Encyclopaedia Biblica/Baana-Babylonia

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(N3r3, probably = Baanah [lx.-low] ; Baana, [BXA]).

1. b. Ahilud (or perhaps better Ahimelech ; see Ani.tn, 2 ; Ahimki.hch, i), .Solomon's prefect in the \alley of Jezreel ; lK.4.2(/3aKX<'[Hl, "o-^a;^(i[L]).

2. b. Hushai, prefect in Asher ; i K. 4 16 (/Saai^as [A], ^ai'aia? [I,]). His father, Hushai, is no doubt the well-known courtier of David (2.S. 1') 52). Cp Ailii.uu, 2.

,. I.uher of Zawik |r/.7'., 3] ; Neh. 84 (om. A ; /Sa^oa [L]). 4. 1 i:v,1.58 = Xeh.77, Haanah, 3.


(n;r3; cp Nabataean "|Ji;3 [ CAS' 2 220]; B&AN& [RSAL])!

1. b. Kimmon, a P>eerothite, one of the murderers of Ishbaal, 2S. 4 2^ Oai/aia [L], and in H ^aajti [fT'. 59], /3a/oi/Lia l?'. 6|; Jos. ^aii'n.%, Pavao9a). See Rechab, i, Ishhaal, i.

2. 1' ather of one of David's heroes, 2 S. 2^ 29 (j3e>/ta/u.eti/? [15], ^aavaai [A])= i Ch. 11 30 (coofa [BN] j3ai/a [L]).

3. A leader (see KzHA, ii. 8 <) in the great post-exilic list (//i. ii. 9), Kzra22 (/3aAAeia [B], /3ai/aa [L])=Neh. 7 7= i Esd. 5 8, 1!aana [4]. Possibly the same as Baana, 3 (above).

4. Signatory to the covenant (see EzKA, i. 7) ; Neh. 10 27 [28] (om. L).


(BAAN[e]l [BA]), i Esd. 9 34 = Ezra 10 34, Bani, 2.


(Bannaiac [BA]). i Esd. 926, AV = EzralO-'s, Hknai.mi, 7.


(X'ni?3), a 'wife' of Siiaiiaraim {^.z'.), in genealogy of Hk.nj.vmin ( 9 ii. ji), 1 Ch. 88 (iBaaAa [B], BAAP& [A], BaAaa [L]).


(nyL*'i;!3, no doubt a textual error for n^wT'3, see Maasi.ia'h), a Gershonite Levite ; i Ch. 640 [25J (maacai [HJ. Baacia [A], Bacia [LJ).


(NL"r3 or wSb'^a, 51 [cp Ba. on 2 Ch. I61], BaACA [H.\L] ; Jos. .Inf. viii. I23, BACANHC ; BA.is.i. Ba'sa occurs on the monolith inscription of

J .Sail. 4 I, rev. ; cp \V^I^L As. u. Eur. 315. The reading Ba'a/y (so Goodwin, Brugsch, etc.) is incorrect.

2 What Baal-Zaphon (at any rate the Baal-Zaphon of Goshen) signifies, is disputed. ' Watch-tower ' (v/nss) certainly does not mean. Gesenius (after Forster) compared the Gk. Tv^wi/ (originally a wind god), who was identified by the Greeks with the Egyptian .SV/, Sijfl (EcvfT, g 14), on the basis of the later confusion with the giant Tuc^ufevs. Quite inadmissibly. Nor can the equation be supported by the unfortunate assertion that 'Tep' was a name of 'Set' (cp Renouf, ///M. Lects. for 1879, p. 114). A much more reasonable explanation is ' master of the north,' i.e., 'north point'; Baal-Zephon was indeed near the north end of the Gulf. Others {e.g., Kber.s) explain Zaphon as ' the north wind,' this wind being important for the sailors on the Red Sea, who would make their orisons at the sanctuary of Baal- Zafhon. Cp the name Baal-sapuna on Hamathite territory (Tig.-pil. 111.), Hommel, AllT, 255, WMM, As. u. Eur. 315. See also Zaphon.

Shalmaneser II. as the name of an Ammonite king [Lei. Par. 294, Schr. K'.IT-^ 196, .Mt.urdy, Jlist. I'ruph. .Man. I273]),' b. Ahijah, an Issacharite, lx;camc king of Israel in succession to Nadab, whom he conspired against and slew at the I'hilistme town of Giblxithon, afterwards killing all the rest of Jerolwam's family ( I K. 1527 /). The fact that the Philistines were able to resume war against Israel leads to the supposition that there had Ix-en a military revolution in which Baasha, one of Nadabs generals, was the leader (cp Ki. Hist. 2254). His reign was marked by his energetic ojx;rations against Asa "' {q.v. ). By build- ing Ramah (iK. I517) Baasha had endeavoured to shut off Jerusalem from intercourse with the outer world, and Asa was saved only by the purchased aid of Benhadad (q.v. , 2), who invaded Israel ' unto Na])luali ' (v. 20, c|> ). We know but little of his ' acts ' or of his 'might' (iriTaJ, i K. 165)- He was one of the few kings who died a natural death. He was buried at Tirzah, which was still the royal residence (i K. 15 21 33), having lx;en made such by Jeroboam (see Tirzah). Baasha was the head of the second dynasty, which was e.xtirpated at a later time by Zimri, ' in accordance with the word of Yahwe which he spake against Baasha by Jehu the prophet' (see Jkhu, 2, b. Hanani). The fate of the house of Baasha b. Ahijah, as also that of Jerolxjam b. Nebat, is referred to by later writers ; cp I K. 21 22 2 K. 99. See Iskaki,, 29, Ciiko.nk i.ks, 8, and, for his date (about 900 B.C.), Ciiko.\i)1.(j,-;v, 32-


(Cien. 11 1-9). The story of the lower \?^j'P), when its lacunar have been tilled up, is to this effect.

1. OT story.[edit]

All mankind had still one language, and kept together. On one of their nomadic journeys they found a spot which suggested the adoption of a settled life ; it was the plain of Shinar. Having no building material, they de\ ised the plan of baking clay into bricks, and using bitumen for cement. They were the first city-btiilders. Their design, however, \\as to build, not only a city, but also a stupendously high tower which should Ix; at once a monument of their strength and a centre or rallying- point that would prevent their ever being disper.sed. Uneasy at their newly awakened activity, Yahwe ' came down ' to take a nearer view of the buildings, and then returned (to his lofty mountain abode, Ezek. 2814) to take counsel with the sons of ElOhim. This, he said, is but the beginning of human ambition ; nothing will soon lie too hard for man to do. Come, let us go down (together), and bring their speech into confusion. Hence arose the present variety of languages and the dispersion of mankind, and hence the name of the well- known city called Babylon.

This naive narrative, which is Yahwistic, probably comes from the same writer as the story of Paradise.

2. General Character.[edit]

Both narratives present the same childlike curiosity .about causes, the .same strongly anthropomorphic and in some sense polytheistic conception of the divine nature (cp z<. h/. with

1 We. {Heid.i^) 62) suggests that KC'i'a may l^e a contraction for KC'"'?J?3' .Similar contractions are seen in the Phoen. CCCJ'3 and Aram, (from the Hauran) |cri*3- Sa ispossibly a divine name and seems to recur in the names Abishai, Ammi-sha (f t Amasa), etc.; see Jerusha. It may also be the same as the god Ii- mentioned in a S. Arab, inscription (Exp. T. 10329). Its identification with a Palm, deity nc is open to question.

2 Cp the tradition referred to in Jer. 41 9 (N omits the name).

3 On the name (^'^^), see Bauvlon, i, and below, col. 411, n. 4, and 8 6.

4 According to the non-critical view, the sur\'ivors of the Deluge made their way from the mountain on which the ark had rested to the land of Shinar (so Sayce, Crit. Man. 155). The Deluge-story, however, makes Shem, Ham, and lapheth them- -selves the progenitors of the different sections of mankind, and has thus no need of the Tower-storj . Even if such a narrative had been intioduced into the Deluge-story, how could 'Shem, Ham, and lapheth ' be called 'all the earth ' (11 1)? See We. CU 13 ; but cp Stade, ZA T\V 14 276^. ['94I.

8 22) ; both, therefore, have in all ages given occasion to the enemy to blaspheme. Philo {Di Cot^usione l.iiisnarum) thought that, to avoid ' the most surpassing impiety," the anthio|X)niorphisms must be interpreted allegorically. If we are not prepared to follow him in this, we must once more apply the mythological key (see Adam and Eve, jt 4).

It is perhaps the second extant chapter in the mythic chronicle of the first family that we have l)efore us : the passage which originally linked the story of the Tower to that of Paradise has been lost (see Nki'HII.IM). It is clear, however, that the first men had not gone far from Paradise : they are still on their journeys ' in the east ' when this ambitious project occurs to them (see GEOGRAPHY, 13).

The narrative may be regarded in two aspects.

3 Origin of diverse tongues[edit]

While explaining how the city of Babylon, wiih its

_ . . gigantic terrace- tern pies, came to be built

. ^ (see 4), it accoimls for the division of men into different nations, separated in abode and speech. Not to lie able to understand one's neighbour seemed to the primitive men a curse (cp Dt. 2849 Jer. 5 15)- It is not improbable that there was an ancient N. Semitic myth which ex- plained how this curse arose. It is said that there are many such myths elsewhere,^ and some of them (e.g., that reported by Livingstone from Lake Ngami, and that mentioned in the Bengal Census Report for 1872 to mention only two of the best attested) have a certain similarity to the Hebrew story. It is credible, therefore, that the X. Semites ascribed the curse of many languages to the attempt to erect a tower by which men might climb up ' above the stars of Cjod ' and ' sit on the mountain of assembly ' and ' make themselves like the Most High'2(Is. H13/.).

4. Origin of Babylon[edit]

The old myth, like that which seems to underlie the story of Sodom {}.v.), said nothing as to where the town to which the tower belonged lay.

-^ , : When, however, through some devastating storm, one of the chief temple-towers of Babylon (see BABYLONIA, 27) fell in remote days into disrepair, wandering Aramaaan trilxis may have marked it, and, connecting it with the ' balx;! ' of foreign tongues in Babylon, may have localised the myth at the ruined temple-tower.^ ftalbel, they would have exclaimed : * it was here that (iod confounded men's sjx;ech, and the proofs of it are the ruined tower and the name of Batel.

5. Character of myth.[edit]

It is remarkable that the polytheistic element in the old myth should have been so imperfectly removed.

Even the writer who adopted and retold the story was still far off from the later transcendental monotheism. The changes which he introduced consisted in omissions rather than in insertions. Yahwe still has to come down to inquire ; he still has to communicate the result to the inferior divine beings, and bring them with him to execute judg- ment ; but, though he needs society, as ruler Yahw6 stands alone : there is no triad of great gods, as in Babylon. It is also worth mentioning that the narrator's idea of civilisation is essentially a worthy one. No city can be built, according to these early men, without a religious sanction. Enos, as another myth appears to have said, is at once the beginner of forms of worship

1 .See F.BIS>), art. Babkt., Tower <of (Sayce), and cp Luken, Die Traditionen, 318-322.

2 In a Babylonian hymn we find the god Bel identified with 'the great mountain whose top reaches to heaven' (Jensen, Kosinol. 21).

3 In the original myth there was no hyperbole. In the localised myth, however, the de.scription ' whose top reacheth unto heaven' seems parallel to a phrase in Dt. I28, and to similar descriptions of Egyptian obelisks (see lirugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, 310) and Assyrian and Babylonian temple- towers (so Tiglath-pilcser ; 'its temple - towers I raised to heaven,' Del. Ass. UWB 162; and Hammu-rabi, '(the temple) whose top Is high as heaven he built, KB iii. <?, 129.

< A popular etymology would connect Bdbel with Aram. ba/hel much more easily than with Heb. bd/at (ficK Olshausen, Lehrh. | 189a), as Bu. supposed in 1883 {I'rgesck. 3S7). On- kelos on Gen. 11 9 gives ^373 for '^e ^"^^ of M"!.

and the father of Cain the city-builder (see Cain, i). On the other hand, the idea that God grudges man the strength which comes from union, and fears human ambition, is obviously one of the 'beggarly elements' of ethnic religion from which Jewish religion had yet to disengage itself.

6. OT form not Babylonian[edit]

We have seen that there was not improbably an old N. Semitic myth of the interrupted building of a tower fi OT form not * account for the dispersion of the RQ>^17lnT,i'lT, nations. Should such a myth one day uaoyioman. ^^ discovered in Babylonia, 1 it will certainly disappoint many persons by not mentioning the ' confusion of languages,' nor giving Babylon as the scene of the events, { 1 ) because the Ass. bullulu means 'fundere,' not ' confundere, ' and (2) because the city of Babylon was regarded as of divine origin, and its name Bdbilw-AS, explained as Bdb-ili, 'the gate of God,' or ' of the gods ' (cp Bahylon, i). The latter reason is decisive also against the theory '^ that the Sibylline story of the Tower of Babel and the cognate one of .AbydCnus ^ rest on Babylonian authority. That two of the reporters of the story give the polytheistic ot Ceot proves nothing, for the plural was sufficiently suggested by the Hebrew narrative {y. 7). The non- biblical features of their version, though in one point (the object ascribed to the builders) probably an accurate reconstruction of the earliest myth, are of no authority, being clearly derived from the imaginative Jewish Haggada,"* which is re- sponsible also for the part assigned by later writers to Nimrod (Jos. Ant. i. 42 ; cp Dante, Inf. 31 76-81).

7. Site of tower.[edit]

Where was the tower referred to in the Hebrew narrative? Few scholars have declared this problem insoluble ; but almost all have missed what seems the most natural answer.

Benjamin of Tudela, who travelled about a.d. 1160, sup

it to be the mound called by the Arabs Birs Nimrud, which, he says, is made of bricks called al-ajur.^ This agrees with the Midrash (AVr. rabha, par. .x.xxviii), and is probably implied in the strange gloss of in Is. 10 9. In the sixteenth century Balbi and Ralph Fitch, and in the seventeenth John Cartwright, give descriptions of the ' Tower of Balx:l ' which are plainly suggested by the huge mass of brickwork, 6 or 7 m. W. of Bagdad, known as Tell Nimrud or'Akarkuf (see Del. Par. 208 ; Peters, Nippur, i. i88_/C). Pietro delia Valle in the eighteenth century preferred the great mound near Hillah called Bdbil, which, however, as Rassam has shown, represents the famous hanging gardens (see Baiiylon, 4 8). In the nineteenth, C. J. Rich and Ker Porter revived the Birs Nimrud theory, and most scholars have followed them,** largely influenced by Nebuchadrezzar's Borsippa inscrip- tion. No one has put this view so plausibly as J. P. Peters, in an article which appeared since this article was written (JBL, 1896, p. loC^). The statements of the king are no doubt well adapted to illustrate the disrepair into which (see $ 4) the tower originally intended must have fallen, even though they do not, as Oppert once thought, descrilje the 'confusion of tongues.' Let us pause upon them for a moment. They tell us that the temple-tower {zikkurrat) of Borsippa had ' fallen into decay since remote days,' and indeed that it had never been quite completed by its original builder. ' Rain and storm had thrown down its wall ; the kiln-bricks of its covering had split ; the bricks of its chamber were in heaps of rubbish. ' To restore it,' says Nebuchadrezzar, 'the great Lord Marduk impelled my mind.' t

Borsippa, however, is not the place we should natur- ally go to for the tower. Babylon, and Babylon alotie (which was always distinguished from Borsippa) must cover the site. The late Jewish tradition is of no value whatever : it grew up, probably, during the Exile, when Nebuchadrezz;u-'s restoration of the ' temple of the

1 The story as it stands is not, as Stade (ZA TIV, 1895, p. 157) and Gunkel (Sclidpf. 149) (not, of course, on the ground of the supposed di.scovery in TSBA 5303,^, RP't \i<)_ff. \ cp Sayce, Hibb. Lect. 406) have held, Babylonian.

2 Gnippe, Die gHech. Culte u. Mytlun, 683 ; ZA TW 9 154

['89]; Sta. ZAriV\b-i.^i 161 ['95].

t. Sibyll.Z<)T ff.; Jos. Ant.\.\-i\ Syncellus, Chron. ed. Dindorf, 81 ; Eus. Chron. ed. Schoene, 1 33. Cp Bloch, Die Quet/en des Ft. Josephus, $^ /. ['79]; Freudenthal, //*//<:/. Studien 1 25.

See Jubilees\0 19-26 (Charles, /QR 6 208/).

5 The Arabic 'rt;rr'<" comes through .Aram, from As.s. agvrru, ' kiln-bricks ' (often) ; both words are used collectively.

6 For Sir H. Rawlinson's view, which differs from the views mentioned above, see G. Smith's Chaldaan Genesis, edited by

layce, 171.

r KB3b 52-55; cp cor

seven lights of heaven and earth ' was recent. In the tikkurrat of the great temple Ivsagila (see Babyi.on, 4, 5), represented, according to Honiniel, by Tell 'Amran, we have the true tower of HalK.-!. Nebu- chadrezzar himself speaks of this tower in the Borsippa inscription. ' K-temcn-an-ki,' he says, 'the tikkurrat of Babylon. I restored and finished." An account of this building has been given from a Babylonian tablet by the late George Smith. He tells us that ' the whole height of this tower alxjve its foundation was 15 gar, or 300 feet, exactly eciual to the breadth of the base ; and, as the foundation was most probably raised above the level of the ground, it would give a height of over 300 feet at)ove the plain for this grandest of Babylonian temples. ' > What vicissitudes this zikkurrat, or its pre- decessor, passed through in early times, who shall say ?

T. K. C.


(BaBi [A]), I Esd. 837 = Kzra8ii, Bebai, i.

1. Name, etc.[edit]

The word "paa ("^'- BaByAoon). B.'UmjI, designating the city which, in course of time, liecame the capital of the country known as Babylonia, is the Hebrew form of the native B;lb-ili ( ' gate of God," or ' Gate of the gods '). The Accadian or Sumerian name, Ka-dingira, is a translation of the Semitic Babylonian. Of the other names of the city, Tin-tir, ' Seat of life,' and \\ or E-ki (translated ' hcjuse ' or 'hollow') are among the best known. The existence of these various names is prob- ably due to the incorporation, as the city grew, of out- lying villages and districts. .Among the places which seem to have been regarded, in later times, as a part of the city, may be mentioned Su-anna (a name sometimes apparently interchanged with that of Babylon itself) ; To, which, though it had, like Babylon, a pihatti, or district of its own, is nevertheless described as being 'within Babylon'; and Suppatum and Litamu, ap- parently names of plantations ultimately included in the city.

The date of the foundation of Babylon is still un- certain. Its association in Gen. 10 10 with Erech, Akkad, and Calneh implies that according to Hebrew- tradition it was at least as old as tho.se cities, and con- firmation of this is to lie found in the bilingual Creation- story (see Ckkation, 16 d\, where it is mentioned as coeval with l->ech and Nippuru, two primeval cities, the latter of which has l)een proved by the excavations to dale back to prehistoric times.

No detailed history of the rise of the city has yet come to light. Agum or Agu-kak-rime (about 1550 I!. C.) spx.-aks of the glorious shrines of_Marduk and Zirpanitum, in the temple l"-sagila, which he restored with great splendour. About 892 H. c. , Tukulii-Ninip, king of Assyria, took the city, slaying the inhabitants, and carrying a vast .amount of spoil (in- cluding the property and dues of the great temple IC-sagila) back with him to .Assyria. Sennacherib, how- ever, went farther than his predecessor. He says that, after having spoiled the city at least once, he devoted it to utter destruction. The temples, palaces, and city- walls were overthrown. The debris having been cast into the canal Arahtu, that waterway was still further dammed up, and a flood in con-secjuence ravaged the country. ICsarhaddon, when he came to the throne, began the rebuilding of the city, restoring the temples w ith much sjilendour ; and the work of beautifying them was continued by Samas-sum-ukin and .Asur-bani-pal, his sons, the former as king of Babylon, and the latter as his suzerain. Later, Nabopolassar continued the work ; but it was left for his son Nebuchadrezzar to bring the city to the very height of its glory. Later still, Cyrus held his court at Babylon (.Su-anna), where vassal kings brought him tribute and paid him homage. The siege of the place and the destruction of its walls by

t See Sayce, Hibb. Led., App. ii.; but cp Jensen, Kosmol.

2. History.[edit]

Darius Hystaspis were the beginning of its decay. Xerxes is said (Herod. 1 183) to have plundered the tenjple of BClus of the golden statue that Darius had not dared to remove, and Arrian (836) states that he destroyed the temple itself on his return from Greece. He relates also that Alexander wished to restore this celebrated fane,' but renounced the itlea, as it would have taken ten thousand men more than two months to remove the rubbish alone. Be this as it may, Antiochus Soter, in an inscription found aj Birs- Nimrud, mentions having restored the temple lO-sagila (the temple of BClus), showing that some attempt was made, notwithstanding Alexander's abandonment of the task in despair, to bring order into the ch.aotic mass of ruin to which it had apparently been rc<luced. The people of the great city had, in all probability, by this time almost entirely migrated to Seleucia, on the Tigris ; but the temple services were continued as late as the third decade B.C., and probably even into the Christian era. The temple was still standing in 127 B.C. (reign of the Kharacenian king Hysp;isines), and had a congregation, who worshipped the god Marduk in combination with Anu, this twofold godhead lx;ing, apparently, called Anna-Bel. .\ small tablet, dated ' 2i9lh year, Arsaces, king of kings,' records the lj<jr- rowing by two priests of E-sa-bad (the temple of the goddess Gula at Babylon) of a certain sum of silver from the treasury of the temple of Bel. This date, which is regarded as .Arsacidean, shows that certain temples, including the tower of BClus, remained, with their priesthood and services, as late as the year 29 B.C. {Bab. Or. Record, 4 133).

3. Ruins.[edit]

Rather more than 50 miles .south of Bagdad, on the east bank of the Euphrates, lie the ruins siill identified by tradition as those of Baliylon. These remains consist of a series of extensive, irregularly-shaped mounds covering, from north to south, a distance of about 5 miles. Bfdjil, the northmost ruin, has, according to .Ainsworth, a square superficies of 120,000 ft., and a height of 64 ft. The next in order is the Mujellibch, of about the same superficies and a height of 28 ft. After this come two mounds close together, the Kasr or ' j^alace,' and that called '.Amran- ibn-'.\li to the south of it. These two together have a suiierlicies of 104,000 ft. , and a height of 67 ft. , or w ith the bens, or stone monument, 115 ft. Most of these two mounds is ' enclosed w ithin an irregular triangle formed by two lines of ramparts and the river, the area being alxuit 8 miles' (Loflus). Other remains, includ- ing two parallel lines of rampart, are scattered alwut, and there are the remains of an embankment on the river side. On the W. bank are the ruins of a palace said to be that of Neriglissar.

4. Greek descriptions.[edit]

According to Herodotus (1 178-187), the city ff)rmed a vast square, 480 stades (55J miles) in circumference.

Around the city w.as a large ditch of nmning water, and beyond that a great rampart 200 cubits high and 50 bro.ad, there lx.>ing on it room enough for a four-horse chariot to pass, and even to turn, in addition to space sufficient for ' chambers facing each other. ' The top, therefore, would seem to have resembled a kind of street. The wall was pierced by a himdred gateways closed with brazen gates. On reaching the Ivuphrates, which ( Hero- dotus says) divided the city, it was met by walls which lined the banks of the stream. The streets were arranged at right angles. Where those which ran down to the Euphrates met the river-wall, there were gateways allow- ing access to the river. On each bank of the Euphrates

1 A confirmation of this occurs in the tablet Hu. 88-5-12, 619, which is dated in 6th ye.-ir cf Aliks.-ind.nrrls (Alex.nndi-r), and refers to lo mana of silver .-us tithe paid ana aakii la f(>iri sa E-sangiUso to be read, according to the Aramaic docket), 'for the clearing away of the dust (rubbish) of E-sangil (E-sagila)' (Oppert in the Comptes Kemius de tAcad. des Inscr. et Be/Its Lettres, 1898, pp. 4i4^.).

[large map of site of babylon goes here]

Scale: i inch = 4000 yards.

Scale of Miles 234

4000 \'ai-(Js

Present River Beds

Dry Beds

Ancient Lateral Irrigants, now dry..

Date Palms _

UnciHtiuated and Desert. Cultivated, Gardens etc


Prominent Mounds and Ruins i^'^M Swamps, Marshes, and Rice Grounds... -^- ^

THE SITE OF BABYLON compiled mainly from surveys by Jones, Selby, Bewsher, and CoHing^^'Ood, 1845-65, with corrections to 1885 (published by the India Office). Small additions, etc., from Ki(:jx;rt's ' Kuiiicnfckior der Umgegciid von Babylon ' in Ztschr. d. Gesellsch. J. Erdkundc su Berlin.

were certain forlifk-d buildings, the royal palace lx;ing on one side, anil the temple of Helus on the other. The latter was a tower in stages, with an exterior winding ascent leading froni stage to stage, and alxjut half-way up a resting-place for the visitor. The top was sur- mounted by a sjKicious chaix,'l, containing a richly covered bed and a golden table. iN'one passed the night there, according to the priests, except a woman of the country whom the god had six.'cially chosen. Lower down was another chapel containing a seated statue of /cus (llel-Marduk) and a large table, Ixjth of solid gold. Outside were two altars, one of them of gold ; and it was here that the golden statue that was carried away by Xer.xes formerly stood. Herodotus sjjeaks also of the large reservoir, constructed, he says, by <.)ueen Nitocris, and of the embankments and the bridge that she made, the hist lx.-ing a series of piers of stone built in the river, connected l)y wooden drawbridges which w ere w ithdrawn at night. Nitocris caused to l)e erected over the most frecjucnted gale of the city, the tomb which she after- wards occupied : but this, he says, was removed by Darius, who thought that it was a pity that the gate should remain unused, and coveted the treasure that she was supposed to have placed there, which he failed to find. The houses of the city, according to Herodotus, were three and four stories high. He does not mention the hanging gardens.

Ctesias (ap. Diod. Siculus, 27,'.) makes the circuit of the city only 360 stades (41 m. 600 yds. ). It lay on l)oth sides of the Euphrates, which was crossed by a bridge at its narrowest point. The bridge was similar to that descrilxid by Herodotus, and measured 5 stades (3032 ft. ) in length and 30 ft. in breadth. At each end was a royal palace, that on the E. being the more splendid. There was a part called the twofold royal city, which was surrounded by three walls, the outmost having a circuit of 7 m. 'Fhe height of the middle wall, which was circular, was 300 ft. ; that of its towers, 420 ft. The inmost wall, however, was even higher. The walls of the second enclosure and those of the third were faced with coloured bricks, enamelled with various designs. Among them were representations of Semi- ramis and .Ninus slaying the leopard and the lion. The two palaces were joined by a tunnel under the river as well as by a bridge. DiodOms mentions the square lake, and describes the temple of Belus, which, he says, had a statue of Zeus (Hel-Marduk) 40 ft. high, and statues of Hera and Rhea (probably Zir- panitum [see Succotii-Bk.voth] and the goddess Damkina). He describes the famous hanging gardens, which were scjuare, and measured 400 ft. each way, rising in terraces, and provided with earth enough to accommodate trees of great size. (Eor other Oeek accounts, see (i) Arrian, Anab. 7251, and Plut. Alex. 74 ; (2) Diod. Sic. 27-10, Curt. Ruf. 5i 24-35 ; (3) Strab. I615; (4) Diod. 19ioo, 7 and IMut. Demetr. 7; (5) Philistr. V'it. Apoll. I25; to which may be added (6) Berossus in Jos. Ant. .\. 11 1, C. Ap. \\<)f., and Eus. Frap. Ev. ^^t^ c d).

6. Nebuchadrezzar[edit]

The best native account of the glories of Babylon is probably that of the well-known king Nebuchadrezzar

^'^'^ '^^ ^^ *~"'^ '""- ^" ^'^'" ^'^*^ '^^

^ ,_ owed much who, inileed, may Ix; said to

rezzar a , . n I 1 . 'nu


have practically rebuilt it. The most

ptjrtant edifice to him was the temple of Bclus (i'L-sagila, later called IC-saggil or E-sangil), and with this he lx.'gins, speaking first of the shrine of Marduk, the wall of which he covered with massive gold, lapis-lazuli, and white limestone. He refers to the two gates of the temple, and the place of the assembly, where the oracles were declared, and gives details of the work done upon them. It was apparently a part of this temple that he calls E-temen-ana-ki, ' the temple of the foundation of heaven and earth," and descrilx;s as the ' tower of Babylon ' (sikkiirat Babili), stating that he ' raised its head ' in burnt brick and lapis-lazuli

(cp BABt:i,. Tower ok. 7). .\fter referring to various other shrines and temples, he speaks of Inigur- Bel and Nimitti-Bel, the two great ramparts of the city, built, or rather, rebuilt, by his father Nal)o- polassar, who, however, had not Ijeen able to finish them. Nebuchadrezziir goes on to descrilje what he and his father had done on these defences the digging and bricking of the moat, the bricking of the banks of the Euphrates, the inijjrovement of the road- way called Aa-ibur-.s;ibu, the elevation of which Nebu- chadrezzar raised ' from the shining gate to (the ro.idway called) I.star-sakipat-tebi-sa,' and so on. In conse(|uence of the raising of this stret;t, the great city gates of the walls Imgur-Bcl and Nimitti-Bel had to be made higher. They were at the same time decorated with lapis-lazuli and figures of bulls and ser|)ents, provided with doors of cedar covered with bronze. Then, to strengthen the city still further, Nebuchadrezzar built, 4000 cubits Ix.-- yond Imgur-Bel, another wall (with doors of cedar covered with bronze), surrounded with a ditch. To make the approach of an enemy to xhc. city still more difficult, he surrounded the tlistrict with 'great waters' like unto the sea. .After this he turned his attention to the royal palace, a structure which reache<l from the great wall Imgur-Bel to the canal of the rising sun, called Libilhegalla, and from the bank of the Euphrates to the street .Aa-ibur-sabu. It had been constructed, he says, by his father Naboj)olassar ; but its foundations had been weakened by a flood and t)y the raising of the street. This edifice Nebuchadrezzar placed in good repair, and adorned with gold, silver, precious stones, and every token of magnificence, after rearing it high ' as the wooded hills. ' Other constructions that he made were a wall 490 cubits long (apparently intended to serve as an additional tiefence to a part of the outer wall) called Nimitti-Bel, .tikI, Ixitween the two walls, a struc- ture of brick, surmounted with a great edifice, destined for his roj-al seat. This pal.ace, which joined that of his father, w;rs erected in fifteen days. After adorning it with gold, silver, costly woods, and lapis lazuli, he built two great walls around it, one of them being constructed of stone.

6. Native and Greek accounts.[edit]

There is a substantial agreement between thisdescrijj- tion and the description of the Greek writers. E-sagila,

'the high-headed temple,' is the temple of Belus ; the palace constructed in fifteen days is that referred to by Josephus as having lx,'en built in the same short period {A fit. .\. 11 1). Nebuchadrezzar does not refer to the reservoir mentioned by the Greeks ; but we may recog- nise it in the 'great waters, like the mass of the seas,' which he carried round the district, and designed for the same purpose namely, defence against hostile attack. The walls, Nimitti-Bel and Imgur-Bel, are the outer and inner walls resjx.'ctively, and the latter may lie that which, according to Herodotus (above, 4), ran along the banks of the river. The hanging gardens are not referred to by Nebuchadrezzar, and it is therefore very doubtful, notwithstanding the statement of Ctesias, whether this king built them. Such erections were not uncommon in Assyria, and it is even possible that they were due to the initiative of a king of that country. In the palace of .Asur-b.ani-pal at Kuyunjik, which was discovered and excavated by R;\ssam, was a room the bas-reliefs of which were devoted to scenes illustrating that king's Babylonian war, one of which shows a garden laid out on a slope, and continued alx)ve on a structure of vaulted brickwork, an arrangement fairly in accord with the description of the Babylonian hanging gardens given by Diodorus and Pliny ; and it is noteworthy that the latter attributes them to a Syrian (.Assyrian) king who reigned at Babylon, and built them to gratify a wife whom he loved greatly. This bas-relief was regarded by Sir Henry Rawlinson and George Smith as repre- senting the hanging gardens at Babylon, and a neigh- bouring sculpture, which shows a series of fortified walls,

three or more, as well as a palace, prolxibly reiiresents the walls of the city as they wore in the time of Asur- bani-pal and his brother Samas-sum-ukin, with whom he waged war. The palace has columns supported on the backs of lions.

7 Details from the contract-tablets[edit]

A few additional details concerning the city are given by some of the many contract-tablets found on

^'"^ ^^^- ^*-* ''^ ^^*^^' ^"'*^ ^ ^'^ '., . . canals, and the streets and roadways

' , , ^ c. .i. 

seem to have been named after the gods. We read of the gates of Zagaga, Ninip, and Sama.s, and of the canal Nar Hanitum. Others of the canals received the names of the cities to which they tlowed {<:,i,'. , the liorsijipa canal, and the old Culhah canal). The tablets confirm the statement of Q. Curtius that the houses of the city did not till all the space enclosed by the walls, the greater part of the ground lx?ing apparently fields, gardens, and plantations of tiate-palnis and other trees, sufficient to furnish all the provisions that the city needed in event of siege. There is no mention, in the native records, of a bridge across the I'.uphrates, such as is described by the Greeks; but a contract -tablet of the time of Darius seems to refer to a bridge of boats. There is no con- firmation of the statement that there was a tunnel under the river.

8. Identifications of ruins.[edit]

There have been various conjectures as to the identification of the different ruins on the site of Babylon. Rich thought that the hang- ing gardens were represented by the mound known as Babil, and this is the opinion of Rassam, who found there ' four ex- quisitely-built wells of red granite in the S. portion of the mound.' They are supplied with water from the Euphrates, which Hows alxjut a mile away, and their depth is about 140 ft. Originally, he thinks, they were about 50 or 60 ft. higher. Rassam regards Mujellibeh as representing the palace begun by Naboix)l:issar and finished by Nebuchadrezzar in fifteen days. Remains of enamelled tiles of various colours and designs are found, he says, only on that spot. The Kasr he takes to l)c the remains of the Temple of Helus, though he frankly admits that there are many difiiculties in the way of this identification. As the latest opinions, carefully formed by one who has frequently been on the sjx)t, they will probably be considered to possess a special value.

ihe two queens, Scmiramis and Nitocris, to whom so many of the wonders of ancient Babylon are attributed, are not mentioned on the native monuments of the Babylonians, as far as we are at present acquainted with them.i In all probability, the explanation of this difficulty is that they suggested the erection of the works in question, and the reigning ruler (probably their husbands) carried them out. Only careful exploration of the sites can decide satisfactorily the real nature of each ruin by whom it was built, or rebuilt, or restored and the changes that it underwent in the course of ages. The discovery of the wells at Babil seems to place the nature of that ruin beyond doubt, though Oppert [Comptes Rendus, 1898, p. 420) thinks that its distance from the other remains is too great, in view of the fact that Alexander, when suffering from a mortal illness, was carried from the castle to the baths and the hanging gardens (Plut. Alex. ch. 76 ; Arrian, Exp. Al. 725). Much more may be expected from the German exj)lorations.

There is a thorough article on the history and the topography of the city of Babylon in Pauly-\\'issowa's Realenc. der class. Alterthumswiss. ii. ('96). On the Babylon of the NT see Petek, Epistles ok, 7, and cp Rome. t. g. i*.



Names and Description ( 1-4). Language and Script ( 5-9). Decipherment and Excavation ( 10-14). Architecture and Art (g 15-18). Literature and Science ( 19-24). Religion, augury, etc. ( 25-34).

Mythology and Legend ( 35/!). Chronology ( 37-3^). Historical Periods ( 40). Early Semitic Kingdoms ( 41^). Sumerlan Kingdoms ( 43-47). Ur, etc. ( 48-52).

Babylon ( 53-70). Dynasties a-8 (8 56-62). Nabonassar (S 63). Assyrian suzerainty ( 64). Neo-Babylonian Empire ( 65-70). Bibliography ( 71).

1 Names[edit]

The country of Babylonia, called by classical writers BaBy^'^JN^) t^kes its name from that of its principal

  • -"'^-' "'^"^'-"^' (^ ') ^" ^"^^ C'^

the city and the country are not sharply

distinguished ; both are frequently included under the Hebrew /33. In other passages the country is termed "ITJl/', Shinar (see Shi.nak), while in post-exilic times the whole nation are referred to as D^'^LJ'3, ' Chal- daeans,' and the country as D'^^'B ]'1X. ' the land of the Chald.vans (see Chaluka). Among the Babylonians themselves there was no single name for the whole country until the third Babylonian dynasty (eighteenth to twelfth century B.C.), when the Kassite designation of a portion of the country as Karduniash was extended and adopted in the royal inscriptions as a general name for the country, a use of the term that was retained throughout the whole pericxl of the nation's history. The whole of Babylonia could also be expressed by the double title Sumer and Akkad, which the Baby- lonians adopted from the previous non- Semitic in- habitants of the land, Akkad designating the northern half of the country and Sumtr the southern half. The use of the former name was extended in the Neo-Baby- lonian i^eriod, and the word in such phrases as ' the king of Akkad ' and ' the army of Akkad ' was emplo)ed to designate the whole country. The terms til rat arba'im, 'the four quarters,' and kiHatu, 'the v.'orld," which occur in the royal titles iar kibrat arba'im, ' king of the four quarters,' and lar kiHafi, 'king of the world,' were employed to express extensions of the Babylonian empire beyond the natural limits of the country (cp Mesopotamia).

2. Description.[edit]

The natural features that bound the countr}- of Baby- lonia are the Persian Gulf on the S. , the Arabian desert

_ ... on the W. , and the Tigris on the E. , ^^.^^^ ^^^ y^^^-^ ^^^^, ^^^^^-^ ^^ ^^^ ^_

may be placed roughly at the line where the slightly elevated plain to the N. changes to the alluvial level. At the present day Babylonia in the S. differs con- siderably in size and conformation from the ancient asi)ect of the country. The soil carried down by the Tigris and the l-.uphrates is considerable, and the alluvium so formed at the head of the Persian Gulf increases to-day at the rate of about a mile in seventy years ; moreover, it is thought by some that the rate of formation was considerably more rapid in ancient times. Thus in the early period of Babylonian his- tory the Persian Gulf extended some 120 to 130 miles farther north than it extends at present, the Tigris and the Euphrates each entering the sea at a separate mouth. The country was thus protected on the S. by the sea, and on the W. by the desert which, lising a few feet above the plain of Babylonia, approached within thirty

1 On S.nmnuiramat the wife of Ramman-nirari (or Addu-nirari) III., see AssvRiA, 832. Apparently the onl^ queen who reigned in her own right w.is Azaga-l!au or Hau-cllit, in whose reign on ens similar to those belonging to the time of Sargon of Agacfc and his son were composed. She belongs to a very early period.

3. Cities.[edit]

miles of the Euphrates ; and il was only from the N. and E. sides that it was ojxin to invasion. From the nujuiitainous country to the K. , across the Tigris, the Kassite and Klaniite tribes found it easy to descend upon the fertile Babylonian plain, while after the rise of the Assyrian empire the boundary between Assyria and Babylonia was constantly in dispute.

The principal cities of the country were situated in two jjrouijs : one in the north ; the other in the south, nearer the se;i. The southernmost city was Eridu, the modern Abu-.Shahrein, situated on the Euphrates not far from the ancient coast-line of the Persian (iulf. To the W. of Abu-Shahrein the mound of Mukayyar marks the site of the ancient city of Ur (see Ur). Between the Tigris and the Euphrates to the NW. of Ur st(wd Larsam or Larsa, the modern Senkereh, and to the \V. of Larsam the city of Erech, the remains of which are buried under the mounds of Warka. To the 1',. of Warka, on the 1 ,. bank of the Shatt-el-I.Iai, the mounds of Telloh ^ represent the city of Sirpurla, or Lagas (as it was knovsTi in the later period of its history) ; the two cities, Isin and Maru, the Sites of which have not yet been identified with certainty, complete the list of the principal cities in the S. The N. group of cities consists of Babylon,

situated on the Euphrates, near the modern town of Hillah (see Babylon) ; Borsippa, marked by the mound of Birs-Ximrfid, not far from Babylon, on the SW. ; Cuthah, the modern Tell-Ibrahim (see C^uth.xh), to the N. of Babylon ; Sippar, the modern Abu-Habbah ; the city of Kis, still nearer the metropolis ; and Nippur, the modern NitTer (the southernmost city of the group), to the N. of the Shatt-en-Xil. The site of the city of Agade, which was in the northern half of the country, probably not far from Babylon, has not been satis- factorily identified.

4 Natural Resources[edit]

The present state of the country differs considerably from that presented by it in ancient times. All writers describe Babylonia as exceedingly fertile and producing enormous quantities of grain ; but at the present day long neglect of cultivation has rendered the greater part of it an arid waste, varied in the neighbourhood of the rivers by large tracts of marsh land. There are still visible throughout the country embankments and trenches which mark the courses of ancient canals, by which the former dwellers in the land regulated their abundant water-supply, which w;is not allowed to swell the areas covered by the swamps, but was utilised for the systematic irrigation of the country. The whole land, in fact, was formerly intersected by a network of canals, and to the systematic irrigation of its alluvial soil may be traced the secret of Babylonia's former fertility.

The principal products of the country were wheat and dates. The former gave an enormous return. The latter supplied the Babylonians with wine, vinegar, and a species of tlour for baking ; from the sap of the date tree was obtainetl palm-sugar ; ropes were made from its fibrous bark, and its wood furnished a light but tough building material. Wine was also obtained from the seed of the sesame plant : and barley, millet, and vetches were grown in large quantities. In addition to the palm, the cypress was common ; poplars, acacias, and pomegranates grew in the neighlK)urhoo<l of the streams ; but the cultivation of the vine, and of oranges, apples, and pears, was artificial. The enormous reeds which abound in the swamps were used by the Baby- lonians for the construction of huts and light boats, and for fencing round the fields.

The domestic animals of the Babylonians w^.e camels, horses, oxen, sheep, goats, and clogs ; while the lion, the wild ox, the wild boar, and the jackal were the principal wild animals found in the country ; gazelles and hares were not uncommon ; a great variety of birds

1 Perhaps = Tell L8^.

haunted the marshes and the plains ; and fish, princi- pally Ixirbel and carp, were abundant in the rivers.

5 Language[edit]

The language sjKjken by both the Babylonians and the A.ssyri.uis is usually referred to as 'Assyrian.' It

^^"8^ '" ^^"^ northern group of the ^^^ * ^'"'^ languages, claiming a closer relationship to Bhcenician, Hebrew (see Hkbrew La.sgi;A(;k), Syriac, and the other Ara- maic dialects (see Aramaic LAN<;f.\GK), than to the niore southern group, which comprises the Sabwan or Himyaritic, the Arabic, and the Ethiopic tongues. But while in its non\inal and verbal formations it exhibits the Semitic idea of inflection from roots, and while those roots themselves are found in the other Semitic languages, it has Ix;en subjected to a stronger foreign infiuence and has assimilated, to an extent that is not met with in any other of the Semitic languages, a considerable body of non-.Semitic words and expres- sions. The influence exerted by the previous inhabit- ants of Babylonia upon their Semitic conquerors was indelible, and throughout their whole literature, especi- ally in their mythological and religious compositions, words of non-Semitic origin are constantly met with.

6. Sounds[edit]

The language possessed the vowel sounds, a,a, e, e, i, I, u, u, and the consonantal sounds b, g, d, z, h, (, k, I, ni, n, s, p, s, k, r, .?, and t, representing the Hebrew 2, J, 1, I, n (u., c), 3, 3, L,, a, j, o, b, s, p, n, p, and n-

The existence of the e sound in Assyrian has been questioned, and it is true that the signs containing e and / are constantly interchanged ; but that the e sound was used, at least for a certain period, may be regarded as practically certain, for not only is it required to explain cer- tain vowel-changes which occur, but it is also vouched for by the Greek and Hebrew forms of certain Babylonian words, and by the occurrence of some twelve signs in the syllabary, the existence of which is more naturally explained by the supposi- tion that they contain the vowel e, than by the assumption that they are merely duplicates for certain other signs which un- doubtedly contain the vowel /. The pronunciation of the consonants is in the main the same as that of the equi\alent consonants in Hebrew. With regard to the pronunciation of the consonants i^, p-, d, i,/, and /, it is possible that in Assyrian, as in Hebrew and Aramaic, they were pronounced as spirants when coming between two vowel sounds ; in writing, however, no distinction is indicated. It may be noted, that, while the Assyrians made no distinction in their pronunciation of Jt and ^, the Babylonians pronounced the latter as ^; that among the later Babylonians, at least, m appears to have been pro- nounced as 71 ; and that the pronunciation of jby the .Assyrians gradually approximated to s. The Semitic sounds represented by the Hebrew consonants jj, ri, !> n{'-^-, C)i ' ^"d y (/.(., ^ and ^), are not distinguished in the A.ssyrian syllabary, as will be apparent from the following examples given in transliteration, the equivalent roots in Hebrew or .\rabic being added in paren- theses : akdlu, ' to eat ' (Sdn) ; aldku, 'to go ' (-jSi) : cdeshu, ' to be new ' (cinn) : eberu, ' to cross ' {y^) ; erebu, ' to enter ' (s^y^) ; alddu, ' to bear ' (i"?!) ; and eniku, ' to suck ' (py). That these sounds were not distinguished is due to the fact that the Babylonians did not originate their own system of writing, but borrowed the system they found in use among the eanier in- habitants of the country.

7. Writing[edit]

This method of writing has been termed ' cuneiform,' since the wedge ( Latin cuneus) forms the biisis of the written character in the later periods

  • of its development. Each character

or sign, in faci, consists of a single wedge, or is made up of different kinds of wedges in various combinations, the wedges of most common occurrence being the upright wedge ]f, the horizontal wedge , and the arrow head \, while the sloping wedges \ ^, and y Occur in several characters. The characters are written from left to right, and, except in some poetical com- positions, no space is necessarily left between the words ; every line, however, with one or two isolated exceptions, ends with a complete word. The following Assyrian signs will serve to illustrate some of the methods of com- biijation adopted in the formation of the later char- acters: >f , >^, ^-VT, ._Yy, ^T, ^^ffl ^T. tz]^^, <]^, :J^y, ^^^ Jgy^. In the earliest forms of the writing, however, there is no trace of the wedge :

_ . . the characters consist of straight lines.

8. Origin.[edit]

,j.j^jg jg j^jg ^^ jj^^. f^^^ ^Yiai cuneiform was

merely a descendant of a system of picture-writing.

In the case of many of the ch.nracters which occur in the mcst ancient inscriptions it is still nossihle to recognise the original i which underlie ihem. For example the sign for 'heaven', 'god', 'high', is a st.ir with eight points, or possibly a circle intersected by four diameters; the sign for 'sun 'is a rough circle representing the sun's disk ; the sign for 'ox ' is the head of an ox with horns ; the sign for ' grain ' is an ear of corn.

All the characters, however, did not descend from pictures. Some were formed artificially by combination. Thus the sign for ' water ' when pl.iced within that for ' mouth ' gave a now sign with the meaning ' to drink ' ; the sign for food placed within the sign for ' mouth ' gave a sign with the meaning ' to eat ' ; the sign for ' wild-ox ' was formed by placing the sign for ' mountain ' within that for ' ox ' ; while other signs were formed by writing a char.icter twice or three times. Moreover, it is pos- sible thai the artificial formation of characters was customary to a con^i<lLr.^ble extent. According to a theory recently put forward by I )elilzsch,l certain strokes and combinations of strokes to be traced in the oldest forms of many of the characters had a meaning inherent in themselves^ and formed the motive on the basis of which the signs containing them were developed. This question, however, is one on which it is impossible to form a conclusion until more of the inscriptions of the earliest period, recently discovered, have been published.

In the later forms which the characters assumed the original lines g.-ive way to wedges from the fact that the scribes employed extensively soft cl.ny instead of stone as a material on which to write. .V line formed by a single pressure of the style naturally assumed the form of a wedge, while the increased clearness and uniformity which resulted secured for the wedge its final .-idoption. In addition to the changes which occurred in the forms of the characters, there was a development in their signifi- cation. Originally representing complete words or ideas, they were gradually employed to express the sounds of the words tb'.>y represented .-ipart from their meaning ; and thus were developed their syllabic values.

9. Principles.[edit]

The Babylonians adopted this method of writing from

_. . . the non-Semitic race (see below, g 43,

^^ ^^^ ^^.,^^__^^ ^j^^.^. ^^^^^^^j -^^ possession of

the country, and they adapted the system to their own idiom.

To characters or groups of characters representing Sumerian words they assigned the Semitic words which were equivalent to them in meaning ; they also employed the signs phonetically, the sylLibles they represented consisting either of a vowel and a consonant (simple syllables) e.g:, ha, id, su or of a vowel between two consonants (compound syllables) (r.^.,w/rt!/,^vV, //. The system w.os further complicated by the fact that the majority of signs were polyphonous that is to say, they had more than one syllabic value and could be used as ideograms for more than one word. A sign, therefore, might be used in one of three ways : as a syllable in a word written phonetically, or as an ideogram for a complete word, or as one sign in a group of two or more signs which together formed an ideogram fur a complete word.

That this mixed method of ideographic and phonetic writing was often found ambiguous is attested by the methods which the Babylonians took to simplify it. (i) One of these methods con- sisted in adding to a word what has been termed its determina- tive, a sign attached to a word to indicate the class of thing to which it refers. Thus a special sign was placed before male proper names, another before female proper names ; the sign for ' god ' was placed before the names of deities; the sign for 'country' regularly preceded the names of countries ; similar determinatives were used before the names of cities, mountains, rivers, tribes, professions, woods, plants, stones, garments, vessels^ certain animals, the names of the months, stars, etc., while in a few classes the determinative is placed after the word, as in the case of places, birds, fish, etc. A determinative was never pro- nounced : it was designed only as a guide to the reader, indicating the character of the word it accompanied. (2) Another aid to the reader consisted in adding to an ideogram what has been termed \\^ phonetic complement that is to say, the final syllable of the word for which it is intended. By this means the reader is not only assisted in assigning the correct word to the ideogram, but also, in the case of verbs, is enabled to detect with greater ease the stem and tense intended by the writer. Even with this assistance, the writing, with its list of more than five hundred characters, was necessarily complicated. The use of ideograms was never entirely given up, and, although in the Neo-H.-iby- lonian period simple syllables were employed in preference to compound syllables, the Assyrians and Babylonians never attained the further development of an alphabet.

10. Decipherment[edit]

The decipherment of the Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions resulted from the labours ^^ scholars who had previously devoted themselves to the interpretation of the cuneiform inscriptions in old Persian.

From the sixth to the fourth century B.C. the Persians made

1 Die Entstekuf^ des iltesten Schri/lsystems (Leipsic, 1897).

use for their inscriptions of a character which they had borrowed originally from the Babylonians. Other nations of W. Asia al.so, such as the Su.sians and the people dwelling around Lake Van, borrowed from Babylon the idea of cuneiform writing, in some cases making use of the Babylonian characters, in others modif>-- ing them to a greater or less extent. 'Ihe changes introduced by the Persians when they borrowed the idea of writing by means of wedges were considerable, for, instead of employing a sign-list of several hundred characters representing syllables and complete words, they confined themselves to thirty -nine, each of which represented a single alphabetic value. Of the various systems of^ cuneiform writing, therefore, the Persian was by far the simplest. The Achaemenian kings who ruled in Persia at this period numbered among their siibjects the peoples of Susia and Babylonia, these countries having by conquest been added to their empire. When, therefore, they set up an inscription recording their campaigns or building operations, they aaded, by the side of the Persian text, Susian and Babylonian transla- tions inscribed in the cuneiform characters employed by these two nations. There are thus engraved on the palaces and rocks of Persia trilingual inscriptions in the old Persian, Susian, and Babylonian characters, and it will be obvious that as soon as one of these three characters could be read the way would be opened for the decipherment of the other two. Of the three the Persian, with its comparatively small number of signs, is (as we have said) the simplest, and it was therefore natural that it was the first to attract the serious attention of scholars.

11. Grotefend.[edit]

Grotefend, in a paper published in 1802, supplied the key to a correct method of decipherment. Taking two short inscriptions in the old Persian character which Niebuhr had copied at Persepolis, he submitted them

to an analysis. The inscriptions, he found, coincided throughout, with the exception of certain groups of characters, which, he conjectured, might represent proper names. On this assumption each inscription contained two proper names, the name of the king who set it up, and, it might be supposed, that of his father. IJut the name which occurred first in one inscription was the name which stood second in the other that is to say, the three different groups of characters must represent the names of three monarchs following one another in direct succession. From the fact that the inscriptions were found in the ruins of Persepolis it might be concluded th.it their writers were Persi.in kings; and when he applied, by way of experi- ment, the three names Hystaspes, Darius, and Xerxes, he found that they fitted the characters admirably. On his further de- ciphering the name of Cyrus he obtained correct values for more than a quarter of the alphabet.

Of the forty Persian signs, of which one is merely a diagonal stroke employed for dividing the words from one another, Grote- fend's first alphabet included thirty. He subsequently sug- gested values for thirty-five characters ; but he did not improve upon his original alphabet. He correctly identified a, u, d, p, /, r, s, and / ; his values kh, dj, and tli were practically correct ; and his v was not far off the correct value h. About 1822 St. Martin took up the investigation, working at the decipherment for the next ten years, but without much result ; he identified / and V, however, and for the \oweI /, which had been read as o by Grotefend, he gave the improved reading^'. The characters for / and were identified by Kask in 1826, and Burnouf in his memoir, published ten years later, identified k, b, and s, while his readings q andjf A for two other characters were great improvements on the suggestions of Grotefend and Sl ftlartin. In the same year Lassen produced his first alphaliet, improvements on which he published in 1839 and 1844, in a few cases m.iking use of the sug- gestions of Jacquet and Beer which had been published soon after the jippearance of his first alphabet. He suggested correct readings for at least ten characters, and improved readings of some others. This final alphabet did not contain many incorrect identifications.

12. Rawlinson.[edit]

The scholar who did most, however, for the decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions was the late Sir Henry Rawlinson. He first turned his attention to the subject in 1835, when stationed at Kirmanshah,_ on the western frontier of Persia. At that time

he had only heard of Grotefend's discover^- ; he had not seen a copy of his alphabet, and did not even know on what inscriptions it had been based. Thus he began the work of decipherment from the beginning. For his first analysis he took two short inscriptions similar to those u.sed for the purpose by Grotefend, which yielded him the names of Hys- taspes, Darius, and Xerxes. During the next year he had increased his list of names by the correct identification of Arsames, Ariamnes, Teispes, Acha:menes, and Persia. It was not until the autumn of 1836 that he first had an opportunity of seeing the works of Grotefend and St. Martin. Then he pcr- ceivea that his own alphabet, based as it was on longer in- scriptions, was far in advance of the results obtained by them. In 1837 he copied the greater part of the long inscription at Behistun, containing the annals of D.irius, and forwarded a translation of the first two paragraphs to the Royal .\siatic Society ; but next summer, while at Teheran, he heard that Burnouf's publication had meanwhile anticipated many of his improvements. In the autumn of 1838 he obtained the published copies of the Persepolitan inscriptions, and with the help of the allied languages of Sanscrit and Zend, analysed every word in the inscriptions that had up to that time been copied. He then found that Lassen's alphabet confirmed many of nis own conclusions ; but he obtained assistance from it in the case of only one character.

It will ihus be seen that Rawlinson worked out the characters of the Persian alphal>et for hiiiiNcIf independently of his prede- cessors and c<mlenii).>raries ; but it was not on this achievement that he himself based his title to originality. He justly claimji that, whereas his predecessors had succeeded only in reading a few proper names and royal titles, he had l>ecn the first to present to tne world a correct grammatical translation of over two hundred lines of cuneiform writing. This translation was in the hands of the Royal Asiatic Soi.iety, and was being prepared for publication in 1839, when his duties in Afghanistan put an end to his studies for some years. It was not until 1845 that he found leisure to complete the work, in which year he published his memoir containing a complete translation of'^the whole Persian text of the Behistun inscription.'

13 Babylonian[edit]

Now that he had completed the decipherment of the old Persian cuneiform inscriptions, Rawlinson turned his attention to the Mahylonian cuneiform. . ^ .\ comparison of the third column of the Behistun inscription with the now known Persian text occurring in the first column w;is the starting-point of his studies, and in 1851 he published the text and translation of the Babylonian part of this inscription, at the same time demonstrating the fact that the Babylonian characters were polyphonous. The his- torical inscriptions on cylinders, slabs, and stelai that had l)een found in Assyria and Babylonia meanwhile atTorded ample material for study, and other workers lent their aid in the decipherment. In the years 1849- 1852 Hincks contributed papers to the Royal Irish Academy. His most important discovery was the tietermination of the syllabic nature of Babylonian writ- ing. Subse<iuently Rawlinson, Hincks, Xorris, and OpiJert, while devoting themselves to the further interpre- tation of the historical inscriptions, classified the principal grammatical rules of the language, and so brought the work of decipherment to an end.

14 Excavations[edit]

The earliest explorers of Babylonia did not undertake systematic excavation. They devoted themselves to surveying and describing the ruins that were still visible upon the surface. The most valuable memoirs on the subject are those on the site of Babylon compiled by Rich, who from 1808 till 1821 was the H(mi. IC;ist India Company's resident at B.agdad. Systematic excavations were first undertaken in Babylonia during the years 1849-55, under the direction of Sir Henry Rawlinson assisted by Loftus and Taylor.

In 1854 Rawlinson excavated at Hits Nimrfid near the Euphrates a few miles SW. of Hillah, a mound that marks the site of a great zikkurrat erected by Nebuchadrezzar II. within the Ixiundaries of the .ancient city of Borsippa. Here, in addition to tracing the plan of the building, he found fine cylinders recording Nebuchadrezzar's building operations. He also suc- cessfully excavated the mounds I<:asr and Biibil, to the N. of Hillah, within the site of ancient Babylon ; and during the same period excavations were conducted at the mound of NiflTc-r to the SE. of Hillah, marking the site of the ancient city of Nippur, and in H. Babylonia at the mounds of Warka, the site of Erech, Senkereh the site of Larsa, and Mukayyar the site of Ur. While Rawlinson was carrying on these extensive excavations, the French furnished an expedition which was placed under the direction of Kresnel and Oppert, and during the years 1851-54 did valuable .service, especially in surveying and describing the site of the ancient city of Babylon. In 1878 the Trustees of the British Mu.seum again undertook systematic excavations, which were continued down to the year 1883 under the direction of their agent H. Rassam. Excavations were undertaken in the neighbourhood of Hillah, at Tell-Ibrahim, the site of the ancient city of Cuthah, and at Abu-Habbah, the site of Sippar, where exceedingly rich finds of tablets and cylin<lers ^'^'c "jaJe. The various expeditions of George Smith and E. A. Wallis Budge resulted in the recovery of many Babylonian inscriptions. The French have obtained rich finds of sculptures arid inscriptions of the early period at Telloh, in consequence of the exertions of de .S.-\rzec, who, since his appointment as French \'c<=-consul at Ba.s.sorah (Basra) in 1877, has devoted himself to the thorough excavation of the mounds that mark the site of the ancient city of Sirpurla. The most recent excavations are those of the .Americans at NifTer, which were begun in 1888; they were atily conducted by Haynes, and have only recently lieen di.scontmued.

With the exception of those at Telloh, the mounds of B.abylonia, unlike those of A.s.SYKi.A (</.j'., 10), do not j-ield many sculptures or reliefs ; but the excavations have enabled us to trace the history of the brick-built palaces and temples, whihr the ' fmds ' comprise votive tablets of stone and inscrilx.-d alabaster vases, buildiitg- inscriptions u|x>n cylinders, and thousands of inscrilied clay tablets, many of which are of grc-at literar)-, his- torical, and scientific interest.

15 Buildings[edit]

As the soil of Babylonia is alluvial, it is entirely without metals, and even without stone, lx>th of which had to l^e imported from other countries.

  • This scarcity of stone had a consider-

able intiueiice on the character of Babylonian architecture. The difficulties of trans|x>rt prohibited its adoption as a building material except to a very small extent, and as excellent clay was obtainable throughout the whole of Babylonia, all the temples and jxilaces as well as private dwellings were com[X3sed throughout of brick. The bricks were of two kinds, baked and unbaketl. The former, though merely dried in the sun, formed a serviceable building-material, and in some cases entire buildings are com|)ose<l of them. The usual practice, however, was to build the greater part of the structure of sun-dried bricks and then to face it with bricks dried in the kiln, the thin layer of harder material on the surface protecting the whole structure from rain and flood and change of temjjerature. Buildings of unburnt brick were often strengthened by thick layers of matting composed of reeds, while the interior struc- ture of faced walls was in some cases strengthened at intervals by courses of baked brick. The bricks them- selves vary considerably in size. Many of them were stamped with the name of the king for who.se use they were made, which lends considerable aid in settling the date and history of many structures. For binding llu- bricks together two kinds of cement were emplovi.-d, tlx- one consisting of bitumen, the other of [jlain clay or miul, in some cases intermixed with chopjx'd straw. The latter was used the more extensively, bitumen lx.'ing employed only where there was sjx-cial need of strength, as at the base of a building where injury from rain was to l)e feared (see Bitumkn). Conduits of baked bricks were employed for carrying off the water from the larger buildings (see also Brick, 4).

16. Temples.[edit]

The principal building with the Babylonians was the zikkurralu or temple, consisting of a lofty structure

""S '" huge stages one' al>ove the

  • ^ other, composed for the most part of

solid brick and ascended by a slairca.se on the outside ; the image of the god to whom it w;is dedicated was placed in the shrine at the top. The remains of these tem[)Ie-towers at the present day are co\ered by huge mounds of earth and debris, and thus it is difficult to trace their plan and estimate their original dimensions. The larger ones, however, have Ixvn examined at different times. That at Warka, which at the present day rises more than a hundred feet above the plain, measures some two hundred feet scjuare at its base, and consisted of at least two stories. The temple at Mukayyar is built on a platform raised alwut twenty feet al)ove the plain ; it is in the form of a parallelogram, the sides measuring 198 ft. and 133 ft., and the angles pointing to the cardinal points. Only two stories are at present traceable, of which the lower one is strengthenetl by buttresses. The upjjer story does not rise from the centre of the lower, but is built rather at one end. There are s;\id to have lieen traces on it, at the Ix^u'inning of the century, of the chanil)er or shrine which may have originally contained the image of the god. The zikkurrat at Nippur is of a somewhat simil.ar construc- tion. It is built in the form of a parallelogram, on the NW. edge of a large platform, the four corners also pointing to the four cartlinal points. In this temple three stages have l)cen traced, and it is not probable that there were more. In the later Babylonian period the number of stages was increased, .as in the temple of Bel or Marduk at Babylonia, and that of Nabu at Borsippa. both of which were finally rebuilt with great magnificence by Nebuchadrezzar H. (see B.abyi.on, NkblxhadRKZ/.ak). Rising on their platforms high alx)ve the houses of the city and the surrounding plain, these ancient temples must have been impressive, though in the early period they were entirely without ornament or colour.

17 Other buildings[edit]

The remains of but few Babylonian palaces have been unearthed, that at Telloh being the one liolonging to the early jjeriod that has been most h id' ^a ystematically excavated, while the finest ' example of the later period is the palace of Nebucliadrezzar at liabylon with its hanging gardens (see Habvi.un, 5/ ). Of the domestic architecture of the Babylonians not many remains have been recovered.

18 Art[edit]

The site from which the finest examples of early Babylonian art have liecn obtained is Telloh, where excavations have afTorded evidence of an art so highly developed that its origin must be set back at least 2000 years lx;fore the con- solidation of the Semitic kingdom of Babylonia (see Iwlow, 54). Large seated statues, in diorite, of Ur- Bau and (iudea, carved in the round, stone slabs and plates sculptured in relief, small figures and carvings in marble, stone, ivory, and bronze, bronze and silver vessels, cylinder-seals, and ornaments of various kinds attest the skill of these early Sumerian artists, who were the teachers of the Semites by whom they were eventu- ally displaced.

.'\t a later period the Babylonians ornamented the interior of their jmlaces and houses by covering the brickwork with plaster, on which they painted ; or they coated the walls with enamelled bricks. The develop- ment of sculpture, however, unlike that of Assyria, was hampered by the lack of material in which to work, and it is not surprising that the carvings that have come down to us never approach the level attained by the reliefs of the later Assyrian kings.

19. Literature.[edit]

Of the many thousands of Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions that have l)een recovered only a small ,- ,.. . i)roportion can be classified as literature

., . . r.u . t^ u 

in the strict sense of the term. Perhaps the largest section of the inscriptions consists of the contract tablets, which throw an interesting light on the social and commercial life of the people, but in no single instance can be regarded as of literary value. ^ Similarly the many texts of a magical and astrological nature (see below, 33/.), tablets containing forecasts and omens, tablets prescribing offerings and ceremonies to be performed before the gods ( 30), can hardly take rank as literature, though their classification and study is leading to a more accurate knowledge of Babylonian religion and belief; while the great body of letters and despatches dealing with both public and private affairs, written as most of them are in a terse, abbreviated style, are worthy of study from a philological rather than a literary standpoint.'*

20. Poetry.[edit]

When all these deductions have been made, however, there remains a considerable number of texts on the basis of which the liabylonians and Assyrians may justly lay claim to the possession of a literature consisting of both poetry and prose. The [principal examples

of Babylonian poetry are presented by the legends, 3 the m.ajority of which are written throughout in metre, by mythological and religious compositions and penitential psalms, many of which are composed in Sumerian with interlinear Assyrian translations, and by the many prayers, hymns, incantations, and litanies

1 See Oppert and Menant, Documents juridiquts (Paris, 1877); Strassmaier, Bah. '/V.r/? (Leipsic, 1899, etc.); Melssner, Beitr. sum althah. Privatrtcht (I^eipsic, 1893) ; and A7) 4.

2 See BucIkc and Hezold, I'cll ct-Aniarnn 7ViM'/j (London, T892); Hezold, Oriental Diplomacy (London, 1893); KBh\ Del. Beitr. z. Assyr. 1 ; and R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Baby- lonian Letters (IjCtniXon, 1892, etc.).

' See George Smith, Chaldean Genesis (London, 1B80): IV. R; Haupt, Ba6. Nimrodepcs (Leipsic, 1884); E. T. Harper, Beitr. z. Assyr. 2 ; Jeremias, Izdubar Nimrod (Leip- sic, 1891); Jensen, Kostnologie (StrassburR, 189-1); Zimniern in Gunkel's .Schspf. (Oott., 1895); and I>el. Abh. d. KSnigl. sacks. Gesells. d. Hiss., Bd. 17, n. a ('96).

which occur on tablets by themselves, or are preserved in the ritual texts intersjjerscd with directions for the performance of ceremonies. ' 1 1 has long been recognised that Babylonian ixjctical compositions, like those of the Hebrews, are written in a rough metre consisting of verse and half-verse, the Babylonian scriljes frequently emphasising the central division of the verse in the com- positions they copied by writing its two halves in separate columns. More recently it has Ixjen pointed out"'* that in many compositions, in addition to this central division, each verse is divided by a definite number of accented syllables or rhythmical Ijeats.

The feet or divisions so formed do not contain a fixed number of syllables, but consi.st of a single word tr of not more than two or three short words closely connected with each other, such as prepositions and the substantives to which they are attached, words joined by the construct state, etc., the metre in some tablets being indicated by blank spaces left by the scribe. The commonest metre is that consisting of four divisions, in which the two halves of the verse are each subdivided ; but this, in many texts, especially in some of the pravcrs, is interrupted at irregular intervals by a bne of only three feet.

In many of the legends, moreover, the single verses are combined Ixith by sense and by rhythm into strophes consisting of four or two lines each.

21. Historical inscriptions[edit]

The best examples of Assyrian and Babylonian prose are the longer historical inscriptions Iselonging to the

^^^"^ ^r^"^^' This class of inscription "'-'"=^"'^s a more detailed treatment. ^ Ap;irt from its literary value, it is the

principal source of our knowledge of the history of the Babylonians and Assyrians themselves, and supple- ments and supports in many particulars the biblical narrative of the relations of Israel and Judah to their more powerful neighbours.

Unlike all other classes of inscriptions, which were written with a style on tablets made of clay, the historical inscriptions assume a variety of forms. The shortest form consists merely of a king's name and titles, which are stamped or inscril)ed on bricks built into the structure of a temple or palace which he had erected or restored. In some cases the actual stamps that were used for this purpose have been recovered. Similar .short inscriptions were engraved during the old Babylonian period on door-sockets of stone. Another class of short inscription records the dedication of temples on their erection or when they have been re- built ; these are frequently written on clay cones fashioned in the form of pegs or nails, which may very possibly have had a phallic significance. The cones of Guclea and Ur-Bau are those most frequently met with, while clay cones of different sha[x;s were engraved by Mul-Babbar, patesi of Isban, Sin-giisid, Kudur- Mabug and other early Babylonian kings ; cones of bronze, ornamented with the figure of a god clasping the thicker end, have also been found at Telloh. Dethca- tory inscriptions were also written on circular stones, {perforated through the centre ; when these are small they are usually descrilxjd as ' mace-heads ' ; but the use to which the larger ones were put has not been ascertained. The ' mace-heads ' of S.argon I. , ManiS- tusu, and Nammaghani are good examples of the former class. Small scjuare tablets of diorite, but more commonly larger oblong tablets of limestone inscribed on lx)th sides, were employed for votive in- scriptions ; those of Rim-Aku and of liis wife, of yammu-rabi and of Samsu-iluna, are particularly fine examples of this class of inscription. In the later Babylonian period, when such a votive inscription of an early Babylonian king was found in the ruins or ancient archives of a temple, a pious liabylonian would frequently have an accurate copy of it made in clay,

1 See IV. R ; Haupt, Aik. und sum. Keilschri/ltexte {\jt\^ sic, 1881-2): Zimmern, Bab. Bussps. (I^ipsic, 18S5) and Surpu (Leipsic, 1896); Urunnow, ZAi/. ; Kniidtzon, Assyr. Ceb. an den Sonnengott (Leipsic, 1803); Tallqvist, Mat/lU (I.eipsic, 1895) : King, Bab. Magic and Sorcery (London, 1896) ; and Craig, Rel. Texts (Leipsic, 1895-7).

a Zimmern, ZA 8 and 10.

which he placed as an offering in one of the temples in Babylon. Several archaic inscriptions have tlms boon preserved in Neo-Hahylonian copies. The famous stone- tablet recording the endowrncnt of the temple of the .Sun- god at Sippar by Xabu-pal-idilina, which was found in a clay cotTer with the sculptured portion protected by clay shields provided for it by Nalx)polassar nearly three hundred years after it was engravetl, is uiii(|ue.

Clay viises and bowls were em[)loyed by some of the Assyrian kings for recording thfir building <)|K'ra- tions, the inscriptions running in parallel linos round the outside, while v;ises of alabaster which were pre- sented to the temples fre<|uenlly bore the name and titles of the king who dedicated them. Inscriptions on statues are not frcciuently met with in the later jx^riods of Babylonian and Assyrian history, the short inscrip- tions on the statues of .A.sur-iiasir-pal, the longer inscription on the seated figure of Shalnianeser II., and those on the two large figures of the god Nebo, being the principal examples ; at Telloh, however, long in- scriptions of the non-Semitic kings Gudea and Ur-Bau are found engraved on their statues of diorite. Slabs of stone, marble, and alabaster were employed for longer historical inscriptions. These were sometimes treated as tablets and engraved on both sides, as in the memorial tablets of Ramman-niniri I. ; but more frequently they were intended as monuments, and set up in the palaces of the kings who made them ; parts of many are decorated with sculpture, and in some in- stances with portraits in relief of the king whose deeds they record. The later Assyrian kings also engraved their records on the colossal wingeil bulls and lions that flanked the entrances to their palaces, and by the side of, and even ujwn, the bas-reliefs which lined their walls. In some places on the borders of Assyria, as in the district of Lebanon and at the source of the Tigris, inscriptions to record the farthest point reached by some military expedition were engraved in the living rock.

22. Clay prisms, etc.[edit]

Clay, however, was the material most extensively employed, and for the longer historical inscriptions

f "^ ^'"'" "^ P.7'" ""^ f ""^'^' ^^'^^ found to offer the greatest amount of surface in the most compact form ; the two earliest prisms that have been discovered are those of Gudea, each of which contains about two thousand lines of writing.

The annals of several of the Assyrian kings also were inscribed on clay prisms, goixi examples of which are the four eight-sided prisms' of Tiglath-pileser I. (see Assyria, 28), the famous six-sided 'I'aylor' prism 2 of Sennacherib, which contains an account of his siege of Jerusalem (see Sennachkkib), the six- sided prisms^* of Ksakiiaudon (g.v), and the fine ten-sided prLsms-* of A.'Sur-b.'ini-pal.

Small barrel-cylinders were employed by some of the Assyrian kings, including Sargon, Ksarhaddon, .\sur-bani-pal, and Sin- Sar-iikun, and larger ones, containing accounts of his first three campaigns, by Sennacherib. Barrel - cylinders, however, are principally associated with the later Babylonian kings. Most of them contain accounts of the building operations of Nkbu- CHADKKZZAK II. (t/.v.) and Nabonidus. The two latest barrel- cylinders that have been recovered are those of Cvrus (.see below, 69), describing his taking of Babylon (s^S n.c'.), and of Antiochus-Soter (280-260 B.C.), recording his rebuilding of the temple of K-zida m Borsippa.

Large clay tablets with one, two, or three columns of writing on each side were employed for long historical inscriptions. Among the best examples are the t-Tblets of Tiglath-pileser III., which were found in the SE. palace at NimrQd, the tablet of tNarh:iddon inscribed with his genealogy and an account of his building operations, the tablet giving an .iccount of A5ur- bani-pal's accession to the throne of .Assyria, and of the installa- tion "f his brother as viceroy of Babylon, and those recording A-Sur-bani-pal's conquests in Arabia and Klam, his campaigns in Egypt, and the embassy of (iyges, king of Lydia.

23. Research.[edit]

The .Assyrians and Babylonians themselves were ardent students of their own literature, compiling cata-

^^^^ ^ ^^^^^ principal literary com- positions, and writing explanatory Ubiets and commentaries on many of the more difficult texts. Their language itself and their method of writing i Translation in /CBl 14-48. a Translation in A'i52 8o-ii3.

1 ranslation in KB 2 124-140. * Translation in A'B 2 152-236.

were studied in detail, archaic forms of characters being collectetl into lists and traced back to the pictures from which they originally sprang. Syllalxiries giving the values of the ch;u-acters in Sumerian, and their .Assyrian names and meimings, were compiled. (collections of grammatical paradigms for every class of tablet were made for the use of beginners ; examples of verlxil

formations were collected and classified ; and explanatory lists of ideographs were made, arrangetl in some instances accoriling to the forms of the characters with which they l)egan or ended, in others according to the meanings or roots of their Assyrian e(|uivalciits.

Perhaps the most interesting of the granmiatical tablets are the lists of synonymous words, which served the purjjose of a mo<lern dictionary.

24. Astronomy.[edit]

The most notable scientific achievements of the Babylonians were their knowledge of astronomy and -. , . their method of reckoning time.

.,.,_ . **

' 1 hese two achievements are to a

great extent connected with each other, for it w;\s owing to their astronomical knowledge that the Babylonians were enabled to form a calendar. lYom the earliest times, in fact, the Babylonians divided the year into months, partly of thirty and partly of twenty-nine days, and by means of intercalary months they brought their lunar and their solar year into harmony with each other. Their achievements in astronomy are the more remark- able as their knowledge of mathematics was not extra- ordinary : though we pos.sess tablets containing correct calculations of sijuare and cufx; roots, most of their calculations, even in the later astronomical tablets, are based principally on addition and subtraction.

Herodotus and other ancient writers concur in tracing to Babylonia the origin of the science of a.stronomy, as known to the ancient nations of Europe and W. Asia. In more recent times some scholars have asserted, with less probability, that Indian and Chinese astronomers also obtained their knowledge, in the first instance, from Babylon. That the Babylonians themselves took astro- nomical observations from the earliest periods of their history is attested by general tradition ; and, though the forms this tradition assumed sometimes exhibit extra- ordinary exaggeration, as in the calculations referred to by Bliny, according to one of which the Babylonians possessed records of astronomical calculations for 490,000 years, and according to another for 720,000 years, there is not sufficient reason for rejecting the tradition as having no substratum of truth, and it is not improbable that the Babylonians, even Ijefore the era of Sargon I., were watching the stars and laying the foundations of the science. The first observations naturally belonged rather to the practice of astrology and can hardly be reckoned as scientific, and it is not until the later periods of Assyrian and Babylonian history that we meet with tablets containing astronomical as opposed to astrological observations.

The Assyrians made their observations from specially constructed observatories, which were not improbably connected with the temples ; the observator)' was termed a i// tamarti , or ' house of obser\ation ' ; and we possess the reports of the astronomers sent from these observatories to the king recording successful and unsuccessful observations of the moon, the un- successful ob.servation of an exi^ecttxl eclipse, the date of the vernal equinox, etc. The astronomers, as a rule, sign their names in the reports, and from this source we know that there were important astronomical schools at Asur, Nineveh, and .Arbtla in the seventh and eighth centuries R.c. ; the many fragments of tablets containing lists of stars, obser\'ations, and calendars, which date from the same periotl, are, how- ever, of an astrological rather than a scientific character.

-Although we first meet with astronomical inscriptions on Assyrian tablets, it is probable that the Assyrians derived their knowledge originally from Babylonia, and we may see an indication of this origin in a fragment of

an Assyrian conimentar)- ruffiring to an astronomical inscription which had lieen brought to Assyria from the ancient city of Agade. At a later perioti there were imimrtant schools of astronomy in Habylonia, at Sippar, Horsippa, and Orchoe ; but it is from inscriptions obtained from the site of the first of these three cities alone that our knowledge of Babylonian astronomy is principally derived. Excavations undertaken at Abu- Habbah, the site of Sippar, resulted in the discovery of many fragments of astronomical tablets (Ixilonging principally to the Seleucid and Arsftcid eras) written in the later cursive Babylonian ; and these, though in but few instances unbroken, have sufficed to vindi- cate the scientific character of Babylonian astronomy. Though the Babylonians may have liad no correct conception of the solar sj-stem, they had, at least in the later period of their history, arrived at the con- clusion that the movements of the heavenly bodies were governed by laws and were amenable to calcula- tion ; and from the tablets we gather that they both observed and calculated the time of the appearance of the new moon, and the periodical occurrence of lunar and solar eclipses, that they noted the courses of the ]5lnnets, and that they included in their observations cort.iin of the principal constellations and fixed stars.

25. Religion; its general character.[edit]

As in all primitive religions, the gods of Babylonia were in their origin personifications of the forces of nature. The various phenomena of the world were not regarded as the result of natural laws. They were explained as due to the arbitrary action of mysterious beings of more than human power. The tempest with its thunder and lightning was mysterious it must therefore be the work of a god ; the light of the sun is the gift of the god, to whose unwearying exer- tion its movements in heaven are due ; heaven itself is a realm as solid as the earth on which men walk ; and each must be controlled by its own peculiar deity. In fact, Babylonian religion was a worship of nature in all its i^arts, each part the province of a deity, friendly or hostile to man, subject to human passions, and, like man, endowed with the powers of thought and speech. Many of the gods resembled mankind in having human bodies ; some resembled animals ; and others were monsters, partly man and partly beast. They differed from man in the possession of superhuman powers ; but no one deity was all-powerful. The authority, even of the greater gods, was specialised, and beneath them were a host of demons endowed with various qualities, but of more narrowly limited influence.

Such is the general character of the Babylonian pantheon regarded as a whole ; but it was not in the mass that the Babylonians themselves worshipped their gods, and this fact serves to explain the varying theology presented by the Babylonian religious texts. Every city, for examjjle, had its own special god (cp 68), who was not only the god of that city but also, for its inhabitants, the greatest of the gods ; so too in the temple of any god a worship|x;r could address him in terms of the highest praise, and ascrilx; to him the loftiest attributes, without in any way violating the canons of his creed, and with no danger of raising the jealousy or wrath of other deities. In fact, in the rial)\lonian system, there w.as no accurately determined hierarchy, and the rank and order of the various deities was not strictly defined, but varied at different periods and in the different cities throughout the land. The tolerant nature of the Babylonian deities and the elasticity of their character explain the ease with which foreign deities were adopted and assimilated by the pantheon, while the origin of this elasticity may lie traced back to the mixture of races from which the Babylonian nation sprang.

26. The gods.[edit]

In spite of the varying nature of the Babylonian pantheon, it is still possible to sketch the general character and attributes of the principal Babylonian deities. At the head of the pantheon, from the earliest period, stood a powerful triad consisting of Anu, the god of heaven, Bel, the god of the earth, and Ea, the god of the abyss and of hidden knowledge. Next in order comes a second triad, comprising the two chief light-gods and the god of the atmosphere: i.e.. Sin, the Moon-god, Sama.s, the Sun-god, and Ramman, the god of storm, thunder and lightning, clouds and rain. All of these gods had their own cities, which were especially devoted to their worship. Thus the worship of Anu was centred at Erech, that of Bel at Nippur, and that of Ea at Eridu ; the oldest seat of the worship of Sin was Ur, though in Harran also there was an important temple of the Moon-god ; and the cities of Earsa and Sippar were the principal centres of the Sun-god's worship. The city-god of Babylon was Marduk, whose importance in the pantheon increased as that city became the capital of the country, until in process of time he came to be identified with Bel, ' the lord ' par e.xcelliiue. The nearness of Borsippa to the capital explains the close connection of Kabu, its city-god, with Marduk, whose attendant and minister he is represented to have lieen.

The god Xinib, whose name is read by some as Adar, was of solar origin ; the fire -god, who plays an important part in the magical beliefs and ceremonies of the Babylonians, was Xusku ; and the god of battle was Xcrgal, the centre of whose worship was at Cuthah.

The Babylonian goddesses were in most cases of minor importance ; they were overshadowed by the male deities with whom they were connected, and the principal function of each was to Ijecome the mother of other gods. In some cases their very names betray their secondary importance, as in that of Anatu, the spouse of Anu, and that of Belit, the spouse of Bel.

The spouse of F3a was Damkina ; Xingal was the lady of the Moon-god, .Ai of Samas, Sala of Ramman. Taimetu of Xabu, Gula of Ninib, and Laz of Xergal.

The relationships of the gods to one another are not accurately determined, in .some cases contradictory traditions liaving been handed down ; Sin, Samas, and Ninib, however, were regarded a.s the children of Bel, though .Sama.s also passed as the .son of Sin and Ningal, Marduk was the son of Ea, and Nabu the son of Marduk.

On a different plane from the other goddesses stands Istar, one of the most p)owerfuI deities in the p.antheon. She appears in two distinct characters, under which she assumes different titles, and is credited with different genealogies. As the goddess of battle she was hailed as Anunitu, the daughter of Sin and Xingal, and was worshipped at Agade and at Sippar of Anunitu ; as the goddess of love she was termed Belit-ilani, the daughter of Anu and Anatu, and the chief seat of her worship was the temple of E-ana at ?".rech ; it was here that the unchaste rites, referred to by Herodotus as having been paid to the goddess Mylitta, with whom Istar is to be identified, were performed. Her name was connected in legend with Dumuzi or Tammuz, her youthful lover, on whose death, it is related, she descended to the lower world to recover him.

The conception of the Babylonian deities as actual personalities endowed with the bodies and swayed by the passions of mankind, and related to one another by human bonds of kindred, was not inconsistent with the other and more abstract side of their character which underlay and was to a great extent the origin of the human attributes w ith w hich they were credited. Thus, the return of Tammuz and Istar to earth was the mythological conception of the yearly return of spring. Moreover, as each force in nature varies in its action at different seasons, so each of its manifestations may be connected with a separate deity. The attributes of several gods can thus Ijc traced to a solar origin. Whilst SamaS represented the sun in general, special manifestations of his power were connected with other deities ; Nergal, the god of war, for example, represents

tli<; sun's destructive heat in summer and at noon-day, Ninib the sun on the horizon at sunrise and sunset, and Marduk, the sixx-ial friend of man, its temperate heat in the morning and in s[jring. The iisjx.*ct of the heavens at night also plays a considerable part in the origin of the gods of Habylonia. Thus each of the planets was connected with one of the greater gods : the fixed stars represented lesser deities, and HOl and Ka, though ruling the earth and the abyss, also had astro- logical characters, in virtue of which they divided with Anu the control of the sky.

27 Temples[edit]

The worship of their deities by the Rabylonians was attended by a complicated system of ritual and ceremony.

formed one of the most important aspects of the national life, and, as tlu-ir temijles were the largest of their buildings, so the priests were the most powerful class in the conmiunity. In each city the largest and njost im[x)rtatu temple was that devotetl to the city-god. Thus the chief temple at Babylon w;xs E-sagila, the centre of the worship of Marduk ; the great temple at Horsippa was E-zida, the temple of Nabu ; the principal temple at Nijjpur was E-kur, the centre of Bel's worship ; and ]-hul-hul the temple of the Moon god at Harran, E-barra the temple of Samas both at Si[)par and at Larsa, and l-'.-ana the temple of Istar at Erech, were the principal temples in each of these cities. Situated on a lofty platform and rising stage upon stage, these ziggurats or temple- towers dominated the surrounding houses, and were more imposing than the royal palaces themselves. At the summit of each the image of the god reposed in his shrine, and around its base clustered the temple offices and the dwellings of the priests. To each temple was attached a trained and organised priesthood, devoted exclusively to the worship of its god, and preserving its own ritual and body of tradition. The temples were under the direct patronage of the kings, who prided themselves on the rebuilding and restoration of their fabrics as much as on the successful issue of their campaigns, while the priesthoods were su[)ix)rted by regular and ai)pointed offerings in addition to the revenues they drew frcmi the lands and property with ^^'-"'^ ^'^*^ temples were endowed.

28 Priests[edit]

The influence of the priests upon the people was exerted from many sides, for not only were they the gods re[)resentatives, whose services were reciuired for any act of worship or intercession, but they also regulated and controlled all departments of civil life. They represented the learned section of the nation, and in all probability the .scrilnjs belonged entirely to the priestly class. They coin|x).sed and preserved the national records, and although some of the later As.syrian kings collected libraries in their palaces, this was probably accomplished only with the co-operation of the priest- hood and by drawing on the collections of tablets preserved in the great temples throughout the country.

A still more powerful influence was exerted by the priests on the common people in connection with their social life and conmiercial transactions, inasmuch as the administration of the law was in their hands.

The religious functions discharged by the priesthood were twofold. On the one hand, they carried out the regular sacrifices and services of the temple to which they were attached ; on thi- other, they were always at the service of any one who w ished to present an offering or make intercession in his own behalf. In their former capacity they celebrated regular feast- days in every month as well as the great festivals of the year, such as the New Year ; in the latter their ministrations were niore personal, and consisted in introducing the individual suppliant into the presence of the deity and performing for him the necessary rites.

29. Claims of religion.[edit]

^^'^^y Babylonian had his own god and S^'t'ess, to w hose worship he dedicated himself. They, in return, were his patrons and protectors. When any misfortune happened to him it was a sure sign that his go<l and goddess were angry and had removed from him their countenance and protection, an<l in such a predicament he would have recourse to the t<;mple of one of the greater go<ls, whose influence he would invoke for his restoration to the favour of his patron deities. The protection of his go<l and g(Mldtss were neces.sary to preserve a man from the spiritual dangers that surrounded him, for he Ix-lieved that on every side were evil go<ls, spirits, demons, and sjxjctres, who were waiting for any oppor- tunity he might give them to injure him. Any sickness or misfortune, in fact, he regarded as due to a spell cast upon him which had its origin in one of several causes. It might be the result of an act of sin or imjjurity committed by him with or without his own knowledge ; or it was the work of an evil spirit or demon ; or, finally, it was due to the machinations of a sorcerer or sorceress. Whatever its cause, his only hope of recovery lay in recourse to the priests, through whom he could approach one of the gods.

30 Religious Observances.[edit]

From the carvings on Hal)yIonian cylinder-seals we know the attitude that the suppliant must assume when "^ "^^ " presence of the god. He '^ '^P'^^^^^^'f ^ ^"^'ing with both hands raised before hnn, or, with one hand raised, he is Ijeing led forward by the priest, who grasps the other. The penitential psalms and incantations preserved on tablets from the library of Asur-bani-pal indicate the general character of the jxiti- tions he must make, consisting of invocations of the deity aildressed, confessions of sin, and prayers for assistance, recited partly by the priest and partly by the suppliant himself. Many tablets record the offerings that nmst l)e made liefore the gods, comprising oxen, sheep, lambs, birds, fish, bread, dates, butter, honey, oil. date- wine, sesame w;ine, pieces of precious woods, gold, jewels, and precious stones, plants, herbs, and flowers. Many' magical rites and ceremonies were performed by the priests, such as the knotting and unknotting of coloured threads, the burning of small images made of a variety of substances, including bronze, clav, bitumen, plaster, wood, and honey, to the accompani- ment of incantations ; the throwing into a bright fire of certain substances, such as a fleece, a goat -skin, a piece of wool, certain seeds or a [xjd of garlic, a special form of words Ijeing recited by the priest as he per- formed the rite ; the dropping of certain substances into oil and the pouring out of libations. Such cere- monies and rites were not regarded as symbolical, but were supposed to be sufficient in themselves to secure the suppliant's release from the sfxill or ban to which his sufferings or misfortunes were due.

31 Augury[edit]

The prediction of future events also plays an important part in the religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians. ^'^ ^^"^ '^^'" Ix-'ing carried on in secret ^j^j ^^^ ^ j^^^ isolated soothsayers, augury was practised as a science by a large and organised body of the priesthood under the direct control and patronage of the king. This Ixjing the case, it is not surprising that a considerable jx)rtion of the native literature deals with the subject of omens and forecasts. Almost every event of common life was regarded by the jjious Babylonian as perhaps a favourable or unfavourable sign re<|uiring the interpretation of an ex[)crt, and necessitating a journey to the temple. Those whose duty it w:is to furnish the interpretation of such an event did not necessarily pretend to second sight or rely on a vision or any divine communication ; their answer was based on their own knowledge, actjuired by sjjecial training and study. In the course of time all events and the consequences said to result from them had been written down ; the tablets on which they were inscribed had been divided into clas.ses according to the subjects of their contents ; and many were collectetl into series. Thus an important temple would contain a small library dealing with the subject, retjuiring to be mastered by

the novice and always at hand for the consultation of the augurs themseh es. Many of tliese tablets have been preserved, and it is to them that we owe our knowledge of tlus important department of Babylonian religion.

32. Omen-tablets[edit]

The text of an omen-tablet consists of short sentences, each of which generally occupies one line of the tablet. ^ The construction of the sentence is invariably the same, and may be rendered

by the following formula : ' when (or if) so and so is the case, such and such an event will happen.' There arc, therefore, two ways in which we may classify an omen cither by its protasis or its apodosis. Regarded from the latter point of view,

all omens may be roughly divided into those that relate to public affairs and those that relate to the fortunes of an individual. Thus certain occurrences may be looked upon as foretelling the death of the king or the future condition of the country, whether there will be a plentiful harvest or a famine, whether there will be war or peace, and, if war, in what cjuarter it may be exixicted. Those which relate to private affairs, on the other hand, concern themselves with the health, sickness, or death of a man or of his wife or child, or foretell the stability or destruction of his house. Some few tablets indeed relate to special classes, such as those which foretell accidents that may happen to women during pregnancy ; but in the majority of omen-texts the apodosis is couched in general terms and the same phrases regularly recur. In fact, the events foretold are not very many, and may generally be classed under the headings of death and life, sickness and health, famine and plenty, war and peace ; the predictions are cast in a vague form, and details, such as the place or manner of a man's death, arc but rarely specilicd. In the protasis, on the

other hand, we find an almost Ijewildcring variety of subjects, which admit, however, of a rough classification. What is perhajas the largest section centres round the phenomena of human birth, the predictions being based on the manner of delivery and on the appearance of the child ; and not only were miscarriages and the births of monstrosities regarded as of peculiar import, but variations in the a[)pearance of normal offspring also formed the basis of prediction.

Different parts of the body of a newly-born child are dealt with independently, and to have grasped correctly the significance of every part must have required a long course of training and study of the tablets. The state of the eyes or the liair, the position and size of the ears, mouth, hands and feet, the re- seml)lance of the face to that of certain animals, were all carefully considered. The parturition of animals also was made a special .study, the appearance of the offspring of lions, oxen, horses, and other animals, the colour of their hair and the number and position of tlieir limbs, being regarded as significant. Omens were drawn from the appearance of the various parts of the body of an adult, male or female, especially in sickness, such as the state and colour of the eyes, the ears, and the hair, the state of the heart, the lungs, the buttocks, and other members of the body, the resemblance of the head to that of a bird or beast, the condition of the urine, etc. ; with a view to predictions, studies were also made of the actions of a man, such as that of eating, and certain other of his natural functions. Another large cla.ss of omens were drawn from the appearance of animals, such as the colour of the horns of oxen and the direction in which they curve, while the actions of certain animals (pigs, horses, etc.) were likewise studied. If a man is walking and wishes to know the future he must notice the direction in which an animal moves round him, and he must note if a lion, or a hvena, or a bird crosses his path. If he sees a snake at ihc entrance of a gate or at the doors of a temple, or dogs and calves as he is going out of a door, he must visit the augur for an interpretation. The appearance of animals, snakes, or scorpions in a man's house, or in a pakice or a temple, w.as of .significance, while the sling of a scorpion was a warning of various events, different results following from stings on different toes. The appear,ince and flight of birds were exhaustively treated, and a man was wise if he did not disregard the flappings of a bird's wing and did not fail to observe the direction in which it flew should it flutter round his head. Another cla.ss of omens _ laid stress on the locality of certain events : those occurring in cities and streets received a treatment different from that of occurrences in the fields and open country. Predictions were made from the slate of a house, its walls, etc., and even from the state of the furniture which it contained. The lime of the events or observations was in some instances considered imponant, and in these cases the month and day were specially noted.

33. Dreams.[edit]

As omens were taken from so many common objects and occurrences, it was natural that dreams and visions should be regarded as indications of future prosperity or misfortune, and that the objects or animals a man might behold in a dream had each a different signification. Thus, if he beheld in his dream certain people, or seemed to be fighting with a relation, such as his father or grandfather, the visions had a special meaning, while the fact that the [jerson he fought with was alive or dead at the time was also of importance ; a[)i)aritions of spectres and demons in a house were indicative of the future. In the majority of omens the conditions on which they were based were chance occurrences and events ; it was, however, possible to obtain information as to the future by artificial means, such as by okserving the entrails of viitims, by kindling fire on an altar and noting the direction in which the smoke rose, or by observing the flickering of the flame of a lamp.

34. Astrology[edit]

With omens it is difficult to say how far the facts on which the predictions were based were merely signs of prosperity or misfortune which would come in any case, and how far they were regarded as in themselves the actual cause of such prosperity or misfortune. In the case of astrological forecasts, however, which are closely connected with the omens, it seems probable that the latter concejition preponderated. The astrological phenomena that are mentioned were not merely passive indications of the future, but active forces influencing the lives and fortunes of the individual and the state. The practice of astrology was based principally on observations of the sun and moon and stars, their relative positions at different times, and the various combinations presented by them. Another large body of forecasts was based on eclipses of the sun and moon, the results varying with the time of the eclipse, the appearance of the sun and moon during the eclipse, and the direction in which the shadow travels. Forecasts were based also on the appearance of meteors and shooting stars, on observations of light- ning, clouds, and rain, on the direction of the wind, on the various directions in which a cloud may travel, and on the colour and shape of clouds and their resemblance to animals, fishes, ships, etc. As in the case of the omen talilets, the Babylonians possessed a grc-at body of astro- logical literature ; observations and forecasts in course of time were collected, grouped, and classified ; and large works upon the subject were copied out on con- secutive tablets for the training and u.se of the astrologers. Many tablets belonging to these larger works have come down to us ; there are also preserved in the British Museum small oblong tablets containing the answers of astrologers who had been consulted as to the future, as well as their reports on recent astrological observa- tions and the interpretation to be set on them.

35. Mythology[edit]

Around the figures of their gods the Babylonians wove talcs and legends, which, originating in remote antiquity, , 1 ^^cre handed down through countless generations, being added to and modi- fied by the hands through which they passed. They were collected and arranged during the later periods of Ass}Tian and Babylonian history, and it is in these comparatively recent forms that they are preserved in the literature that h.as come down to us. It is true that the tablets containing the legends of Adapa and of the goddess Eriskigal were found at Tell el-Amarna and date from the fifteenth century B.C. ; but not one of the tablets containing the other legends is earlier tiian the seventh century B.C. The antitjuity of the legends themselves, however, is amply attested by the divergent forms which in some cases the same legend assumes, as related on different tablets lx;longing to the later Assyrian and Babylonian periods, or referred to in the works of classical writers. An additional interest attaches to two sections of the legendary literature of Babylon from their close resemblance to the narrative of the early part of Genesis, relating to the creation and the deluge.

Whether we are to trace the ultimate origin of both the Babylonian and the Hebrew versions of these legends to the previous non-Semitic inhabitants of Babylonia need not concern us here. The contents of these legends and their relation to the Hebrew narratives will also Ixj more conveniently treated elsewhere (see Crka- TioN, Dki.ugk, Caimiks, Enoch, Noah). The legends of the creation and the epic of Gilgames are certainly the most famous portions of Babylonian myth- ology ; but they form only a part of the legends and beliefs thai were current in the various cities of Baby- lonia. Kven those which have come down to us on the tablets present a great variety of subject and treatment.

Istar's descent into Hades is one of the best preserved of these legends. It contams a description of the lower world, and records how at each of the gates that lead thereto the goddess is stripped of a portion of her a|)parel until she enters naked into the realm of Allatu, and how she is detained there but is eventually brought back to earth to put an end to the troubles of men and animals that had followed the departure of the goddess of love. The Plague-god was a prominent figure in Babylonian mythology, the legends describing in detail the ravages he caused among the cities of the land. Two oilier legends may be mentioned brietly : that of the Zu's theft of the destiny-tablets, and the legend of Adapa and the South-wind. In the former, Zu is recoriled to have (led with the tablets to his mountain, and, although the other gods would not venture against him, he was eventually captured by Samas the Sun-god in his net. The legend of Adapa relates how Adapa, the son of Ea, was fishing one day in the sea for his father's household when the South-wind blew and ducked him under ; how in anger he caught the South-wind, and broke her wings ; and how he came to heaven into the presence of .\nu, who summoned him thither on noticing that the South-wind had ceased to blow.

36. Legends[edit]

In many of the legends animals and birds endowed with thought and speech are introduced : as in the legend of Etana's flight to heaven with the eagle, the legend of the Eagle, the Serpent and the Sun-god, the legend of the Fox, the legend of the Horse and the Ox, and the legend of the Calf. Not only do gods, heroes, and animals figure in the mythology of Babylonia, but also ancient kings, whose actual existence is attested by the remains of their buildings and inscriptions, were raised to the level of heroes or demi-gods in the popular imagination, and their names became centres round which in the course of ages legends have clustered. The most famous of these is the legend ^ of the birth of Sargon of Agad^, who is said to have been of lowly origin ; his father he knew not, and his mother set him floating on the Euphrates in a chest of reeds smeared with bitumen ; but Akki the irrigator rescued him, and while he was serving as gardener to his benefactor, the goddess Istar loved him. Eventu- ally she invested him with the rule of the kingdom. Naram-Sin the son of .Sargon, Dungi king of Ur, Nebuchadrezzar I., and other ancient kings, figure in the legendary literature.

37. Chronology: First Period[edit]

The data available for the settlement of Babylonian chnjuology vary for each of the three periods (see lielow,

the history of the country may be divuled. In the first period a single date has been fixed for us by a reference in one of the cylinders of Nabonidus, from which we infer that Sargon I. lived about 3750 B.C. When Nabonidus states* that 3200 years have elapsed since Sargon laid down an inscription which he himself found, he is naturally giving only an approximate estimate of the period during which it had lain buried. There is no reason, however, for doubting the general accuracy of the statement ; for the Babylonians were careful compilers of their records, and Nabonidus

1 See A'S Sa 100 j^. "i KBU 104.

had access to sources of information which have not come down to us. This one date, therefore, gives us a fixed pxjint in the early history of the country. In

settling the chronology before and after this point we do not gain much assistance from the list of dynasties preserved from the history of HCrossus, who places in the earliest period ten kings who ruled Ix.-fore the flood. Similarly a tablet from Kuyunjik containing the names of certain kings, who, it states, ruled after the deluge, is not of assistance, esf>ecially as the names it docs con- tain are arranged not chronologically but on a linguistic basis. In settling the chronology of this period,

we have, in fact, to fall back ujxjn the internal and external evidence of date afforded by the archaic inscrip- tions themselves, (i) The internal evidence consists principally of the royal genealogies contained by the inscriptions, from which the relative dates of the kings so mentioned can be a.scertained. Good examples of the use of such evidence are afforded by some of the inscriptions of the kings and patesis of .Sirjjurla : as, for example, t>y the inscriptions of Ivdin-gir.i-nagin, in which he calls himself the son of Akurgal, and of Akurgal, who styles himself the son of L'r-.\in.a ; or that of P',ntena, in which he is called the son of En- anna-tunia and the descendant of Ur-Xina, or the gate- socket of En-anna-tuma II. from which we learn that Eiitena was his father ; or the circular stone plate con- taining an inscription of the wife of Nammaghani, in which she is referred to as the daughter of Ur-Bau, proving that Nammaghani succeeded Ur-Bau through his wife's title to the throne. (2) The external evidence afforded by an inscription is obtained partly by a study of the general style of the writing, the forms of the characters, etc. ; partly by accurately noting its relative position with regard to other inscriptions near which it may happen to be found, the different depths at which inscriptions are unearthed in some cases giving a rough idea of their comparative ages. It must be admitted, however, that the e\idence to be obtained both from paUeography and from systematic excavation is in its nature extremely uncertain and liable to various inter- pretations. Such evidence is of service when lending its weight to that obtained from other and independent sources ; but when it is without such sup[)ort it cannot l)e regarded as indicating more than a general probability.

38. Second period[edit]

For the chronology of the second jx-riod we have the genealogies to Ix; obtained from the historical inscriptions, as well as the chronological notices which occur in some of them. From the latter source, for example, we gather that Burna-Burias lived some 700 years after Hammu-rabi,^ that Sagasalti-Burias lived about 800 years before Nabonidus, '* and that Marduk-nadin-ahe defeated Tiglath-pileser 1. 418 years before Sennacherib conquered Babylon" (cp AssvKi.\, 20). Our principal source of inforniatiuii, however, lies in the chronological documents of the Babylonians themselves. ( i ) One of the most important of these is the ' List of Kings,' a list of the names of the kings of Babylon from about 2400 to 625 B.C., in which the kings are divided into dynasties, the length of each reign and the total length of each dynasty being added ; * a smaller list of kings contains the names of the kings of the first two dynasties.' (2) Prom the document known as the ' Babylonian Chron- icle ' ^ we obtain a record of events in Babylonia and Assyria from the early part of Nabonassar's reign (about 745 H. c. ) to 6^9 R. c. , the first year of the reign of Samas-sum-ukin, and this information is supplemented by (3) the ' Ptolemaic Canon ' (see Chro.noixxiy, 24^ ). which also begins with the reign of Nabonassar. The fragment of a second Babylonian chronicle refers to kings of the first, fifth, sixth, and seventh dynasties, while part of a third chronicle supplements the narrative

1 KB %b 90/ 2 KB ih 106/

Bavian inscription. * KB 2 286/, or R P^) 1 \f,ff.

KB 2 288y:, or RP^) 1 13/ ^ KBi 274^, or RPf?) 1 nff.

of the ' Synchronous History ' for certain portions of the third dynasty. Finally, (4) the ' Synchronous History ' ^ (see Assyria, 21, beg. ) itself connects the history of Babylonia with that of Assyria, with certain breaks, from about 1480 to 810 B. c:.

39. Third Period[edit]

For the third period of the history the succession of the kings is known from the Ptolemaic Canon, which, in addition to the names of the kings, gives the lengths of their respective reigns ; and information so obtained is controlled by the many Babylonian contract tablets which have lx;en found dated according to their regnal years.

40. Historical periods.[edit]

The history of Babylonia falls naturally into three main periods. The first period comprises the history of the country from the earliest times down to the consolidation of its various elements into a single empire ruled by Semitic kings with their capital at Babylon. The second period begins with the first dynasty of Babylon, to whose greatest king, Hammurabi, was principally due the consolidation of the Babylonian empire, and extends to the fall of the power of Assyria, whose later kings included Babylonia in their dominions. The third period comprises the history of the Neo-Babylonian j empire.

The length of the first period can only be appro.\i- I mately determined, for it reaches back into remote | antiquity ; the second period deals with the history of some sevcMiteen hundred years, extending from about 2300 to 625 n. c;. ; the third period is by far the shortest of the three, for it contains the history of an empire which lasted for less than a hundred years, from Nabo- polassar's accession to the throne of Babylon in 625 B.C. to the capture of the city by Cyrus, king of Persia, in 538 B.C.

During the first period the name of Babylon is not known. The country is under the successive domination of the more ancient cities of the land until the Semitic element eventually predominates. During the second period Babylon holds her place as the centre of the country in spite of the influx of Kassite and Chaldean tribes and the opposition of Assyria. In the third period the magnificence of Babylon became one of the wonders of the ancient world.

41. Earliest period.[edit]

In treating the earliest period of the history of the country we are, to a great extent, groping in the dark. Our [principal sources of information are the archaic inscriptions found on many ^^ ^j^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^j^ Babylonian cities, and these have been considerably increased by recent excavations. In order, then, to understand clearly the problems they present, it will be necessary to proceed gradually from the points that may be regarded as definitely fixed into the regions where conjecture still holds her own. As the earliest date that can be regarded as settled is that of Sargon I. , it necessarily forms the basis or starting-point from which to re- construct the history of the period.

Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, on a clay cylinder found at Abu-Habbah records the fact that while restoring the temple of the Sun-god in that city he came upon the foundation-stone of Naram-Sin, the son of Sargon, which for 3200 years no king that went before him had seen. As the cylinder of Nabonidus was inscribed alx)ut the year 550 B.C., we conclude that Naram-Sin lived about 3750 B.C., and Sargon his father about 3800 B. c.

During the French expedition to Mesopotamia (185 1- 1854) Oppert found in Babylon an alabaster vase in- scribed in archaic characters with the name of Naram-Sin, to which was added the title ' king of the four quarters. ' The vase, which was lost in the waters of the Tigris on 23rd May 1855, formed the only remains of this king that were recovered until the American expedition in 1888.

J A' 1 i94if.

Of Sargon, however, two inscriptions were known ; the one on the cylinder in the possession of M. de Clerq, the other on a mace-head in the British Museum. Some doubt was thrown on the identification of this king with the Sargon of Nabonidus ; for, whilst the name of the latter was written hargina, that of the former was Sargani-.sar-ali. Such an abbreviation, however, was not unu.sual in the n.ames of many of the early kings, and the identity of the two names is now put beyond a doubt by the discovery at Nippur of inscriptions of Sargani-sar-ali in the same stratum which held bricks stamped with the name of Naram-Sin.

That the empire over which Sargon ruled was exten- sive is attested by the legends that at a later period gathered round his name (see above, 36). His name and that of Naram-Sin occur in an astrological tablet,' in which expeditions against I'ha-nicia, Elam, etc., made by these two kings during certain lunar phases and astrological conditions, are recounted ; and, although it would Ix; rash to regard such statements as historical on the authority of this tablet alone, they at least bear witness to the permanent hold which the name of Sargon had attained in the popular imagination. In a cylinder '* of Nabonidus found at Mukayyar (Ur) the title ' king of Babylon ' is ascribed to both Sargon and Naram-Sin ; but it is probable that the city of Agade, not Babylon, formed the centre of their empire, as ' king of Agade ' is the title by which Sargon invariably describes himself The site of this city has not been identified ; but it is probably to be sought in Northern Babylonia.

42. Semitic Kingdoms[edit]

Both Sargon and Naram-.Sin were Semites, and the extent of their empire shows the progress which the Semitic invaders were making towards the final subjugation of the country.

The name of another king who was probably of Semitic origin is Uru-mu-u5, possiljly to be read as .Vlu^arsid, and from the fact that his inscriptions were found at Nippur near those of Sargon, which they closely resemble in character, it may be assumed that he belonged to about the same period. His name has been found on alabaster vases which he dedi- cated and placed in the great temple of Bel at Nippur; the vases, he states, formed part of the spoil captured on a successful expedition against Elam and Hara'se to the K. of Babylonia. Moreover, ManiStusu, whose name occurs on a mace -head preserved in the British Museum, must also be assigned to about the same period.

In addition to the empire established by Sargon, there is not lacking evidence of the existence at this time of other Semitic kings and principalities. The inhabitants of Lulubi spoke a Semitic dialect, as is evinced by the inscription engraved on the face of the rock at Ser-i-pul, a place on the frontier between Kurdistan and Turkey. The inscription accompanies and explains a relief representing the goddess Nini granting victory over his foes to Anu-biinini, king of Lulubi, and from the archaic forms of the characters the work must be assigned to a period not later than that of Sargon. It is also probable that the inhabitants of Guti, a district to the NE. of Babylonia, were Semites ; for an archaic inscription of a king of Guti, which was found at Sippar, is written in Semitic Babylonian. This, we may assume, was carried to Sippar as spoil from the land of Guti, though it is also possible that the stone containing the inscription was a gift of the king of Guti to the temple at Sippar, the inscription being composed, not in the king's own language, but in the Semitic dialect of Sippar.

43. Sumerian rulers.[edit]

Still, whilst a few of the inscriptions of this early period are undoubtedly Semitic and may be adduced as evidence of the first settlements of the ,.,ites in Babylonia, the majority of the inscriptions that have come down to us are written in a non-Semitic tongue (to which the late Sir H. Rawlinson gave the name Accadian), now generally known as Sumerian.* These inscriptions

3 For many years a controversy has raged around the character, and even the existence, of this language. The theory put forward by Halivy that Sumcrian was not a language but merely a cabalistic method of writing invented by the Semitic Babylonians themselves w.-us for years stoutly defended by its adherents ; it has now, however, given way before the results of recent excavations. The thousands of archaic tablets found at Telloh and elsewhere are written entirely in Sumerian by a people who both in their inscriptions and in their art exhibit no traces of Semitic origin. The exist- ence of .Sumerian as the language of these early inhabitants of Babylonia is now generally admitted. See also below, g 71 (end).

have been found in the moiimis which mark the sites of the ancient cities of the land, and were the work of the previous inhabitants of the country whom the invading Semites eventually displaced. One of the most important of their ancient cities is to-day repre- sented by the mounds known as Telloh, situated to the N. of Mukayyar and K. of W'arka, on the E. b;\nk of the Salt-el- 1 1.ii. These mounds mark the site of a city called by the kings and governors who ruled there Isirpurla. but known at a later time as Lagas. The excavations that wire l)egun on this site by Ue Sarzec in 1877 have resulted in a rich harvest of in- scriptions on statues, cylinders, cones, tablets, bricks, etc.. from which it is possible to trace the history of the city throughout a long [x;riod. Its earlier rulers called themselves 'kings," the later ones lx.'aring the title of patesi, which is eciuivalent to the .Assyrian issakku. The word patesi, whilst implying that the ruler is the representative of the national god, indicates the possession of a power less su])reme than that attaching to the word lugal (.Sem. sarru), 'king,' and it has Ijeen ingeniously suggested that the change in title was in consequence of an actual change in the fortunes of the city, the rule of the patesis being held to mark the subjection of their city to another jxnver. The manner in which the succession of the various kings and patesis was determined has been already referred to (see above, 37) ; the following is a brief description of their history based on those results.

44. Rulers of Sirpurla or Laeash[edit]

The oldest king of Sirpurla known to us is in all proUability Uriikafiina. .\fler an interval, tlic length of which is unknown, we fuid Ur-Nina on the throne; and, as he gives to neither his father nor grandfather the title of king, it is not unreasonable to conclude that he was the originator of a new dynasty, a dynasty that we can trace tlirough several generations. Ur-N ina was succeeded by his son -Vkurgal, who bore both the titles, king and patesi, and it was not untd the reign of K-dingira-nagin, .Vkurgal's son and successor, that the title patesi appears to have ousted that of king permanently. It is during the reign of E-dingira-nagin, however, that we find the first record of any extensive military operations under- taken by the inhabitants of .Sirpurla. To his reign belongs the famous stele of vultures, carved to commemorate his victory over the city the name of which is provisionally read as Isban. E-dingira-nagin was succeeded by Ins brother En-annatuma 1., whose son Entena and grandson En-anna-tuma II. con- tinued the succession. After a second interval comes Ur-Hau, from whom the throne passes through his daughter to his son-in-law Nanimaghani. -Vfter a third but shorter interval there followed (judea, who conducted a successful campaign against Elam, but, like his predecessors, devoted most of his energies to building operations. He was succeeded by his son

Ur-Ningirsu ; and hnally there must be placed a second Akur^al and either before or after him Lukani, whose son Ghalalama may possibly have succeeded him on the throne.

45. Their inscriptions.[edit]

The monumental inscriptions of these old kings and . patesis of Sirpurla are, with the e.\ception of one of

.. mi. Ur-Bau and several of Gudea, comparatively short, and are generally concerned with the erection of buildings and temples in the city, an object to which lx)th kings and patesis without exception devoted themselves. The thou.sands of clay tablets, howe\er, which have been discovered dating from this period, the high point of development attained in their sculpture and carving in relief, the elalx)rate but solid construction of their temples and palaces, are all evidence of a highly ! develojK'd civilisation ; and the c|uestion at once arises I as to what date must l)e assigned for the rise of the kingdom of Sirpurla. Additional interest is lent to the way in which this question may lie answered by the fact that even the earliest inscriptions and carvings that have Ix?en disccjvered cannot have l>eeM the work of a barbarous race, but demand the assumption that at least one thou.s;ind years, during which they gradually attained their high level of civilisation and culture, h.ad ])assed.

46. Their date.[edit]

It will be obvious that, as the date of Sargon I. is already fixed, the simplest way of answering the question and of assigning a date to the earlier kings of Sirpurla is to {ietermine the relation in which they st<j<)d to Sarg<jn I. Until recently it was imi>.)ssible to come to any definite conclusion, though it was generally hekl that the archaic forms of characters on the inscriptions of the kings of Sirpurla favoured the theory which assigned to them an early date. The excavations at Xipijur, however, have now yielded sufficient data to justify a more conclusive answer.

In the sanie stratum as the inscriptions of .Sargon and Alusarsid, and not far from them, was found a fragment of a vase inscrilied with the name of Kntena, patesi of Sirpurla, who is said to have i)resented the vase to En-lilla or Hcl, the god of Nipinir. It w<juld Ix-- rash to conclude from this f;\ct alone that Knten.a was the contein[X)rary of .Sargon I. , though it may Ije held to indicate that approximately the same date may lie assigned to Sargon and the earlier patesis of ."^irijurla. I';xcavations, however, were subse(|uenlly extended Ix-low the level at which the records of .Sargon had been found, and traces of a still more ancit-nt civilisation were disclosed. An altar with a small enclosure or curb around it, two immense vases of clay standing at short intervals fronj e;ich other, probably on an inclined plane leading up to the altar, and a massive builtling with an ancient arch, were the principal architectural remains discovered. However, there were also found inscriptions which, though occurring at a hifjlier level and mixed with the inscriptions of Sargon, are probably to be assigned to a pre-.Sargonic period. As the majority of these are broken into small fragm<;nts, it is not unlikely that they were intentionally broken and scattered by some subsetjuent invader of the country. Gate-sockets and blocks of diorite, however, were not broken, and so were ni;ule use of by subsetjuent kings. Thus both .Sargon I. and Bur-Sin II. used for their own inscriptions the blocks which already bore the rough inscription of Lugal-kigub-nidudu, one of the kings of this early period. The characters in these early inscriptions, esi>ecially on the vases of Lugal- zaggisi, the most powerful of these early kings, bear a striking resemblance to tho.se employed in the inscriptions of the earliest kings of Sirpurla ( L'rukagina, Ur-Xina, and K-dingira-nagin), sharing with them certain peculiarities of form which are not met with elsewhere. The conclusion that they date from al)out the siiine period is, therefore, not unwarranted ; and. as this period nuist Ix; placed Ix-fore Sargon I., we are justified in assigning to L'rukagina a date not later than 4000 B.C.

47. Before Sargon[edit]

To trace in detail the history of the predecessors of Sargon I., whose existence w.as not susjx?cted until the _ . lowest strata beneath the temple of F.ktir ^^ Xippur had been sifted, is a task that requires some ingenuity. Our only source of information is afforded by the fragmentary inscriptions themselves ; but, as many of these tire duplicates, it is possible to reconstruct their original text. The earliest rulers of Babylonia, such as Kn-sag-sagana, are found in conflict with the city of Kis, and spoil from Kis was from time to time placed as an offering in the temple at Nippur. Sometimes Kis w.is victorious, and then the king of Ki.s, as in the case of Ur-.Sulp.iuddu, made a presentation to the temple at Nippur in his own behalf The ultimate superiority of Kis, however, w.as assured by its alliance with the fxjwerful city of Isban ; for Lugal-zaggisi, son of Ukus, patesi of Isban, on coming to the throne, extended his sway over the whole of Babylonia. He has left us a record of his achievements in a long inscription carved on more than a hundred vases, which he deposited in Nippur. Though he especially favoured his own city of Isban, l>och was probably his capital, while Ur, Larsa, and Nippur were important centres. Lugal- zaggisi's empire did not long survive him, and the lead in Babylonian politics passed to the city of Sirpurla. K-dingira-nagin's conquest of Isban, however, was not followed up by his successors on the throne ; and the hegemony passed once more to the north, this time to Sargon of Agad^, who laid all Babylonia under his sway, the rulers of Sirpurla exchanging the title of king for that of patesi in consequence of their subjection to him. Such may be taken as a general sketch of the course of Babylonian history up to the time of Sargon I. It is impossible to say to what race or nationality Lugal-zaggisi and the earlier kings belonged, though we may mention the theory of Ililprecht, who sees in their successes against the cities of Babylonia the earliest Semitic invasions of the country ; regarding Kis as their first military outpost, and Isban, which he is probably wrong in identifying with Harran, as their military base. Another patesi of Isban who may be placed in this early period is Mul-Babbar (in Semitic, Amcl-Samas), whose inscription on three clay cones is preserved in the British Museum.

48. Ur.[edit]

After the fall of Sargon's empire, the first city that appears to have gained a considerable supremacy throughout Babylonia is Ur. Under Lugal- kigub-nidudu Ur had already risen to some importance ; but the city had been incluiled in Sargon's kingdom, and it was not until nearly a thousand years after his death that it again recovered its position. Only two of her kings at this later period are known to us, Ur-gur and Dungi. In addition to their title ' king of Ur,' both style themselves kings of Sumer and Akkad, a title implying that many cities throughout both southern and northern Babylonia had tendered their submission and acknowledged allegi- ance to them. The monuments themselves bear witness that this title was no empty boast, but had its founda- tion in a real supremacy.

circa 2800.

A seal cylinder in the British Museum bears a dedication to Ur-( lur, ' the mighty hero, king of Ur,' by a ' patesi of the city of 15kun-Sin, his servant,' while there is evidence that the later patesis of Sirpurla were subject to Ur, the Louvre possessing a fragment of a statue dedicated to the goddess Bau by Ghala- lama, 'son of Lukani, patesi of .Sirpurla, for the life of Dungi, 'the mighty king, king of Ur, king of Sumer and Akkad'; an inscription with a similar purpose of the time of Ur-Ningirsu, Gudea's son and successor, is preserved in the British Museum. That Ur-gur was a great builder is attested by the many short inscriptions on bricks recovered from the ruins of the buildings which he either founded or restored. P'rom these we gather that he built the great temple of the Moon-god in Ur, while in Erech he erected a temple to Nina, the goddess Istar. On a brick from a tomb discovered by Loftus at Senkereh, the ancient Larsa, is recorded the fact that Ur-gur built a temple to the Sun-god there, and bricks found at Nippur record his rebuilding of the great temple of E-kur in that city. Excava- tions at the latter place show that this temple was_ larger than any of its predecessors; buildings that had been standing since the time of Naram-Sin he razed to the ground in order to erect his huge platform of sun-dried bricks, m the NW. corner of which he built a huge zikkurratu (temple tower) of at least three stories. Ur-gur thus appears to have erected or rebuilt temples in most of the principal cities of Babylonia ; in his zeal lor religion, however, he did not neglect to strengthen his own capital, for we have evidence that he erected, or at any rate rebuilt, the city-wall of Ur. His son and successor Dungi, 'king of Ur, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the four quarters,' carried on the work of temple-building to which his father had devoted himself, and restored the temple of I.^Star in Erech. An in- teresting clay tablet in the British Museum contains a copy of an old inscription that once stood in a temple at Cuthah. The copy was made in the later Babylonian period by a scribe named Bcl-uballit, and the archaic inscription, which his care has rescued from oblivion, records the erection by Dungi of a temple to the god Nergal in the city of Cuthah.

49. Isin[edit]

With Dungi our knowledge of the city of Ur and its supremacy comes to an end for a time. Whether |. . Dungis succes.sors retained for long their lain, j^^^ij ^ygj. jj^g |.j.gj pj- liabylonia, or sjieedily sank into a position of dependence to some other city, we have no means of telling. When we once more come across inscriptions we see that the lead in .' umer and Akkad has passed into the hands of the kings of Isin. At present we possess inscriptions of four kings of Isin ; Ur- Ninib, Libit-I.5tar, Bur-Sin I., and I5me-Dag.-\n. In the case of each of (hem, before their chief title 'king of Ctrca 2500. i^i,,' J5 given special mention is made of Nippur, Ur, Eridu, and Erech as be^ng under their sway. The order in which these cities are mentioned is significant. The fact that Nipinir heads the list proves that Ur sank greatly in importance after the days when she held the lead in Sumer and Akkad. A fifth king of Isin, named ISbigirra, is known to us ; the only evidence of his e.\istence, however, is the occurrence of his name and title on a fragment of a clay tablet in the British Museum. The rule in Babylonia now passes once more to the city of Ur, which regains its old supremacy. ISme-Dagan was the last king of Isin who retained the title of ' king of Sumer and Akkad,' and held together the confederation of Babylonian cities which that name implies ; we find his son erecting a temple for the life of Gungunu, king of Ur, as a token of homage.

50. 2nd Dynasty of Ur.[edit]

Under Gungunu began the second dynasty of Ur, to which the circa 2400. kings Bur-Sin II., Ine-Sin, and Gamil-Sin be- long. The many inscriptions on clay tablets that have been recovered, dated in the reigns of these three kings, testify to the great commercial prosperity of Babylonia at this time.

51. Larsa.[edit]

The rise of the city ol Larsa followed the second dyn.-isty of Ur. The kings of the former city held Ur as a dependency, and appear to have extended their rule still farther afield, for they assume also the title 'king of Sumer and Akkad." The two principal kings of Larsa were Nur-Kamman and his son Sin-iddina. Both erected temples in Ur, and the latter founded Ctrca 2300. a temple to the Sun-god in his capital. Sin-iddina also, after meeting with success in the field, turned his attention to the internal improvement of his territory. He rebuilt on a larger scale the wall of Larsa, and by cutting a canal obtained for that city a constant supply of water.

52. Elam[edit]

Sin-iddina does not mention the name of the enemy his victory over whom he records. It has been sug- pi gested, however, with great probability,

that it was F.lani whom he repulsed. This must have been the period of the Elamite invasion to which Asur-bani-pal refers. On taking the city of Susa, about 650 B.C., Asur-bani-pal relates that he recovered the image of the goddess Nana, which the I-.lamite Kudur-Nanhundj had carried off from Krech 1635 years before i.e., about 2285 B.C. Though Sin- iddina repulsed the Elamites, he did not check them for long. A few years later we find them under the leadership of Kudur-Mabug, son of Simti-silhak, again invading Babylonia. This time they met with more success and obtained a jjermanent footing in the south. Kudur-Mabug was not king of Elam. He styles himself ' prince of the Western land ' : that is to say, he was ruler of the tract of land lying on the W. frontier of Elam. Erom this position he invaded the country, and, having established himself as king of S. Babylonia, he erected a temple in Ur to the Moon- god in gratitude for his success. His son, Rim-aku, succeeded him and attempted to consohdate his kingdom, restoring and rebuilding Ur and extending his influence over Erech, Larsa, and other cities ; his usual titles were ' exalter of Ur, king of Larsa, king of Sumer and Akkad.' It is a period of much interest for the biblical student (see Cukuoki.aomer).

53. Babylon.[edit]

During the second dynasty of Ur the city of Babylon had enjoyed a position of independence, with her own kings and system of government ; but her infiuence does not appear to have extended beyond the limits of the city. It was not until the reign of Hammu-rabi, the contemporary of Sin-iddina and Rim-Aku, that she attained the position of im- portance in Babylonia which she held without inter- rujition for nearly two thousand years. The dynasty to which Hammu-rabi belongs was called by the native historians the ' Dynasty of Babylon,' and, as far as we at present know, forms the limit to which Ctrca 2400. jj^^.y traced back the existence, or at any rate the indejjendence, of their city.

The dyn.isty was founded about 2400 B.C. by Sumu-abi, who was succeeded by Sumula-iluand Zahum his son. It is possible that on Z.-ibum's death a usurper, Immeru, attempted to ascend the throne ; but his rule cannot have been for long, as scribes of contract tablets do not give him the title of king, and his name is omitted from the list of kings of Dynasty I., Zabum's

koii, Apil-Sin, being stated to hve directly succeeded his father. Of the reign of Apil-Sin's son, Sin-nuil>.illi(, we know nothing, his only claim to remembrance being tliai lie was the father of ^aminu-ralii.

54 Hammarrabi[edit]

It is difficult to determine accurately the position otcupietl by Habylon when yammu-rabi ascended the '^'""*-'- '^^ni she was already beginning ^'^ extend her sway over the districts in her immediate neighbourhood we may conclude from a reference on a cylinder of Natxjnidus, who states that the temples of the Sun-god and of the goddess Anunitu at Sippar had been falling into decay 'since the time of Zabum ' ; the phrase implies th.-tt Zabum had at any rate rebuilt these temples, and nmst, therefore, have includetl Sippar within his sphere of influence. We may regard it as certain, however, that the authority of the city had not penetrated into southern IJabylonia. On Hammurabi's accession he first devoted himself to the internal improvement of his

circa saSe, ^^' ' ' ^' 'y- J" th<^ P^^^ L)o'h Babylon and ^' Sijjpar had suffered from floods, and the recurrence of these he sought to diminish by erecting dams and cutting canals. One inscription of his, written both in Sumerian and in Semitic Babylonian on clay cylinders in the British Museum, reads as follows :

yan\mu-rabi, the mighty king, king of Babylon, king of the four quarters, the founder of the land, the king whose deeds unto the heart of ama5 and Marduk are well-pleasing, am I. The summit of the wall of Sippar like a great mountain with earth I raised. Witli a swamp I surrounded it. The canal of Sippar to Sippar I dug out and a wall of safety I erected for it. ^anunu-rabi, the founder of the land, the king whose deeds unto the heart of SamaS and Marduk are well -pleasing, am I. Sippar and Babylon in a peaceful habitation ,1 caused to dwell continuously. Hammu-ralii, the darling of Sama^, the beloved of Marduk, am 1. That which from days of old no king for his king had built, for SamaS my lord gloriously have I accomplished.

In addition to his works at Sippar we learn from another inscription that he cut the ' Hammu-rabi canal," on both sitles of which he sowed corn-fields. He erected a granary in Babylon, in which he stored grain for use in years of famine or scarcity. The inscription recording the erection of the granary has perished ; but we possess a copy of it in clay, made in the N'eo-Baby- lonian period by Rimut-Gula, and deposited in Babylon in the temple E-zida. Hammu-rabi's works of imjirove- ment, however, were not confined to Sippar and Babylon. As he extended his authority throughout the country, he introduced the same enlightened methods, rebuilding the temples of the gods in the various cities, conciliating the inhabitants, and out of scattered principalities form- ing a single and organic kingdom, with its metropolis at Babylon. The principal enemy to Babylonian

independence at this period was P31am ; but after a series of campaigns Hammu-rabi signally defeated her, and effectually hindercnl her advances to the S. and W. , after which he was again at liberty to devote himself to the material improvement of his people. Hammu-rabi was not the first king of Babylonia to form a great empire out of scattered elements. Lugal-zaggisi and Sargon I. had already made this achievement, and it is not unlikely that their empires considerably exceeded that of Hammu-rabi in extent. Hammu-rabi's work, however, is distinguished from theirs by s permanence. Whilst Isban and Agad^ soon sank back into compara- tive obscurity, Babylon remained the chief town of the kingdom throughout the whole course of its history.

55 His successors[edit]

Hamnui-rabi was succeeded by his son Samsu-iluna, the other

Pl?? of the first dynasty being KbiSum, Am- nii-ditana, Ammi-zaduga, and Samsu-ditana, who follow one another in direct succession.

circa 2230. Samsu-iluna continued his father's work of ir- rigation, and we know from two inscriptions that he budt many temples to the gods. Of his successors, however, we possess few inscriptions, though manv contracts, dated m the reign of each of the kings of this dynasty, have been found which throw an interesting light on the private and social sides of Babylonian life at this period.

56. 2nd Dynasty Uru-Azag.[edit]

circa 2090.

The second dynasty consists of eleven kings

Iluma-ilu, Itti-ilu-nibi, Damki-ilisu, Is-ki-bal, and his ^^her Su-us-si, (Jul-ki-iar and his son l^irgal-dara-mas, and his grandson A- dara-kalama, A-kur-ul-ana, Melam-miiiiai. and Ivn-gamil. Of this dynjisty we know nothing, though it has U-en conjectured with some probability that it was during this |jcriod that the Kassites first invaded liabylonia. IX-scending frcjm the mountainous territoi^y on the lx>rders of Media and Elam, they overran the country and took ]X)sses- sion of the cities ; and at the beginning of the third dynasty we find them firmly seated on the throne. So far as we know, they were never ejected by force, but were absorbed in protcss of time by the Semitic element of the nation, which gradually recovered its predominance.

57 3rd Dynasty[edit]

There were thirty-six kings of the third dynasty ; but only the names of the kings at the begiiming and of those

^^ ^* ^'"'^ "^ *'^*^ dynasty have lx.-en pre- ^^ served in the Babylonian list of kings. Other sources of information, however, now become available ; the ' .Synchronous History ' gives a rdsumd of the relations between Babylonia and Assyria, which during the early part of the third Babylonian dynasty attained its independence (cp Assvki.\, 25); the account furnished by the '.Synchronous Hi.story" is supplemented by the mutilated text of a somewhat similar Babylonian chronicle ; the official corresjxjnd- ence between I^bylonia and Egypt during a small part of this jieriod is preserved on some of the tablets found at Tell el-Amarna ; and, finally, inscrijnions of several of the kings themsehes have been recovered, as well as contract-tablets dated in their reigns.

circa 1725. The first king of the dynasty was Gandis, who w,xs succeeded /-/.vvj TTotr ^y Aguni-.si, (ju-ia-.si, Ui-si, .'Vdu-me-ur, and Uz-iji.u.n.ai. Here the gap occurs in the list of kings ; and it is probably at some point in this gap that we must pLice .\gum, who is known to us from a long inscrijjtion, a copy of which in Neo-Assyrian characters was preserved in the library of .\5ur-brini-pal ; from it we learn that he recovered . J coo ^"'^ restored to the temple of E-sagila in Babylon circa 1500. (-(.ftain iin.iges of Marduk and of the goddess Zarpanitu, which had been carried otf to the land of Hani.

A later place in the same gap must be assigned to Kallimma-Sin (or Kadashman-Bel ? cp Knudtzon, ZA 15 269/), four of whose letters are in the Amarna series; this correspondence ser\es to indicate the intimate re- lations between Egyjn and Babylonia at this period, both the sister and daughter of Kallimma-Sin being among the princesses of western Asia whom the king of I'.gypt married. The order of the other kings, whose names have been recovered and must be placed within the same gap in the list of kings, has not yet been ascertained.

It has recently been suggested, for example, that Sag.iSalti- BurLx?, the son of Kudur-Hcl, should be placed before Kar.i- inda.5, though a later date is possible ; moreover, Kurigalzu I., the son of Kadasman-Harbe, is usually placed after and not before Kara-indas, though a suggestion has latelv been made to the contrary. According to the 'Synchronous History' Kara- indaS was a contemporary of the Assyrian king, .-VSur-liel-niSisu, between whom and A5ur-uballit at least two kings, Pu7ur-A5ur and A5ur-nadin-ahe, occupied the throne of Assyria ; from the same document we know that between Kara-inda5 and Kara- harda.5, the contemporarj' of Aiur-uballit, at least one king, Burna-Buri.-vS, occupied the throne of B.-ibylon ; yet on the similar Babylonian chronicle Kara-inda^ is mentioned as the son-in-law of A5ur-uballit, and the father of Kara-hardaS. It is p<.)ssible to reconcile these two accounts only on the sup|>osition that the Kara-inda5 of the ' Synchronous History' is not to be identified with the son-in-law of A.^ur-uballit. On this assump- tion, and at the same time admitting that certain pl.-ices in the order of succession are not definitely ascertained, we are still able to summarise the chief events of the period.

Circa 1480. Kara-ind-oS is the first I'abylonian king mentioned in the 'Synchronous History," where he is said to have formed a treaty with ASur- jj bCl-niSiSu, king of Assyria ; simiUir friendly relations with the northern kingdom were probably maintained by Kurigalzu I. ami his father Kadaiman-Harbe. , , ,_ Burna-Buria.5, the son of KungaUu I., formed a

circa 1440.

fresh treaty with Assyria concerning the frontier between the two kingdoms, and built a temple to the Sungodat Larsa, as we learn from a brick that has been recovered from its ruin.s. A.^ur-uballi(, who succeeded A$ur-nadin-al} on the throne of Assyria, strengthened the ties between his kingdom and Baliyloiiia by marrying his daughter Muballijat-SerQa to a king of Babylonia, who bore the name of Kara-inda.^ ; and when his grandson, Kara-hardas, the son of Kara-indaJ, succeeded to the throne of Babylon, the relations between the two coun- tries were still more cordial. The Kassite troops, however, possibly jealous of Assyrian influence, slew Kara-hardas and set the usurper Nazi-bug:uS on the throne. The death Circa 1400. ^,f Kara-hardai led to the invasion of Babylonia by .\sur-uballit, who avenged his grandson by slaying Nazi-bugaS, and putting Kurigalzu II., a son of Burna-Buria-JS, the former king of Babylon, in his place. Kurigalzu II. was ambitious to extend the boundary of his kingdom ; and with this end in view he undertook a campaign against Klam, the capital of wliicli he coii'iuercd and sacked, as we learn from an inscription on an agate tablet which was found at Nippur.

Circa 1380.

On undertaking hostilities against Assyria, however, he was defeated by Bel-o nirari, and was forced to accept the terms offered jjy ,i,g i,,,n.r with regard to the boundary between the two kingdoms. The ne.xt defeat by the Assyrians which the Babylonians sustained was in the reign of Nazi-maruttas, the son of Kurigalzu II., when Kamman-nirari inflicted a gig,,^! Jefeat on the Bal)ylonian forces and extended the Assyrian boundary still farther southward.

circa 1340. Kadasman-Turgu, whose name was also written Kadasman-Bcl, the son of Nazi-maruttas, succeeded his father on the throne, and was in turn succeeded by his son, whose name, occurring in a broken inscription from Nippur, may probalily be restored [KadasmanJ-Burias. The Babylonian List of Kings furnishes the names of the last kings of the dynasty. Of Is-am-me- . . . -ti we know nothing, and of Sagasalti-Surias only the fact that he dedicated an object to Bel and placed it in the temple at Nippur. .Sagasalti-Surias was succeeded by his son Bibe, and the names of the next three occupants of the throne are Bel-Sum-iddina, KadaSman-Harbe, and Kamman-Sum-iddina. We do not know the relations between Babylonia and .Vssyria dur- ing the early part of this period ; but it is probable that the last three kings acknowledged the .supremacy of .Xssyria. Tukulti- Ninib, king of -Assyria, to whom Rammfm-nirari III. ascribed the title ' king of Sumer and Akkad,' invaded Babylonia, cap- tured Babylon, and for seven years maintained his hold upon the country. On the death of Rammrin-i5um-iddina, however, the Babylonian nobles placed his son Ramman-.'Sum-usur on the throne, and, proclaiming him king, threw off the As- syrian yoke. Subsequently, during the reign of Ramman-5um- .... usur, the Assyrians suffered a crushing defeat ;

circa 1210.

their king, Bel-kudur-usur, was slain in the battle ; and although Ramman-sum-usur, on following up his victory by an invasion of Assyria, was repulsed by Ninib-pal-Ksara, he recovered a considerable portion of Babylonian territory. Dur- ing the reigns of Meli-sihu, and of his .son, Marduk-pal-iddina, the Assyrians made no attempt to wipe out the reverse they had sustained. On the accession of Zamama-sum-iddina, however, A.sur - dan crossed the frontier and recaptured several Babylonian cities.

Circa 1155. Zamama-.sum-iddina reigned only one year, and was succeeded by Bcl-sum-iddina II., the last king of the Kas.site dynasty. Under this king the country suflcred attacks from Elam, and the discontent and misery which followed the defeats sustained by the Babylonians brought alK)Ut the fall of the dynasty.

58. 4th Dynasty[edit]

The fourth dynnsty is called the dynasty of Pas^ ; who its founder was we do not know, though an early , , ^ place in it must be assigned to Nebuchadrezzar I. In one of the two monuments

(Fase). jj^^j ^^.^ possess of this king he styles himself ' the .Sun of his land, who makes his people prosperous, the protector of boundaries'; and it is certain that to a great extent he restored the fallen fortunes of the kingciom. He successfully prosecuted campaigns against Elam on the east, he conquered the Lulubi on the north, and even marched victoriously 3 jpHQ Syria, .\gainst Assyria, however, he did not meet with similar success.

On Nebuchadrezzar's crossing the frontier, ASur-reJ-iSi, king of .Assyria, marched against him, and Nebuchadrezzar, who was not then prepared to meet an army of the A.s- syrians, burnt what engines of war he had with him, in order to facilitate his retreat. He soon returned with reinforce- ments ; but A.5ur-re5-i5i, who had also strengthened his army, defeated him, plundered his camp, and carried off forty of his chariots. A king who reigned early in the dynasty and may possibly have .succeeded Nebuchadrezzar is Bel-nadin-aplu, whose name is known from a 'boundary stone' dated in the fourth year of his reign. Under Mardnk-nSdin-ahc Assyria and Babylonia were again in conflict. It is probable that this king enjoyed a temporary success again.st Tiglath-pileser I., during which he carried off from the city of Circa mo. K^allati the images of the gods Ramman and Sala which are mentioned by Sennacherib in his inscription on the rock at Bavian. This campaign is not mentioned in the 'Synchronous History," though in the beginning of the account of the campaign there mentioned, which ended di.sastrously for Babylonia, the two kings, it is said, set their chariots in battle array 'a second time" (see Assyria, S 28). This second campaign consisted of a series of successes for Tiglath-pileser, who, after defeating Marduk-nadin-ahe in Akkad, captured Babylon itself and other important cities in the northern half of the kingdom. .\siir-bel-kala, Tiglath-pileser's .successor on the throne of Assyria, changed his father s policy and formed treaties with the Babylonian king Marduk-Sapik-zr-mati.l On this king's death Kamman-aplu-iddina, a man of ob- Circa 1 100. scure origin, was raised to the throne of Babylon, and A.?ur-bel-kala, in pursuance of his policy, allied himself to the new king by a marriage with his daughter. Only the beginnings of the names borne by the last three kings of the dynasty are preserved in the List of Kings.

59. 5th Dynasty[edit]

The fifth dynasty was called the dynasty of the ' Sea-land,' and was a short one, consisting of only three Kings, Simmas-sihu, Ea-mukin-zer, and Ka.s.su-nadin-ahi. It is not improbable that the Chaldean tribes, who are not actually mentioned in the inscriptions be- fore the time of Asur-na.sir-pal and .Shalmaneser II., were even at this early period making their inlluence felt, overrunning southern Babylonia and spreading themselves throughout the country ; and the fact that at a later time we find them especially connected with the district termed the ' Sea-land ' in S. Babylonia lends colour to the suggestion that the dynasty of the Sea- land was of Chaldean origin.

Of the three kings of the dynasty f^a-mukln-zer reigned but a few months ; the other two kings, who occupied the throne for longer periods, are mentioned by Nabu-aplu-iddina in connection with the fortunes of the temple of the Sun-god at Sippar. At the time of Simma.s-.sihu this temple was in ruins in consequence of the troubles and disturbances in Akkad, the powerful tribes of the Sutu having previou.sly invaded the country, laying the temple in ruins and breaking up the sculptures. .Simmas-sihu partially restored the structure of the temple, and placed it in charge of a priest for whose maintenance he appointed regular offerings. In the violent death of SimmaJ-Sihu, of which we learn from the fragment of a Babylonian Chronicle, and in the short- ne.ssof the reign of Ea-mukln-zer, we may probably see additional indications of the disturbed state of the country at this time. Under Ka.ssu-nadin-ahi the general distress was increa.sed by a famine, in consequence of which the regular offerings for the temple of Samas at Sippar ceased.

60. 6th Dynasty (of Bazi).[edit]

circa 1021

The first king of the sixth dynasty was E-ulbar-sakin-5iim, and on his accession to the throne K-kur-.'Num-uSabii, the priest cft ctVi 'nim whom Simmas-iliu had placed in charge of t^e temple at Sippar, complained to the king that the offerings had ceased. On hearing the

^'^'^ f 'he temple's resources E-ulbar-Sikin- -' JSum increased the regular offerings and endowed the temple with certain property situated in Babylon. The sixth dynasty con.sisted of only three kings, E-ulbar-5akin-5um being succeeded by Ninib-kudurri-usur and .Silanim-Sukamuna ; it was termed the dynasty of the House of Bazi, and each of the three kings on a fragment of a chronicle is termed a 'son ofBazi.'

61. Gap.[edit]

From this point onwards for nearly a hundred years there is a gap in our knowledge of Babylonian history.

After the dynasty of the House of Bazi an lllamite occupied the throne for si.\ years ; but his name is not known, nor are the circumstances that attended his accession.

He did not perpetuate his hold upon the country ; for on his death the rule again passed /R h 1 ' * "^ Babylonians, the kings of the

(Babylon), ^jgj^jj^ dynasty, which was the second to bear the title ' the dynasty of Babylon.'

The names of the early kings of the dynasty are not preser\-ed, though Sibir, a Babylonian king whom A!5ur-nasir-pal mentions as having destroyed a city which he himself rebuilt, is probably to be placed in this period.

circa 910. The first king of this dynasty of whose '*'" details are known is SamaS-mudammik, who jy^grgj ^ serious defeat at the hands of Kamman- nirari II., king of Assyria. Against Nabu-5um-i5kun, his suc- cessor on the throne, Kamman-nirari scored another victory, .several B.ibylonian cities falling into his* hands, though we subsequently find him on good terms with Assyria and allying himself to Nabu-sum-i5kun, or possibly his successor, each monarch marrying the other's daughter. Circa 880. 00 Nabi'i-aplu-iddina is the next king who is known , have ruled in Babylon, and, though he aided the people of Suhi against A.sur-nasir-pal, his relations with Shalmaneser II. were of a friendly nature. He is the king who restored and endowed so richly the temple of .SamaS at Sippar, digging in the ruins of former structures till he found the ancient image of the god. He restored and redecorated the shrine, and with much ceremony established the ritual and offerings for the god, placing them under the direction of Nabu-nadin-Sum, the

1 The name has also been read Marduk-Sapik-kuIlat.

son of the former priest E-kur-sum-uSab-Si.

circa 850.

Marduk-Sum- i kldina Miccccilcd his father on the throne ; but his tirother ' Q Mardiik-lxil-usati headed a revolt against him, and

,.^,,^.|i^.j him to tall in the aid of Shalnianeser of Assyria, who defeated the rebels and restored the land to order. Shalmaneser's son and successor, SamSi-Kamman II., was not on the same terms of friendship with Babylonia. He directed an expedition against that country and plundered many ] cities before meeting with serious opposition.

Circa 812 Marduk-balatsu- j Q ikbi, the Kabylonian kinK, had meanwhile col-

|^.,^j his forces, which included bands from i:iam, Chaldea, and other districts ; and the two armies met near the city of Dur-I'apsukal. Marduk-balatsu-ikbi was totally de- feated : 50(X) of his troops were slain ; zcxx) more were captured ; and rich booty, including 100 chariots of war, fell into the hands of the .Assyrians. Ramman-nirari III., the successor of Sanisi- Rammfm, also subjugated a considerable portion of Babylonia, carrying away to Assyria Bau-ah-iddina, the Babylonian king, together with the treasures of hispalace.

Here the record of the ' Synchrotious History ' ceases, and there fcjliows another gap, of alxjut fifty years, in our knowledge of the history of the country.

63 Nabonassar[edit]

The next king of Babylon \vho.se name is known is N'abu-suin-iskun the first name which occurs after

^^^ break in the List of Kings. His successor was Xabfi-nasir, the Nabonassar of the Ptolemaic Canon ; and with this king our knowledge of the Babylonian succession becomes fuller, as, in addition to the evidence afforded by the List of Kings, the information contained in the Babylonian Chronicle and the Ptolemaic Canon liecomes available. In the third year of Nabo- nassar's reign, Tiglath-pileser III. ascended the throne of .Assyria ; and one of his first acts was an invasion of Babylonia, during which he overran the northern dis- tricts and cajjtured several cities, carrying away many of their inhabitants. The distress in the country due to the inroads of the Assyrians was aggravated during this reign by internal dissension : .Sippar repudiated Nabonassar's authority, and the revolt was subdued only | after a siege of the city.

The Babylonian Chronicle tells us that .after a reign of ; fourteen years Nabonassar died in his palace at Babylon,

and was succeeded by his son Nadinu, the | '*' Nadios of the Ptolemaic Canon, who is to l)e iden- I tified with Nabu-nadin-zer of the list of kings. The 1 eighth dynasty ended with the country in confusion. Nabu-nadin-zer, after a reign of only two years, was slain i in a revolt by his son Nabfi-.sum-ukin or .Sum-ukin, who had hitherto held the position of governor of a province. After his accession the dynasty soon came to an end. He had not enjoyed his position for more th.in a month when the kingdom again changed hands and Ukin-zer ascended the throne.

64 Assyrian suserainty[edit]

From the fall of the eighth dynasty until the rise of the Xeo-Babylonian empire Babylonia was overshadowed ^^ ^^"^ '^^^'^ "'^ --Assyria, the kings of sii^prnintv '^*^ '^"*'"'" country frecjuently ruling Ijoth ^^ xingveh and at Babylon. UkTn-zer had reigned only three years when Tiglath-pileser again invaded Babylonia, took him captive, and ascended the throne of Babylon, where he ruled under the name of Pulu (see TiGLATH-i'ii.KSKK). On his death, which occurred two years later, he was succeedetl in Assyria by .Shalnianeser I\'. , who, according to the iiabylonian Chronicle, also succeeded him on the throne of Babylon, though in the List of Kings Pulu is succet-ded by Ululai. The two accounts can be reconciled by the supposition that Ululai was the name assumed by Shahnaneser as king of Babylon (see Shalmaneskk). .Shalnianeser died after a reign of five years, and, while .Sargon held the throne, .\1ero- dach-baladan, a Chaldean from southern Babylonia, freed Babylonia for a time from -Assyrian control. He sided with Ummanig.as, king of Klam, in his struggle with .Assyria ; but ten years later was himself captured by .Sargon after being besieged in the city of Ikbi-Bel (see MkR(JI)ACII-ai,AI)AN,

Sar<;on). Sargon then ascended the throne of babylon, which he held until his death

According to the Ptolemaic Canon, the next two years were a period of interregnum, tliough the List of Kin^s a.ssigns the thnjne to Senn.acherib. However this may Ix.', we know that in 703 Marduk-zakir-sum prtKlaimed himself king ; but he had reigned for only one month then he was murdered by Merodach-baladan, iho had escap-d from .Assyria. Merodach- baladan thus once more found himself king in Babylon ; but Senn.-icherib marched against him. defeated him, and caused him to seek safety by hiding himself in the Babylonian swamps. After plundt-ring Babylon and the neighlx)uring cities, Sennacherib returned to .Assyria. leaving the kingdom in the charge of

' Bcl-ibni, a young native Babylonian who had l)een brought up at the .Assyrian court. On the death of Merodach-baladan, .shortly afterwards, a rising headed by Suzub, another Chaldean, brought .Sen- nacherib again into the country. Bel-ibni also must have displeased the king ; for, after defeating Suzub, .V-nnacherib carried BCl-ibni and his nobles to .Assyria, leaving his own son .Asur-nadin-sum upon the

' throne. .Sennacherib next plamied an ex|jedilion against the Chaldeans whom Merodach-baladan had M'ttlcd at Nagitu, on the Llamite shore of the Persian ( iulf, whence they were able in safety to foment insur- rections and plan revolt. Sennacherib, determined to ^^tamp out this disaffection, transported his troops in

hips across the Persian (julf. Disembarking at the

mouth of the Euheus, they routed the Chaldeans and their allies, and returned with much l)o<jty and many capti\es to the Babylonian coast. .Meanwhile .Suzub, who had previously esca[)ed .Sennacherib's pur- .suit, collected his forces and with the help of Llam captured Babylon and placed him.self upon the throne. He is to Ix; identified with the Nergal-usCzib "^' of the Babylonian Chronicle and the List of Kings. He, however, ruled for only one ye.ar. Sen- nacherib, on his return from the Persian CJulf, defeated his army and sent him in chains to Nineveh. Turning his forces against Klam, he plundered a considerable portion of the c<juntry, and was Mopix-d in his advance into the interior only by the .setting in of winter. In his absence a relx;! bearing the name

, of Suzub the .Musezib-Marduk of the Chronicle

^ and the List of Kings seized the throne of Babylon. Allying his forces with those of Elam, he atlemiJted to oppose .Sennacherib in the field ; but the combined armies were defeated at Hahile. Next year .Sennacherib returned to Babylonia, captiiretl the cit\ of Babylon, and deported Musezib-Marduk and his family to Assyria. According to the Babylonian Chronicle and the Ptolemaic Canon, there now occurred a second interregnum, though the List of Kings credits Sennacherib with the control of Babylonia.

On Sennacherib's murder in 681 his son Esarhaddon was proclaimed king of Assyria. He succeeded to the rule of Babylonia also, though a son of Merodach-baladan made an attempt to gain the throne. He came to Babylon and ]x;rsonally sujjerintended the restoration of the city, rebuilding the temples and thtr walls, and placing new images in the shrines of the gods. During his reign Babylon enjoyed a sea.soii of unusual prosjierity, and was free from the internal feuds and dissensions from which she had been suf- fering.

On Esarhadd(n's death the throne of Babylon passed to his son Samas-suni-ukin, his elder son, Asur- banipal, having already been installetl on the A.ssyrian throne during his father's lifetime. For some years the two brothers were on friendly terms, and when I'rtaku and the ICUimites, with the aid of some discon- tented Babylonian chiefs, invaded the country, Asur- blni-pal assisted his brother in repelling their attack. I )uring all this time Sam.is-suni-ukin acknow letlged the supremacy of Assyria and acquiesced in his brother's active control of the internal aflfairs of botli kingdoms.

At length, however, he wearied of this state of depend- ence, and seizing an opportunity, organised a general rising against Assyria among the neighbouring tribes and nations who had hitherto owned her supremacy. He bought the supp>ort of Ummanigas, king of Klam, contracted an alhance with Arabia, and at the same time enlisted the services of smaller chiefs. 'I'hough one lialf of the Arabian army was defeated by the Assyrians, the other half effected a junction with the Elamites. This powerful combination, however, was neutralised by the revolt of Tammaritu, the son of Ummanigas, the king of I'^lam. In fact, the dissensions in the ?',lamite camp proved of great service to Asur- bani-pal, who completely crushed the confederation that Samas-bum-ukin had brought against him (see AsUK- BANI-PAL, 7). Samas-sum-ukm himself was besieged in Babylon, and, on the capture of the city, he set fire to his palace and perished in the fiames. According to the List of Kings, he was succeeded by Kandalanu, the , Kineladanos of the I'tolemaic Canon ; but this king is probably to be identified with Asur-bani- pal himself, who, on this supposition, like Tiglath-pileser III. and Shalmaneser I\^ , ruled Assyria and Babylonia under different names.

66. Nabo-polassar.[edit]

The last years of his reign are wrapped in obscurity ; but on his death the throne was secured b)' Nabopolassar, who was destined to raise the fortunes of his country and to found an empire, which, though it lasted for less than one hundred years, eclipsed by its magnificence any previous period in the varied history of the nation. Nabopolassar, ih fact, was the founder of the Neo-Babylonian empire.

During the early part of Nabopolassar's reign Asur- bani-jjal's successors on the throne of Assyria did not relinquish their hold upon the southern kingdom. They retained their authority for some time over a great part of the country (see Assyrl^, 33/.). Though we do not possess historical documents relating to this period, %\e may conclude that Nabopolassar during all these years was strengthening his kingdom and seeking any opportunity of freeing at least a part of it from the Assyrian yoke, and it is not improbable that conflicts between the Assyrian and Babylonian forces were constantly occurring. Towards the end of his reign he found the opportunity for which he was waiting in the invasion of Assyria by the Medes. He allied himself with the invaders by marrj'ing Nebuchadrezzar, his , , eldest son, to the daughter of Cyaxares, and on the fall of Nineveh had a share in the par- tition of the kingdom. While N. Assyria and her subject provinces on the N. and NW. fell to the Medes, S. Assyria and the remaining provinces of the empire were added to the territory of Babylon.

Before Natojxslassar could regard these acquisitions of territory as secure?, he had first to reckon with the power of ligypt. Necho H., the son and successor of Psammetichus I. , soon after his accession to the throne had set himself to accomplish the conquest of Syria. In 608, therefore, le had crossed the frontier of Egypt and begun his march northwards along the Mediterranean coast. Vainly opposed by JosiAH (q.v.), he pressed forward and subdued the whole tract of country between the Mediterranean and the Euphrates. For three years he retained his hold on Syria, and it was only after the fall of Nineveh that Nabopolassar successfully disputed Ills possession of the country. Nabopolassar did not himself head the expedition against the Egyptians, for he was now old ; but he placed the tro<}ps under the command of Nebuchadrezzar his son. The two armies , met at Carchemish, where a decisive battle took

^' place. Necho was utterly defeated ; thousands of his troops were slain ; and Nebuchadrezzar pressed after his flying army up to the very borders of Egypt.

66. Nebuchadrezzar.[edit]

While Nebuchadrezzar was still absent on this expedition Nabopolassar died. His son, therefore, returned to Babylon and was duly installed as king in his stead. It is probable that during the early part of his reign Nebuchadrezzar consolidated his rule in Syria and on the Mediterranean coast by yearly exjx?ditions in those regions.

After a few )ears, however, the country showed signs of repudiating Babylonian control. Nebuchadrezzar returned to the coast to suppress the rising. For some years things remained quiet ; but soon after the accession of Apries (see Egypt, 69) to the throne of Egypt the ferment revived. After a siege of a year and a half Jerusalem fell (see Jeru.salem).

Tyre, the siege of which also Nebuchadrezzar under- took, held out for thirteen years, 585-572 (see I'liCE- NICIa). Built on an island, it was practically im- pregnable from the land, while the blockade instituted by the Babylonians did not prevent the entry of supplies by water. More successful were Nebuchadrezzar's campaigns against Egypt. We do not possess his own account of them ; but an ?2gyptian inscription records that on one of them (undertaken against Apries) he forced his way through the country as far as SyCne, the modern Aswan, on the borders of luhiopia ; and it is not improljable that the country was subject to Babylonia during the first few years of the reign of Amasis II., who succeeded Apries on the Egyptian throne (see Egypt, 69). Nebuchadrezzar's hold upon Egypt cannot, however, ha\e been permanent : a fragment of one of his own inscriptions mentions his sending an expedition to Egjpt in his thirty-seventh year. During his reign the relations between

Babylonia and Media were of a friendly nature, as was not unnatural from the close alliance that had been established between the two kingdoms before the fall of Nineveh. In a war between Media and Lydia, some twenty years later, the Babylonians did not take part ; but, when an eclipse of the sun on the 25th of May in the year 585 put an end to a battle between the Lydians and Medes, Nebuchadrezzar, in conjunction with the king of Cilicia, used his influence to reconcile the com- batants and bring the war to a close.

While constantly engaged in extending and solidi- fying his empire, Nebuchadrezzar did not neglect the internal improvement of his kingdom. He re- built the cities and temples throughout the country, and in particular devoted himself to the enlargement of Babylon, completing its walls and rebuilding its temples with such magnificence that the city tiecame famous throughout the world (see Nkkuchadkezzar, Babylon). Nebuchadrezzar died after reigning forty- three years, and was succeeded by his son Amel-Marduk, ^ mentioned as Evii.-MliKODAC H (ij.v.) in 2 K. ^ ' 11>-2T ff. Of this king we possess no inscription, though contracts dated in his reign have been found.

67. His successors[edit]

He was assassinated after a reign of two years in a revolt led by Neriglis.sar, his brother-in-law, who succeeded him upon the throne (see Nergal - SHAKKZiiK).

His inscriptions that have been recovered are concerned merely with his building operations. He was succeeded by his son Labasi-Marduk, who, ^^ after reigning nine months, was murdered by his nobles. Nabu-na'id or Nabonidus, the son of Nabu- balatsu-ikbi, was placed upon the throne.

68. Nabonidus.[edit]

Nahonidus was a ruler more energetic than his im- mediate predecessors on the throne. He devoted himself to rebuilding the ancient temples throughout the kingdom, and dug in their foundations until he found the ancient inscriptions of the kings who had first founded or subsequently restored them. In his own inscriptions recording his building opfirations he re- counts his finding of several such inscriptions, and, as he mentions the number of years that had passed since they had been buried by their writers, his evidence with regard to the settlement of Babylonian chronology is invaluable.

Nabonidus. however, in spite of his zeal for rebuilding the temples of the gods, incurred the hatred of the priesthotxl by his altcnjpt to centralise Uabyloiiian religion. Althou;.ih the rise of Babylon to the position of the priticipiil city of the land had been reflected in the importance of Marduk in the Babylonian pantheon, the religion of the country had never radically changed its character. It had always remained a bcjdy of local worshijjs, each deity retaining his own separate centre of ritual. Nabonidus set himself to centralise all these worships in Babylon. He removed the images of the gods from their shrines in the various cities through- out the country and transported them to the capital. By this act he brought down upon himself the resent- ment of the priests, who formed the most powerful section of the community, and they, by the support they gave to Cyrus on his capture of Babylon, con- siderably aiili'd the Persian conquest of the country.

Cyrus, who hail previously conquered the Medes, im- prisoning Astyages and .sacking Ecbatana, next turned his attention to the conquest of Babylonia.

69. Cyrus.[edit]

The Babylonian army was commanded ^y BC-1 - -sar-usur (Belshazzar), the son of Nabonidus ; but it did not offer an effective opposition to the Persian forces. After suffering a defeat at Opis on the Tigris, it was " ' broken. Cyrus marched on and entered Sippar without further fighting, and Natx^nidus tied. Babylon itself was taken two days later, and Nabonidus fell into the hands of the concjueror (cp CvKUs, 2). In restor- ing order to the country, Cyrus adopted the wise policy of conciliating the conquered. He restored to their shrines the images of the gods which Nabonidus had removed. The popul.arity he acquired by this act is reflected in the inscription on his cylinder recording his taking of the city, which was probably composed at his orders by the official scribes of Babylon. Although naturally couched in flattering terms, it bears ample witness to the pacific policy of Cyrus, who therein allows himself to be re[3rcsented as the vindicator and champion of Marduk, the principal deity of his conquered foe :

' He (;'.c. .Marduk) soui;ht out a righteous prince after his own heart, whom he might take by the hand ; Cyrus, king of An.^-jn, he called by tiis name, for empire over the whole world he proclaimed his title. The land of Kutfi, the whole of the tribal hordes, he forced into submission at his feet ; as for the men wham he had delivered into his hands, with justice and righteousness did he care for them. Marduk the great lord, the protector of his people, beheld his upright deeds and his righteous heart with joy. To his city of Babylon he commanded him to gi>, he made him take the ro.id to P.abylon ; like a friend and helpor he went by his side. His wide-spreading host, the number of which, like the waters of a river, cannot be numbered, girt with their weapons advance at his side. W ithout contest and battle he made him enter into Habyl m his city; Babylon ii: spared from trioulation. Nabonidus, the kin'.; that did not fear him, he delivered into his hand. All the people of Babylon, the whole of Sumer and Akkad, princes and governors beneath him b iwed dokvn, they kissed his feet, they rejoiced in his kingdom, bright was their countenance, 'lb the lord, who through his strength raises the dead to life and from destruction and misery h.id spared all, joyfully they paid homage, they reverenced his name." Other pa.s.sages in the cylinder refer

to the zeal displayed by Cyrus for Marduk and the other Babylonian gods.' When into IJabylon I entered favourably, with ex-'ltation and shouts of joy in the palace of the princes 1 took up a lordly dwelling, Martluk the great lord [inclined) the great heart of the sons of Babylon to me and daily do I care for his wor-hip. . . . And the gods of Sumer and .\kkad, which Nabonidus to the anger of the gods had brought into Babylon, at the word of Marduk the great lord one and all in their owi shrines did I causi to take up the habitation of their heart's delight. .May all the gods whom 1 have brought into their own cities pray daily before Bel and N.-ihu for the lengthen- mg of my days, let them speak the word for my good fortune, and unto .Marduk my lord let them say : " May Cyrus the king that feareth thee and Cambyses his s m [have prosperity)." '

70. End[edit]

With the capture of Babylon by Cyrus the history of the Babylonians as an independent nation comes to

^" ^"^' ' *^^ country never regained her independence, but remained a province subject to the powers which succeeded one another in the rule of W. Asia. Under Cambyses. indeed, and still more under Darius Hystaspis, discontent became very prevalent in Babylonia. Soon after the accession of Darius a certain Nadintu-BCl put himself at the head of a revolt, declaring himself to be Nebu- chadrezzar, the son of Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon. Darius stamped out the relx.llion and exe- cuted Nadintu-BCl. A few years later he {juelled a second relx;!lion headed by Arahu, who was cajitured and crucilied, and during the reign of Xer.\es a similar rising proved equally unsuccessful. These relxillions were the last struggles of the national spirit to reassert itself. They met with no response among the general body of the p>eopIe, who were content to serve their foreign masters. Babylonia, in fact, remained subject to the Persians until the conc|uests of Alexander brought her under Greek control, which she exchanged only for the Parthian supremacy.

71. Bibliography[edit]

(a) For the history of Babylonia, see the works by Tiele, Homniel, Deiitzscb, and Wincklercited under AssvKiA. Kortheearly Ix;riod these lii-.tories may be supplemented by reference to the insciiptions which are published in K. de Sarzec s Vif-couveries en ChaUfe {iti^, etc.), I he Hah. Exf>ed. 0/ the Utih'. 0/ Pennsylvania {\i.^-> eic), c.liied l.y Hilprccht, and Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian tablets, etc. in the British Museum (i8y6, etc.). Among English histories refeience maybe made to George Smith's Aa/y-^/z/Vi (Sl'CK, 1877) and G. Kawlinsoii's Fcz>e Great Monarchies 0/ the Eastern lyorU, vols. i. and ii.

(1871). In Schr.'s KB, vol. iii., translations of many of the historical inscriptions of Babylonia are given, while the same author's COT describes the principal points in the O I' which are illustrated by the monuments. For other works dealing with the inscriptions of Babylonia, the bibliographies mentioned in the article .VssvKlA ( 34) may be consulted.

On the religion of the Babylonians we have as yet only one studeiHs' handbook, Jastrow's Keli^on o/.lssyria and Babylonia (reNicwed by i). G. l-yon, i\ew World, March, 1899).

Sayce's Uibhert Lectures (for \'^%^) on the same subject are less systematic. On the cosmology of Babylonia, Jensen's Kosmologie der Bahylonier is still the most complete authority ; but editions of religious texts must be consulted by the advanced student.]

With regard to books for the study of the language, the first dictionary to appe.-ir was N.irris's Assyrian Dictionary (181)8-72), which he did not live to complete. In his Al/>tiabetisches Verzeichniss der Assyrixchen und Akkad isc hen if-'or-ter (1SS6), .Str.ussmaier published an immense collection of matcri.d, which has been used in subsequent dictionaries; among these may be mentioned Delitzsch's Assyrischis U'orterbuch (1887, etc. ; unfinished), the same author's Assyrisehes H amiivdrterbuch ('96), Muss Arnolt's Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian Tan-g^a^e (iSg4, etc., in progress), ancl .'Vlcissner's Suf>f>Umente zunt Assyrisch-'n U'orterbuch (i%qZ); Bri'innow's Classified List 0f Cuneiform Ideographs, i88<) {Indices, 1897), contains a full list of ideographs with their values. The best Assyrian grammar is Delilzsch's Assy. Granttii. (1889 ; transl. by Kennedy).

(d) The existence of the Sumenan language, which ior long was disputed, is now generally acknowledged ; but a grammar of the langu.-ige has yet to be written ; it should Ix: noted that the views on Sumerian which Delitzsch expressed in his Assyr. Gram, he has since completely changeti. A list of the Sumerian values of the cuneiform signs is given by Briinnow in his Classified List, while Weissbach's Die sumersiche Frage ('98) may be consulted for the history of the controversy.

I,. W. K.