almost certain that with RV we should point "12X instead of ^E^< (AV a.shcs)and render ' head-land ' ; see TUKISAN.'

2 Hence the denominative [ii"^, ' to clear away the fat-ashes ' Nu.4i3 Ex.273 ; see Altak, 13.

3 Asiialonand Ekron are confused in ffS more than once ; a:.,

[With regard to the site of Ashkelon proper, it is possible to hold that, like other Philistine cities, it lay a little inland ; Antoninus Martyr (ch. 33, ed. Gildemeister, 23), indeed, in the sixth century a.d., expressly distinguishes it from the sea-side town, and in 536 a.d. a .synodical letter was signed, both by the Bishop of Ascalon and by the Bishop of Maiumas Ascalon. Ac- cording to Clermont Ganneau (see A'<t'. archiol. 27 368), the inland town was on the site rej^resented by the modern villages, Hamameha.nA el-Mejdel (^xx: Guirin./W. '2129; CI. Ganneau, ^rc/i. Res. in Pal. 2190). In a (ireek transl.ntion of a lost Syriac text (published by Raabe) Ascalon appears to be described as bearing the name of n-oAaia i.e., ireKtiO. (dove) in allusion to the sacred doves of Astarte, and as l)eing about 2 m. from the sea. The .\r. name Ilaindmeh means dove. There are, how- ever, two other theories respecting el-Mejiitl, one of which pos- sesses much plausibility (see Migdal-Gad).]

  • Ascalon (Askaini) is one of the places in Palestine which

Meneptah, on the Israel-steli, claims to have captured.

I is represented on a wall of the Ramesseum at Thelses ; ' the inhabitants are depicted in the sculptures w iih Hiltiie features.

Ashkelon is not enumerated among the towns of Judah in Josh. 15, and apparently in Judg. 1 18 also we ought, with 0, to read a negative ; cpjosh. I33. It was Philistine in the days of Samson (Judg. 14 19), Samuel (iS.(5i7), David (2.S. l2o), Amos (.\m. 1 8), Zephaniah ('247), and Jeremiah (Jer. 252o 47s 7), iii"l i'l the tjreek age (Zech. 95). It was taken by Sennacherib (Schrader, A'AJ'<-> 165/, hkalitita), who deposed its king .';^idka in favour of Sarluddri, son of Rukibti, 701 B.C. In the time of Asurbanipal it had a king Mitinti.

The fish-goddess, Derketo (see Atakcjatis), had a temple to the east of the city on a tank, of which, xitwcen t7-.l/(y</t'/and ' AskaLin, some traces still remain. After the concjuest of Ale.xander the Great, Ashkelon became, like the other Philistine cities, thoroughly Hellenic ; but, more prudent than they, it twice ojx.-Med its gates to Jonathan the Maccabee (i .\lacc. 1086 II60), and again to .\le.\ander Jann.eus. It was the birth-place of Herod the Great, who gave it various buildings (Jos. /y/i. 2I11); and was afterwards the residence of his sister Salome (Jos. /V/ii. t).!). It is said to base Ijeen ' burnt to the ground ' by the Jews in their revolt against Rome (Jos. yy/ii. I81), but then to have repulsed the enemy twice {ib. iii. '212). In Roman times it was a centre of Hellenic scholarship ; antl under the Arabs, who called it the ' Bride ' and the ' .Summit of Syria,' was a frequent object of struggle. It was taken by the Christians in 1154 ; retaken by ."^aladin in 1187 ; dismantled and then rebuilt by Richard in 1192 (cp Vinsauf, Itin. Ricard. {)\ff.)\ and finally demolished in 1270. There are considerable ruins, which have been described by Gu^riu {Jiui. 2153-171}, and, best and most recently, by Gulhe {ZDJT 'lii^ ff. , with plan; cp /"/iV-' J/*"///. 3 237-247). The neighbourhood is well w.atered and exceedinglj' fertile, the Ascaloma cicpa, scallion (shallot) or onion of Ascalon, being among its characteristic products. See, further, PuiLlsTiNKS, and, for Rabbinical references, Hildesheimer, Jieilr. zur Ceoiir. FaUistinas, \ ff. G. A. s.


(n^C'wN' ; acxanaz [BADEL] ; .is- CK.Mi/.). The people of Ashkenaz are mentioned in Gen. IO3 and ((\cxeNez [A]) i'l ;i 1 Ch. 1 6 in connection with Gomer ; in Jer. 51 271 (acxanazcOC or -aiOC [Bis-\], acka. [Q]) after Minni. There is no occasion to connect their name with the propier name Askanios in Hom. //. 2862 18793, nor with the Ascanian triljes in Phrygia and Bithynia, and infer that the original home of Ashkenaz was in Phrygia (Lenormant, E. Meyer, Di. ). Rather Ashkenaz must have been one of the migratory peoples which in the time of Esar-haddon burst upon the northern provinces of .Asia Minor, and upon .Armenia. One branch of this great migration appears to have reached Lake Urumiyeh ; for in the revolt which Esar- haddon chastised (i R 45, col. 2, 27 jf.), the Mannai, who lived to the SW. of that lake, sought the help of Ispakai 'of the land of Asguza,' a name (originally perhaps Asgunza) which the scepticism of Dillmann need not hinder us from identifying with Ashkenaz, and from considering as that of a horde from the north, of I ndo- Germanic origin, which settled on the south of Lake Urumiyeh. (See Schr. COT'I^gs; \Vi. GBA 269; ^7^6488491; similarly Friedr. Del., Sayce, Knudlzon. ) T. K. C.


(^3E^'^^^ acna [AL]). the name of two unidentified sites in the lowland of Judah ; one apparently in the more north-easterly portion (Josh. 1633 accA [B]), the other nuich farther south (I543, iana [BJ, ACeNNA[A], -CANN. [I-]t).


(nnnO), i K. 75o.Wn>ir.; see Censer, 2.


(T^Bt^N, ABiecApi ['], [rcol ac<J)A- Nez [ Theod. B.\]), chief of the eunuchs under Nebuchadrezzar (Dan. I3). The current explanations are untenable,^ and the cause is obvious. The name is corrupt, and has been brought into a delusive resemblance to Ashkenaz. An earlier form of the name, equally corrupt, and brought into an eciually delusive resemblance to an ancient Hebrew name, is Abiezri (niyax ; see Ahiezer, i) ; this is the form adopted by @. What is the original name concealed in these two api)arently dissimilar forms ? enables us to discover it by its reading, evidently more nearly accurate than that of MT in Dan. 1 11 /cai direv ^avtrjX 'A^Le<rdpi rip di'ttSetx^^"' apxtevMovxij) eTri rbv AavirjX. . . . The MT indeed, in tv. ii 16, represents Daniel as com- numicating with a third person called Melzar, or ' the Melzar' ; but a comparison of i/z'. 37-1018 shows that this representation must be incorrect. It was the ' prince of the eunuchs ' that Daniel must have addressed in t'. II ; a slight transposition and a change of one point are indispensable (see Mici.ZAU). We have now, there- fore, four forms to compare ; (a) nrj'zx, () usui<, {c) i^hcn, and (rf) n^'ca^ (Fesh. in v. n). Of these, (a), (c), and (d), virtually agree as to the last two letters (if in a we neglect the final ', which is not recognised in Syro-Hex. or by l""phrem). These letters are n^-. Next, {a), {d), (t), and((/)agree as to the presence of a labial ; the first two arefor a mute, the others for a liquid. Also(i^)and {c) attest a S ora 3, and (a) and (</) a ', which might be a fragment of a *?, while (/;) and (d) present us with a a, of which they in (a) looks like a fragment. Next, (a),{i),and (r) attestan n or a n, and lastly, (a), (c), and {d) agree as to 1. The almost inevitable conclusion is that the name of the chief eunuch was -li-Nti?^, commonly pronounced Belshazzar. This is not the only occasion on which the name Balsarezer ( = Belshazzar) has suffered in trans- mission (see BiLSHAN, Sakkzkk). t. k. c.


("pNnb'N), iCh. 714AV, RVAsrihl.


{n)-\n^'Vi.e., Ashtoreth in her different representations ; ACTApooe [BAL], -T&fOO. [n Josh. 9 10], AcGakpoOM [A Josh. 1831] ; the adjective is Ashterathite, 'ri^Flt^'y, o (\CTAptoe[e]i [BA], eecT. [.i]. ec0Ap6oei [L], I Ch. 1144). Ashteroth-Karnaim

(*3"li? niri'J'J? ; ACT<Npa)e Kd,pN<MN [A], -Tep- KA.IN.

[!:]) i.e. , ' Ashtaroth of the two horns ' ? ' Ashtaroth of (=near) Karnaini ' ?) in Uen. 145,^ and Be-esh- terah (n-irT_;'J?3, i.e., ny}:;^^, D'Z, or 'house of Pf Astarte'; Bocopan[B], -ppA[L], Bee-

1. Keierences. ^^^^ ^^^^^ j^ ^^^^ 2i 27, but nnnE^y

simply in Dt. I4 Josh. 9iol24 I31231, where it appears, along with Edrei, as a chief city of Og, king of Bashan ; and in i Ch. 656 [71] (ACHpooB [B] pAMa)e [A^']) as a Levitical city. Then, in Am. 613 (Griitz's restored reading) we have Karnaim as the name of a city E. of the Jordan taken by Israel, and in i and 2 Mace. Karnaim or Karnion as a city in Gilead with a temple of Atargatis [t/.i'.] attached to it. The lists of Thotmes III. {circa 1650 B.C.) contain an 'A-s-ti-ra-tu (AV-'(-')545 ; WMM, As. u. Eur. 162, 313 ; cp Ashtarti" Bezold and Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tabl. in B}-it. Mii. 43, 64). Whether these names represent one place or two places is, on the biblical data, uncertain.

It is significant, however, that Eusebius and Jerome

1 For example, Halivy compares Pers. aspanj, 'hospitium' {/As., 188 !, 228jy;) ; Nestle too explains ' hospes ' from the Armenian 0fari^. 38). Frd. Del. and .Schr. offer no explanation.

2 If sve adopt the form Ti'JO. ^ slight difference in the summa- tion will be the result.

  • Here it is described as the abode of the Rephaim at the time

of the invasion of Chedorlaomer. Or were there two neighbour- ing cities? Kuenen, Buhl, and Siegfr.-St. read ' A.shtaroth <ind Karnaim,' claiming l as on their side. Probably, however, the ri^^ht reading is Atrraptofl Kapi/aic [AL] (see Nestle, Marg.). Moore explains ' the Astarte of the two-peaked mountain ' ; see especially G. F, Moore, JBL 156^. [97]), and cp col. 336, n. 3.

(05(2) 20961 1 84 s 26898= 108 17) record the existence in

2 The OS '^"^ ^^^ '" Batanea of two places called gi+ga Astaroth-Karnaim, ' which lay 9 R. m.

apart, between Adara (Edrei) and Abila' of the Decapolis ; one of them, 'the city of Og,' (say) 6 R. m. from Edrei, the other ' a very large town of Arabia [in which] they show the house of Job ' ; and in the Peregrinatio of S. Silva of Aquitaine (4th cent.) Carneas is mentioned as the place where she saw Job's house. Now, at the present day there is a Tell 'Ashtarah on the Bashan plateau, on the W. of Hauran, 21 m. E. of the Lake of Gahlee (long. 36 E. , lat. 32' 50' N. ), 1900 ft. above the sea ; and 2 m. N. lies El-Merkez, where the tombs of Job and his wife are shown, and there was the ancient Christian monastery of Job, while 1 m. farther N. , at Sheikh Sa'd, is a basalt monolith, with Egyptian figiu-es, known as Job's stone (see Erman, ZZ)/^/ '15 205-211). In this neighbourhood, then, must have lain one of the Ashtaroths of the OS. It does not suit the datum of the latter ' between Adara and Abila ' ; but this ma}' be one of the not infrequent inaccuracies of the OS. From this Ashtaroth Eusebius l^laces the other 9 R. m. distant. Now, 6 R. m. S. , near the W. el-Ehrer (the upper Yarmuk), lies Tell el- Ash' ari, which some (like van Kasteren) take as the second Ashtaroth.^ This, Buhl [Cicog. 249) prefers to find 8 R. m. S. of Tell 'Ashtarah in Muzeirlb, the great station on the //(//road, with a lake and an island with ruins of pre-Mohammedan fortifications. A market has been here since the Middle Ages, and the place must have been important in ancient times. Moreover, it suits another datum of the OS. in lying about 6 R. m. from Edrei.

Much more difficult is the question of identifying any of these sites, or the two Ashtaroths of the OS. , OT "t ^^^ *^^ corresponding names of OT. SI es. yj^^^gg jjj jj^jg p^^f Qf Palestine have always been in a state of drift. That Tell 'Ashtarah is the 'Ashteroth Karnaim of Gen. 14 5 or the 'Ashtaroth of other texts has in its favour, besides its name, the existence of a sanctuary, even though this has been transferred in Christian times to Job. On the other hand, Muzeirib must have been of too great import- ance not to be set down to some great place-name of the OT ; and its accessibi.ity from Edrei suits the association, frequent in the OT, of the latter with Ash- toreth. As to the Karnaim of i Mace. 026 (which, of course, is the same as the Karnaim of Am. 613), it cannot have been Muzeirib, as Buhl contends, for in such a case the lake would certainly have been mentioned in con- nection with the assault of Judas upon it (a lake is mentioned near Caspis or Casphon \_q.v.'\ which Judas took previously) ; and in 2 Mace. 12 21 Karnion is said to be difficult to get at bia. ttjv iravTuiv tQv tottcji' (TTevoTTjTa. This does not suit Muzeirib, or Tell 'Ashtarah, or Sheikh Sa'd. Furrer, therefore, has sug- gested for Karnion A'rcn or "Grcn, the .Agraina of the Romans, in the inaccessible Lejd. Till the various sites have been dug into and the ancient name of Muzeirib is recovered, however, we must be content to know that there was an 'Ashteroth Karnaim near Tell 'Ashta7-ah, and that possibly there was a second site of the same name in the same region in OT times.

On the whole subject see especially /CDPf xm. xiv. and xv., Schumacher, Across the Jordan (203-210), and Buhl, Stud, zur Topos^r. dcs y.Ostjordanlandcs, 12 JT-t / 248-250; also Moore, JBL It) iS5.ff^-' 'i"^l> f'^"' ">" Kgyptological explanation of the name ' Ashtoreth of the two horns,' WMM, As. u. Kur. 313.

G. A. S.


(JTIPIB'J?), a goddess of the Canaanites

1 Sub A<rr. Kapvaeiv. ~ Sub Kapvaetfi.

3 So Schumacher. ' The double peak of the southern summit oi Tell el- Ash'ari, formed by the depression running from N. to S., would make the appellation of K.arnaim, or "double- horned," extremely appropriate ' {.Across Jordan, 208). In a Talmudic discussion as to the constructions for the Feast of Booths it is said that Ashteroth Karnaim was situated between two mountains which gave much shade {Succa, za; cp Neub. Ge'o^-. 246). Many regard this statement as purely imaginative.

2. Character.[edit]

and PhoL'nicians. The Massoretic vowel-pointing, which ^ is followed by ICV, gives the word the vowels

of bi'isheth, ' scandalous thing ' (cp Molech for Melik) ; the true pronunciation, as we know from tlic dr. 'AffTdprrj (so even "al ; alongside of aarapujO [HAL]) and from Augustine,* was Ashtart.' In the or the name in the plural (the 'AshUiroth) is coupled witii the JJaals, in the general sense, ' the heathen gods anil godilesses,' "^ a usage with which the Assyrian i/tini u-istardti is compared. Solomon is said to have built on the Mt. of Olives (i K. II5, cp 33) for the rhiLnician 'Ashtart a high place, which was destroyed more tlian three centuries later by Josiah (2 K. 23 13).

( )f the character of this goddess and her religion we k-aru nothing directly from the O T. Her name docs not occur either in the prophets or in historical texts in any other connections than those cited above ; it is nowhere intimated that the licentious characteristics of the worship at the high places were derived from the cultus of Astarte. The weeping for Tanunuz (I'>.. 814), which Clyril of Alexandria and Jerome identify with the Phu'iiician mourning for Adonis (so (?'-"*.'), was more probably a direct importation of the Babylonian cult.-* This is doubtless true also of the worship of the ' Queen of Heaven ' (Jer. 7 18 [bkaq tt; (jTparigL toj ovpavov], 44 17 _f.), whatever the name may mean (see Qikkn OK Hkavkn). The law which forbids women to wear men's garments, or men women's (Ht. 225), may Ix; aimed at obscene rites such as obtained in the worship of many deities in Syria and Asia Minor, but need not refer specifically to the cult of Astarte.

Many inscriptions from the mother-country and its colonies, as well as the testimony of Greek and Latin ^ . writers, prove the prominent place which , ^^y"^ the worship of Astarte had among the Phuenicians ; Egyptian documents place the Ashtart of the Hittite country' by the side of the ' .Sutech of Heta,' the principal male divinity; the Philistines deposited Sauls armour as a trophy in the temple of 'Ashtart (i S. 31 10 "al ^^ a(rTapT[]i.ov } , jjcrhaps the famous temple at Ashkelon of which Herodotus writes (lios);'* the stele of Mesha, king of Moab (9th cent. B.C.), tells how he devoted his prisoners to .Vshtar-Chemosh ; a city in Bashan often mentioned in the OT lx;ars the name Ashtaroth (cp also Ashteroth Karnaim, Gen. 14 5, and Bceshterah, Josh. 21 27; see Asiitakoth). '.Ashtart w.as worshipped in Babylonia and .\ssyria under the name I star (considerable frag- ments of her myth have been preserved) ; in Southern Arabia as '.\thtar (masc. ); in Abyssinia as 'Astar ; ^ in Syria as '.\tar or '.Athar (in proper names : cp Atak- <;.\ris [(/. V. ] Dercdto). The .\rabs are the only Semitic people among whom we do not find this deity ; and even here it is possible that al-Lat and al-'L'zza were originally only titles of Astarte. The normal phonetic changes in the word show that the worship of Astarte did not spread from one of these peoples to the others, but was common to them Ixjfore their separation. The fem. ending is peculiar to the Palestinian branch of the race, and, as has Ix.-en observed, in Southern .\rabia '.\thtar was a god, not a goddess.

Unlike Baal, Astarte is a proper name ; but under this name many diverse divinities were worshipjjed. The I star of Arbela was recognised by the Assyrians themselves ;is a goddess different from the Istar of

1 Qua-s/. 16 in Jnd., Estart, Astart. Confirmatory evidence is Kiven by the Kgyptian transcription.

_ - judj;. 2 13 106 I S. 7 3 (^hal Ta ak^^ 4 12 10 ((Sbai. rots oA(re<Ti'); all belonging to the later elohistic(K-j) or deiiteronomic school.

^ The identification of Tanimuz with Adonis is found also in Melito (Cureton, Spicil. 25). The connection of the myths is unquestioned. See Tammuz.

< It is, of course, not to lie inferred that the Philistines wor- .shipped Astarte before they invaded Palestine. The temple was an old Canaanite sanctuary.

5 HaMvy's discovery- is confirmed by the recent publication of the Axum inscriptions.

4. Character.[edit]

Nineveh ; the Istar of Agade from the Istar of Urku (see Assyria, 9. Babvi.onia, 26). The inscription of I'lshmunazar shows that more than one 'Ashtart had a temple in Sidon ; and we know many others. Whether those differences are only the conse(|uence of natural divergence in the worship of the priniitive .Semitic deity, in the immense tract of time and space, or, as is alto- gether ntore jjrobable, in great part due to the identifi- cation of originally unconnected local nutnina with Astarte, the result is the same : ' there were many Astartes who were distinguished from one another by character, attributes, and cultus a class of goddesses rather than a single goddess of the name.'-'

Astarte was often the tutelary divinity of a city, its 'proprietress' [ba'alat); and then, of course, its pro- tectress and champion, a warlike god- dess. On the other hand, she was a goddess of fertility and reproduction, as apjx;ars strik- ingly in the myth of the descent of Istar. These two characters might l)e attributed to different .AsUirtes, as among the .Assyrians (cp the Aphrodites) ; but they might also coexist in one and the same goddess, and this is doubtless the older conception.

The figures from Babylonia and Susiana, as well as from Phoenicia and Cyprus, which are believed to rc|)re- sent Astartes, express by rude exaggeration of sexuality the attributes of the godiless of generation.* That the cultus-images of .\starte were of similar tyjies is not probable. At Paphos she was worshipped in a conical stone, and many representations show the evolution from this of a partially iconic idol.

In the astro-theology of the Babylonians the planet Venus was the star of Istar. It is a common but ill- founded opinion that in Palestine Astarte was a moon goddess. The name of the city, Ashteroth Karnaim, is often alleged in support of this theory. Kven if the translation, ' the horned .\starte,' Ix; right, however, it is a very doubtful assumption that the horns represented the crescent moon it is cjuite as natural to think of the h(jrns of a cow or a sheep, or of an image of the goddess made after an I-'gyplian type (see Ecivi'T, 13) ; " and it is a still more unwarranted assumption that Astarte was elsewhere in Palestine represented in the same \\ay. It would be a nuich more logical inference that the horns were the distinctive attribute of this particular .Astarte.* The other testimony to the lunar character of Astarte is neither of an age nor of a nature to justify much confidence [De dea Syr. 4 ; Herodian, v. G4). The point to be in- sisted on is that the widely accepted theory that Astarte was primarily a moon goddess, by the side of the sun god, Baal, has as little foundation in the one case as in the other.

In Dt. 7 13 ' the 'iishtdroth of the flocks ' are parallel to the 'offspring of the herds,' from which it has l)eeii ingeniously argued that among the nomadic Semites Astarte was a sheep-goddess (W'RS, Rel. Sent. <"-' 3 1 o, and 469^) ; but this also seems hazardous.

6 Cultus[edit]

Of the cultus of -Astarte we know comparatively little. Religious prostitution ( I kit. 1 199 ; Stralxj xvi. 1 20 ;

^P- J'"'^"'- ^^-f'- f"-""- ^^-'^^ ^' " '*'-'

  • 6, etc. ) was not confined to the temples

of Astarte, nor to the worship of female divinities. Nu. 25 1-5 connects it with Baal-peor ; Am. 2? Dt. 2.'Ji8 (17), etc., show that in Israel similar practices infected even the worship of A'ahwe. There is no doubt, how- ever, that the cultus of Astarte was saturated with these abominations.

' In the period from which most of our monumental evidence comes, still another cause must l>e recognised : syncretism with the Egyptian religions (see E;(;ypt, | 16).

2 This use predominates in Hebrew, which has, indeed, no other word for ' goddess ' ; but, as has been remarked above, it is found in Assyrian also.

3 Heuzey, Rn>. Arcli/ol. xx.vi.v., 1880, p. \ ff.\ Ohnefalsch- Richter, Ky/>ros, etc. On the origin of this type sec, however, S. Rein.-ich, R,-!>. ArclUot. 3 se'r. 2ii, 1895, p. 3b' ff.

Cp the representation of Haalat of Byblos, tV.V 1 i, PI. I. 8 On Ashteroth Karnaim see //>*/, It) 155^.

The origin and the meaning of the name are obscure ; but this is liardly a sufficient reason for supposing that the nicjst universally worshipped of Semitic divinities was of non- Semitic extraction (see Haupt, /.DMG 34 758). The relation between Astarte anil Aphrodite is an interesting and important question, upon which we cannot touch here.

Literature. f^tXAcn, De Dis Syris, syn. ii. ch. 2 ; Movers, Phonizier, 1 55<)-65o ; Scholz, Giitzendienst nnd ZaubcKwesen bei den alten //ebniern, 259-301 ; Baudissin, art. 'Astarte und Aschera'in/'^AX'*) "2147-161 (where the lit. in full may be found); Raethgen, Beitr. zur seinit. RcL-gesch., 1888 ; E. Meyer, art. 'Astarte' in Roscher's L,.v. dcr grivch. it. Rom. Myth. 645-655, in part corrected by his art. ' H.ial,' //'. 28677?! ; Harton, ' Ash- torethandher liilluence in the OT,'//'^- '^^17,ff-\ ' The Semitic Isblar-cult,' //<\raita, 9 133-165 10 1-74. See also Driver's very COJnprolicnsive article ia Hastings, DB. g. F. M.


(>in'^\S), I Ch. 224 AV, RV Ashhuk.

ASHURITES, The[edit]

(n-l^'.^H, ton GAceipei [B], GacoyP ['^^' ezpi I f- ; ' Jezreel ' follows]), are mentioned in 2 Sam. "Jgy among various clans subject to the i authority of Ishbaal. Posh. Vg. read n^c'jri, the j Gcshurites, which is accepted by some (see Gksuur), j while others (Kamph. Ki. Klo. Gr. ) folh^w the Targ. { (iCK n'aT '?;. cp ") and read nt^xri (cp Judg. 1 32) i. e. , ' the Asherites, ' whose land lay to the W. of Jordan ! above Jczrcel, which is mentioncu ne.\t, the enumeration proceeding from N. to S.


(nV^'i;; AceiG [BA], -coyaG [L]), iu a ' genealogy of AsHiiR (y.T'. , 4 ii. ), i Ch. Jssf.


(h <\ClA[Ti.\\'H]). Great uncertainty prevailed during the apostolic period as to the usage of the names 1 of the districts of Asia Minor. The boundaries of several ! of the districts had long been uncertain ^those between j Mysia and Phrygia were proverbially so (Strabo, 564). | This confusion arose from the fact that the names i denoted ethnological rather than political divisions, and belonged to diverse epochs. They are like geological strata, which are clear enough when seen in section but impossible to disentangle when represented on a single plane. A further complication arose when the Romans imposed upon the country the provincial system. The official nomenclature was applied without any account being taken of the older history or of ethnical facts or ; popular usage. In the case of Lycia, Bithynia, or j Pamphylia there was no distinction of any moment I between the old and the new usage ; but in the case of Galatia and .Asia the difficulty of distinguishing the j precise sense of the names is very great. !

The province of Asia was formed in 133-130 B. C. when i Attains III. of F^ergamus left his kingdom by will to ; Rome ; the name Asia had early come into use because i there was no other single term to denote the ^gean j coast lands. The area of the province was subsequently | increased, first by the addition of Phrygia (116 B.c;. ) ; we are, therefore, confronted by the difficulty of j distinguishing whether, in any given case, the word Asia is restricted to the coast or extended to the entire j province in other words, whether it includes Phrygia or not.

In Acts 2(5, Asia indicates the towns of the highly civilised coast land, for the enumeration is popular and Greek in style, as is proved by the mention of Phrygia alongside Asia : accord- ing to the Roman mode of speaking, Phrygia was included in Asia, with the exception of that small part round Antioch (Phrygia Galatica) which fell to the province Galatia. Such names as Phrygia,Mysia, or Lydia were to a Roman without any political significance, being merely geographical terms denoting parts of the province of Asia, used on occasion to specify exactly the region referred to by the speaker (Cic. pro Flac. xxvii. 65; Asia vesira constat ex Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, Lydia). Such use can be paralleled from the NT. In Actsl67 Kara ri\v 'iUvtjiav (Ti. WH] is used to define rigidly the point reached by the apostles when warned from Bithynia. In Actsfig, a decision is more difficult. The Jews who 'dis- puted 'with Stephen were probably those educated in the schools of .Smyrna or Pergamus ; but we cannot on a priori grounds decide that some of them did not belong to Phrygia. Here, therefore, .-Xsia may or may not be used in its Roman sense. So also in Acts 21 27 = 24 18.

The whole question of the sense in which geographical terms are used by the writer of Acts centres round Acts 166, where the apostles are forbidden to preach in .Asia {Kuikvdivrt^ . . . XaX^crai t6v \6yov iv -rg 'Affiq, [Ti. WH]). Those interpreters {e.^i;^., Con. and Hows. I324) who take the preceding words (oi9)\dov Se tt)v ^pvylav Kal raXarur/c x^po-" [I ' WH]) to express the opening up of new ground by missionary enterprise N. of Antioch in Pisidia are compelled to restrict the prohibition of preaching in Asia to the coast land in other words, to take I'hrygia, Galatia, and Asia in their popular non-Roman sense for all Phrygia N. of Antioch belonged to .Asia in its Roman or administrative sense. Yet we must ask if the simple Si7J\doi> (AV 'gone throughout') can be taken to imply preaching.^ If, however, the apostles did not jireach in their pa,ssage through the district called here ij 'I'puyla Kal VaXariKr} Xwpa, there appears to be no necessity for giving a popular meaning to the geographical terms here used, unless in the interests of what Ramsay calls the N. Galatian theory (see Gal.vtia, 7-30, especially 9-16). On this view, then, the words indicate such parts of Galatic Phrygia as had not been traversed at the time of receiving the prohibition (or, more probably, that part of Phrygia which belonged to the province Asia), together with Old or North Galatia. In favour of this is the fact that the part. KuXvO^fres must be prior in time to, i.e. contain the ground of, the action denoted by Sif/X^o;', ' they traversed . . . because they had been forbidden.' If, in face of the difficulties of the N. Galatian view, we fall back upon the S. Galatian theory, the district ij <bpvyia Kal VaXariKT] x^P"- i""St be regarded as partly identical with that called Tr]v YaXariKTjv x^po^" ko.1 'i>pvyLav in Acts 18 23 (which can hardly be other than that of the S. Galatian churches) ; and also it must already have been traversed wholly or in part be/ore the prohibition to preach in Asia (Rams. Expos. May 1895, P- 39^ ; Church, 5 ed. p. 75). Ramsay consequently attempts to interpret the words SiTJXOov KuiXvO^vrei ns = 8l7JX0ov Kal iKuiXvOr^aav {duXdofTes eKboXvOj^aav), or on purely subjective grounds adopts, with Lightfoot, the reading BieXOouTes 5^ from inferior MSS {Si. PauK^K p. 195). It seems better to take SiTJXOoi' Of as resumptive and as summing u]5 the previous verses, with an ellipse ' so then they traversed . . . (neglecting Asia) having been forbidden ' : in which case, here, as elsewhere throughout the narrative of Paul's journeyings, the word Asia is used in its technical, Roman, sense.

This sense is clearly the best in the following passages : during Paul's residence in Ephesus, 'all they which dwelt in Asia heard the_ word of the Lord Jesus' (Acts 19 10; see also 7m. 22, 26 /!). The deputies escort the apostle from Corinth as far as Asia (.\cts2O4); other instances in the same chap, are 7'7'. 16 (Ephesus was virtually capital of the province) .ind 18. In 272, Kara rijii' '.^crt'ac ron-ous [Ti. WH], there is nothing to forbid our taking the word in its Roman sense. Similarly, in the Epistles, the technical sense is required f.c., Rom. 16 5, Epasnetus the first-fruits of Asia (RV); i Cor. 10 19, the churches of Asia; 2 Cor. 18, (probably) alluding to the riot at Ephesus, or to dangerous illness there ; 2 Tim. 1 15. The Roman province is meant also in i Pet. li, where the enumera- tion Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, Bithynia (= Bithynia- Pontus) sums up all Asia Minor within the Taurus, p'inally, in Rev. 1 4, the seven churches of Asia are those established in the chief towns of the Roman province. In i Mace. 86, ' Antiochus, the great king of Asia,' the word is used in a wider sense = .Asia Minor, with Syria (so also 11 13, ' the diadem of Asia'; 1239 18 32 2 Mace. 83 : cp Jos. ^nt. xii. 3 3 1847). In 2 Esd. 1546, ' A.sia, that art partaker in the beauty of Babylon,' the sense is still wider= Persian empire (10 i ; cp Herod, i.96 177 : Jos. Ant. xi. 8 3). vv. J. W.


(01 ACIAPXAI [Ti. WH], AV the chief of Asia' ; RV 'chief officers of Asia'). An officer

See Acts 1541, 5t^pXro, but with fnia-rripii^tav ad<'ed ; I64, 6tiropeuo'TO, but with wapeSiSoa-av added. On the other hand we have 13 14, iteAdovTes anb Trjs Ilepyi/s no preaching on the ro.-id : and 17 i, SioSevVavres ttji' '.\ij.<fiiTTo\iv koX ttiv 'AiroKkioviav [Ti. WH), where also there was no attempt at evangelisation, so far as we can tell. (But see Rams. Expos. May 1895, p. 385/:)

heard of only once in the NT viz. , in the account of the riot made by " Demetrius and the craftsmen ' at Ephesus (Acts 1931). The annual assembly of civic deputies (koivov 'Affias), over which he presided, was combined, in Asia, as in other provinces, with an annual festival in honour of the reigning emperor and the imperial system.

Soon after the victory of Actium, in fact as early as 29 B.C., Augustus had allowcti temples to himstlf and Konia to be dedicated in I'erganius, the tie jure capital of Asia, as well as in Nicomcdcia and Ancyra, the capitals respectively of Hiihynia and Galatia(Tac. Ann. iv. 374). This blending of a religious with an administrative institution became a leading idea of the imperial policy ; but, as rcKards the pomp of the festivals and the civic rivalries excited, the institution nowhere developed as it did in Asia. Naturally, the conduct of the games and festival in honour of the emperor fell to the president of the provincial Diet.

As the Asiarch bore most of the expense, though some was borne Ijy voluntary subscription or appoi tioiicd to the several towns, this jjoiitico-religious oflice was open only to the wealthy the prosperity of Tralles, for example, was shown by its continuous series of Asiarchs ' and the title was retained after the expiration of the year of office. To find Paul counting friends among the Asiarchs i.e., among those who then held or who previously had held the office throws, therefore, a valuable side-light ujion the attitude adopted towards Christianity by the upper classes of the provincials : it was an .Asiarch, Philip, who at Sniyrna resisted the cry of the mob to ' let loose a lion on Polycarp ' ( Eus.

///^4.5. 27)-

It would be a mistake, then, to imagine that the Asiarch, as such, had any connection with the Ephesian worship of ArUmis.

In fact Ephesus, like Miletus, was expressly rejected by Tilicrius as a claimant for the honour of an imperi.-il temple, proliably beciuse of the risk of Ciesar's worship being over- shadowed by the local cult (Tac. Ann. iv. oo 6). It would naturally, however, have the rii;lit to put f >rs\ard a candidate for the Asiarchate. We lie.<r of similar officrs in other pro- vinces e.g^., a tialatarch, a I'.itli\ 'lianh, a Syriarch, and a Lyciarch." The Last at any laic i> clearly urigiually a political officer the head of the League (Strabo, 665).

There was thus, at first, but one Asiarch in office at a time in all Asia the president of the Diet at Ephesus ; but as temples dedicated to Cnesar multiplied in the province,- and each of them became the centre of an annual festival, the chief priests at such temples per- formed the functions discharged at the festival at Ephesus by the .Asiarch, and finally the presidency of the festival even at Ephesus was taken from the chair- man of the Diet and given to the chief priest. The Diet and its civil functions thus fell into the background, and the name .Asiarch came to mean the priestly provider of a popular festival in coimection with the worshi]) of a dead or reigning emperor. With the growing importance of this worship the religious influence of the priestly Asiarchs extended ; and as the worship of the emperor became the outward sign of loyalty to the empire, it was through the provincial chief-priesthoods that the old and the new faith came into contact. Hence Julian writes to the Galatarch as the proper medium for his anti-Christian propaganda. (See Momms. Provinces, 1 344 fol. ET, Rams. Class. Nev. 8174. A different view in a long article by Brandis in Pauly's /?. /inc. new ed. s.v.). W. J. vv.


(AceBei&c [B], aciBi&c [A], /weAxiAC [E]), in the list of those with foreign wives (see Ezra, i. 5, end), I Esd. 926= Ezra 10 25 (caBia [N]. a. [A.], Bom.). See Mai.chij.mi, 5. Asibias is probably a Graicised form of Hashabiah.


(hii'bV. 31 ; ACIh\ [B.AL]). i. a name in the genealogy of Simeon (i Ch. 435).

1 (tal aeC Tivet ef avrfii eliriv 01 <rpo>TevoiTes Kara. t|I' inaL(>xCa.v, otit 'A(ridpxf KoXova-iv (Strabo, 64Q).

2 .Already in 26 a.d., for example, a temple was erected in Smyrna to Tilierius, jointly with his mother Livia, and the Senate (Tac. .-1. iv. 154563).

2. A scribe, 4 E^sd. 14 24 (as/hhl).

3. Tob. 1 1 RV, AV AsAKL (q.v.).


(ACei<t)<\ [A]), I Esd. 5 29= Ezra 2 43-



(ihp^^'it.), Judg.liS AV, RV Ashkelon.


RV :Asmodaeus (acmoAaycI'M. -Aai- OC L^AJ, -Aeoc [N]), called ' the evil demon ' (Tob. i<8, 17). Considering ( i ) the close connection of the story of Tobit with Media, (2) the affinity of the seven archangels in Tob. 12 15 to the seven Mazdean Amesha9[x;ntas, and (3) the impossibility of deriving Asmodeus or .Asmodai (or the later Hebrew forms, on which see below) from ncrK. ' to destroy, ' we are obliged to look for an arch- demon of similar name and attributes in Mazdean demonology. The Asmodeus of Tobit has two attri- butes : he is lustful (like a satyr), and has the power to slay those who oppose his will (Tob. 38 G15 "'^). Now, it is true that there is no demon in Mazdeism of similar name who has exactly those characteristics ; but one of the seven arch-demons who are oijposed to the seven Mazdean archangels is called .\cshma, and is the impersonation of anger (the primary meaning) and rapine. So constaiuly is he mentioned in the .Avesta beside .Angra Mainyu or Ahriman (with his weiipon ' the wounding spear') that we could not wonder if he l)e- came naturalised in the spirit-world of the Jews in the Persian period. Once adopted, he would naturally assume a somewhat difl'erent form ; his attributes would be modified by the sovereign will of the popular imagina- tion. This was actually the course of history, as modern critics hold. By the time the Book of Tobit was written Adshma had already a well-tlefined ro/f, and, though vindictive ;is ever, had exchanged the field of battle for less noble haunts. The Asmodai <>f Tobit is, in fact, the counterpart of Limth {t/.v.), and in still later times divided with her the dominion of the shedim or demons. Asmodai, or, as his name is written in Targ. and Talmud, 'Ki:;rN or "icc'K. ";'s as dangerous to women as Lilith was to men, thougli we also find him represented in a less otlious character as a potent, wise, and sometimes even jocular elf (sec Gittim, 68(7, in Wiinsche's 1 er bab. Tnlm. 2180-183). The second part of the name .Ashmodai is of uncertain origin. Most connect it with the Zend dunut. ' demon ' ; but, though the combination Aeshmo dacvo is not im- possible, it is nowhere found in the texts. Kohut's explanations [Jiid. Angelologie and Aruc/i, s.v.) are pre- carious.

Cp Zemiavesta and Pahlavi Texts in SBE; Spiegel, ErAn. Atter:humskunde,'i.-L-ii /.\ Grunhaum, Z/X1/0 31 204, etc.; Kohut's /</. Ant;eioiogie, 72, etc. T. K. C.


{TMj:?\<, -thornbush' ; acena [BA] ; -nna [E] ; asena). The B'ne .Asnah, a family of Nethinim in the great post-exilic list (see EzKA, ii. 9), Ezra25o = 1 Esd. 531, -As.XNA {aaaava [B], acra. [.A]) Neh.Tsa 6'- (EV, following BNA, om. ).


RV Osnaim'AK, better Asfinappar ("iS:DN ; NA(t)Ap [A], AceNN. [ll. caAmanac- CApHC [L], .is!iX.iPii.4R), Ezra49/ To ' the great and noble .Asfinappar' is ascriljed the transplanting of several nations into Samaria from Ixiyond the Euphrates. The two epithets naturally suggest that an .Assyrian king is referred to, and, as Bosanquet in G. Smith's Hist, of Assurbariipal. 364 ['71], suggested, the king can only tie the conqueror of Susa Asur-bani-pal (^sjrK from SB](2n)DN = S3-:3"iDN)-^ This view is confirmed by the discovery (due to Marq. Fund. 59) of a various reading for 1BJDK which underlies the impossible .Asbacaphath {q.v.) of I Esd. .'j 69, viz. 1E1CN. The two readings supplement each other, and are e.xplained by a common original nsjaDX, which is clearly .Asur-bani-pal. This great king's name must have stood both in Ezra 4 2

1 An explanation, in the form which Gel/er gave to it (.4^^75^ ['75D, now widely accepted. Cp, however, HalAvy, REJ ix. la.

( ' Esarhaddon ' being an ignorant scribe's alteration) and in the source from which the statement in Ezra 4 2 is derived (perhaps 2 K. 17 24, which at present merely refers to 'the king of Assyria'). See further, ASUR-HAM-I'AL.


(acom [HA]), I Esd. 9 33 = Ezra 10 33. IlAsniM.


(IDS, p^'then: AcniC [HAL]) in Dt. 3233 Job 20.4-6 (ApAKCON LJ^5AC]) Is. 118 AV, in I's.f,84 91 13 VV"'>-'- (BaciAickoc [HSARTJ), and in Rom. Sist; probably sonic species of viper (cp AUDER, 2), see iJER- I'KNT, J; I, n. 5.


(ACTTAAAeoc [BSA] ; balsamum) is associated with cinnamon and other perfumes in the Praiseof Wisdom ( licclus. 24 15). Theophrastus [Hist.^j) mentions it along with various spices, etc. , used in making unguents, and in Pliny (//.V2224) it is 'radix unguentis expetiht-.' Fra;is, the most recent writer on classical botany (Synopsis Plantarum Florce Classics, 49), refers it conjecturally to Genista acanthoclada, D.C. , a native of Greece and the Grecian archipelago ; but the most that can safely be said is that it seems to have teen a prickly shrub, probably leguminous, with a scented wood or root. The ante-Linnoean commentaries devoted much attention to it, but with no more definite result. It has evidently been lost sight of since classical times, and supplanted by other perfumes. w. T. t.-d.


(XnSDX, (t)AC^<^[I!^*'"]. ^lAfA [N*"], (})A. [A], cJ)ACA [!>]. one of the ten sons of Ham.\N ((/. 7'. ) E.St. 97. I'ott and Hcnfey ex])lain the name as the Pers. aspadata, ' ab ecjiio sacro datus ' (cp Be.-Rys. ) ; but the MT reading is too insufficiently supported.

ASPHAR, The Pool[edit]

(Aakkoc^ accJjapLwXV; Jos.], A- &c4)AA [A] ; /ari/s Asphar [Vg.]), in the wilderness of Tekoa, is mentioned in coimection with the struggle of Jonathan and Simon the Maccabees with Bacchides ( I Mace. 933 ; cp Jos. Ant. xiii. 1 2). The Be'cr Asphar is probably the modern Bir-Selhiih, a considerable reservoir in the wilderness, 6 m. WSW. of Engedi, and near the junction of several ancient roads (described by Rob. BR 2 202) ; the hills around still bear the name Safrd, an equivalent of .Vsphar. A less probable identifi- cation is that with the ruins and cistern, es-Za'fcrdneh to the S. of Tekoa (Buhl, Pal. 158). G. A. S.


(accIjapACOC [BA]), i Esd. 53 = Ezra22, .Mizi>ar.


('?X"'-l':;*X, 67, ecpiHA [BAL] ; the patro- nymic is Asrielite, *V5<;?"P^n. -A[e]i [BAF], cep. [L]). a Gileadite family, descended from Manasseh through Machir, losh. 1/2 (lezemA [B], epi. [A]), Nu. 2631 (cepi. [I'll- In I Ch. 7 14-19 (AcepeiHA [B], AV Ash- rikl; see Manasseh), a very different Manassite gene- alogy, the name is probably dittography of the syllables immediately following (ync'N ; cp also text of "); read, ' The sons of Manasseh whom his concubine the Ara- niitess bare ' (cp (jen. 4620 (S). The name may be old, though it comes to us from late writers.


("llt^n;- fem. pnX;' ONOC [BAL]; asinus, asina]. Wild Ass (NIS or" -ihr = Chald. Tli; ; ^ ovos aypios ; onager), and Young Ass (IT, wu\os [B.\L]).

The followi.^g are the passages : (a) for 'ass' Gen. 12 16 223 40 1 1 14 ((0 TOKaAd^), K.x. 13i3 Nu 22 28 Dt. 22 10 Judg. 5 10 (viTo^vyiov [Ah]) 15 15 2 K. 62s Is. 21 7 Zech. 99 ((P ujrofwyioi') Mt. 2I2 I.k. 13i5 etc.; (/) for 'wild ass' Job6 5 11 12 ( ofo? ep7)f<.iTT)s) 24 5 ( ovoi) 3;t 5 Ps. 104 11 (O ovaypot.) Is. 32 14 Jer.

1 The usual rendering of "IN3 or li3 in (B.

2 Root npn, 'to be red.' On the form cp Lag. Uebers. ii, Barth, iVB'ig^.


(acaBi&c [10). RV Sabias, iEsd.19 =:2Ch. 359, Hashabiah, 6.


(ACCAAiMcaG [really -^c caA. A]), I Esd. 836 AV= Ezras 10, Shei.omith, 4.


RV Assamias (accamiac [B]), i Esd. 8 54=: Ezra 8 24, Hashabiah, 7.


(AccAcJjeicoe [B]),

Ezra255, Hassophereth.

Esd. 533 RV

t the ?".gyptians execrate the Tuf^ttifa, Kixi bvuiSri t|' ;(/)odi/

1 Cp Plutarch s statement tl ass Sia. TO TTvppou yeyoi/eVai to (quoted by Bochart).

2 niins nijilN, not strictly 7vhite, but white spotted with red, as the .>ame word means in Arabic, where it is specially applied to the she-a.ss.


the RV rendering of ciK&pioi [Ti. Wll], M..in! -i.e., ' dagKwmon : Acts 21 38 (AV niurdurers.). They are so called from the sica or small curve<l sword, resembling the Persian acinaces (Jos. Ant. xx. 8 to), which they carried under their cloaks. 'rhou<;h used generally without any political meaning (cp Schiir. (/'/7I480, note), the term sicarii came to be employed to denote the biiser and niore fanatical associates of the zealots, who.se jwlicy it was to eliminate their antagonists by assassination. See ZEALOT.


0'}P^ ' 's frequently used, especially in post-exilic literature, to denote the theocratic convocation of Israel, the gathering of the ixjojjle in their religious capacity. It thus Ix-conies synonymous with iKK\y)ffla (so generally (p ; in Nu. 2(146 10 12 owafwyi), so Lk. 4 13 14), which in the N'l" is used of the Christian church, in contrast to the Jewish kdhdl of the Mosaic dispensa- tion. See CjlfKCH, I. Closely allied in meaning and usage is niy (from i;", 'to appoint': a company assembled together by appointment), employed to de- note the national body politic. Mosaic Israel encamped in the desert (cp Kue. Einl. 15, n. 12). Both, e.g., include the .i,^r (cp for 'y I'",x. I'iig, for 'p Nu. Ifus ; see .SrR.\N(iKR AND SojouKNKK ), but are sometimes interchanged (cp Nu. I646/. [17 10/.] 20). The dis- tinction between the two, which was doubtless always observetl, is clearly seen, e.g., in Lev. -i ij /. ('if the whole congregation of Israel shall sin, and the thing be hid fronj the eyes of the assembly . . . when the sin therein is known then the aw^'w^// shall offer' . . . ), where the kCihiil is composed of the judicial representa- tives, the picked members of the ,-;ny (cp also Ut. '2.'.\\f. where certain classes of the people i.e., Ihe'edd/i may not enter into the kahal). See Sy.nedkiu.M.

Apart from their occurrence in the more secular meaning of ' nnillitude, lunnlxir, swarm," both Sip and r\-\]! occur but rarely in pre-Deuteronomic literature.

Snp(>)KV 'assembly": cp Kx. IO3 Lev. 4 13^ and Jer. Si'.ij (crvcaywyj)) .')0g (ycuyai) K/. 'Ji'.j.i (d\Aos), etc. (2) KV 'congre- gation' : i K. I ra 108(of the^v'A?/;) Pr. 5i4Mi. \ 'assembly': Nu. 1515'- lt)47 . .^35 1 Judg. '2I5 (see

Jrix,i:s, I ,) ,. ;-;..,.',, , ..... The coUocatiun

'day of assembly' Di. 'J 10 IU4 (& um.) ISiO, refers to the d.iy on which the Law was given upon Sinai. For its more secular meaning cp Clen. 35 1 1 (P)'- Ez. 17 17 ( oxAo? KV ' company ') ; (;en. 283'-i -184 (P)'-! Nu. 2'24 (K),'-' .VV 'multitude,' RV 'com- pany' (ui Kz. li)4o "2346, (B 6xAo9, RV ' assembly '). Cp also I S. 1747 ' the assembly of Israel present at the fight between D.-ivid and (loliath (E? see .Samukl, g 4). The earliest occur- rence is probably tien. ii'.l6 (tP crucrTatrij) the kiihdl of Simeon and Levi (parallel to -|ia). Closely related is TyT'T\'p ' assembly,' Neh..')7: cp Dt.3342(AV 'congregation'), and i S. 19 20 (after (P ; cp.S /><'/'</ /,)<. The passage is Midrashic). The verb (*P ft(c)cAT)(7ia^ni', fKK\.) is equally rare in pre-exilic literature; cp Jer. 2<>q l)t.4io 31 1228 also i K. 8iy. l'22i (see Ki.st;s, g 5) Judg. 201 (see Jtl)ca;s, 13) Kx. 32 1 (E) ((rvncrrai'ai) 146 (Trapc^ijSoATJ) and 2 S. '20 14 (E? cp under Sheba).

niy, ' congregation ' (<B usually avfaytoyri) EV Ex. 16 1 7?; Xu. 2O11, etc. EV 'a.s.sembly,' Ps. 22i6 [17] Pr. 614; but RV 'congregation,' Lev. 84 Ku. 89 lOz/. Iti2 '208 Ps. S(m4. In

? re-exilic literature cp Nu. "2011 (R?); Jer. ('118 (us clausum ; cp WRS, Sent. 456, who

notes the proverbial 3'iyi '\>-i'^ 'one under a taboo and one free.' Cp .Ass. eseru, to bind, enclose ; uftirtu, magical spell, constellation (Muss-.\rnolt).

where it is used of a ' band ' of evil doers (avvoioi, KV 'assembly'; Che. emends to n"i:n. JQJi, July i8y8), is a technical term for some public religious convocation im- pcjsing restraints on the individual (EV, SoLKMN ,-\s- siMHi.V) ; cp 2 K. IO20 (in honour of Baal, i(p[<Ja [M.\], 0(paw(ia [L]), Joelli4 2i5 ('y ^tnp parallel to Cii inp, tfe/)oir[e]ia = .Ti;y), Am. 621 (parallel to ;::. iravriyvpii), and Is. 1 13 ('ji jik, read 'p c^i'. and .--i-e Jastrow, Amer. J. J'lieol. '98, p. 336 ; vrjcrfia k. dyp.a't). Technically, 'd.uirdh is used almost wholly in post- exilic writings ( invariably i^ubiov, finale, close ; cp C> s title Ps. 28 [29]), of (a) the assembling upon the sevemh day of unleavened cakes, Dt. 168' (kV'"'i.'- Cujsi.ng Fkstivai,) ; (b) the eighth or sujx'rnumerary day in ecclesiastical language the octave of the Feast of Booths, Lev. 2^36 Nu. 2935 (KV"'K- as al)ove) Neh. 818 ; similarly the eighth day at the close of .Solomon's dedicatory festival (2 Ch. 79), and [c) the I-'east of Weeks, Jos. Ant. iii. 106 (acapda) and in the Mishna.

2. lyii's, mo ed (Nu. 162);'c'K"ip, famous in the congre- gation, RV, preferably 'called to the assembly"; fiov\-r\\ cp also P.s. 74 8 RV'tf- ( EV synagogues. eopTT]). 'Fhe locution lyio S.nk, ' tent of congregation (RV meeting) ' (G aK-qvT) /xapTvpLov), occurs frec|uently in P.also Kx. 337 Nu. 124 Ut. 31 14 (H). Nu. 11 16 (J) ; and outside Hex. in i S. 222 ^ ; but (P" om. ) i K. 84 ( t6 ffKTivwfjia Tov /jLapTvpiov) (see KiSGs, 5). Cp also CuNGKKG.\TioN, MoUNT OK ; Sv.NAGOGLE ; and see Tahkknacle.

lyiO is properly an appointed time or place (like my from ly) ; cp Gen. IS 14 (0 icatpds), etc., Iim. 26 ((P eopr^), etc. ; hence used of a .sacred season or set feast (Hos. 9 5, (P iravTJyupn, etc.), probably also one set by the moon's appearance (cp (len. 1 14 icaipos). In designating feasts it is employed in a mucli wider sense than in (see Feasts, g 6, Dance, 3). It is Used not only of the year of Release (Dt. 31 10 iD icaipo?), and of the Passover (Hos. 129(10] kop-n\),'^ but also of the Sabbath, New- Year, and Day of Atonement (cp Lev. 23 iop-ri]).

3. Kipc, mikrd'; Is. 1 13 'd K-.p, the calling of assemblies (<5 r]fi4pa fieydXrj) ; cp Is. 4 15 ( ra Trfpii;vi;\cfi). The locution cn'p K-:po> ' '^o'y convocation " (6 kXtjtij, or ^iriK\-r]Tos ayLa\ only in P (Ex. 12 16 Lev. 23 2 J". Nu. 28

1825/ 29 I 7 I.:i I.

4. niD. sud, Jer. 6 II ( avvayuryrj) l.'i 17 ( aivtSpiov] ; Ps. 897 [8] 111 I, kV 'council,' G jiovXri ; also in Lz. 139, AV"'e- RV 'council,' RV'"*.'- 'secret,' (S iraiSda. See Council, 3.

5. n'lSDN 'S^|3, badledsuppoth, Eccl. 12 n ((5 irapa jQiv avvOffidTuv), masters of assemblies, a reference to the convocations of the wise men (cp Ph. nscN ]2, ' memlwr of an assembly ' ) ; RV""*.'- ' collectors of sentences ' ; Tyler, ' editors of collections' ; Haupt, ' \ crses of a cob lection'; Che. 'framers of collections' /.f. ,'k 'V>S (A^- AV/. Li/r, 182). ""='

6. <*.-K\T7(ria (cp above) Mt. lGi3 IS17 Acts 1932 394' Heb. 1223 ; see C'Ht.Kt ii.

7. ffifaywyrj (cp above) Ja. 22 AV, RV""*-'-; R\' Synag()(;uk ((/.!'.).


See Assyria.

ASSHUR, City Of.[edit]

See Telassar.


(Dn-I^'N, AcoypiM [A]; AccoypieiM [D L] ; AccoypiHA [I"-]), i^ *""'st born of Ui-.dan (Cen. '2'>3). The name is enigmatical. Hommel(,-///7'239/') thinks that we should read Ashurim, not Asslfurim, and that .-\shur is the fuller and older form of Sulij. InaMinnean inscription ((ilaser, 1 155 ; cpWi. .lO/'zS/. and see /.DMCt, 1895, p. 527) l"-gypt, Ashur and 'Ibr Naharan are grouped together (see Kbkr). The same territory, extending from the ' River of h-gypt ' (?) to the country between lieersheba and Hebron, may perhaps be meant in Gen. 25 18, where the gloss ' in the direction

t The only pre-exilic occurrence of 'y in a technical sense ; but note that according to .St. (7/'/1658, tn\ 1-4 5-8 are doublets; cp Nowack, A n'l. 2 154 note.

2 We., however (AV. /V</A.()> reads "jmyj, and Now. cViy

of nitj-K ( ' ' Ashur ") ' was misunderstood by the authors of the vowel-points. The reference intended was, according to Hominel, to Ashur in S. Palestine ; he proposes to read Ashur, not Asshur, also in Nu. 2422 24. The latter view, at any rate, is very improbable (see Balaam, 6). Cp also Gksiiuk, 2.


RV ' Hasidaeans," RV2; 'that is Chasidim' (d^CiAAlOl [ANVJ), is a transcription of the Hebrew hasidim, pious ones (AV, generally, saints). It is often used of faithful Israelites in the Psalms (17 times in plur. , 5 times in sing.), and sometimes un- questionably of the so-called Assideans [e.g., IIG15 149 1 5 9). In I Mace, the name appears as the designa- tion of a society of men zealous for the law ( i Mace. 242 according to the correct text as given by Fritzsche), and closely connected with the scribes (i Mace. 7 12/). It is plain from these passages that this society of 'pious ones,' who held fast to the law under the guidance of the scribes in opposition to the 'godless' Hellenising party, was properly a religious, not a political, organisation. For a time they joined the revolt against the .Seleucids. The direct identification of the Assideans with the Maccabee party in 2 Mace. 146, however, is one of the many false statements of that book, and directly contradictory to the trustworthy narrative of i Mace. 7, which shows that they were strictly a religious party, who scrupled to oppose the legitimate high priest, even when he was on the Greek side, and withdrew from the war of freedom as soon as the attempt to interfere with the exercise of the Jewish religion was given up. We are not to suppose that the Assidcan society first arose in the time of the Maccabees. The need of protesting against heathen culture was doubtless felt earlier in the Greek period. The 'former hasJdim,' as a Jewish tradition [Nedarim, 10 a) assures us, were ascetic legalists. Under the Asmonean rule the Assideans developed into the better known party of the Pharisees, and assumed new relations to the ruling dynasty. It appears, from the Psalter of Solomon, which represents the views of the Pharisees, that the party continued to affect the title of ' pious ones' [Hxnot), but less frequently than that of 'righteous ones' (Skatot). Indeed, the third Jewish party of the .\smonean period had already appropriated the former name, if we may adopt Schlirer's derivation of Esskne {q.v.). See We. Pk. u. Sadd. ('74), p. 76/:, whose results WRS adopted, and cp Schiir. Hist, /i 7^1 212; Che. OPs, 56 (on the u.se of 'Assideans'), and other passages (index under khasuiim). W. K. S. T. K. C.


(T'DX. ' prisoner ; but perhaps rather TDX = Osiris ;^ cp HuR).

1. (In Ex. ao-eip [BF], ojtn\p [AL] ; in i Ch. apfo-ci, acrepei, acretp [I?], acreip [.\], aTijp acrep \\.\ ; Asir). The enoiiym of one of the families or divisions of the Korahiie guild of Levites ; Ex. 024[P]. Cp I Ch. 622/: 37 [7/ 20], and for the inter- pretation ofthe.se discrepant genealogies see Kokah.

2. Sonof Jeconiah(i Ch.3i7 ; a<7-ip(HAL]). .So AV, following a Juwi.sh view that Assir and Sliealtiel are the names of two different sons of Jehoiachin(.S"aAtvr'/-/M, 37 a; Midrash Vayikra, par. X.; Midr. Shir /la-Shiriin, on 86; so Kinichi); but the best texts (Ha., Ginsh.) make ' Jeconiah-.'Vssir ' the name of one man. Kau. /AV and SBOT rightly restore the article before Assir (the preceding word ends in ,n). Render, therefore, ' Jeconiah the captive ' (so RV). Cp Shealtiel.

ASSOS. or ASSUS[edit]

(accoc [Ti. WII]), Acts 20 13,^ a town and seaport in the Roman province of Asia ; now liehram Kalessi. Strabo, who ranks Assus and Adramyteum together as 'cities of note,' pithily describes the former as lying in a lofty situation, with splendid fortifications, and communicating with its harbours by means of a long flight of steps (610, 614). So strong was the position that it gave, rise to a pun by the musician Stratonicus, who applied to it the line haaov W\ (Ss Kiv da^aaov 6\iOpov irelpad' iKr/ai. ' Come anigh, that anon thou mayest enter the toils of death' (Hom. //. vi. 143). The joke lay in reading 'Aaaov id' =' Come to Assus.' The town was always singularly Greek in character. Leake observes that its ruins give ' perhaps the most perfect idea of a Greek city that anywhere exists.' The material is granite, which partly accounts for their immunity from spoliation. One of the most interesting parts is the Via Sacra, or Street of Tombs, extending to a great distance to the NW. from the gate of the city. It is bordered by granite colfins, some of them of great size. In Roman times, owing to its supposed power of accelerating the decay of corpses (PI. //N '2g8 8627), the stone of Assus received the name sarcophagus. Paul must have entered the city by the Street of Tombs on his last journey to Jerusalem (Acts 20 13 14). The apostle had landed at Troas and walked or rode the 20 m. thence to Assus in time to join his companions, who had meanwhile sailed round Cape Lectum.

A good account of Assos is given in Fellows, Asia Minor, 52; Murray's Handbook 0/ .A. .It. 64: for its inscriptions see Report o( the: American K.vpedition, 1882. w. J. W.


(acyhroc [B] etc.) Tob. 14i5t AV, RV Ahasuekus [q.v., no. 3).


(i) (-|1K>N) Ezra42 Ps. 838 AV, 4 Esd. 2 8 EV (As.'!ur [ed. Bensly]) Judith 2 14 etc. AV, RV As-SHUR ; elsewhere RV Assyria {(/.v.).

2. (acoyP [BA]), I Esd. 53i = Ezra25i> Harhuk.



Names and References ( \/.). Country, etc. ( 3-6). People, Language, Religion (7-9) Civilization (10-17). Excavations ( 18). Chronology ( 19-21). Personal Names ( 22). Early History ( 23-25). First Kings ( 26). Shalniane.ser I. ( 27).

Tiglath-pileser I., etc. ( 28-30). A.sur-nasir-pal ( 31). Shalmane>,er II., etc. (8 32). Tiglath-pileser III., etc. ( 33/). Bibli..graphy ( 35).

Assur, the name of the country _known to us as Assyria, was written in Hebrew ~I-1B^X, EV AssiiuK,

or more fully -VjCTK pN, in the LXX

I. Names.[edit]

- ' ' ,_.,

ACCOYP ^nd ACCYPIOC ('- sometnnes ACOYP) ^y Josephus and the (Jreek historians ' Xaavpia, in the CJreek of the Alexandrian epoch '.Aroi'pi'a, and in Aramaic Athiir, Athiiriyd, in which form the name survived as that of a diocese of the Nestorian Church.

Other forms occurring once in are : ao-ovp in E and in A ; otro-ouptct/Lt in D, in A, and in L respectively ; -piTjA in E ; ao-crupos

1 Nestle, Eisrennamen, 11 1 : Che. Prof>h. Is. on Is. 10 1 in SBOT; see also Names, f 82.

2 For literature see Babylonia, \^ff.

2 144 300, and

in Al ; a<roupi/i in A; crvpioi in B* ; aovp in B-ib jja'a-bca (and twice in A) ; Top in N*.

By the Assyrians themselves the name of their country waswritten phonetically 'i^ * >-^ or ^ >-^ KI^I' or (combining the two) V" ^ *^ KI^I' ^'^'^ ^'^"^ ^ and /TT being determinatives respectively for 'land' and 'place.' .Subscquentl\-, the two signs that formed the word, > ( -as) and >-^ ( = Jr), were run together and the name was written ';;;^ -^i^ KIeI

1 In 2O13 Vg. translates apoKre? atrirov (Ti. WH) by cum sustulissent de Asson, taking the word (incorrectly) as the name of the city.

V" *-*-V ^"<^ finally the writing of the name was abbreviated to the single horizontal stroke that forms its first syllable. \^ .^^ -^ ^Jg. The name

v.as also written V ^Hf- JJ Ip E-^H' "^^ ^"f Vr -V or V ->f --V <^-i-'-> 'land of tlu! goii Asur."' In fact, it is prob.ible that the city of Asur, from which the land of Assur was named, received its title from the national god. Other in- stances are known in which a god has given his name to the country or city that worshipped him. The land of Ciuti that lay to the K. of Assyria beyond the Lower Zab appears to have taken its name from (juti its national god, whilst the god Susinak gave his name to the city of Susinak or Susa, the principal tow II on the banks of the Eula.'us. The general term among the (jreeks for all subjects of the Assyrian empire was 'Affavpioi, which was more usually short- ened into ^vpioi or i:,vpoi.'^ The abbreviated form a( the word was, however, gradually confined to the western Aramaic nations, being at last adopted by the Aram:t!ans tlicmselves. These peoi)le. on Ijecoming Christians, drojjped their old name in consequence of the heathen associations it had accjuired in their transla- tion of the XT, and styled themselves Siir'ydye, whence the modern term ' Syriac. ' The unabbreviated name was used to designate the district on the banks of the Tigris, and this form of the word, passing from the Greeks to the Romans, finally reached the nations of northern Kuroiie.

References to Assyria or the Assyrians in the OT are very numerous, though they are in the main confined to the historical and the prophetic references.

books ; the former describing the rela- tions of Assyria with the later kings of Israel and Judah, the latter commenting on these relations and ottering advice. The prophets, in their denunciations and predictions, sometimes refer to the Assyrians by name ; at other times, though not actually naming them, they dcscrilie them in terms which their hearers could not possibly mistake.

The principal references may l)e classified under the following three headings : ((i) Geographical use of the name As.syria : to describe the course of the Tigris in the account of the garden of Eden (den. 'J 14), and to indicate the region inhabited by the sons of Islimael ('Jo 18). (/) Rcfeniic f -, \., in.if is of history: the f>undation of the .Assyrian cmiii:.' (Imh. luu), and its classification among the naliuiis f 10 . ) ; Mr ii.ili .in's tribute (2 K. \'i \()/.) \ the captivity ofiiorilvrn Im:i' 1(1s. '.i 1 ;s 23); 2K. 1.') 29 ;

I Ch. 526); the assis'tan..- , ,f Ah,/ l,y Tighuh-i.il._sor, followed by the capture and u.r.i iviis- nl I i.uiiascus (2 K. Hi 5-1S ; 2 Ch. 2820/); Hosheas suj.jc. Hull h, Shalmaneser (2K. 173); his treachery and pnnishmtnt (17 4); the siege and capture of Samaria (17 57C 18 0-12), and the colonisation of the countrj- by foreigners (17 24 ff'.) ; Sennacherib's invasion of Palestine and Hezekiah's payment of tribute, his refusal to submit to further demands, the escape of Jerusalem from the Assyrian vengeance, and Sennacherib's death (2 K. IS i3-l'.'37 ; Is. 3C. and 37 ; 2 Ch. S"2i-23); the trade of .Assyria with Tyre (Ezek. "27 23) ; gcieral references to past captivity or oppression by Assyria (Is. 524; Jer. .^>0i7; Lam. 5 6; Ezek. 289^?; 23); reference to the punish- ment that overtook -XssjTia (Je: . '>0 18) ; reference to the coloniza- tion of Palestine by Esarhaddon (Ezra 4 2). (t) Pmphetic criticism and forecasts : evil or captivity threatened or foretold as coming from Assyria (Nu. 24 32 ; Hos. 9 3 11';; Is. 7 17^ 10 5 23 13; Ezek. 23233222; Ps.S3 8): the futility of depending on Assyrian he!p(Hos. .5 137117: 8 ^/. IO4-6 12 i : Jer. 2 18 -6); the participation of Israel in Assyrian idolatry (Ezek. 1<>28 23 5^); prophecies of the return from rr.piivity in Assyria (Hos.

II II ; Mic.7 12 ; Is. 11 11 16; Zech. lOio); predictions of over- throw or misfortune for Assyria (Nu. 2424; Mic. 65/; Is. 10 Hj^. 1425 3O31 318; Ezek.'3l3^ ; the prophecy of Nahum ;

1 Throughout the present article the form fi$.\\r is employed for the name of the god and city, AS-Snr for that of the land. In the inscriptions the name of the land is written with the doubled sibilant, an original Assyrian form that is not inconsistent with the later Greek and Aramaic renderings of the name (see N6l- deke, /^A 1 268^). The name of the god, however, is written in the inscriptions both with the single and doubled sibilant, of which the former may be regarded as the more correct on the basis of the Greek and Hebrew transliteration of certain proper names, in which the name A5ur occurs (see Jensen, iCA 1 i^. and Schrader, ib. 209 _^).

2 On this see Svria.

Zeph. 213; Zech. lOii); references to Assyria as taking part in the final cuiiveisii^ii and reconciliation of mankind (I-. ID 23^. 27 13). In some of these pa.%sages, however, Assyria may = Syria {g.v.).

It is difficult to define exactly the Boundaries of Assyria. The extent of the country varied from time to time according to the adtiitional territory actiuired in con<|uest by its

and extent. jonjirchs, and the name itself has at times suffered from a somewhat vague and general application. The classical writers employed it in a conventional sense for the whole area watered by the Tigris and the luiphrates, including northern Baby- lonia, whilst its use has even been e.xtended so as to cover the entire tract of country from the coast of the Mediterranean to the mountains of Kurdi.stan. In a definition of the extent of Assyria projier, however, any vague use of the name may be ignored, for, although at one time the Assyrian empire embraced the greater part of western Asia, the provinces she included in her rule were merely foreign states not attached to herself by any organic connection, but retained by force of arms. In general terms, therefore, the land of

Assyria may be said to have been situated in the upper portion of the Mesopotamian valley about the middle course of the river Tigris, and here we may trace certain natural limits which may be regarded as the proper boundaries of the country. The mountain chains of Armenia and Kurdistan form natural barriers on the N. and K. On the S. the boundary that divided Assyria from Babylonia was in a constant state of fluctuation ; but the point at w hich the chaiacter of the country changes from the flat alluvial soil of the Habylonian plain into the slightly higher and more undulating tracts to the X. gives a sufficienlly well- defined line of demarcation. On the W. , Assyria in its earliest period did not e.\tend Ix;yond the territory watered by the Tigris; but, finding no check to its advance in that direction, it gradually absorbed the whole of Mesopotamia as far S. as Babylon, until it found a frontier in the waters of the Euphrates.

4. Description, j, ^^^ ^ ^y ^-^^^-^^^ .[edit]

^^^^ jj,.j f

The chief feature of the country is the river TiGlUS (^.7'.), which, rising in the mountains of Armenia, runs _ . . . southward and divides Assvria into an

Assyria which is situated on the I-:, or left bank of the Tigris, though the smaller, has always been nnich the more important. The country on that side of the liver consists of a continuous plain broken uj) by low detaclicd ranges of limestone hills into a series of shallow valleys through which small streams run. All the main tribu- taries, too, that feed the Tigris rise in the Kurdish moun- tains, and flow through this K. division of the countiy. The E. Khabur, the Oreat or Upper Zab, the Little or Lower Zab, the.Adhem, and the Diyala join the Tigris on its left or E. bank. Being therefore so amply sujiplied with water, this portion of the country is very fertile, and well suited by nature for the rise of imiwrtant cities. On the other hand, W. Assyria, which lies between the Tigris and the Euphrates, is a much drier and ir.ore barren region. The fall of the two rivers between the point where they issue from the .'^purs of the Taurus and the point where they enter the Babylonian alluvium a distance of si.\ hundred or seven hundred miles amounts to about one thousand feet, the Tigris having the shorter course, and lieing, therefore, more rapid. The country l-lween the rivers consists of a plain, sloping gently from the NW. to the SIO. In its upper part this region is somewhat rugged ; it is in-, tersected by manv streams, which unite to form the Belikh and W. Khabur. The rivers flowing S. join the Euphrates, and the district through which they pass is watered sufficiently for purposes of cultivation. In the SW. , however, the supply of water is scanty, and the country tends to become a desert, its slightly undulating surface being broken only by the Sinjar range, a single row of limestone hills. The district

5. Cities.[edit]

S. of these hills is waterless for the greater part of the year ; the few streams and springs are for the most part brackish, while in some places the country consists of salt deserts, and in others vegetation is rendered imposible by the nitrous character of tiio soil. It is true that on the edges of this watorkss region there are gullies (from one to two miles wide) which present a more fertile appearance. These have been hollowed out by the streams in the rainy season, and, being submerged when the river rises, have in the course of time been filled with alluvial soil. At the present day they are the only spots between the hill- country in the north and the Babylonian plain in the south where {permanent cultivation is possible. It has been urged that this portion of the country may have changed its character since the time of the Assyrian empire, and it is possible that in certain districts extensive irrigation may have considerably increased its productiveness ; but at best this portion of Assyria is fitted rather for the hunter than for the tiller of the soil. The land to the left of the Tigris is, therefore, much better suited for sustaining a large population, and it is in this district that the mounds marking the sites of the ancient cities are to be found. Asur, the earliest city of -Vssyria, is

indeed situated to the west of the Tigris, near the spot where Kal'at .Shcrk.it now stands ; but its site is witliin a short distance of the river, and it was the only city of importance on that side of the stream. .\part from its earliest caisital, the chief cities of Assyria were Nineveh, Calah, and Dur-.Sargina. Nineveh, whose foundation must date from a period not much more recent than that of .\sur, was considerably to the N. of that city, ojiposite the modern town of Mosul ( Mtnv.u'I), on the I'",, bank of the Tigris, at the point where the small stream of the Khosr empties its waters ; its site is marked by the mounds of Kuyunjik .and Nebi Yunus(cp Nl.N'KVEii). Calah, founded by Shalmaneser I., corresponds to the modern Ninirud, occupying a position to the S. of Nineveh on the tongue of land fonned by the junction of the Upper Zab with the Tigris (cp Cai.aii). Dfir-.S.argina, 'the wall of Sargon,' was founded by that monarch, who removed his court thither ; the site of the city is marked by the modern village of Khorsabad, to the NE. of Nineveh (cp S.\kc;on). It will be seen that there was a tendency throughout .Assyrian history to move the centre of the kingdom northwards, following the course of the Tigris. Other cities of importance were Arba'il or Irba'il (Arbela) on the K. of the Upper Zab; Ingur-Bel (cor- responding to the modern Tell - Balawat), situated to the .SE. of Nineveh ; and Tarbis, its site now marked by the village of Sherif-Khan, lying to the NW. of Nineveh.

6. Natural resources .[edit]

From the abo\e V)rief description of the country, it may be inferred that .Assyria [jresents considerable

- -KT^f.. 1 differences of climate. !".. Assyria was

, . , , . ' .

a favoured region, possessmg a good rainfall during winter and even in the spring, and having, in virtue of its proximity to the Kurdish mountains and its abundant sujjply of water, a climate cooler and moister than was generally enjoyed to the W. of the Tigris. In this latter region the some- what rigorous climate of the mountainous district in the N. presents a strong contrast to the arid character of the waterless steppes in the centre and the S. The frequent descriptions of the extreme fertility of Assyria in the classical writers may, therefore, be regarded as in part referring to the rich alluvial plains of Babylonia. Not that .Assyria was by any means a barren land. She supplementetl her rainfall by extensive artificial irrigation, and thus secured for her fields in the hot season a continual supply of water. Her cereal crops were good. Olives were not uncommon, and the citrons of Assyria were famous in antiquity. Fruit trees were extensively cultivated, and, although the dates of Assyria were much inferior to those of Babylonia, orange, lemon, pomegranate, apricot, mulberry, vine, and fig were grown successfully. The tamarisk was an ex- ceedingly common shrub ; oleanders and myrtles grew in the eastern district ; but, except along the rivers and on the mountain slopes, trees were scanty. The trees, however, included the silver poplar, the dwarf oak, the plane, the sycamore, and the walnut. Vegetables such as beans, peas, cucumbers, onions, and lentils were grown throughout the country. Though Assyria could not compete with Babylonia in fertility, her supply of stone and minerals far exceeded that of the southern country. Dig where you will in the alluvial soil of the south, you come upon no strata of rock or stone to reward your efforts. In Assyria limestone, sand- stone, and conglomerate rock were common, whilst gray alabaster of a soft kind, an excellent material for sculpture in relief, abounds on the left bank of the Tigris ; hard basaltic rock and various marbles w ere also accessible in the mountains of Kurdistan. Iron, copper, and lead were to be found in the hill counti^' not far from Nineveh, while lead and copper were obtained from the region of the upper Tigris in the neigh- bourhood of the modern town of Diarbekr. Sulphur, alum, salt, naphtha, and bitumen were also common ; bitumen was extensively employed, in place of mortar or cement, in building (cp Bitumkn). Of the

wild animals of Assyria the lion and the wild bull are those most often mentioned in the historical in- scriptions as affording big game for the Assyrian kings. Less ambitious sportsmen might content them- selves with the wild boar and the deer, the gazelle, the ibex, and the hare ; while the wild ass, the bear, the fox, the jackal, the wild cat, and wild sheep were to be found. The most common of the birds were the kite or eagle, the vulture, the bustard, the crane, the stork, the wild goose, wild duck, teal, tern, partridge (red and black), the sand grouse, and the plover. We know from the monuments that fish were common. Of the donu^stic animals of the Assyrians the principal were camels, ho^ses, mules, asses, oxen, sheep, and goats. Dogs, resembling the mastiff in appearance, were employed for hunting. From the fact that heavy stone weights carved in the form of ducks have been found, it may be assumed that the duck was domesticated.

7. National character.[edit]

The -Assyrians belonged to the northern family of Semites, and were closely akin to the Phoenicians, the Aramaeans, and the Hebrews. Their robust physical proportions and facial characteristics are well known from the monuments, and tally with what we know of their char- acter from their own inscriptions and the writings of the Hebrew prophets. Is. 33 19 describes the Assyrians as ' a fierce people ' an ei)ithet that fits a nation whose history is one perpetual warfare. The dividing line be- tween courage and ferocity is easily overpassed, and in a military nation, such as the Assyrians were, it was but natural that there should be customs which to a later age seem b.arbarous. The practice of impaling the defenders of a captured city was almost universal with the -Assyrians ; the torturing of prisoners was common ; and the practice of beheading the slain, whilst adding insult to the vanquished, was adopted as a convenient method of computing the enemy's loss, for it was easier to count heads than to count todies. The difference in character between the -Assyrians and the milder Babylonians was due partly to the absence of that non-.Semitic element which gave rise to and continued to influence the more ancient civilisation of the latter (see B.\byloni.\, 5) ; partly, also, to differences of climate and geographical position. The ferocity and the courage of the Assyrians are to a great extent absent from the Babylonian character. It has been asserted that the Semites never make great soldiers, yet there have been two prominent exceptions to this generalisation the As- syrians and the Carthaginians. The former indeed not

MAP OF SYRIA, ASSYRIA, AND BABYLONIA [map missing - can be obtained from screenshot of PDF copy of Encyclopedia Biblica at Etana]


Piirfn/fifsfs indicating articles that refer to the place-names are in certain cases added to non-biHical names having tio biblical equivalent. The alphttbettcal arrangement ignores prefixes : el (the), J. (/ebel, mt.), Kh. (h'hirbat, ruin'), L. [lake). Mt., N. {.Xahr, 'river'), R. [river).

J. 'Abdul "Am, Ea Abu Habtah, F4 (Babylonia, || 3 14) Abu-Shahrein, H5 (Babylonia, | 3) Accho, B4 Achmetha, 1 3 Achzib, H4 Acre, B4 (Damascus, f 4) Aderbai^an, (i2, Ha R. Adheni (A'zam ?), G3 (Assyria, i 4) Adiabfnc, Fa (Disi-ersion, | 6) 'Adlan, B4 R. Adonis, B3 (Aphrk, 1) 'Afrin, Ca Agadi, F"4 (Babylonia, i 3) Agamatanu, 1 3 'Ain Kadis, B5 'Ain Tab, Ca 'Akarkuf, G4 (Babel, Tower of, | 7) 'Akka, B4 (Beth-emek) Akkad, G4 (Babylonia, | i) Akku, B4 Akzibi, B4 Alalia [Eg. "Asi], A3 (Cvprus, i j) Albak, Vji Aleppo, Ca Alexandretta, Ca Aniatu, C3 Amedi, Ea Amid, Ea Amida, Ea N. Amrit, B3 J. el-Ansariya, C3 Antakieh, Ca Anlarados, B3 (Akvad) Antioch, Ca Apaniea, C3 (mod. Rum K'ala) Apamea, Da (mod. Kal'at el-Mudik) Aradus, B3 Ararat, Ei Arba'ilu, Fa (Assyria, f 5) Arbela, Fa (Assyria, | 5) Mt. Argaeus, Bi (Cafpadocia) W. el-'Arish, As Arka, C3 Arliite, C3 Armenia, Ei (Ararat, f a) Ar Moab. B5 Arpad, Ca (Assyria, i 32) Arpadda, Ca Arrapachitis, Fa (Arphaxad) Arvad, B3 (Assyria, jf 31) Asdudu, B5 Asguza ? Ga (Ashkenaz) Ashdod. Bs Ashkelon, B5 N. el-".A.si, C3 'Askalan, Bs Askaluna, Bs Asshur, Fa Assur. Fa (Assyria, | i) Assyria. (13 Asur, F3 (Assyria, | i) AtropatC'iie, Ga R. A'zam? G3 Azotus, B5

Babylon, G4 Babylonia, Gs Bagdad, G4 (Babel, Tower of, | 7) Bagdadu, G4 Bagistana, H3 Balawat, Fa (Assyria, i 5) Baldeh, B3 R. Balicha. Da R. Balihi. Da Barzipa, G4 Basra, Hs (Babylonia, f 14) Batrun, B3 Bavian, Fa (Babylonia, | 58) Beersheba, Bs Behistun, H3 (Babylonia, %\ u 13) Beirut, B4 (Berothah) R. lielikh. Da (Assyria, | 4) lieroea, Ca Berytus, B4 Biaina, Fi (Ararat, | 2) Bir es-Seba', Bs Birejik, Ca (Carchemish, | 3) Birs-Nimrud, G4 (Babylonia, f 3) Biruti, B4 Bit Yakin, H5 and 1 5 (Chaldea) Borsippa, G4 (Babylonia, | 3) Botrys, B3 ' Brook of Eg)'pt,' A5 Byblos, B3 (As-SYRiA, I 31)

Caesarea, B4 Calah, Fa (Assyria, | 5) R. Calycadnus, Aa (Cii.icia, | i) Caphtor, Ba Cappadocia, Bi Carchemish, Da Carmania, inset map (Carmanians) Mt. Carmel, B4 Carpasia, B3 Carrhae, Da Caspian Sea, Ii (.\RAkAT, | 3) R. Chaboras, E3 Chalcis, C3 Chalybon, Ca Chittim (see Kittim) Choaspes, 1 4 Cilicia, Ba Circesium, E3 Citium, A3 (Cyprus, g i) Commagene, Ca Ctesiphon, G4 Cuth, Cuthah, G4 (Babylonia, i 3) R. Cydnus, Ba (Cilicia, f 1) Cyprus, A3

Damascus, C4 Daphne, Ca Diarbekr, Ea (Assyria, i 6) R. Dijla, Fa R. Diklat, Ea Dilmun? 16 Dimashk, C4 Dimaski, C4 Dinaretum Pr. , B3 R. Diyala. G3 (Assyria, i 4) Dor, B4 IXir Kurigalzu, G4 (Assyria, | 28) Dur Sargina, Fa (Assyria, | 5) Du'ru, B4

Ecbatana, I3 Edessa, Da (Aramaic, f 11) Edi'al, A3 Edom, Bs Elam, H4 (Babylonia, i 22) Elamtu, H4 Mts. of Elburz, la (Ararat, | 3) Ellasar, Gs Ellip, H4 Mt. El vend, I3 Emessa, C3 (see Hemessa) Epiphania, C3 Erdjish Dagh, Bi Erech, G5 (Babylonia, i 3) Eridu, Hs (Babylonia, | 3) Esdud, Bs R. Eulaeus. I5, H4(ASlrbani-pal, | 6) R. Euphrates, Da, F4(Babyu>nia, I14)

R. Furat, Da, F4

Gambulu? Hs (j^ur-bani-pal, |6) Gargamil, Da Gauzanitis, Ea Gaza, Bs Gebal, B3 (jedrosia, inset map (Carmanians) Ghazza, Bs Ghiuk Su, Aa Gimir, Bi Cidk Su, Ca Gordaean Mts. , Ga Gozan, Ea (Assyria, | 32) Great Sea, B3, B4 Great Zab, Fa Gubli, B3 Guzana, Ea

Habur, E3 Hadrach, C3 (Assyria, f 32) Halab. Ca Halwan, Ca R. Halys, Bi (Cappadocia) Hamadan, 1 3 Hamat, C3 Hamath, C3 Haran, Da Harran, Da yarran(u). Da J. el-Hass, C3 yatarikka, C3 Hatte, Ca (Canaan, | 10) Hauran, C4 Hauran, C4 Hawranu, C4 Hazzatu, Bs Hebron, Bs (H)emes(s)a, C3 Hesban. Bs Heshbon, B5 yilakku, Ba (Cilicia, g 2) Hillah, G4 (Babylonia, i 3) Hit. F4 Homs, C3 Hulwan, G3 R. yusur. Fa (see Khawsar)

Nahr Ibrahim, B3 Ichnae, Da Idalium, A3 Imgur-Bel, Fa (Assyria, | 5) Irbil, Fa (.\ssyria, f 5) Isin, Gs (Babylonia, t 49) Issus, Ca (Cilicia, | i)

Jebeil, B3 Jebel Judi, Fa (Ararat, | 3) Jerabis, Da R. Jihun, Ca Joppa, B4

N. cl-Kablr, B3 N. el-Kabir. B3 Kadesh-bariiea, Bs Kaisariyeh (Mazaca), Bi Kaisariyeh, B4 kalah, F2 Kal'at Dibsa, D3 Kal'at el-Mudik, C3 kal'at Sherkat, F3 (Assyria, i 5) kaldu, Hs. H6 Kalhu. Kalah. F2 Kana, B4 Karaja Dagh, Da kardunias G4, H5 Karkisiya, E3 R. karun, I5 Kassi, 1 3 (Babylonia, 56) Kebben Maden, Di Kefto, B2 (Caihtur, 4) Keniiisrin, C3 R. Kerkhah, 15, I4 R. Khabur, F2 (Assyria, 4) R. KhabQr, E3 (Assyria, 4) el-Khalil, B5 R. Khawsar, ' Khosr,' F2 (Assyria, 5) Khorsabad, F2 (Assyria, 5) Kirruri, G2 (Assyria, 31) Kis, G4 (Babylonia, S 3 47) Kittim, A3 Kizil Irniak, Bi, Ci koa, G3 Korduene, G2 (Ararat, 3) Kue, B2 (Cilicia, $ 2) kummuh, Di (Assyria, 28) kurdistan, G2 (Assyria, 3) Kuma, H5 N. Kutha, G4 KutQ, G3 (Babylonia, | 69) kutu. G4 Kuyunjik, F2 (Assyria, | 5)

el-Ladikiyeh, B3 Lagas, H5 (Babylonia, 3) Laodicea, B3 Larnaca, A3 Larsa, G5 (Babylonia, i 3) R. Leontes, B4 N. Litani, B4 Lower Zab, G3 (Assyria, 4) Lycaonia, A2 (Cappadocia)

Malatya, Di Nahr Malik. G4 Ma'lula. C4 (Aramaic, S 9) Man. Fi Manda. H2 (Cyrus, 2) Mar 'ash. C2 Marathus, B3 Maridin. E2 Mt. Masius, D2 Kh. Ma'sub. B4 Mazaca. Bi (Cappadocia) Media. I3 (Babylonia, S 56) Mediterranean, B3. B4 Melitene. Di (Ararat, $ i) Memphis, inset map (Asur-bani-pal, f i) Meshech. Ci Mesopotamia, E2 Mie-Turnat. G4 Mitani, 1)2 (Assyria, i 28) Mosul. F2 (Assyria, jl 5) Mukayyar. G5 (Babylonia, 14) Muiku, Ci (Assyria, i 28) Musri, C2 (Assyria, 28) Musri, b5(AsHuoD)

Nabataea, C"5 (Asur-bani-pal, | 9) Naharina, D2 (Aram-naharaim, | 2/.) Na'iri. Ei. Fi, Ga (Ararat, f 2) Namri. H3 Nasibin. E2 Nebi Yunus. Fa (Assyria, | 5) Nicephoriuni. U3 Niffer, G4 (Babylonia, f 3) Nimrud. F"2 (Assyria, | 5) Nineveh. F2 (Asur-bani-pal, | 2) Mt. Niphates, Ei Nippur, G4 (Babylonia, f 3) Nisibis, Ea (Dispersion, | 6) Nisin or Isin, G5 (Babylonia, 49) Mts. of Nisir, Ga (Deluge, 2)

Opis. G3 (Cyrus, f 2) Ornithonpolis. B4 R. Orontes, C3 (Assyria, S 31) Osrhoene, Da

Palastu. B5 (Canaan, 17) Palmyra, D3 (Aramaic Language, $ 2) Paltos, B3 Parthia. inset map Pedias. Ba (Cilicia, f t) Pekod. H4 Philistia. B5 (Canaan, | 17) R. Physcus, G3 Pitru. Da Pukudu? Hs R. Purattu. D2, F4 R. Pyramus, C2 (Cilicia, i)

R. Radanu, G3 Rakka. D3 Ras el-'Ain, E2 Rasappa, D3 Reieni, E2 Rezeph. D3 Rhesaina. Ea Ribla, C3 Riblah. C3 Ruha, D2 Rusafa, D3 Ruwad, B3

es-Sabaha. C3 R. Sagurri, C2 Saida, B4 R. Sajur. Ca (Carchemish, 2) Salamis, A3 (Cyprus, 2) Salchad. C4 Salchah. C4 Samaria, B4 Samairah. F3 Samerina. B4 SamOsita, Da (Cappadocia) Sarafand. B4 Sarepta, B4 Saruj, Da R. Sarus. Ba (Cilicia, i) Sebastiya, B4 Seleucia. G4 Senkereh. Gs (Babylonia, 3) Serug. Da Shatt el-' Arab. H5 Shan el-Hai, H4, Hs (Babylonia, 3) Shatt en-Nil. G5 (Babylonia, g 3) Sherif Khan. Fa (Assyria, g 5) Shinar. G4 Shirwan. H3 Shoa? G4 Shushan, I 4 Sidon, B4 (Assyria, | 31) Sidunu. B4 R. Sihun, Ba Simirra, B3 Si- vB3 Singf- .^ Ea Sinjar Range, Ea (Assyria, g| 4 16) Sinzar, C3 Sippar, F4 (Babylonia, || 3 54) Sirpurla, Hs (Babylonia, gg 3 48) Soli. Ba (Cilicia, g i) Sophene, Di R. Subnat. Ei (Assyria, g 27) Sumeisat, Da Sumer, H5 (Babylonia, g 1) Sumra. B3 Sur, B4 Surru, B4 Susa. I4 (Cyrus, g i) Susan, I4 (Cyrus, g 6) Susiana (Aram, g 1) Susiana. Is (Babylonia, g 10) Sutu. G4 Syrian Desert, D4

Tabal, Ci (Asur-bani-pal, g 4) Tadmur. D3 Tantura. B4 Tarabulus. B3 Tarbis, Fa (Assyria, g 5) Tarsus, Ba (Cilicia, g 1) Tartus, B3 L. Tatta, Ai (Cappadocia) Taurus, Fi. Ba (Cappadocia) Tell 'Arka, C3 Tell Aswad. G4 Tell-Erfad. Ca Tell Ibrahim, G4 (Babylonia, g 3) Telloh. Hs (Babylonia, g 3) Teredon. Hs Thapsacus, D3 (Assyria, g 16) Thebae. inset map (A5ur-bani-pal, g 1) R. Tigris. Fa, H4 (Assyria, g 4) Tiphsah, D3 R. Tornadotos, G3 Tracheia, Aa (Cilicia, g 1) Tripolis. B3 (Damascus, g 4) Tubal. Ci R. Turnat. G3 L. Tuzla. A I Tyre, B4 (Assyria, g 31) Tyros, B4

Udumu, Bs R. Ulaa. I5 R. Ulai, Is Upe. G3 Upper Zab, Ga (Assyrta, g 4) Ur, G5 (Babylonia, g 3) Urartu, E;i (Ararat, g i) Urfa. Ruha, Da Uruk, Gs L. Urumiyah, Urmia. G2 (Aramatc. g.3) Ur(u)salim, Bs

L. Van, Fi (Assyria, g 11)

W. el-'Arlsh, A5 Warka, Gs (Babylonia, g 3)

Yarn. B4 Yamutbal, H4 Yapu, B4

Zab (Upper or Greater), F2 (Assyria, Zab'( Lower), F3 (Assyria, g 4) Zabatus, Major. F2 Zabatus, Minor, F3 Zabu, Eln, F2 Zabu Supalu, F3 Mt. Zagros, G3 Zenjirli, C2 (Aramaic Language, g 2) Zerghul. Hs Zeugma, C2 Ziniri, G3 (Assyria, g 32) ez-Zib, B4

only (lis[)layed the energy of conquest, but also combined with it a gresit |X)wer of administration by which they or- gaiiisc<l the empire they had acciuired. It was, however, the custom of the ( ireek historians, and aflerwanls of the Romans, to paint the Assyrians as a singularly luxurious and sensual nation. Their monarchs, from the founder of the empire down to the last king who held the throne, were doscrilx.>d as given up to pleasure. It is po.ssible that as regards the later empire this tradition contains a substratum of truth, for the growing luxury of Assyria may well have l)een one of the causes that brought alK)ut her fall. For the earlier and the middle [Xiriotl of Assyrian history, however, the statement is proved to l>e untrue, lx)th by the records of Assyria herself and by the negative evidence of the Hebrew jjrophels. [liese con- temiK)rarics of Assyria, who hated her with the bitter hatred which the o|)pressed must always feel for their o|)pressors, rarely, if ever, denounce her lu.xury ; it was her violence and robbery that impressed her victims. In the language of prophecy the nation is pictured as a lion (Nah. 2 12), and it is not as a centre of vice but as ' the bloody city ' that Nixlium foretells the destruction of her capital (3i).

The Assyrians s|x)ke a .Snnitic language, which they inherited from the Habylonians a language that was

8 Language[edit]

'"*-' closely allied to Hebrew and . ' .\ramaic than to Arabic and the other dialects of the S. .Semitic group. They wrote a non-.Semitic character, one of the varieties of the cuneiform writing (see B.\HVH)NI.\, 5^). Like their language, this system of writing came to them from the Habylonians, who had themselves inherited it from the previous non-Semitic inhabitants of Babylonia. The Assyrians, although retaining the Babylonian signs, made sundry changes in the formation of them, and in some it is possible to trace a steady develojiment through- out the whole period covered by the Assyrian inscri[)tions.

The forms of some of the characters in the inscriptions of ahnost every .\s.syrian king display slight variations from those emiiloyed by his predecessors. Indeed, in some few cases, the forms used at different [)eri()(ls differ more widely from one another than they do from their Babylonian original. The literature of the

Assyrians was borrowed. In a .sense tin y were with- out a literature, for they were not a literary [)eople.

They were a nation of warriors, not of scholars. In this they present the greatest contrast to tluir kindred in the S. Possessed of abundant practical energy, they were without the meditative temperament which fosteretl the growth of Baliy Ionian literature ; and, although displaying courage in battle and devotion to the chase, they lacked the epic spirit in which to tell the tales of their enterprise. The majority of the his- torical inscriptions which they have left behind them are not literature : they are merely lists of con(|uered cities, catalogues of ca|)tured spoil, and statistics of the slain. Though not original, however, the As.syrians were far from Ixiing illiterate. They took over, root and branch, the whole literature of Babylonia, in the copying, the collection, and the arrangement of which they {lisplayed the .same energy and vigour with which they prosecuted a campaign. It was natural that the jiriests and scril>es, whose duty it was to copy anil collate, should attempt compositions of their own ; but they merely reproduced the matter and the methods of their predecessors. In a word, the Assyrians nuide excellent librarians, and it is to their powers of organisation that we owe the greater part of our knowledge of Babylonian literature. Since, therefore, the language, the system of writing, and the literature of the Assyrians were not of their own making, but merely an inheritance into which they eiUered, the description of them in greater tletail fiiUs more naturally under the article Babvi.oni.x (see 19 J^.).

9 Religion[edit]

The religion of the Assyrians resenibles in the main that of the Babylonians, from which it was derivetl. The early colonists from the south carried with them the gods of the country which they were leaving ; but from the very first they apjxiu to have sonjewhat mixlified '^*^ system and to have given a dis- ^ tinctly national character to the pantheon tiny tiorrowed. This end they achievetl by the intro- duction of the worship of Asur, their |>ctuliarly national god, who was for them the symljol of their sejiarate existence. A.sur they stn alK)ve all the Ribylonian deities, even Anu, Bel, and 11a taking a sulK)rlinate position in the hierarchy. It is true that we hnd Bcl mentioned at times as though he were on an ((jual footing with A.sur, esjiecially in the d(iuble royal title "(jovernor of Bel, Representative of .\siir,' while Assyria is sometimes termed the land of Bel ' and Nineveh ' the city of Bel." These titles, however, were not inconsistent with Asur's sui)remacy. He was the king of all the gods,' and any national success w.as regarded as the result of his initiative. It was Asur who marked out the kings of As.syria fKoni their birth, and in due time called them to the throne. It was he who invested them with [jower and gave them victory over their enemies, listened to their prayers, and dii tated the policy they .shoultl pursue. The .Assyriati army w<Te 'the troops of .\sur ' ; the national foe was ' .\'i:r's enemy"; and every ex[)edition is stated to have Ix-en undertaken only at his direct conimand. In fact, the life of the nation was con.secrated to his service, and its energies were speiu in the attempt to vindicate his majesty among the nations that surrounded them. His symlx>l was the w inged circle in which was fri-(|uently enclosed a draix.-d male figure wearing a head-dress w ith three horns and with his hand extendetl ; at other times he is representeil as holding a lx)w or drawing it to its full extent. The synilx)l may, jx'rhajjs, Ix,- explained as a visible re[)resentalion that Asur's might had no etjual, his influence no limit, and his existence no end. This synibol is often to Ix; found on the momnnents as the accompaniment of royalty, signifying that the Assyrian king, as Asur's re|)resenlati\e, was under his es[K'cial protection ; and we find it not only sculptured above the king's image but also graven on his .seal and even endjroidered on his garment. It is possible that we may trace in this exaltation of the god Asur the Semitic tendency to monotheism, the complete vindica- tion of which first fomul ex[)ression in the Hebrew prophets. It must not Ix- supposed, however, that the new deity stood in any op|)osition to the older gods. These retained the resjx'ct and worship of the Assyrians, and stood by Asur's side not so powerful, it is true, but retaining considerable influence and lending their aid without prejudice to the advancement of the nation s interests.

The spouse of A.sur was Belit-- that is, 'the Lady" pnr excellence and she was identified with the goddess Istar (see especially 3 R. 24, 80 ; 53, n. 2, 367! ). and in particular with Istar of Nineveh. Another goddess who enjoyed es[xxial veneration in Assyria w.as Istar of .Arlxila, who became particularly prominent under Sen- n.icherib and his succes.sors, and was generally men- tioned by the side of her naniesake of Nineveh. She was especially the goddess of battle, and from Asur- bani-p;\l we know the conventional form in which she was presented. This monarch, on the eve of an engage- ment w ith the Klamites, feeling far from confident of his own success, api^ealed for encouragement antl guidaniv to Istar of Arljela. The gotldess answeretl the kings prayer by apjxjaring that night in a vision to a certain seiT while he slept. On recounting his dreani to the king, the seer descrilxxl the appearance of the goddess in these words : ' Istar, who dwells in Arlx'la, enteretl. On the left and the right of her hung Cjuivers ; in her hand she held a bow ; and a sharp sword diil she draw for the w aging of battle. '

Besides Asur and Istar. two other gods were held in particular respect by the Assyrians Ninib, the gotl of battle, and Nergal, the god of the chase. Almost all the Assyrian kings, however, had their own pantheons, to whom they owed especial alle;:;iance. In many cases the names constituting the pantheon occur in the king's, i inscriptions in a set order that does not often vary. !

Such were the principal changes which the Assyrians , made in the pantheon of Babylonia, the majority of whose gods they inherited, with their functions and attributes to a great extent unchanged. It is true that our knowledge of Ikibylonian religion, like that of Babylonian literature, comes to us mainly through Assyrian sources ; but though it passed to them, its origin and development are closely interwoven with the history of the okler country. The cosmology of the Assyrians and their conception of the universe were entirely Baby- lonian (see B.VHYLONi.v, 25) ; their astrology [ib. ^ 34), their science of omens { 32), their system of ritual and their ceremonial observances ( 29/ ) were an inheritance from the temples and worships of the south.

Though in language, writing, and literature Assyria so closely resembles Babylonia, in her architecture she ... presents a striking contrast. The alluvial ,' " plains of the southern country contained no stone, and the Babylonian buildings were, therefore, mainly composed of brick. The resources of Assyria were not so poor ; the limestone and the alabaster with which her land abounded stood her in good stead.

The palace was the most important building among the Assyrians, for the principal builders were the kings. It was erected, usually, on an artificial platform of bricks or earth ; in which fact we may possibly see a survival of a custom of Babylonia, where such precautions against inundation were necessary. The platform was generally faced with stone, and was at times built in terraces which were connected by steps. The palace itself was com- posed of halls, galleries, and smaller chambers built round open courts, the walls of the former being orna- mented with elaborate sculptures in relief. It is only from their foundations that our knowledge of the Assyrian palaces has been obtained. From these remains a good idea of their e.xtent can be gathered ; but there is no means of telling the appearance they presented when complete. Their upper portion has been totally de- stroyed : it is a matter of conjecture whether they con- sisted of more than one story. The paving of the open courts was as a rule comjiosed of brick ; but sometimes stone slabs, covered with shallow carving in conventional patterns, were employed.

The temple was subordinate to the palace. Our knowledge of its appearance is based mainly on its representation on the monuments, from which it would appear that the .\ssyrians inherited the Babylonian zikkurratu (temple-tower), a building in stages which diminish as they ascend (see B.\bvu)NI.^, 16, beg.). Unmistakable remains of a building of this description were uncovered on the N. side of the mound at Nimrud. Another type of building depicted on the monuments has been identified as a shrine or a temple ; it was a single-storied structure, with a broad entablature sup- ported by columns or pilasters.

The domestic architecture of the Assyrians has perished. The dwellings of the more wealthy must have resembled the royal residence. On the bas-reliefs are to be found villages which bear a striking resemblance to those of modern Mesopotamia ; and, having regard to the eternal nature of things eastern, we may regard it as not unlikely that the humbler subjects of Assyria were housed neither better nor worse than the villagers of to-day.

It was to adorn their palaces and temples that the As.syrians employed the sculptured slabs and bas-reliefs iA.ii a 1 + ^^^ which their name is peculiarly

10/^. sculpture. ..associated. The majority of these have come from the palaces of .\sur-nasir-pal, Sargon, Sen- nacherib, and Asur-bani-pal. The work of the earliest of these kings is distinguished from that of his successors by a certain breadth and grandeur of treatment ; but the constant repetition of his own figure, accompanied

by attendants, human or divine, becomes monotonous. The woik of Sargon presents a greater variety of subject and treatment ; but it is in the sculptures of Sennacherib and .\iur-bani-pal that the most varied episodes of Assyrian life and history are portrayed. It was natural that battle-scenes should chiefly occupy the sculptor ; yet even here the artist could give his fancy play. Whilst he was bound by convention to dejiict the vulture devouring the slain, he could carve at the top of his slab a sow with her litter trampling through a reed- bed. Armies in camp or on the march, the siege of cities or battles in the open, the counting of the slain and the treatment of prisoners all are rendered with absolute fidelity. When an army crosses a river and boats for transport are not to Ix; had, the troops are represented as swimming over with the help of inflated skins' a custom that survives on the banks of the Tigris to the present day.

Though the sculptures of Sennacherib and Asur-b.ini- pal have much in common, as regards both their matter and the method of their treatment, each king had his own favourite subject for portrayal on his monuments. Sennacherib liked most to perp)etuate his building operations ; Asur-bani-pal, his own deeds of valour in the chase. Sennacherib erected two palaces at Nineveh the one at Nebi Yunus, the other at Kuyunjik but it is only at Kuyunjik that the palace has been thoroughly explored. On the walls of this latter edifice he caused to be carved a series of scenes in which his builders are represented at their work. Stone and timber are being carried down the Tigris upon rafts ; gangs of slaves are collecting smaller stones in baskets, and piling them up to form the terrace on which the palace is to stand ; others are wheeling hand-carts full of tools and rojjes for scaffolding, or transporting on sledges huge blocks of stone for the colossal statues. The hunting-scenes of Asur-bani-pal may be regarded as marking the acme of Assyrian art. Background and accessories are for the most part absent. Thus, grotesque efforts at per- spective, common to the most of early art, are avoided, with the result that the limitations in the methods of the early artist are not so apparent. The scenes portrayed are always spirited. The figures are all in motion. Whilst the elaboration of detail is not carried to an extreme, action is represented with com- plete success. This series of hunting-scenes contains pieces of great beauty. It is in striking contrast to the large majority of Assyrian sculptures, which tend to excite interest rather than admiration. Still, even the earlier work has not entirely failed in its purpose ornamentation. The stiff arrangement of a battlefield has often a decorative effect ; and the representation of a river with the curves and scrolls of its water contrast- ing with the stiff symmetrical line of reeds upon its bank, is always pleasing. Indeed, from a decorative point of view, Assyrian art attained no small success. Traces of colour are still to be found on some of the bas-reliefs, on the hair and beards of ligures, on parts of the cloth- ing, on the belts, the sandals, etc. ; but the question whether the whole stone-work was originally covered

1 A singular detail may be noticed with refer<;nce to the representation of the.se skins. The soldier places the skin beneath his belly, and by means of his arms and legs paddles himself across the water. Even with this assistance he would need all his breath before his efforts landed him on the opposite bank ; but in the sculptures each soldier is repre.sented as retaining in his mouth one of the legs of the inflated skin, into which he continues to blow as into a bagpipe. The inflation of the skhi could be accomplished far more eflfectually on land before he started, and the last leg of the beast could then be tied up so that the swimmer need not trouble himself further about his apparatus, but devote his entire attention to his stroke. This, no doubt, was what actually happened ; but the sculptor wishes to indicate that his skins are not .solid bodies but full of air, and he can find no better way of .showing it than by making his swimmers continue blowing out the .skins, though in the act of crossing. This instance may be taken as typical of the spirit of primitive art, which, diflident of its own powers of portrayal, or distrusting the imagmation of the beholder, seeks to make Us meaning clear by means of conventional devices.

with paint, or only parts of it picked out in colour, can- not be dLcided.

I".ven more famous than their sculptured slabs are the colossal winged lions and hunian-heatled bulls of the Assyrians. They fired the imagination of the Hebrew prophet Kzekiel, and they impress the beholder of to-(lay. These creatures were set on either side of a doorway or entrance, and were intended to be viewed both from the front and from the side a fact that explains why they are invariably represented with five legs. A very curious effect was often produced by running inscriptions across the bodies of these bea.sts without regard to any detail of carving or design. Asiu- nasir-pal was a great offender in this respect. Not con- tent will) scarring his colossi in this manner, he ran inscriptions over his bas-reliefs as well, and displayed a lack of imagination by reiseating the same short inscrip- tion again and again with but few variations.

Carving in the round was rarely practised. A stone statuette of A.sur-nasir-pal, a seated stone figure of Shalmaneser II., and some colossal statiii.s of the god Nebo have teen found ; but, though the proportions of the figure are more or less correct, their treatment is exceedingly stiff and formal. Modelling in clay, how- ever, was common. A few small clay figures of gods have been discovered, and we possess clay models of the favourite hounds of Asur-bani-pal. We know, too, that the stone bas-reliefs wore first of all designed and niotlelled on a smaller scale in clay : the British Museum possesses fragments of the.se clay designs, as well as the rough drafts on clay tablets which the Assyrian masons copied when they chiselled the inscriptions.

11. Metal work.[edit]

In their metal work the Assyrians were very skilful. This we may gather both from the monuments and from the actual exam|jles of the art that have come down to

A good majority of the originals of the metal trappings, ornanuMits, etc., that are represented on the monuments nmst have been cast. The metal weights in the form of lions are among the best actual examples of casting that we possess. In the British Mu.seum, moreover, there is to be seen an ancient mould that was emjiloycd for casting. It was found near Mosul, and, although it must lie assigned to a period about two centuries subsot|uont to the fall of Xineveh, it probably represents the traditional form of that class of matrix, and we shall not be far wrong in supposing that such moulds were extensively employed in the Assyriati foundries of at least the later empire. The mould in question is made of bronze, and is formed in four pieces which fit together accurately. Three holes may be observed on the Hat upjjer surface. Into these holes the molten metal was poured. When the mould was opened after its contents h.ad Ijeen given time to cool, there would be seen lying within it three barl)cd arrow-heads.

It was, however, in the more legitimate art of metal- beating that the .Assyrians excelled. Much of the em- bossed work that adorned their thrones, their weapons, and their armour was wrought with the hammer, while the dishes and bowls from Nimrfid and the shields from the neighIx)urhood of Lake \'an are covered with delicate rcfoiiss^ work, the design on the upper side lx;ing finished and defined by means of a graving tool. The largest and finest examples of this class of work that have been preserved are the bronze sheathings of the gates of Shalmaneser II., which were excavated at Tell-Balawat in 1879 and are now to be seen in the British Museum. The bronze gates of nations in antiquity were not cast in solid metal. They would have been too heavy to move, and metal was not ob- tained in suflScient quantities to warrant such an ex- travagance. The gate was built principally of wood, on which plates of metal were fastened ; the object being to strengthen the gate against an enemy's assault, and especially to protect its wooden interior from destruction by fire. The metal coverings of Shalmaneser's gate consist of bronze bands which at one time strengthened and adorned it. .\ brief inscription runs round them, while the space is filled with designs in delicate relief illustrating the battles and conquests of the king and in general treatment resembling the bas- reliefs of stone to which reference has been made.

Iron was used by the Assyrians ; but bronze was the favourite substance of the metal-worker. Specimens of the bronze employed have been analysed, and it has Ix-en ascertained that it consists roughly of one part of tin to ten parts of copper. We know from the jewels represented on the monuments that ornamental work in silver and in gold was not uncommon, and specimens of inlaid work and of work in ivory have been found at Nimrud. Many of the examples we possess, however, betray a strong Egyptian influence, apparent in the general method of treatment and in the occurrence of the scarabieus, the cartouche, and a few hieroglyphs. Thus they must be regarded not as genuine Assyrian productions, but rather as the work of I'hucnician artists copying Egyptian designs. Enamelling of bricks w as extensively employed as a means of decoration. The designs consist some- times of patterns, and sometimes of scenes in which men and animals take part. The colouring is subdued, and the general effect is harmonious. The fact that the tones of the colouring are so subdued is regarded by some as a proof that they have faded. Some excellent examples of enamelled architectural orna- mentation in terra-cotta have been found at Nimriid. They bear the name of Asur-nasir-pal.

Engraving on gems and the rarer stones and marbles was an art to which the Assyrians especially devoted _ . . themselves. There have been found a

. oea s, e c. ^^^. g,.j^,g ^^^^ g^^j^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^.j^j j shape ; but the general form adopted was that of a cylinder. Those of cylindrical form vary from about an inch and a half to two inches in length and from about half an inch to an inch in diameter. They were pierced along the centre so that the wearer could suspend them from his [person by a cord. The use to which they were put was precisely similar to that of the signet ring. A Babylonian or an Assyrian, instead of signing a document, ran his cylinder over the damp clay tablet on which the deed he was attesting had been inscribed. No two cylinder seals were precisely alike, and thus this method of signature worked very well. As every wealthy Assyrian carried his own seal- cylinder, it is not surprising that time has spared a good many of them. (It may be noticed in passing that the class of poorer merchants and artis;ins did not carry cylinders. When they attested a document they did so by impressing their thumb-nail on the clay of the tablet. \Vhether a certain social status brought w ith it the privi- lege of carrying a cylinder, or whether the possession of one depended solely on the choice or rather on the wealth of its possessor, is a question that has never been solved. )

The work on the cylinders is always intaglio, the engraver aiming at rendering beautiful the seal im- pression rather than the seal itself. The subjects repre- sented, which are various, include acts of worship, such as the introduction by a priest of a worshipper to his god, mythological episodes, emblems of gods, animals, trees, etc. : the engravings are generally religious or symbolical. The official seal of the Assyrian kings forms the principal exception to this general rule ; it is circular and represents a royal jjcrsonage slaying a lion with his hands. The character of the work itself varies from the rudest scratches to the most polished w orkman- ship, and it may be regarded as a general rule that the more excellent the workmanship the later the date. The earlier seals are inscriljed by means of the simplest form of drill and graver, and the marks of the tools employed for hollow ing are not obliterated, the heads of the figures being represented by mere holes, while the bodies resemble fish-tiones ; it should be noted, however, that early Babylonian seals of great beauty have been found at Telloh.

13. Pottery.[edit]

It is strange that the Babylonian and the Assyrian, living in a land of clay, building their houses of brick and writing on clay tablets -in fact, with jjlastic clay constantly passing through their hands produced no striking s|)ecimens of pottery. 'They employed clay for all their vessels ; but the forms these assumed do not show great originality, and or- namentation was but niggardly applied. That the Assyrians were glass-blowers is shown by the discovery of small glass bottles and bowls. ^

14. Furniture and embroidery.[edit]

The domestic furniture of the Assyrians does not demand a detailed description. .\11 that was made of wood has perished. Only the metal fittings survive ; but these, with the evidence of the bas-reliefs, point to a high development of art in this direc- tion. Perhaps the most sumptuous specimens of As- syrian furniture that the monuments jwrtray are the throne in which Sennacherib is seated before Lachish, the furniture in the ' garden-scene' of Asur-bani-pal (both in th-j British Museum), and the chair of state or throne of Sargon on a slab from Khorsabad in the Louvre.

Of the art of embroidery, also, as practised by the Assvrian ladies, the invaluable evidence of the monu- ments gives us an idea. The clothes of the sculptured figures are richly covered with needle-work, especially on the sleeves and along the bottom of robes and tunics, while the royal robes of Asur-nasir-pal are embroidered from edge to edge. The general character of the designs, whether consisting of patterns or of figures, resembles that of the monuments themselves.

15. Mechanics.[edit]

One other subject must be noted in this connection, it does not strictly fall under the heading either of art or of architecture, though it is closelv con-

^^^,4^.^ ^.^^Y^ branches of both'! the 

knowledge of mechanics that the Assyrians display. To those who have had any experience in the remo\al or fixing of Assyrian sculpture, and know the thickness of the bas-reliefs and the weight of even the smallest slab, the energy and skill recjuired by the Assyrians to quarry, transport, and fix them in position is little short of marvellous. Yet all this was accomplished with the aid of only a wedge, a lever, a roller, and a roj^e. Representations of three of these implements in use are to be seen in the building-slabs of Sennacherib.

Among mechanical contrivances may be mentioned the crane for raising water from the rivers to irrigate the fields, and the pulley employed for lowering or raising a bucket in a well. The ingenuity of the Assyrians is apparent also in their various engines of war and the elaborate siege-train that accompanied their armies. The battering-rams, the scaling-ladders, the shields and pent-houses to protect sappers while undermining a wall not to mention their chariots, weapons, and defensive armour all testify to their mechanical skill.

16. Commerce.[edit]

The position of Assyria was favourable for commerce. Occupying part of the most fertile valley of W. Asia, , ,,, ^r ,

. ^ _ she formed the highway between E.

and W. Of her two great rivers, the

Euphrates approaches within one hundred miles of the Mediterranean coast, yet empties its waters into the Persian Gulf. At the time of the .\ssyrian empire a highway of commerce must have lain from the Phoenician coast to Damascus and thence along the Euphrates to the Indian Ocean. Many important caravan routes

' They shine with beautiful prismatic tints. Most glass that has been buried for a considerable period, indeed, whether of Assyrian, Egyptian, Greek, or Roman manufacture, presents this iridescent appearance. It is a popular error to .suppose that it possessed these tints from the beginning and that the art by which the colouring was attained ha.s perished with those who practised it. The ancients must not be allowed to take the credit due to nature. The earth and the atmosphere acting on the surface of the glass have liberated the silex, and the process of decomposition is attended with the iridescent appearance.

also lay through Assyria. Nineveh maimained com- mercial relations with the districts around Lake UrQ- miyah, and with Ecbatina, while to the west he PhcEnician traders journeyed by the Sinjar range to Thapsftcus on the Euphrates, thence south to Tadnior and through Damascus into Phoenicia : a second western caravan route lay thr<jugh Harran into upjx.-r Syria and Asia Minor, while Egypt's trade with Assyria as early as the fifteenth century is attested by the Amarna tablets. The prophet Ezekiel has borne witness to the presence of Assyrian merchants at Tyre in his time ; j'et it was the nations that traded with Assyria rather than Assyria with the nations, for the Assyrians were es.sentially a jx'ople who preferred to acquire their wealth by con- (|uest rather than in the market-jjlace. The internal trade of .Assxria is represented by the contr.act tablets dating from the ninth century to the end of the empire, that have Ijeen found at Kuyunjik. These tablets not nearly so many as those discovered throughout Baby- lonia {i/.v., 19, beg. ) deal with the sale of slaves, cattle, and produce, the purchase of land, etc., and tear witness to the internal prosperity of Assyria. They are written more carefully than the majority of those of Babylonia ; and the Babylonian device of wrapping the tablet in an envelope of clay on which the contract was inscribed in duplicate, with a view to its safer preserva- tion, was not often adopted.

The form of government in Assyria throughout the whole course of her history was that of a military p despotism. The king was supreme. He was Asur's representative on earth and under the special protection of the gods. Whatever policy he might aaopt was Asur's policy, and it was the duty of every subject of Assyria to carry out his will. The nation therefore existed for the mon- archy, not the monarchy for the nation. The kingship rested on the army, on which it relied to quell rebellion and maintain authority as well as to conquer foreign lands. The army was in consequence the greatest power in the state. Its commander-in-chief, the ttirtan or tartan, held a position next to that of the king him- self, in whose absence he led the troops and directed operations (cp T.\Kr.\N). The saku was an impt)rtant lower oflScer ; the rab-kisir was his superior ; and the iud-sake and rah-sake were only second to the tai tan (cp R.\BSH.\KKH). The tides of many court officers are known ; but it is difficult to ascertain their functions. The more important were eligible for the office of the limmu, to which they succeeded in order, each giving his name to the year during which he held office (.see 19 and Chronology, 23). In a military state such as Assyria a system of civil administration, it may be said, had almost disappeared. The governors of the various cities in the realm, whose duty it was to maintain order and send periodical accounts to the king, were not civilians. In fact, every position of importance in the empire was filled from the army. Priests and judges exercised a certain authority ; but it was small in com- parison with that of similar classes in Babylonia.

18. Excavations.[edit]

It was Assyria that at first attracted the attention of explorers, though within recent years Babylonia has enjoyed a monopoly of excavation and discovery

In the year 1820 Rich, the resident of the East India Comp.any at Bagdad, visited Mosul and m.ide a superficial examination of the mounds of Kuyunjik and Nebi Yfinus. He obtained

1 some fragments of pottery and a few bricks inscribed in cunei- form characters, and he published an account of what he had seen. It w.-is not until 1842 that attention was again attracted to these mounds. Botta, the French Consul at Mosul, then began to explore Kuyuniik. His efforts, however, did not meet with much success, and next year he transferred his attention to Khorsabad, 15 m. to the N. of Mosul. There he came across the remains of a large building that subsequently proved to be the palace of Sargon, king of As.syria (722-705 B.C.). The majority of the sculptures that he and Victor Place excavated

I on this site are to be found in the Louvre ; some, however, were obtained for the British Museum by Sir Henry Rawlinson.

1 In 1845 Sir Henry Layard explored the mounds at Nimrfid

ami Kuvunjik. undertaking excavations at these places for the trustees of llic Hritish Museum; these diggings were continued by Loftus, Kassani, and others, under the direction of Sir Henry Rawlinson, who was then serving as Consul-General and political agent at Bagdad, and they resulted in the discovery of the principal remains of Assyrian art that have hcen recovered. At NimrOd the palaces of A5ur-na>ir-pal (884-860 B.C.), Shal- maneser II. (860-824 "-C-). !"1<1 Ksarhaddon (681-669 B.C.) have been unearthed (cp Cai.ah), and at Kuyuniik (cp Nineveh) the palace of Sennacherib (705-681), and that of ."VSur-bani- pal (669-625). The bas-reliefs, inscriptions, etc., from that palace are preserved in the Hritish Museum. At Kuyunjik (1852-54) the famous library of .A5ur-bani-pal, from which the greater part of our knowledge of Babylonian and Assyrian literature is derived, was discovered. At Kal'at Sherkfitand at Sherlf Khan excavations were successful ; important stone inscriptions and clay cylinders of the early kings were found at Kal'at Sherkat.

The ye.ars 1878-79 were times of remarkable discoveries. Dur- ing this peri(xl the 'finds 'at Kuyimjik included the great cylinder of .\Sur-bani-pal {(^.v.), the most perfect specimen of its kind extant ; at Niniriul a large temple dating from the time of ASur-nfisir-pal w.is unearthed, while excavation at Tell-Halawat resulted in the recovery of a second temple of A5ur-nasir-pal and the bronze coverings of the gate of Shalmaneser II. (cp supra). Besides the excavators and explorers of Assyria to whom reference has been made, two others should be mentioned George Smith and K. A. Wallis Budge. George Smith, in the years 1873, 1874, and 1875-76, undertook three expeditions to that country, on the last of which he lost his life. The most recent additions to the collection of cuneiform tablets from Kuyunjik were made by Budge in the years 1888 and 1891.

Of the Assyrian antiquities which have been recovered, most of the sculptures of Sargon from Khorsabad are in the Ix)uvre ; Berlin possesses a stele of Sargon found at Cyprus (cp Sargon) and a stele of Ksarhaddon ; a few slabs from the palace of A<5ur- nasir-pal have found their w.iy into the museums at Edinburgh, the Hague, Munich, Ziirich, and Constantinople, and others from Kuyunjik int.) priv.ue galleries; almost all else is to be found within tlic ualU .if the I'.ritish Museum.

Tlierc are Rjur main sources of information for the settlement of Assyrian chronology the so-called 19. Chronology. ' '"fonym lists "(see l)elow), the chrono- -' logical notices scattered throughout the historical inscriptions (see 20, beg.), the genea- logies some of the kings give of themselves (see 20, end), and lastly those two most important documents which have been styled the ' .Synchronous History ' ( 21, beg.) and the 'Babylonian Chronicle' ( 21, end).

The early Babylonians had counted time by great events, such as the taking of a city, or the construction of a canal (cp CiiKONoi.or.Y, 2, teg. ). This primitive system of reckoning, by which a period or date could be but roughly estimated, gave place among the later Babylonians to the fashion of counting time according to the years of the reigning king.

The Assyrians adopted neither of these methods. They invented a system of their own. They named the years after certain officers, each of whom may pos- sibly have been termed a limn or limmu, though the majotnty of scholars agree in regarding this term as referring not to the officer himself, but to his period of office. These officers or eponyms were appointed in a general rotation ; each in succession held office for a year and gave his name to that year ; the office was similar to that of the archonate at Athens or the con- sulate at Rome. Lists of the linimus have teen pre- served from the reign of Ramman-nirari II. (911-890 B.C. ) down to that of .Asur-bfini-pal (669-625 H.c. ). Some of them merely state the name of the e[X)nym ; others add short accounts of the principal events tiuring his term of office. Now, it is obvious that the dates of all the years in this known succession will te> known if there te any of them that can te determined independently. It fortunately happens that there is such a year. From the list we know that in the eponymy of Pur-Sagali in the month of Sivan (May-June) the sun was eclipsed, and astronomers have calculated that there was a total eclipse at Nineveh on the 15th of June 763 B.C. Hence the year of Pur-Sagali is fixed as 763, and the dates of the eponyms for the whole period covered by the lists are determined (see further Chronology, S 24, and cp telow, 32).

20 Earlier '^^ '^^ kings period.[edit]

For the chronology tefore this period other sources must be sought. Approximately it can sometimes be determined by means of data supplied by the inscriptions in the form of chronological

"o*'^^'^^ o*" remarks. For example. Sennacherib in his inscription engraved on the rock at Bavian (see Kli1\x(> ff.), in recounting 

his conquest of Babylon (689 u.c. ), adds that Kamman and Sala, the gcxls of the city of Kkallati wl)ich Marduk-nadin-ahO, king of Akkad, in the time of Tiglath-pilcser, king of Assyria, had carried away to Babylon, he now recovered and restored to their place after a lapse of 418 years (cp telow, 28). According to .Sennacherib's computation, therefore, Tiglath-pileser I. must have te-en reigning in the year 1107 B.C., and from the inscription of Tigl.ath- pile.ser himself on his cylinders (cp below, 28, lx.'g. ) we know that this year is probably not among the first five of his reign (cp te-low, 28). Moreover, Tiglath- pileser himself tells us that he rebuilt the temple of .Anu and Ramman, which si.xty years previously had teen pulled down by A.sur-dan because it had fallen into decay in the course of 641 years since its foundation by .Samsi- Ramman (cp below, 25). This notice, there- fore, proves that Asur-dan must have teen on the throne about the years 1170 or 1180 B.C., and further approxi- mately fixes the date of Samsi-Ramm.an as about the year 1820. The date of one other Assyrian king can

be fixed by means of a reference made to him by one of his successors. Sennacherib narrates (cp below, {5 27) that a seal of Tukulti-Ninib I. had teen brought from Assyria to Babylon, where after 600 years he found it on his conquest of that city. Sennacherib conquered Babylon twice, once in 702 and again in 689 ; it may te' concluded, therefore, that Tukulti-Ninib reigned in any case before 1289 B.C., and possibly tefore 1302 B.C. We thus have four settled points or pegs on which to hang the early history of Assyria.

Further assistance in the arrangement of the earlier kings is obtained from genealogies. Ramman-nirari I. , for example, styles himself the son of Fudil ( = Pudi-ilu), grandson of Bel-nirari, great grandson of Asur-uballit, all of whom, he states, preceded him on the throne of Assyria. Most of the Assyrian kings of whom we possess inscriptions at least state the nante of their father, while in one instance we know the relationship between two early kings from a consider- ably later occupant of the throne, Tiglath-pileser I., informing us that Samsi Ramman was the son of Ismi- Dagan and that each was an early patesi of Assyria. We thus know to a great extent the order in which the kings must te arranged, and in cases where a son succeeds his father we can assign approximately the possible limits of their respective rules.

A further aid is found in the ' Synchronous H istory ' of Assyria and Babylonia. This inscription was an . oflicial document drawn up with the

^ " aim of giving a brief sunmiary of the

nous nistory, relations tetween Babylonia and As- syria from the earliest times in regard to the boundary line dividing the two countries. The chief tablet on which this record is inscriljetl is. un- fortunately, broken ; but much still remains which renders the document one of the most important sources for Babylonian and Assyrian history. From it we ascer- tain for considerable periods which kings of Babylonia jind Assyria were contemporaries.

Simil.ar information for the jx^riod from alx>ut 775 to 669 B. c. is obtained from the Babylonian Chronicle.

Now, we know the order and the length of the reigns of a great majority of the Babylonian kings from the Babylonian lists of kings that have been discdvered, and the dates of some can te fixed, like those of the earlier Assyrian kings, from subsec|uent chronological notices (cp Babylonia, 38). The dates and order, there- fore, of the kings of both Babylonia and Assyria can to sonje extent te approximately settled inde|x^ndently of one another, and each line of kings can te controlled from the other by means of the bridges thrown across between the two by the ' Synchronous History ' and the ' Haljyioniau Chronicle.'

A further means of control is supplied by the points of contact that we can trace between Assyria and Egypt. Such are the P2gyptian campaigns of Asur-bani-pal re- counted on his cylinder inscription and the letter from Asur-uballit to Amenophis IV., recently found at Tell el-'Amarna, and now preserved in the GTzeh Museum. These points of contact are not, however, sufficient to warrant a separate classification ; and to go to Egyptian chronology to fetch help for that of Assyria would be to embark on an explanation igfwii per Ignatius (cp Egypt, 55/., and c;hronology, 19).

Assyrian chronology, therefore, unlike that of early Babylonia, may be regarded as tolerably fi.xed. The dates of the later Assyrian kings, with the exception of the successors of Asur-bani-pal, can be settled almost to a j'ear, while the dates assigned by various scholars to the earlier Assyrian kings, though differing, do not differ very widely. The data summarised above, which must form the basis of ever}' system of Assyrian chronology, are not elastic beyond a certain point. Thus, whilst no two historians agree precisely as to the dates to be assigned to many of these earlier kings, the maximum of their disagreement is inconsiderable, and the results arrived at by almost any one of them may be considered approximately correct.

With the Semitic races in general and the Baby- lonians and Assyrians in particular pro[)er names re- tained their original forms with great

persistency. Among these two nations, in fact, many names consist of short sentences, complete and perfectly grammatical ; indeed, were it not for the determinatives placed before them to show that they are

names ( T for males, ^^ for females) the difficulty of reading Assyrian texts would be considerably in- creased.

The following are translations of some of the names of Assyrian kings the interpretation of which may be regarded as certain. Where the real Assyrian form of the name differs from the form now in common use it is added in brackets :

Ismi-Dag.an . . . . ' Dagon hath heard.'

Samsi-Ramnifin . . . ' Mv sun is Rimmon.'

Asur-I,Cl.iii;i;u . . . 'Asur is lord of hi.s people.

Puzur-.V;iir . . . . ' Hidden in A.sur.

Asur-nrKlin-alic . . . 'Asur giveth brethren.'

Asiir-uhallit . . . . ' A.sur hath quickened to life.

Hel-nirari . . . . . ' I5el is my helper.'

Kammfm-nirari . . . ' Rimmon is my helper.

Shalmaneser (Suln.anu-asaridu) ' Sulman is chief.

Tukulti-Xinib . . . 'My helpis Ninib."

BC-1-ktui.ir-u.ur . . . ' Bel, protect the boundary !

Ninib-pal-Ksara. . . 'Ninib is the .son of ESara.'

Asur-dan . . . . . 'Asur is judge.'

A.?ur-res-isi . . . . 'Asur, raise the head!'

Tiglath-pileser (T ukulti-pal-Esara) 'My help is the son of E.sara.'

A^ur-bCl-kala . . . . 'Asur is lord of all.'

A.sur-nasir-pal . . . '.\sur protecteth theson.'

Asur-nirari . . . . ' .\sur is my helper.'

Sargon (.Sarru-kinu) . ' I'he legitimate king.'

Sennacherib (Sin-ahe-erba) 'Sin (i.e., the Moon -god) hath increased "brethren."'

Esarhaddon (.\Sur-ah-iddina) ' A.sur hath given a brother.'

A.5ur-bani-pal . . . ' Asur is the creator of a .son.'

A<5ur-etil-ilani . . . ' Asur is prince of the gods.'

Sin-.sar-i.5kun . . . . ' Sin hath established the king.'

23. History[edit]

The beginnings of the Assyrian empire are not, like those of Babylonia, lost in remote antiquity. It is far _. . more recent in its origin. The account, contained in Gen. lOn to the effect that the .Assyrians went forth from the Babylonians and founded their own cities is supported by all the evidence -we can gather from the inscriptions. It is true that no actual account of this emigration has yet been found lamong the archives of either nation ; but every indication of their origin tends to support the biblical account, for the .\ssyrians in all that they have left behind them betray their Babylonian origin. Their language and method of writing, their literature, their religion, and their science were taken o\'er from their southern neigh- bours with but little modification, and their very history is so interwoven with that of Babylonia that it is often difficult to treat the two countries separately.

24. Settlement.[edit]

The period at which the Assyrian offshoot left its parent stem, though not accurately known, can be set within certain limits. It must have lx?en at least before 2300 .c. 'I'he Babylonian emigrants, pushing northwartls along the course of the Tigris, formed their first imjjortant settle- ment on its W. bank sotne distance to the X. of its point of junction with the Lower Zab. Here they founded a city, and called it Asur after the name of their national god, a city that long continued to be the royal capital of the kingdom.

25. Earliest "-"f ti^l" /f[edit]

The oldest Assyrian rulers did not bear the title of king. They bore that of issakku, a term ecjuivalent to

' ^fumed by many rulers

. of the old Babylonian cities m the S.

ru ers. .j,j^^ jjhrase ' issakku of the god .Asur ' is not to be taken in the sense of ' priest. ' In all probability it implies that the ruler was the representative of his god an explanation that is quite in accordance with the theocr.atic feeling of the period.

The earliest issakkus at joresent known to us are Lsmi-Dagan and his son Samsi-Ratnman. The latter built a temple to the gods Anu and Ramman, which, Tiglath-pileser I. tells us, fell into decay; 641 years afterwards Asur-dan pulled it down, and 60 years later it was rebuilt by Tiglath-pileser hirnself This refer- ence enables us to fi.\ the date of Samsi-Ramman at about 1820, and it is usual to assign to Ismi-Dagan, his father, a date some twenty years earlier, circa 1840 B. c:. In addition to his buildings at A.sur, Samsi- Ramman restored a temijle of Istar at Xineveh. The names of other issakkus are known, although their dates cannot be determined.

Bricks, for example, have been found at Kal'at-Sherkat, the site of the ancient city of Asur, which bear the name of a second Sam.si- Ramman, the son of Igur-kapkapu, and record that he erected a temple to the national god in that city. .An- other brick from the .same place is inscribed with the name of Iri.sum, the son of Hallu, commemorating his dedication of a building to the god Asur for the preservation of his own life and that of his son.

There are no data for determining the relation of Assyria to Babylonia at this period. Whether the early issakkus still owed allegiance to their mother country or had already repudiated her claims of control is a question that cannot be decided with certainty. It is generally supposed, however, that at some period be- tween 1700 and 1600 B.C. .Assyria finally attained her independence.

The oldest Assyrian king whose name is known to

us is Bel-kapkapu. Ramman-nirari III., in an obscure

ic T- + V4 passage in one of his inscriptions,

26. First Kings.[edit]

^ig^tj^^s Bel-kapkapu as one of his earliest predecessors on the throne of Assyria. This passage is, however, the only indication we possess of the time at which he ruled. The first Assyrian king of whom we have more certain information is Asur-bel- ni.sisu. With this king our knowledge of Assyrian

history becomes more connected, and we can C!>ca 14 o. jrj^(,gip greater detail the doings of the various kings and the relations they maintained with Babylonia. The soarce of information that now becomes available is the 'Synchronous History' (see above, 21).

From this document we learn that A.sur-l)el-ni,sisu w.as on friendly terms with Kara-indas, a king of the third Babylonian dyn.-isty, with whom he formed a compact and determined the boundary that should divide their respective kingdoms. These friendly relations were maintained by Puzur-Asur, ctrca 1440. l^jngofAssyria, who concluded similar treaties with Burna-BuriaS, king of Babylonia. Puzur-A5ur was probably succeeded by A5ur-nadin-ahe (.circa 1470). This king is mentioned in a letter of A.sur-uballit to Amenophis IV., king of Egypt, in which he refers to A.5ur-nadin-ahe as his father. How long the friendly relations between Assyria and Babylonia continued we cannot say; but it was impossilile that friction should always be avoided. Assyria was proud of her indei)eiideiice, while Haby- lonia could nut but be jealous of her growing strength. _ Thus it was not long before their relations licLaiue hostile. It i.s under Asur-uballi( that we first find the two nations in circa 1410. ^ conflict. Asnr-uballij, to cement his friend- ship with Babylonia, had given his daughter Muballifat-Seru.-i in marriage to a Babylonian king, and K.ara-harda<S, the ofTspring of this union, in time succeed<.-d his father on the throne. He was slain, however, in a revolt, and Nazi-bugaS, a man of unknown origin, was srt up in his stead. To avenge the death of his grandson, ASiir-uballi; invaded Babylonia, slew Nazi-l)uga5, and set the youn;4cst son of Burna-I'urias, Kurigalzu II., on the throne. (Such is the account given in the 'Synchronous His- tory' of A.^ur-uballij's intervention in Babylonian affairs. It may be mentioned, however, th.it a parallel text contains a somewhat different version of the afT.iir, with which the account in the 'Synchronous History' has not yet lieen satisfactorily reconcilei.!.) Kurigalzu did not long maintain friendship with Assyria. .Soon we find him at war with A5ur-ubrilli}'s soni Q an;l successor, Bel-nirari. Bel-nirari, he wever, de- circa I30. f^.^^^.;! i,;,,, ^^ ti,e ^.jiy of Sugagu, and .-ifter plunder- ing his camp added to the Assyrian territory half of the country from the land of Sub.iru to Babylonia. liel-nirari's son I'udi-ilu {circa ijoo) retained the territory his father had acquired, but did not attempt to make further encro.achments on the S. He undertook successfid expeditions, however, .against the tribes on the E. and SK. of Assyria. We possess an inscription on a brick from liis i)alace at Asur, and another inscription of his on a six-sided si in.- (in I'r British Museum) records that he erected a temple to S:ui:.is ilio Sun-god. His son T~ . . Kamman-niran I., after sircn-tlieiiing the .\ssyrian Lina 1345. rule in the territory recently acquired by his fattier, turned his attention to his S. boundary. He conquered the Babylonian king Nazi-maruttas in Kar-Itar-Akarsallu, and added considerably to his empire.

27. Shalmaneser I.[edit]

R;iiniiiaii-nir;iri was succeeded by his son .Slialmanesor I. lie has lelt us no account of the cxpedilions he circa i x-xo. undertook ; but that he was a great concjueror we gather from a reference in the aiuials of Asur-nasir-iial. This king fe-, i^^j^-s that in his reign the Assyrians whom

"' Shalnianeser, king of Assyria, a prince who preceded him, had settled in the city of Halzidipha revolted under Hulai, their governor, and took the royal Assyrian city of Daindamusa. 'J'hese places lay on the upper course of the Tigris ; and it is evident from Asur-nasir-iJal's account that .Shalnianeser had formed a sort of military outpost at this spot which shows that he must have undertaken successful expeditions against the countries to the XW. of Assyria. We may conclude that it was in consecjuence of this extension of his territory along the Tigris that .Shalmaneser transferred his capital from Asur in the south, which had formed the royal residence of Assyria, to Calah, a city of which he was the founder, as we learn from Asur-n.asir-pal. This new capital was situated about eighteen miles S. of Nineveh (cp Calah). Shalmaneser, however, did not neglect the older capital. He enlarged its royal palace and restored the great temples. We know also that he restored the great temple of Istar at Nineveh.

On his tleath he was succeeded by his son Tukulti- Ninib, who, like his father, busied himself in extending the NW. limits of his kingdom. At the circa I2QO. r 1 .. , . sources of the Subnat, a river that joins the

Tigris some distance above the modern Diar-bekr, he caused an image of himself to be hewn in the rock. He con(iuered Babylonia, and for seven years governed the country by means of tributary princes. Though we have not recovered any actual inscription of this king, we possess a copy of one made by the orders of Sennacherib, on a clay tablet in the British Museum. The original was inscribed on a seal of lapis-lazuli, and Sennacherib tells us it had been carried from Assyria to Babylon. Six hundred years later, says Sennacherib, on his conquest of that city, he found the seal among the treasures of Babylon and brought it back (cp above. 20). The inscription itself is short, merely contain- ing the name and titles of Tukulti-Ninib, and calling down the vengeance of Asur and Ramman on any one who should destroy the record. How or at what period the seal was brought to Babylon cannot be said with certainty ; but it is not improbable that it found its way

there during Tukuhi-Xinib's occujiation of the country. This occupation was not permanent. At the i-\\tl of seven years the nobl<-s of Babylon revolted, and set Ramman-sum-usur, or Ramnian-sum-na.sir (the name may Ix; read in either way), on the throne there as an inilepondenl king. Tukulti-Ninib was not a popular ruler, for he was slain in a revolt by his own ncjbles, who set his son, A-sur-nasir-pal, upon the throne. We possess an Assyrian copy of a letter written by a Baby- lonian king named Kanimiln-sum-nasir to Asur-narara and Nabfi-daian, kings of Assyria. If, as has been suggested, the writer of this letter and th<! king who succeeded Tukulti-Ninib on the throne of Babylon are identical, we obtain the names of two other Assyrian kings of this period.

A few years later, under Bel-kudur-usur {circa 1210), we find the -Assyrians and Babyh^nians again in conflict. Bel-kudur-usur, tlieAssyrianking, wasslaininthebattle ; butNinili- Circa 1205. pal-ESara retreated with the Assyrian armv, and when the Babylonians followed up their advantage by an invasion of Assyria he defeated them and drove them from the country. The Babylonians, however, tboujjh repulsed, appear to have regained a considerable part of their former territory from the Assyrians. The next occupant of the throne

The son of Ni pal-K

He retrieved

iina 1^00. jjij. disasters which his father had sus tained at the hands of the Babylonians. He invaded Kabyl Zainama-suni-iddin, captured the cities of Zaban, Irria, and Akarsallu, .-ind returned with rich booty to Assyria. The only other fact that we know of this king was that he pulled dov. n the temple of Kamm.'m and Asur which had been erected by S.imsi-Ramman, but had since fallen into decay. His must have been an energetic reign, to justify the eulogy pronounced on him by his great-grandson 'I'iglath-pileser I. This monarch describes him as one ' who wielded a shining sceptre, who ruled the men of Bel. u hose dnds .111(1 offerings pleased the great gods, and who live. .. Asluir dfm u.-is Muceeded by his son Mir i\ a 1150), of ^vl}(J^e rri.;n ue know

a l,y lii


Circa 1 120.

28. Tiglath-pileser I.[edit]

. ^^ iiMiii J i,i;:atn-;)ile>er c.iMs ' tlienii^^lity king who conquered the hums uf the fue ;uid (-sertlirew all the exalted' ; and from a clay IhavI of liis. iKaiiny r.n inscription, we learn that the propl, -, of Lnllumi and KutT were among those he overthrew. lie u as victorious against the Baljylonians. The Baliylonian kint;, Nrhialiad.nv/ar I., desiring to extend the northern limits of liis coantiv invaded Assyria and besieged a border fortress. _ Asur-rc.;-iM, however, summonrd his , hariots of war, and on his advance llie r)al)ylonian-. r ing

their siege-train. Nebuch.idrez/ar, witli 1 .od

troops, soon returned ; but .\sur-res-isi, alter i ua army, gave him battle and inflicted on liim aiiusnin- ueieat. The Babylonian camp was plundered, and forty chariots fell into the hands of the Assyrians.

On the death of Asur-res-isi the throne passed to his son Tiglath-pileser I., whose reign marks an epoch in Assyrian history. He is, moreover, the first Assyrian monarch who has left us a detailed record of his achievements. The great inscrii)tion of this king is contained on four octagonal cylinders of clay which he buried at the four corners of the temple of Ramman at Asur to serve as a jjermanent record of his greatness and of the extent of the ,\ssyrian empire during his reign. I'",ach of the four cylinders contains the same inscription. Where one is broken or obscure the text can be made out from the others. '

In the course of the introduction with which he prefaces the account of his expeditions he gives the following description of himself: 'Tiglath-pileser, the mighty king, the king of hosts who has no rival, the king of the four quarters, the king of all rulers, the lord of lords, . . . the king of kings, the excellent priest who, at the command of the Sun-god, was entrusted with the shining sceptre and has ruled all men who are subject to Bel, the true shepherd whose name has been proclaimed unto the rulers, the exalted governor whose weapons Asur has commanded and whose name for the rule of the four quarters he has proclaimed for ever, . . . the mighty one, the destroyer who like the blast of a hurricane over the hostile land has proved his power, who by the will of Bel has no rival and has destroyed the foes of Asur.' On the conclusion of this preface the

inscription goes on to recount the various campaigns in which Tiglath-pileser was engaged during the first hve years of his reign. He first advanced against the inhabitants of .MuSku (the Meshech of the OT ; see Tubal), who had overrun and conquered the land of l^ummuh, which lay on both sides of the Euphrates to the NW. of Assyria. Tiglath-pileser, therefore, crossed the intervening mountainous region and defeated their

I Translation in KB \ I4-47-

five kings wiih great slaughter. ' The bodies of their warriors," he says, 'in the destructive )>attle did I cast down like a tempest. Their blood I caused to flow over the valleys and heights of the mountains. Their heads I cut off, and around their cities I heaped them like . . . Their spoil, their posses- sions, their property without limit, I brought out. Six thousand ni-Mi, the remainder of their armies, who before my weapons h.td fled, clasped my feet (/.., tendereil their submission). I carried them awav and reckoned them as the inhabitants of my land.' Tiglath-pileser then attacked the land of tCummuh, burnt the cities, besieged and destroyed the fortress of .ScriSe on the 'Pilaris, and captured the king. He defeated the tribes that came to the assistance of Kummuh, and after receiving the submission of the neighbouring city of Urartinas returned to Assyria with great booty, part of which he dedicated to the gods Asur and Ramm.'in. This expedition was followed by one agamst

the land of Subari (or Subarti), in the course of which he defeated (our tliousand warriors of the Hatti (see Hit riTK.s)aiHl captured one hundred and twenty chariots, .\nother campaign in the mountainous regions of the NW. met with similar success, and resulted in the submission of many small states and cities. Tiglath-pileser now devoted his energies to extending his border in another direction. He crossed the Lower Zub and overran the districts of Murattas .antl Sarada'us to the S. of Assyria. Shortly afterwards, however, he returned to the N., whence he brought back with him the captured images of twenty-five gods, which he set up as trophies in the temples of his own land. Tiglath-pileser next extended his conquests still farther north into the district around the upper course of the Euphrates. The mountains he passed with great difficulty, and crossed the Euphrates itself on rafts which his troops constructed out of the trees that clothed the hill-sides. Here twenty-three kings of the land of Na'iri, alarmed at his approach, assembled their combined forces to give him liattle. ' Hut,' writes Tiglath- pileser, 'with the violence of my mighty weapons I oppressed them, and the destruction of their numerous host I accomplished like the onslaught of the Storm-god. The corpses of their warriors I scattered in the plains and on the mountain-heights.' After completing the sulijugation of the district he restored the kings he had captured, and in adilition to the spoil he had taken he received from them as tribute twelve thousand horses and two tho'.isaTid oxen. The .Vssyrian king now turned his troops

against the region of the VV. Euphrates. He subdued the district around the city of Carchemish, and even extended his conquests beyond the river, which his army crossed on rafts buoyed up by inflated skins. The last campaign of which we have a detailed accoiuit is th.at against the land of Musri to the X. of A.^vi-ia. the inlia'.itants of which, when at length driven int., Ih-lr ,':l,ief city of Arini, Icn.leied their submission. Tiglath- pil -^ir thin mar.luMl thrciui;li the ?ieii,'hb(>iirini; cnuntrv carrying with him hie and sword, burning the cities he look and digging up their foundations. The royal scribe, speaking in his master's name, concludes his record of these early conquests of Tiglath- pileser with the following summary : ' In all forty-two Lands and their kings from beyond the Lower Zfib, from the border of the distant mountains .as far as the farther side of the E)uphrates up to the land of Hatti and as far as the upper sea of the .setting sun (i.e., Lake Van), from the beginning of my sovereignty until my fifth year, has my hand con(|uered. One command have I caused them to bear; their h<)-.[ages have 1 taken; tribute and tax have I imp jsed upiu thcni.'

The cylinder-in> aiption of Tiglath-pileser does not recount the later expeditions of his reign. From the 'Synchronous History," however, which deals with his relations with Baby- lonia, we learn that Tiglath-pileser, king of .Assyria, and Marduk- nadin ahe, king of Babylonia, had 'a second time' set in battle array their chariots of war that were assembled above the Lower Zab in .Vrzuhina. ' In the .second year " they fought in Akkad, where Tiglath-pileser ' captured the cities of L)rir-Kurigalzu, Sippar of the Sun-god, Sippar of .Anunitu, Babylon, Opis, the great cities together with their f irtifications ; at the same time h; plundered .\karsallu .as far as the city of Lubdi, and the land of Su'ii (on the Euphrates to the NW. of 15.al)ylon) in its entirety up to the city of Rapiku he subdued.' 1 The phrase 'a second time' i-^ puzzling, for the 'Synchronous History' does not relate a previous campaign of Tiglath-pileser against Babylon. Some scholars therefore suggest that it refers merely to the former struggle of Asur-res-isi, Tiglath -pileser's father, with the Baby- lonian king Nebuchadrezzar I.; but it must be remembered that Tiglath-pileser did not meet with unvarying success in his re- lations with Babyloni.a, for Sennacherib mentions that during his reign Rammfin and Sala, the gods of the city of Ekallati, had been carried off by Marduk-nadin-ahe, king of Akkad (cp above, 8 20). The question whether this conquest of Ekallati was before or after Tiglath -pileser's successful Babylonian campaign is still indeed an open one ; but the supposition is plausible that Marduk-nadin-ahe's advance against Assyria was

n the first year of hostilities between the two countries, and

that his success was merely temporary, being followed 'in the second year ' by Tiglath-pileser's extensive conquests in Baby- lonia as related in the ' Synchronous Hi.story.'

Tiglath-pileser was a great hunter. He kept a record of the beasts he slew in the desert. This was inserted in the cylinder-inscription after the account of his campaigns. PVom it we learn that with the help of the gods Ninib and Nergal he .slew 'four wild oxen, mighty and terrible in the desert of the land of Mitiini and in Araziki, which is in front of the land of Hatti," ten elephants in the district of Harran and on the banks of the Khabur, one hundred and twenty lions on foot, and eight hundred with spears while in his chariot. He caught four elephants alive, and brought them back, together with the hides and tusks of those he had slaiuj to the city of A5ur. No less energetic was the king in his building

operations. The temples of the gods in .Asur that were in ruins he restored ; he repaired the palaces throughout the countrj- that his predecessors had allowed to fall into decay ; he extended his water-supply bjr the construction of canals; he accumulated considerable quantities of grain. As a result of his conquests, he kept As.syria supplied with horses, cattle, and sheep, and brought back from his campaigns foreign trees and plants, which became acclimatised.

The reign of Tiglath-pileser was a period of great prosperity for Assyria. He pushed his conquests until the bounds of his empire extended from below the Lower Zab to Lake Van and the district of the Upper P-uphrates, and from the mountains to the K. of Assyria to Syria on the W. , including the region wateretl by the Khabur. He was a good warrior ; yet he did not neglect the internal administration of his realm, devoting the spoil of his campaigns to the general improvement of the country. In fact, the summary lie gives of his own reign is a just one : ' To the land of A.sur I added land; to its people I added people. The condition of my people I improved : I caused them to dwell in a jseaceful habitation.'

The prosperity which .\ssyria had enjoyed under Tiglath-pileser does not appear to have long survived his death.

-At the time of Asur-bel-k.ala, Tiglath-pileser's son, relations between Assyria and Babylonia were of a friendly nature. Asur-bel-kala .at first made treaties with Marduk-sapik-zer-mali, king of Babylon ; and later, when Ramman-aplu-iddina, a man of obscure extraction, ascended the throne of Babylonia, he further strengthened the connection between the two countries by contracting an alliance with the daughter of the Babylonian king. Samsi-Ramman, another son of Tiglath-pileser I., also succeeded to the throne, but whether before or after his brother Asur-bel-kala cannot be determined. The only inscription of this king that we possess records that he restored the temple of the goddess Istar m Nineveh.

Such are the only facts we know concerning the immediate successors of Tiglath-pileser I., and at this 29 (raT) poi'it a gap of more than one hundred

years occurs in our knowledge of the ciira 1070-950. history of Assyria. We may surmise that the period was one of misfortune for the empire. What little can be gathered from the inscriptions con- cerning these years speaks of disaster.

Shalmaneser 11., in his monolith-inscription,! states that he recaptured the cities of Pethor and .Mutkinu (beyond the Euphrates), which had been originally taken by Tiglath-pileser I., but had meanwhile been lost by .\ssyria in the time of a king named .Asur- . . . (the latter half of the name being broken). "This king may be identified with A.sur-erbi, and in that case he must have met with at least some .success in the W., for we know that at a place on the coast of Phoctiicia Asur-erbi cut an image of himself in the rock, near which at a later time Shalmane.ser II. caused his own to be set. The names of two other kings are known: Erba-Ramman and ASur-nadin-ahe, whose reigns must have fallen during this period. They are mentioned in the so-called 'hunting inscription' of A5ur- nusir-pal as having erected buildings in the city of A.sur, which were restored by Aliur-nasir-pal.

No direct light is thrown on this dark period by the ' Synchronous History.' As, however, it is written with a strong Assyrian bias, its silence is an additional tes- timony that during this period Assyria must have suffered misfortunes.

30. Predecessors of A. ., '. . , ,. ^ .[edit]

,1,k.i. ,i,.. .^

When we once more take up the thread of Assyria's _- . history, our knowledge of the succession of her kings is unbroken down to the time of Asurbanipal.

Tiglath-pile.ser II. heads this succession of rulers ; but of him we know nothing beyond his name, which occurs in an inscrip- tion of his grandson Ramman-nirari II.,2 whostyles Ctrca 930. him 'kiuiiofhosts, king of Assyria." Tigl.alh-pileser 1 1, was succeeded by his son Asur-dan II. Of this king we know that he constructed a canal, which, however, in the course of thirty years fell into disrepair, and was therefore made gootl 9"' by ASur-na.sir-pal. Ramman-nirari II., who succeeded his father, has left iehind him only the short inscription (just

KB I igS.

1 KBXxioff.

2 A"51,

mentioned) recording his own name and those of his father and grandfathtT. He was an energetic ruler, as Is evinced by the .Synchronous History," which records various successes of his against the Habylonians first against the Babylonian king, SamaS-mudammik, and later against his successor, Nabu-iSum-iikun, who had set himself by force upon the throne. From this latter monarch he captured many cities and much spoil. He did not, however, press his victor>'. He concluded a truce with the Babylonian kine, either Nabn-5um-i5kun or his successor, and each added the other's daughter to his harem. His son, Tukulti-Ninib, succeeded him, and from an inscription of this mon.irch at .Sebeneh-Su we m.-i>r infer that he undertook successful expeditions to the N. of Assyria, at least.

31. Asur-nasir-pal.[edit]

Tukulti-Ninib was succeeded by hisson Asur-nasir-pal, one of the greatest monarchs Assyria ever pro- * duced. The ann.als of his reign he inscril)ed on a slab of stone, which he set up in the temple of . r the god N'inib at Calah. In this inscrip-

jjy 1 Qpj.
of the longest historical inscrip- 

^j^^^ ^j- ^ggyrj^ he gives an account of the various campaigns he undertook.

In the first years of his reign, he tells us, he went .-\g.-iinst the land of Numme, a mount.iinous tract of country to the N. of Assyria, and subdued the l.-inds and cities in its neighbourhood. 'I'he king then proceeded against the district of Kirruri that lay along the W. shores of L.-ike Uriimiy.-ih. Turning W. from Kirruri, he p.tssed through the land of Kirtii on the Upper Tii^ris, .ind city after city fell into his hands. He returned to Assyria with the booty he had collected, .and brought with him Bubu, the son of Hubfi, the governor of Nistun, a city where he had met with an obstinate resistance. This wretch he flayed alive in .\rl>cla, nailing his skin to the city wall. In the s.-ime year he again repaired to the region of the Upper Tigris, against the cities at the foot of the mountains of Nipur and Pasatu. He then passed westward to the land of Kummuh, quelling a revolt in the city of Sfiru on the Khfibur, and seizing the' rebel le.-uler Ahi.ibaba who was brought back to Nineveh, where be W.XS flayed. The tribes siirn.unilini; the disatTeited region tendered their submission. In the next )e.ir the tirst act of the king was to stamp out anotlier rebellion. Neu ^ was l)rought to him that the city of Halzidipha, wliieli .SluUiuaneser II. had colonised (see above, 27, beg.), was in a state of revolution, and had att.icked the Assyrian city of Damd.-imusa. While on his way against the rebels be set up .an im.age of himself, at the source of the river .Subnat, beside images of two of his predecessors, Tiglath-pileser I. and Tukulti-Ninib. He then defeated the rebels at the city of Kin.abu, which he captured, and pro- ceeded to punish the revolt with severity, fl.aying the rebel leader Hulai. Next he attacked the city of Tela and burnt it, mutilating the prisoners by cutting off their ears and h.ands and putting out their eyes. These wretches, while still alive, he piled up in a great heap ; he made another heap out of the heads of the slain, while other he.ads he fastened to trees round the city ; the youths and maidens he burnt alive. These details may suffice to show the brutal practices of this great conqueror. ASur-nfisir-pal next proceeded to the city of Tu.sh.a, which had been deserted by the Assyrians in consequence of a famine. After restoring and strengthening its w.alls, he built a palace for himself and brought back the former inhabitants of the city. After his return he again undertook a pillaging expedition in the mountainous regions of the north. The next two years were mainly t.aken up with campaigns in Dag.ara and Zamu.a, which were in a state of insurrection, Nur-R.ammrin, the chief of Dagara, leading the revolt. The war w.as a pro- tracted one, and three expeditions were required before order was completely restored. These expeditions were followed by others in the region of Kummuh, and in the land of Na'iri. From his residence at Tusha, the" king then crossed the Tigris and captured Pitura .and certain towns round the city of Arbaki. Asur-n."isir-pal records at this point the death of Ammeba'la, one of his nobles, who was murdered by his subordinates. The king's anger, however, w.as appeased by a large tribute, although, according to one .iccount, he flayed Hur- Ramman, the chief rebel, and nailed his skin to the w.-ill of Sin.abu. One of the most important campaigns in the reign of .\sur- nasir-pal was that against the land of Suhi. Although S.adudu, the ruler of th.at land, obt.ained help from N.abu-aplu-iddina, king of Babylonia, his capital Suru was taken and he himself escaped only by flight. A second campaign led to the subjugation of the whole district and a considerable extension of the Assyrian sphere of influence along the Euphrates. ASur-nSsir-pal next crossed the river and c-irried his arms into N. Syria. He first made his w.iy to C.archemish and received the submission of Sangara, king of the land of Hatti. Pro- ceeding SW. and exacting tribute from the districts through which he pa.ssed, he crossed the Orontes and marched .S. into the district of Lebanon. The cities on the coast of the Mediterranean, including Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, and Armad (.\rvad), sent presents. In the N. districts he cut down cedars, which he used on his retunj in building temples to the g<>d>. One more expedition .ASur-nasir-p-al undertook on the N. of Assyria, traversing the land of |yummuh and again penetrating to the upper reaches of the Tigri.s.

KB \ soj:, K PCI) 2 134^.

Asur-na.sir-pal firmly established the rule of .\.ssyria in the NW. and the .\. , while he extended his empire eastwards and laid the foundations of Assyria's later supremacy in the W. on the coast of the Meditenanean. He w.as one of Assyria's greatest contjucrors ; but his rule was one of iron, and his barbarity was exceptional even for his time. He was a great builder. .\t Nineveh he restored the royal palace and rebuilt the temple of Lstar. The city of Calali, which Shalmaneser

I. had founded, he rebuilt, [leopling it with captives taken on his e.\[)editions. He connected it with the Upf)er Zal) by means of a canal, and erected two temples and a huge palace, from which his bas-reliefs, now in the British Museum, were obtained (cp alx)ve. 18).

32. Shalmane- t^e .s.[edit]

Asur-niisir-pal w.as succeeded by his son .'^lialnianeser I I, who extended the kingdom of his father beyond L.ake ggQ Van and Lake l'ri"in)iyah. He exer- cised a protectorate over Babylonia in , and his kingdom 'included Ber II. and Damascus, which he had concjuered.

successors. During his reign, for the first time in history, .Assyria came into direct contact with Israel : he mentions .\hab of Israel as one of the allies of Benhadad of Damascus (cp Sh.m.m.ankskr II. ). His later ye.ars were troubled by the revolt of his son Asur- danin-pal ; but his younger son. .Sam.si-Ramnian, put down the rebellion, and on his father's death succeeded to the throne.

On a monolith of .Sam.si-R.amm.nn II., now in the British Museum, is :ui inscription in arcliaistic characters narrating

_ four campaigns of this mon.arch. He restored order to

^4- the kingdom, which had been thrown into confusion by the rebellion of his brother, and, having established his own authority over the territory subjugated by his father, ex- tended it on the E. He routed the Habyloni.an king, Marduk- balatsii-ikbi, in spite of the large army the latter had collected, comprising drafts from Elam and Chaldea in addition to bis regular troops.

Sanisi-Rammfin II. was succeeded by liis son.

Raminan-nirari III.

Two inscriptions on stone slabs from Cal.ah, an inscription

on some statues of the gixl Nebo, and an inscription on a brick P from the mound of Nebi-Viim"is, are the records actually

'^' d;aini; from his reign; but these are supplemented by

a sliort noti, e in the ' .Synchronous Histor>-,' and by the Eponym Canon, wliicli adds short notices of the principal events during each year of his reign.

Ramman-nirari III. undertook expeditions in Media. Parsua. and the region of Lake Urumiyah on the K. ; concjuered the land of Nairi on the N. ; and subjugated all the coastlands on the W. . including Tyre, Sidon. Israel. ?",dom, and I'hilistia. Mari', king of Damascus (see Bknh.VDAD, 3), attempted no defence of his capital. He sent to Ramman-nirari his submission, paying a heavy tribute in silver, gold, copper, and iron, besides quantities of cloth an<i furniture. A considerable portion of Babylonia also owned the supremacy of Ramman-nirari. In his inscription on the statues of Nebo, he mentions the name of his wife Samnmramat (the Assyrian form of the Greek Semiramis). He was a great monarch. His energetic rule and extensive co!K|uests recall those of .Shalmaneser II. his grand- father.

Of the three kings that follow not much is known. Shalmaneser HI. succeedetl Ranmian-nirari, and ^ ^' froni the I'.jwnynj t.anon we gather that he undertook campaigns against I'rartu (.Armenia), Itu", Damascus, and Hatarika ( Hadrach). He was succeedetl by .\.sur-dan HI. This king made foreign ex- ^^ petlitions. His was a troubled reign. The most important event recorded in his time was the eclipse of the sun in 763 (cp above, 19, end ; Amos. 4 ; EcMi'SK, 1). The same year saw the outbreak of civil war : the ancient city of .\sur had revolted. In 761 the rebellion was joined by the city of Arapha. and in 759 by the city of (jozan. In 758, however, after it had lasted six years, the revolt was brought to an end ; Gozan was captured, and order once more restored.

33. Tiglath-[edit]

The troubles of Assyria during the reign of Asur-dan were aggravated in the years 765 and 759 by visitations of the plague. On liis death he was succeeded by Asur- nirari. Although at the beginning of his reign '^^^' this king undertook expeditions against Hadrach and Arpad, and later two campaigns against the Ziniri, for the greater part of his reign he was inactive. In 746 the city of (,'alah revolted, and next year a man of unusual energy usurped the throne, and, assuniing the name of Tiglath-pileser, ^ , extended Assyrian supremacy farther than it had ever reached. In the reign of 'riglath-j)ileser III. Assyria came into '"'-' close contact with the Hebrews, a con-

tact that continued under each of his successors until the reign of Ivsarhaddon. The events of their reigns and the influence they exerted on the history of Israel and Judah are described in the separate articles on these successive kings.

Tiglath-pileser III. was succeeded in 727 by Sii.\L-


m.\ni-.si:k IV. (t/.v.), and he in 722 by the usurper S.\kgon {'/.z'.), to whom succeeded in 705 his son .Sknn.vchkkih {</.i: ), in 680 his grandson lOsAkiiAUDON ('/.<'.), and in 669 his great-grandson Asur-bani-pal. For the expeditions of the last- named monarch in Egypt, IClam, Arabia, etc. see A5uk-hani-I'.\L. His literary tastes found expression in the collecting of a great library at Nineveh. The Eponym list and his own iiiscrii)tions cover only the fast part of his reign ; his later years are clouded in uncertainty, and the date of his death is a matter of conjecture. The period from his death

34. Decline[edit]

until the fall of Nineveh is equally ob-

and fall "'"" ""' '"" ^' "'""-'"'" '^ '^T

scare. We know the names of two of his sons, .\sur-etil-ilani and .Sin-sar-iikun, who both occupied the throne ; but the length of their respective reigns and even the order of their succession are matters of dispute. It used to be assumed that during this period Assyria was entirely stripped of her power and foreign possessions ; but this view has now been modified in consequence of recently discovered contract -tablets dated from both northern and southern Babylonian cities according to the regnal j-ears of the last two Assyrian kings. These prove that the Assyrian supremacy in Babylonia continued for some little time at least. As- syria's power, however, was waning. A long career of concjuest had been followed by an age of luxury, and her strength was sapped. The Scythian hordes that had swept across W. Asia had further weakened her. Thus, when Nabopolassar, repudiating.Assyrian control, allied himself with Cyaxares. king of Media, and their combined forces invaded the country, her resistance met with no success.

, , Though Xineveh held out for two years, the

circa 606. . "^ , , , 1 , ,

city was at last captured and destroyed, and Assyria was annexed to the empire of the Medes.

The most recent, and at the .same time most scientific, work on Assyrian art and architecture is Perrot and Chipiez's //isL de fart dans rantiquite, vol. ii., Chahiec ft

38. Bibliography.[edit]

Assyrie, Paris, 1884. Of works which ap- peared soon after the discovery of the re- mains of .Assyrian art, and do not attempt a scientific treatment, one of the earliest was liotta and Flandin's Monuments de Ninive, 5 vols., Paris, 1849-50. The two works of Sir Henry Layard, Nineiieh and its Remains and Monuments of Nineveh, contain a good account of his discoveries. In Assyrian Discoveries, Lond. 1875, George Smith has described the results of his own explorations.

For the history of Assyria the principal work is Tide's Bab.- Ass. Gesch. Gotha, i886-83. Reference may also be made to Hommel's Gesch. Bab. u. Ass. Berlin, 1885-88, the Gesch. Bah. u. Ass. by Miirdter and Delitzsch, Calw and Stuttgart, 1S91, and Winckler's Gesch. Bab. u. Ass. Leipz. 1892. Among Knglish works dealing with the history of Assyria, see George Smith's Assyria (SPCK, Oxf. 1875), and Prof. G. Rawlinson's Five Great .M anarchies 0/ the Eastern World, vols. i. and ii. Lond. 1871. Both these works have been superseded on several points in consequence of later discoveries.

Assyrian history can be rightly understood only if followed in the inscriptions themselves. Translations of most of the his- torical inscriptions of Assyria are given in Sclirader's KB i. and ii. Berlin, 1889-90, each of which contains an explanatory map. A series of popular English translations of Egyptian and As.syrian monuments was foiiiidoj and edited by Dr. S. Birch of the British Museum and entitled RP (12 vols. Lond. 1S73-81), of which vols, i. iii. V. vii. ix. and xi. deal with Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions. These translations have now, of course, been super-seded. In a new series edited by A. H. Sayce (6 vols, Lund. 1888-92) the old methods and plan were not modiiied. As a collection of all the points in the OT illustrated or explained by the monuments, Schrader's COT'\% still unrivalled.

For works treating of the religion of the Assyrians see Babylonia, S 71.

For the student who would gain a more than superficial know- ledge of Assyriology it is needless to give a list of works, as this has already been done in Bezold's Bab. Ass. lit. Leipz. 1886; the literature since 18S6 can be ascertained from the bibliographies appended to the ZA and to the American Journal 0/ Semitic Languages and Literatures, and from the Or. Bibliographie.

L. W. K.