# Encyclopaedia Biblica/Babylonians-Baruch

## BABYLONIANS

(^33 'J3 : yioi BAByAtoNOC [B.VJl, F.z. '2.3,5 [BA om. BaB.]. '7 [-ONOC. B], 23; in Aram. N'^^Il, BAByAcONiOi [B.\L], i:zra49). in every case the land, not the city, is referred to : cp especially Kz. 2.'^i5, 'the Ikibylonians. the land of who.se nativity is Chaldea.'

## BABYLONISH GARMENT.

R\' Babylonish Mantle

("U'^w' ri"l"lX, lit. 'mantle of Shinar,' so RV'"*-'). Josh. 721. .See MANTLE.

## BACA, VALLEY OF

(S32il p'pr, 103V or Valley of Weeping (RV, (3 eN TH KOiAaAi Toy kAayO" MCONOC [B'^^'R]. eic THN koiAaAa t. k. [N'=^-\T1; cp Aq. Vg. Pesh. ), mentioned only in Ps. 846 [7]. For the meaning given al)ove cp the W'ady of Weeping V^J* <^J') found by Burckhardt near Sinai. The name is frequently explained ' Ixilsam vale ' (so RV'"^) ; but cpChej-ne, who reads o'3S (tp (5 here and at Judg. 25), and supposes a play on the name Bfikaim. The pi. o'Kaa occurs in a Sam. h-i^ ff. (= i Ch. 14 14/!), apparently as the name of a spot (see Rephaim, Vau.ey of) where there were Haca-trees. David took his stand there to wait for Yahwc's signal to attack the Philis- tine's.^ (2S. 524) speaks of it as a 'grove,' mean- ing an Asherah ; there is no mention of trees in . On the meaning of Haca trees see Mui.bkkry.

## BACCHIDES

(BakxiAhc. also B&[x1xi^hc ; Barakx- [i Mace. 78. A], KAKX. l'^- 12, A), BakxX- ['^- 9 N*.\]), the chief general of Dkmktkius I. [</.v., i], who was sent to Judasa to enforce the claims of Alcimus to the priesthood ( i Mace. 1& ff.). Almost immediately after the death of NiCANOK, he was sent again with Alcimus, and inflicted a severe defeat on the Maccabanxn party at Elasa,^ who lost their leader Judas (chap. 9, i6i B.C.). Judiea suffered heavily at the hands of Bacchides ; nor did any real advantage accrue when Jonathan took up the leadership {^32 ff.). The capital and other important strongholds remained in the hands of Bacchides, who was engaged in fortifying them until the death of Alcimus (159 B.C.), when he returned to Demetrius (9 57). At the end of two years the opponents of the Maccabcean party (whose hands had become strengthened) agreed to betray Jonathan and his fol- lowers to Bacchides. This piece of treachery was discovered and avenged ['ds'^_f-). Bacchides set out against Jud;t;a (158 B.C.) and besieged Beth-basi, but met with ill success everywhere, until at last he was only too glad to accept Jonathan's overtures of peace (968). The Jewish captives of the former wars were restored, and the Maccabees had rest for four or five years.

## BACCHURUS

(BAKXOYPOC [BA], cAKXoyp [I>]. ^./( ( ./ATM, singer in list of those with foreign wives (see I'l/.KA, i. 5, end), i Esd. 924 ; but not in ;i I-".zral024 [MT EV BKA], though ^^ adds zAKXOyp-

## BACCHUS

[Liber], the equivalent of the Greek Dionysus (so RV'i.'- AlONycOC [AV]), is mentioned in 2 Mace. 67, where it is said that on the occasion of the birthday of Antiochus Epiphanes (175-164) the unhappy Jews were compelled to attend the feast of Bacchus (Aionycia; R\'"'^- 'feast of Dionysia') wearing the ivy -wreath (ki(J(x6s), the peculiar emblem of the god. A few years later Nicanor (the general of Demetrius) threatened to pull down the temple and supplant it by one dedicated to Bacchus unless Judas was handed over to him (ib. I433, AiavDo-os [A]). The worship of Bacchus seems to have been introduced first by the Ptolemies, of which family he was the patron-god, and according to 3 Mace. 229 several years previously the Jews in Alexandria had teen branded by Ptolemy Philopator (222-204) with the sign of the ivy ; the object of this obviously being forcibly to identify the unwilling Jews with the detested worship of Bacchus. See Cuttings of the Flesh, 6. His worship would be specially abhorrent to pious Jews, since one of the greatest of the Dionysian festivals fell in the month Elapheliolion (March-April), thus synchronis- ing closely with the passover. In course of time the Hellenising Jews and Greek residents were more attracted by the cult, and when Jerusalem became a Roman colony (.i^^lia Capitolina) we find Dionysus with his thyrsus and panther figuring upon the coins as one of the patron gods.^

The worship of Dionysus flourished at Cassarea, at Damascus, and in the Hauran. He was the special patron of Scythopolis, and from him the town Dionysia fSoada) received its name. Dionysus, however, soon became identified with the Xabataean deity Dusares (the Baal, the god of heaven, and of wine). The

1 In V. 24 emend fn^X to nnyp (<7-v<ro-ei<7-/io? [L] for irvv. xXfiiT/xo? [BAD, 'when thou hearest the sound of a stormy wind in the tops of the Baca trees." It is in the tempest that Yah we 'goes out against the Philistines."

'^ Doubtless an error for Adasa.

8 See Madden, Coins 0/ the Jews, 1881, p. 252/

Dionysiac character which the latter presents is not native: it is directly due to the northern influence.^ The priest of Dionysia (see above) calls himself the priest of Dusares, and on the coins of Bostra the latter appears with the Dionysian emblem of the wine-press. Figures of the vine and wine-cup are still found upon the lintels in many of the villages in the Hauran. Although the worship of Yahw6 had little in conmion with that of Bacchus [ncquaquatn congruentibus iuslitutis. Tacit. Hist.bh), classical writers, observing the musical and joyful nature of their ceremonial rites, now and then fell into the error of making Bacchus a Jewish god that had been worshipped by the earliest patriarchs (cp e.g. Plut. Sympo.s.l$$>). For the various mythological forms of Bacchus, see Ency. Brif.^'-'^ s.v. 'Dionysus'; and Roscher, s.v. ## BACENOR occurs in an uncertain passage, 2 Mace. 1235, Awcndeo's bi ris tCv tov ^aK-qvopo^ ["^'A]. It is doubtful whether it is the name of a captain or the cognomen of a company or division in the army of Judas. See DosiTiiEUS. ## BACHRITES, THE (n33n ; Nu. 2635. 6*'^' [ 39] om. ). See Becher. ## BADGER, ROCK {'{^S'), Lev. 11 5 RV"^- ; lA" CONEY. ## BADGERS' SKINS RV Sealskins (D^*L:*nPl my. C'nrn'ii;, ^'nn, acrmata YKiNeiN&[iANeiN&. Aq., Sym., Ezek. I610] [BAL] ; Ex. -2.5 5 26 14 357=3 8619 [BAL om. ] 3934 Nu. 468 [5ep,uartvy iiaKivdivi^l 10-12 1425 Ez. IGiof), are mentioned as the fourth or outer- most covering of the tabernacle (next above the ' rams' skins dyed red'), and as outer wrappings for the ark and different vessels of the taternacle during journeys. In Ezekiel's figurative description of Yahwe's adorning of Israel as a beautiful maiden, shoes of this material are included. As to the meaning of ia/ias there have been many opinions : five chief views may be indicated. ( 1 ) The ancient versions with one consent understood a colour : Syr. Chald. Vg. render ' blue ' or ' violet,' Ar. Samar. ' black ' or 'dark.' This view, which has been strongly maintained by Bochart, rests, however, on no philological ground, and is refuted by the syntax of the Hebrew words. '^ Apart from the versions, all Hebrew tradition is in favour of the view that tahas is an animal. (2) In the discussion on this animal in the Talnmd (Shabb. c. 2, fol. 28) the opinion prevails that it is a species of i'^'n ^t\ (prob. = ' ferret '), a description which would roughly suit the badger; and the claim of this animal has been supported (by Ges. and others) by comparison with late Lat. Taxus or taxo (Ital. tasso, Fr. taisson) and Cierm. Dachs.^ The common badger, Meles taxus, found throughout Europe and Northern Asia, reaches its southernmost limits in Palestine, where it is common in the hilly and woody parts of the country. It is, however, improbable that the reference is to the skins of these animals. They would be diffi- cult to procure either in Egypt or in the desert, and there is no evidence of their being used in those regions for such a purpose. 1 For the god Dusares (Ao(7-ap7js, on Nab. inscr. N-iCIl); see ZDMG\^^ez,i\^ll, Baethg. Beitr.<)iff., WkS, Kins.V)iff., and We. He id. (2) 48^?: The name means ' possessor (du) of j<-\p. ' The latter is often taken to be equivalent to 'Sarah,' in which case Dusares is equivalent to Abraham a hazardous theory. 2 D'C'nri is obviously gen. after nhj'^/.*"., equivalent to CVN' not to C'CHNp, in the phrase for 'rams' skins dyed red.' 3 Philological explanations involving roots common to the Aryan and Semitic languages are, however, notoriously pre- carious. • How little value attaches to the opinion of the Rabbis may be gathered from another view, strongly supported in the Talmud, that the ;^nB was a kind of unicorn which specially appeared to Moses for this purpose, and immediately afterwards disappeared (Bochart, i. 830). 4.';6 (3) A more scientific etymology is that which com- pares the Ar. tiifias or duhas, ' a dolphin. ' This would indicate a marine animal, probably (a) the sea J (RV text), or (i) the />or/>t>isf (KV"'>'). or (c) the du^^jvir or sea-cow. () has in its favour the adaptability of sealskins to the purposes referred to, the statement of .Artemiilorus (in Strab. It) 776) that seals alwundcd in the Red .Sea, one island there Ijeing called vriaos t}>(j3K^v, and the actual use of a sealskin covering in antiquity to protect buildings, Ixicause it w;is supposed that lightning never struck this material (e.jj. , I'liny, HN'lsS' Suet. Oct. 90). One species of seal, Moiia- chus albiventer, undoubteiily occurs in the Mediter- ranean, and some authorities are of opinion that the same is true of the common seal, Fhoca vitulina. (b) The porpoise, like the seal, is as a rule a denizen of the colder waters of the glote ; but Phoaetia commimis, the common porpoise of the Hritish coasts, occasionally enters the Mediterranean, whilst the Indian porpoise, Ph. phoacnoides, inhabits the shores of the Indian t)cean from the Cape of Good Hope to Japan, and may have Ix-'cn captured in the Red Sea. [c] The Dugong, lieing more like the dolphin, has the etymology in its favour. According to Knobel (Comm. on E-\. 205) this animal [Halicore fabernaculi) ' is found in the Red Sea, attaining a length of 8 to 10 or more feet, is hunted like the whale, and has a skin well adapted for sandals or coverings. ' Friedr. Del. sought to strengthen the case for this identification (Prol. to Baer's lizek. p. xviy!) by comparison with Ass. talihi, an animal whose skin, according to various Ass. inscriptions, was used to cover the Ixjams of ships in the manner described by Herodotus (1 194). He has since (Prol. 77-79 [86]), however, abandoned the view that fah.hi wis the dugong, and supposes it to mean ivether.^ The tlugong of the Indian Ocean, with the Manatee of the Atlantic, composes the class Sirenia. They are usually found in the estuaries of large rivers browsing on sea- weed, and they are still actively sought off the coast of (^)ueensland for the sake of their blubl)er and hide. (4) Much less probable is the opinion of Bottchcr {Neue Aehrenl. 32^) that vnr\ is a form of v^t\ (he- goat) with the middle radical hardened ; he supposes that goat-skin was manufactured into a kind of morocco leather. It is natural that 'rams' and 'he -goats' should come together as in Gen. 32i5 [14] aCh. 17ii ; but apart from this the explanation has little to recom- mend it. (5) The latest and perhaps most probable view is that put forward by Bondi {.-Egyptiaca, iff.), who makes c'nn a loan-word from Egyptian ths, ' Egyptian leather,' and gives a thorough discussion of views. This meaning is especially suitable to Ez. 16io, but is also appropriate in the other passages. Of all the e.xplanations those by Ar. duhas or tuhas, by Ass. tahsu, and by Eg. ths, most deserve attention. N. M. A. K. S. ## BAEAN (B&l&N [AXV]), i Mace. 54/ RV ; AV Rk.w. ## BAG Several of the Hebrew words are much more general in signification than the English ' bag.' (i) d"3 kTs{Yi\. 25 13 Pr. I611 Mi. 611 Is. 466) for holding money, or the weights employed by merchants. In Pr. 1 14 (/3a\\di'Tio'), l':V renders Puk.sk. (2) ann hdrit (cp .\r. haritat"", bag of skin, etc., and see Frank. 296) in 2 K. 523 {dv\a.KO%) of Naaman's bag which con- tained a talent of silver. In Is. 822 it is mentioned in the list of women's adornments, and signifies probably a satchel (so RV ; AV 'crisping pin'). (3) ;>3 kili, a word of very general meaning (see \'ksski.), used of a sack for containing corn (Gen. 4225 477101') or 1 Cp Shalmaneser, Monolith inscr. ii. i6, ina elif'f'e ia maiak ta/iii, ' on boats of skins of wethers ' ; so Wi. for good reasons; but see references in Muss-Arnolt, Ass. Did. s.v. '!',ab.5,i-M.' of the instruments carried by a shepherd (Zech. II15). It is rendered 'bag' only in i S. I74049 (.\V"'K- 'vessel') : see Sling. (4) Tna -ji'rOr ( ^'bind, cp verb in 2 K. 12io[ii], ry,y\ 'and they put in bags'), JobHi; (^aWavTiov), Pr. 720, aipj 's. 'a bag with holes' (Hag. 16). It is rendered 'bundle' in i S. 2.'29 (ien 4235 (of money) and Cant, li; (of myrrh, RV"'k- 'bag'). (5) fiaWdPTiov, Lk. 123J. RV 'purse'; and (6) yXuffiTo- KOfj.ov (Jn. 126 1329. RV"'e- ' box ). See Bo.x, 3. ## BAGO IBAfO [A]), 1 Esd. 84o=Ezra8i4, Bkjv.m, 3. ## BAGOAS (from Pers. baga, 'God' ; see Ed. .Meyer, Ent. 157 ; cp Bigvai, Bigtl)a, .\bagtha), a eunuch in the household of Holoferncs ; Judithl2ii_^ ( BAfooAC [BAi] ; in v. 13 BAfcoc [A*J). ## BAGOI (BAfOi [A]). I Esd. 5 14= Ezra 2 2, Bigv.m, 2. ## BAGPIPE (RV"- of n^yi3!p-1D Dan.35IOI5Li" Io K'jD'p, Kr. 'sidI. Gr. CYM4>caNlA., KV 'dulcimer'). The Aramaic word is from avfx(j>wvia, a late (ir. word, used, curiously enough, by Polybius in his account of the festivities in which .Antiochus Epiphanes (who is so frequenth' alluded to in Daniel) indulged (xxvi.lOs xxxi. 48; see D.WIKI,, 7). For the /(;r; of the .\rani. (p pSD, <rv/Ji(poiii'oi, 'agreed,' in the Fiscal Inscription from Palmyra, 137 .\.u. (col. 8, //. 1445). See Music, 4(1 1. ## BAHARUMITE, THE (*P-1in3, iCh. II33; o BeepMeiN [B, X'-'], o -pBeiN [5'^*1. o Barcami [A], O B&pAMAI [J-J). e\i(knily a scribe's error for 'the Bahurimite' i.e., ' the man of B.MliKlM' ('DT-'I'^^n). The same reading should be restored in 2 S. 2831. See Bakhumite. ## BAHURIM (Dn-ina and Dnn3 ; /3aovp6i/ii [A]; 2S. 3 16 PapaK,, IH], -^i [L]; l(i5 jSovpe./l [R], xoppx [1^1: l"iS ^aopct/u. |H|, Pai.6xoppu)v [LI; 1! 16 /Saoupei^t [H], XOPP"^ i'li iK..:;8 Paa0ovpfl^^. (HI, jSaSoupetfA [AL], /SoKXoPI? ij"'^- '"' vii. 97]), a place in Benjamin (2 S. 19 16 [17]), not included in the list of Benjamite towns, which appears prominentl\ in two very interesting narratives that of the return of Micn.VL to David, and that of the flight of David from Absalom. Michal had Ixien given by Davids angry father-in-law to P.M/n (t/.j. )or Paltiel of Gallim, and David in his returning prospx,-rity demanded her back. Followed by her weeping husband, Michal went from Gallim ^ to Bahurim. There Abner conmianded Paltiel to return. It may naturally be asked. Why was Bahurim selected as the scene of this leave-taking ? The answer is furnished by the story of David's flight. It is clear from 2 S. 16 1 5 (cp 17 24) that Bahurim lay near the ro.ad from Jerusalem to the Jordan valley. Abner would have to lake this road on his return to Mahanaim, and would naturally wait at Bahurim until he knew for certain that a visit to Hebron would Ix; acceptable to the king. Mean- time the envoys of David conducted Michal to Hebron. Later it was David's turn to pass by Bahurim, when he sought the Jordan valley as a fugitive (2 S. If) 28). At Bahurim he would apparently have made his first halt had not the insults of Shimki compelled him to go farther'- (2 S. I65-14). It was at Bahurim also that Jonathan and Ahimaaz lay hid in a well, when pursued by the servants of Absalom (2 .S. 17 18). The spot which best answers the topographical conditions is (as Barclay was the first to see) SI-",, of the village of </- '/sd7v/vi'A (see Laisham). Here, to the S. of the old Roman road, van Kasteren found in the upper ll'd {v er-Rawdby a ruin without a name, which he believes to be on the site of Bahurim {7.DP]'\Ziax ff.). For a less probable view, fully discussed by van Kasteren, see Marti, ZDPVZZff. T. K. C. 1 Sir G. Grove (.Smith's />/>') thinks this may be doubtful. The rendering of (S '-, however, in 2 S. 3 1 5 (wIoC wfAAetfi) suggests that the verse originally closed with C'?3!D, 'from Gallim.' That Palti was with Ishbosheth at Mahanaim seems very improbable. - The name of the village where he ' refreshed himself (2 S. If. 14) seems to have dropped out. See Avephim. ## BAITERUS (BAiTHpoc [BA]). i Esd. 5 17 RV. AV Mf.tkki;s ; S,CO GlBBAK. ## BAJITH RV Bayith (H^an, 'the temple"; text of differs), is l:\ken in EV of Is. 15 2 as the name of a place, the article fx;ing neglected (cp AiN. 2). It is perhiips more defensilile to render the stichus containing the word thus : ' They go up to the temple, Dibon (goes up) to the high places to weep' (so Ges. and formerly Che.). The temple referred to might be the Reth- bamoth of the inscription of Mesha (/. 26 ; cp Bamcjth- HA.^I.). n"a and na. however, are so easily confounded (see, e.g.. Is. IU32 Kt. ) that it is still better to read nn'ry j-3-n rn. ' the daughter ( = people) of Dibon is gone up,' with Huhm and Cheyne {SBO'J). ## BAKBAKKAR C.i^a^il, form strange, probably corrupt ; Bakar [B], BakB- [AL] ; I'esh. has D-inT, which in fz'. 8 12, etc. - Heb. DPHV Jeroham), a Levite in list of inhabitants of Jerusalem (see EzR.\, ii. 5 [/'], 15 [i] a), I Ch. 9i5 ; not in || Neh. 1 1 16, but perhaps transposed to v. 17 (where MT and (!f>**<^-a " read Bakhukiaii [</.f.], though <B^^ omits, <3^ ^OKxeias). ## BAKBUK (PW2, 38, 71, 'pitcher'; but see lx!low ; BakBoyk [AL]). The b'ne Bakbuk, a family of Nethinim in the great post-exilic list (see Ezra, ii. 9), Ezra 251 i^aKovK [L], ^aKK. [B]) = Jseh. 7 53 (/3aK-/3ou [B], veKov^ [N]) = i Ksd. 5 31! (aKov(p [B], aKOV/j.^ [A] ; EV, Acub). The name can hardly be Hebrew. It may te corrupted from Assyr. Habbakuka, a plant name (see Hab.vkklk). t. k. c. ## BAKBUKIAH (n;ip3p2, 38, pitcher of Yahwe'? [or else = Bakbuk, ,-i being probably a simple afforma- tive (Jastrow; /BL 1:S 127)], cp Bakbuk ; BakB&kiac j^j^c.a !. iup. L], BX"A om. ), one of the Nethinim; a singer in list of Levite inhabitants of Jerusalem (see Ezra. ii. 5 [/'], 15 [ij , and cp Hcrstel, 105), Neh. 111? (BOKXeiAC [L] ; omitted in || i Ch. 9 16 before Obadiah = Abda of Neh. ) ; and porter in Zerubbabel's band (see Ezra, ii. 6 ^, 11, and Herstel, no), Neh. 1225. In Neh. 11 17, of the three persons named, Mattaniah is a ' son ' of Asaph, and Abda is a ' son ' of Jeduthun. It is plausible, therefore, to take Bak- buliiah to be the same name as ir|73 (cp J-) and identify with BuKKiAH \^q.v.\ one of the sons of Heman. The three great guilds of temple-singers will then be repre- sented. ## BAKEMEATS ### 1. Baking. In his dream Pharaoh's chief baker carried on his head ' three baskets of white bread ' ("ih ^p. Gen. 40 16 so RV and most joQ^gj-n scholars ; AV 'three white baskets'), in the uppermost of which were ' all manner of bakemeats for Pharaoh,' literally, as we read in the margin of AV, ' meat [food] of Pharaoh, the work of a baker' (40 17). The best commentary on these verses is the representation of the royal bakery on the tomb of Ramses III. at Thebes, which has been reproduced by Wilkinson [Anc. Eg., 1878, 1 176), and more recently by Erman [Atic. Eg. 191). The process of making the ordinary household supply is described under Bread ; here it is proposed to bring together the scattered notices in Scripture regarding other products of the baker's skill. In this connection, it is interesting to note the remarkable variety of shapes assumed by the bread and pastry in the representation referred to. Additional varieties are collected by I->man from other sources and represented on the same page. Hiw far the Hebrew court bakers (i S. 8 13) were able to imitate those of Egypt we do not know. ### 2. CaKes of certainty. There is certainly no lack of names for different species of bakemeats in the OT ; but it is now impossible to identify them (cp Bread). Thus we can conjecture, although with a fair amount , that the cake named kikkar (133, AV 1 Cp Akkub, 2. It is pos.sible, however, that BA omit the name (L has Bojc^vk), since ojcov^, etc may be a duplicate of Hakupha Cf.v.y. 'morsel,' RV 'loaf'), i S. 236, must have been round, like a Scottish ' bannock ' ; which, from the context, must hold good also of the barley-cake (Si'ys) of Gideon's dream (Judg. 7i3t)- The nikki4dim (d'T|5;, possibly from npj, to prick) may have been thin cakes pricked over like a modern biscuit, or dotted over with the seeds of some condiment (sec below). They were part of the present which the wife of Jeroboam I. took to the prophet Ahijah (i K. 14 3), and are rendered by EV cracknels, for which the American revisers prefer to read ' cakes.' ^ Still, judging from etymology, we may consider the halld (n'^n), the cake which so frequently occurs in the sacrificial ritual, as having been jjerforated (':>'-n, to pierce) like a modern Passover cake. It was made of the finest flour (^^b) Mention is made of another kind of sacrificial cakes, apparently of foreign origin, which the women of Jerusalem kneaded and baked in connection with the idolatrous worship of the ' QUEEN OF HEAVEN ' {q.v. ), Jer. 7 18 44 19. merely transliterates the Heb. word (crs, x"-^'^^"-'^ [BNAQ] ; X'3.v^G)vo.% [X*], x"'s [Q*] in Jer. 44 19), and the exegetical tradition varies. That these kawudiilm were some kind of bakemeats is clear from the kneading of the dough in their preparation (7 18). It is generally thought that they may have resembled the selinai (aeXqvai), cakes shaped like the full moon, which were offered in Athens to Artemis, the moon-goddess, at the time of full moon (see especially Kue. 's essay ' De melecheth des hemels,' translated in Bu. 's edition of his Gesammelte Abh. 208, and the comm. of Graf and of Giesebrecht in loc. ). A similar custom is said to have prevailed in the worship of the Arabic goddess Al-'Uzza (We. Ar. HeiJ.(^) 38/., 2nd ed. 41/). ### 3. Pastry With regard to what may be called the pastry of the Hebrews, all that can be said with any degree of certainty is that a more delicate relish was imparted to the preparation of certain kinds of bakemeats in three ways, (i) The dough was baked in olive oil. Thus the taste of the manna is said in one passage (Nu. 118 JE) to l)e like the taste of 'cakes baked with oil" (RV'"*>'-, jcrn nc?), generally understood of some dainty cooked in oil (but F.V^ ' like the taste of fresh oil '). (2) The dough was prepared by being mi.xed with oil and then fired. This mode of preparation was extensively used in the ritual of P: see, for example. Lev. 24^, where a distinction is made between cakes ' mingled {rht'2 see 'j'ja in BDB Lex. ) with oil ' and cakes merely ' anointed (n'TOc) with oil.' (3) In the passage parallel to that quoted above (i), viz., E.x. 16 31 [P], the taste of the manna is likened to 'wafers (p'p-t, for which see Bre.\d) made with honey.' From this passage, from the prohibition of honey in the ritual (Lev. 2ii), and from the post-biblical use of the verbal stem ^31 (dbS), we learn that honey [d'bal) no doubt both the product of the bee and the artificial grape- syrup (the modern dihs: see Hdnky) was used in the preparation of certain kinds of bakemeats. bal j^ both the passages dis- cussed (N'u. 118 Ex.1631) renders by iyKpLi, which, according to Athena'us (in Di. on Ex. 1631) denoted 'a bakemeat made with oil and honey.' Saadia's word here is katd'if" [pastilli dulciarii), a species of confec- tion still made in Syria. Landberg {Proverbes ct Dictons, 125) defines it as 'a flaky paste {patisserie feuilletie') made with walnut and sugar and, in spring, with cream. '" Some sort of dainty confection is evidently intended by the obscure /(W/*o/A (ni3?'? ; 2S. 136 8iot; EV 'cakes') which Tamar baked for Amnon.^ If the etymology 1 For Josh. 9 5, the only other passage where D*^5pp occurs (EV ' mouldy "), see Di. in loc. - The curious in these matters are referred to I^ndberg's book for a detailed list of modern Arab confections, 123-128 ; cp Wetr. ZDMG 11 517/ • On the reading in v. 9 see Cooking Utensils, 8 5 (i.l from 33(? (heart) were more secure, we might conclude that the til-bit in question was heart-shaped. In Kz. 27 17 we fmd anicmg the trade-products of Tyre a substance called p'lnnag {21^) which, according to the Targuin, was a ' kind of confection ' ; so RV'^ti The meaning is quite uncertain, and probably the text is (.orrupt (Co. would rtad j:n, wax ; see I'a.n.nag). I'or the frequently mentioned nv^'VH or grape-cake, see I'RUIT, 5 ; and for the use of condiments in baking, see Food and Spicks. a. k. s. k. ## BAKING. See Hrkad, 2 ; Oven. ## BAKING PAN (n?TO), Lev. 2s 7 9- See Cooking Utensils, 7. ## BALAAM (DI^p3 ; etymology uncertain ; Winckler's Bel-'ain [G/ 1 120) seems improbable ; cp perhaps Ba-Ium-mc-e (Am. Tab.) and see Ihkea.M, Bki.a, -^'^^-AIT.ans ; BaAaam [B.\L] ; Joseph. BaAamoc ). b. Beor ;  ### 1. Two accounts. a soothsayer or prophet whom Balak, king of Moab, made an.xious by Israel's victory over the Amorites, summoned to curse his enemies. Instead of doing so, Balaam bore himself as the prophetic mouthpiece of Yahwe, whom he acknow- ledged as his God (Mu. 22i8), and by the spirit of Elohim (24 2) foretold the future glory of Israel. No wonder that a prophet of Judah, writing probably in the dark and idolatrous days of Manasseh, recalled the history of Balaam, when he would remind his ungrateful countrymen of Yahwe's ' l>eneficent deeds' (Mic. 65). Balaam's character has long been regarded as an enigma, and from Bishop Butler's time onwards many subtle solutions have been offered. The enigma, however, is mainly produced by the combination of two traditions belonging to different periods, and it is the duty of the critic to distinguish, as far as possible, the two traditions which, though one in spirit, present a palpable difference in details. According to J, Balak, king of Moab, dismayed by the number of his new and unwelcome neighbours, called Balaam from the land of the b'ne Ammon^ to curse Israel. Balaam protested that he could not, for all the royal treasure, go beyond Yahwe's word ; but he saddled his ass and set out.^ On the road, the angel of Yahwe, invisible to Balaam, but visible to the beast he rode, stopped his way with a drawn sword. Yahwe endowed the ass with speech, and at last opened the prophet's eyes to the apparition, and, had it not been for the fear which held the animal back, Balaam would have paid for his rashness with his life. Still, he re- ceived permission to go, and was only warned to refx)rt Yahwe's oracle faithfully. The Elohist has no occasion for these marvels. In his account, Balaam, who is an .-VramtKan of Pethor {q.v. ) on the Euphrates (or perhaps rather a N. Arabian of Rehoboth by the river of Musri), did not yield to Balak's repeated solici- tations till God (ElOhim) appeared in a dream and told him^ to go with the Moabite ambassadors. ^ From this point it is not possible to separate the E and J documents with full confidence. In what follows we have four great prophecies concerning Israel's future, besides three short oracles on the destruction of the .Amalekites, the Kenites, and the Assyrians. Prob- ably the first two of the four great prophecies come to us in their present form from the hand of the Elohist, ' The word 'confection' here used in the RVms-. refers every- where else in EV to perfumes or spices (Ex. 30 35, RV ' perfume ' ; I L-h. 9 ;o, AV omtment,' RV ' confection ' ; Ecclus. 388) ; cp the confectionaries ' or perfume-compounders of i .S. 8 13. 2 225/,; read psy for iSJ? with Di. after Sam. Pesh. Vg., • "il x?'"^ ^^^- '^^'^^- For a third view, however, see Pftiioi; Nu.22 19.2K1 belongs to E. The rea.son why Balaam went riK '" -^ extant portions of J. The Elohistic account of the prophecies must, however, have m.i<1e some reference to Moab, and must, therefore, have contained more than is now given in chap. 23. while the hist two are derived from the narrative of the Yahwist. ### 2. Oracles 1 and 2 [E] Balaam prepares for his work rather after the fashion of a sorcerer than in accordance with the spiritual ideas o*" 'J*-' ""ew prophecy. In order to inllu- ^"'^'^ Elohim, he directs Balak to offer • - ' sacrifices of special solemnity' (seven altars, seven oxen, seven rams; cp Beer-siii.h.v). Bamoth-baal, the scene of the sacrifices, was no ordinary 'high place," but (probably) one of those high hills where huge dolmens still suggest primajval communing with God, and, as we learn, it commanded a view of at least ' the utmost part ' of the Israelitish encampment. This was important, for a curse must be uttered in sight of those upon whom it is to fall (cp 23 13 a). When Balaam returns to Balak and his princes after meeting God, he can but break forth into jubilant praise of Israel. Curse it he cannot. The people has a destiny of its own which parts it from the surrounding nations. The Israelite hosts N. of Arnon are the token of a mightier multitude unborn. All individual desire loses itself in the sense of Israel's greatness. Happy is he who dies in Jeshurun, and, dying, knows that his people is immortal ! In vain Balak changes the seer's place of outlook. As Balaam beholds all Israel from the top of PiSGAH,2 he receives a divine oracle which confirms and transcends the former blessing. God, says Balaam, is not a man : he does not change his mind. Nor can trouble touch Israel, for Yahwfe himself reigns in their midst ; and the people (if we may trust the reading^) greet this divine king with exultant shout. With the strength of a wild-ox, they fling their foes to the ground. No magical arts avail in Israel's case : even now all has been decided, and one can but cry ' W hat has God done ! ' Like a lion, Israel rises up to devour the prey. ### 3. Oracles 3 and 4 [J] Again sacrificial rites are perfopmed, and again Balaam has to disappoint the king (.see PeoiO. The third P'^Ph^^T (J'- together with some striking P^^"*^ ^ ^^^ second,-* has characteristic features of its own. The poet still dwells on the numbers and prowess of Israel, but adds a panegyric of its well-watered and fruuful land, and surprises us by a definite mention of the kingly power as distinct from the reign of Yalu\e. The king of Israel is described as raised even above A(;.\G (q.v.). Still more definite is the fourth prophecy. The seer beholds in spirit the ri.se of David, and chaunls the victories which are to crush .Moab and subdue Edom. ### 4 Origin of story The basis of the story of Balaam is evidently a patri- otic legend, which, as we now have it, presupposes a <^'"P^"vely achanced historical period. ^' '^ '"" ^^^ ^'""^^ ^ ^^^ ^'^^' ^^'^-"'^ ^-'<^s  ' the angel invisible to man, and speaks (Nu. 2222-34; cp 2 Pe. 2 16), has a highly primitive flavour.* Still, this story, though welded with some psychological skill into the surrounding narrative, is a decoration derived from folklore, and the narrative as a whole is designed to accentuate the uselessncss of jealous and relx^llious feelings in the .-Xmnionitish and Edomitish neighboiu-s of Israel. Amnion and Edom 1 It is Balak, not Balaam, who sacrifices ; ' Balak and Balaam ' in Nu.232 should evidently be omitted (as in tSSiAL). - This is certainly E's meaning in Nu.23i3rt. The second part of V. 13, which limits Balaam's range of vision to 'the utmost part of the people,' must be due to a redactor. Its object is to harmonise 7'. 13(1 [E] with 24 2 (J), which tells us that Balaam is ntnv taking his first complete view of the people of Israel. In reality, however, zi. 13 3 destroys the progress which E intended frorn 2241 102813. .Since a limited view of Israel h.id not resulted in the utterance of a curse, Bal.ik deemed it necessary to try the effect of the wider outlook from Pisgah. 3 Cheyne, however, reads nnNEni. ' and the glory of the king IS among them.' • It is doubtful, however, whether Nu.2322 23 is not a Yah- wistic fragment (see Bacon, Triple Tradition, 228, and cp Di.'s note). According to Cheyne, niXEH occurs both in v. 21 </and ^ Cp the Babylonian beast-stories, the speaking horse in Horn. //. 19 404, and the speaking serpent in (jenesis. were older as nations ; but Israel alone had secured permanent foothold W. of Jordan, and for a time reduced the oldest nationalities to vassalage. The story of Balaam points out that Yahwe had ordained these privileges of Israel long before. The Moabitish king and the Amnionitish, Arabian, ^ or Aramcean sooth- sayer had striven to turn aside the irreversible decree, and Yahwe had turned the very means they took into the instrument by which he announced the triumphs and the unique destiny of his people. ### 6. Origin of poems It is much harder to fix the date and origin of the poems. We can scarcely attribute them without reserve to J and E, for the points of contact between the prophecies (cp especially 2322 P and 248) suggest that an ancient poem has been exijanded and changed in diverse ways. The kernel of the poem may go back to the early days of the kingdom, even, it may be, to those of Solomon. The national fortune is painted in glowing colours, and the historical references stop short at David, who was the only king to conciuer both Moab and Edom. On the other hand, the clear sense of Israel's separateness from the nations (239) had not arisen, so far as is known, before the time of the literary prophets, and the phraseology does not permit us to place the poems, as we now have them, earlier. ### 7. appendix. The appendix (24:20-24), at any rate, is generally admitted to be comparatively modern (note the exaggeration respecting the Anialekites). The structure .shows that the oracles are from ^1^^ j^.^j^j ^^,^, 24 20, end, with ?-. 24, end). The writer was quite familiar with the .\ss\Tian power, and speaks of the deportation of the Kenites by the .\ssyrians. He speaks of the Kenites, rather than more famous peoples, because he considers them to be (like the Amalekites ; cp i S. ISa) within Balaam's horizon. He also (if the text of 2424 be correct) predicts that AssvTia in its turn will be destroyed by ships from Curni.M ((/.J'.). Was he thinking of the Persian empire (Assyria = Persia, Ezra622), and its overthrow by Alexander the Great (cp i Mace, li)? The theory has been widely accepted, and nuich controversy as to the limits of prophecy has grown out of it. It .seems bolder than the evidence as a whole warrants (see Ui. ), and it has lately been pointed out that ' they shall afilict ' (?3;;, V. 24) is a misreading which has arisen out of the loss of an ethnic name in v. 23. Analogy requires that the last of the three little oracles in t'?'. 22-24 should begin thus : And he s.-iw . . . and began hi.s oracle, and said, Alas who will live (survive) of . . . And the discoveries of the Tell of Zenjirli enable us to restore the missing name, which was, not ' Samuel ' ('I'Nicr. as many MSS and some editions), but ' .Sham'al.' Then in v. 24 we may continue : And there shall be .ships from the direction of Cj"prus, And .Vssyria .shall afflict him (l-)^'), and F;ber shall afflict him, .\iid he too (.shall come) to destruction.- The kingdom of Sham'al in NW. Syria was not so very far from Balaam's native place Pethor. (The poet, at any rate, placed Pethor in Aram.) That it was di-stroyed by Assyrians and peoples from the other side of the Euphrates ( = ICber), and plundered by shipmen from Cyprus, was probably within the recollection of the author, who is, therefore, not to Ix; regarded as post-exilic. Assyria may have been no longer at the height of its prosperity, but was still a conquering power.' 1 See above, i, second paragraph. Cp Gen. 8632, and see 'i The importance of this correction will appear if we compare the alternative explanation of Hommel (AHT 24/.), which produces the following most unnatural and unworthy distich : ' Jackals (C';n) shall come from the north And wild cats (D';s) from the coast of Kittim,' where 'jackals' and 'wild cats' are figurative expressions for wild invaders, and Kittim is, Hommel says, ' the familiar for the Hittites (var. chittim).' .See Asshukim, Eber. ### 7. Allusions to Balaam We have passing notices of Balaam in Josh. 249 (E.^) and in Dt. 284/. , cp Neh. 13 1/. (see Ammonites, 3). _ Aii,-^ In Dt. I.e., as in E, he is an Aramaean , ,, . u 1 T 1 " Mesopotamia, hired to curse Israel ; but Yahwe turned his curse into a blessing. The Priestly Writer represents Balaam in a much more unfavourable light, Nu. 3l8i6 Josh. 1322 (cp Xu. 25 6-18). He is a sorcerer, at whose instigation the Midianite women seduced the Israelites into sensual idolatry ; and he died in the battle between the Israelites and the Midianites. Jos. (Ant. iv. 66) dwells at great length on the corrupting advice of Balaam, given in the first instance (cp Rev. 214) to Balak, and in Rabbinical literature Balaam is the type of false teachers [Abolh, 519; cp Rev. /.f. ) and .sorcerers. Cp also 2 Pet. 2 15 Jude 11. For Arabic parallels to the efficacy of Balaam's oracles, see Goldziher, Abhandl. zur arab. Philologie, 2b ff. ### 8. Literature. See Di.'s Count, and cp Tholuck, 'Die Gesch. Bileams," 'eimischte Scliriften, 1 406-432 ; Oort, Disput. de Nu.xxii.- .XX iv., i860; Kalisch, Bible Studies, pt. i, 1877; Kue. Jheot. njd. is 497-540 r84]; van Hoonacker, ' Observations critiques con- cernant Bileam,' Le Museon, 1888 ; Halivy, Re^i. sent. 1894, pp. 201-209; Scbr. CO r 1 143-145 ; We. CH -i^tff.; Kit. Hist. 1 202, 214, 229 ; Kautzsch, Abriss (sketch of literature appended to //.V), 143; Hommel, GBA 9; Che. Exp. limes, June 1899, PP- 399-40-'- \V. E. A. ## BALAC (B&Aak [Ti. WH]), Rev. 214. See Balak. ## BALADAN (H^'^?), 2 K. 20 12 Is. ;59i. See MERODACH-BALADAN ## BALAH (n^3). Josh. I93. See Baal.mi, 2. ## BALAK (p'73, BaAak [BAL] ; bai.ac), b. Zippor. an early king of Moab (Xu. 22-24 Judg. 11 25, and else- where ; cp Rev. 2 14, Balac), inseparably connected with Balaam. For the alliteration cp JaVial and Jubal, Beta and Birsha, l-:idad and Medad, etc. See Bai,.\.\m. ## BALAMO RV Balamon (B^Aes^MCON [BNA]), Judith 83. See Bi.i.MEN. ## BALANCE (i) Mozlndim (D^3m'D, the dual refers to the two ear-like pendants 2) are scales for weighing money (Jer. 32io), hair (Ez. 5i, SjX^ ^iTNOi, etc. ; cp the metaphor of weighing calamity (Jobt52), men (Ps. 629 [10], cp Dan. 627), ^ and hills (Is. 4O17). The dust of the balance is a simile for an insignificant or negligible quantity (Is. 40 15). The frequent metaphor of a just or even balance (pis 'c. Lev. I936, cp Job3l6 Ez. 4.') 10 ; a2tt*,r2 'c, Prov. 16 n, RV ' scales ' ), as opposed to one that is false (nOT? 'd, Prov. 11 n, cp 2O23 Am. 85 Hos. 127 [8] ; y^T 's, Mic. 6ii), is analogous to the well- known Heb. and Aram, idiom which expresses honour and integrity by the simile of ' heaviness ' (cp nia and (2) Vox kan^, nji (Is. 466: only here in this sense), see Reeu, i, n. Other words wee. {>,) p^les, oTs, Prov. 16 II RV, AV 'weight,' Is. 40 12 [aTaOtibi LBN.AQ]), EV ' scales ' ; cp the verb in Ps. 58 2 [3] ; but hardly >f'?EO in Job37i6, 'the balancings (t^ssz) of the clouds?' (see Budde). (4) ^vy()v, Rev. 65, frequent in @ for the above. The balances used in Palestine were probably similar to those found on Egyptian monuments. One type consists of an upright pole rising from a broad Ixise w ith 1 Che. Expositor, 1896, pp. 77-80 (following D. H. Miiller, Die Propheten, 1 215/). 2 In Ar. m'tzdn with z, whereas tidii (=|IN) has d\ see Frankel, 198. 3 Cp Phoen. oSsVya. ' B. hath weighed out.' • Cp the deprecation of unfair weights (D'JaK, lit. ' stones ') in Lev. 19 35 Prov. 11 1 Mic. 11. cross l)cams turning upon a pin. An arm on either side fueled in a hook to which the article to be weighed was attached in Iwgs (cp Wilk. Arte. Eg. 2246, fig. 415, 5 (/, see Bao, i ). Small ones of a particularly ingenious nature, as well as hand-stales, are found (Wilk. 1 285 fig. 95). .-Xbovc the pole is sometimes placed the figure of a bal)oon representing 'I'hoth the regulator of measures. The steelyard (in Kgy|jt) does not seem to have Ikjcu known until the Roman period. ## BALASAMUS (BaaAcamoc |liA)). 1 Ksd. 94.* = Neh. 84. M.\.\sKi.\ii, 15. ## BALD LOCUST (Dr^D ; attakhc [HAFL]). The .wl'dm is apparently a species of edible locust, or a locust in a particular stage of growth. .See further Locust, 2. ## BALDNESS See Clttincs, i ; Haik. ## BALM OIV or nV ; phtinh [rit- AKF] pithnh [I", once]: cp Ezek. 27i7 .\V"'K- 'rosin'; \"g. resiiia ### 1. OT Shori (ien. ;}725 43 II, Jer. 822 46 11 T.lS, ICzek. 27 17), a valuable product of Palestine, the identification of which has given much trouble. I'.V's rendering, 'balm,' is an imfortunate inheritance 'from Coverdale's Bible (see New ling. Diet. s.v. ). Let us look fiist at the Hebrew name ns {sdri). The .\rabic danu or <///"' ' is identical with it, and since the root means to ' drip' or ' bleed,' the product referred to nmst l)e resiiioiis, but it need not be aromatic. From the or notices we learn that sdrl (EV 'balm') was found abundantly in Gilead, that it was in early times e.$)orted thence to I'-gypt ((Jen. .'5725), was sufficiently prized to form an appropriate gift to a lord of that country (Gen. 4'5ii), was applied as a remedy for violent pain (jer. //. cc. ), and was among the chief products of Pales- tine that were brought into the Tyrian market (Ez. 27 17 ) Next, we must point out that the modern commercial name ' balm of Gilead ' has, like the botanical specific name Gileadensc, no foundation but the hypothesis that the substance so designated is the OT ' .fiVv of Gilead ' ; and that from the earliest times resins and turpentines have been used in medicine, as stimulants and as anti- septics for wounds, and as counter-irritants for pain. The ^dri [VN ' balm') of Jer. 822 46 11 is clearly a local product in Gilead ; its association with mJr (EV ' myrrh ') in Gen. 3725 43 n proves that it was a valuable article of commerce. ### 2 Probably = mastic It has lx;en shown elsewhere (B.\i.s.\m) that the so- called 'balsam of Mecca,' produced by the Balsamo- p^ , , . demiron Opobalsamum, is most probably . ^^j^. Q^ (, ji^^.^j . ^^^ j^^ Hebrew mor, which EV mistakenly renders ' myrrh ' (see Bai.sa.m, .\Iykkh). SSri (EV balm), then, must be something else. ( I ) Arabic usage is in favour of the rendering of R V"'n- Cjen. 3725 etc., Mastic i.e., the resin yielded by the mastic tree, Pistacia Lentiscus. This tree ' is a native of the Mediterranean shores, and is found in Portugal, Morocco, and the Canaries ' (Fliickiger an<l Hanbury's Pharmacogr., 161). According to Tristram (NHH 362), it is extremely common in all the Mediterranean countries, especially on the African coasts and in the Greek islands, where it overruns whole districts for many miles. Tristram states, also, that it is indigenous in all parts of Palestine, though, according ' to Post (Hastings, BD 236 a), it is not now to be found E. of the Jordan. The mastic of commerce is mainly derived from the Isle of Scio. Down to the seventeenth century mastic was an ingredient of many medicines. Unlike most resins, it readily softens with motlerate heat, even that of the mouth. As the Arabic word danv (or dirw) is used mainly of this tree and its products, we are not rash in concluding that a substance of this kind is intended in the biblical passages, though it seems unnecessary to limit ns sSrl to the resin of P. Lentiscus: it may include the resins j of the terebinth {P. Terebinthus) and Aleppo piff (Pinus halepensis ; see Ash). The former yields ' Chiaii 1 The Syriac sar^vS, must be a loan-word from Arabic (Lag. Milth. 1 234). turpentine,' which has recently been brought into notice as an alleged remedy for cancer. According to I'ris- tram {op. cit. 400), the terebinth is not now tapped for turpentine in Palestme, ' where the inhabitants seem to be ignorant of its commercial value. ' There is abundant evidence of the medicinal use of these resins in antiijuity (see Movers, Plion. Alt. iii. 1 223). (2.) balanites tegyptiaca, called zakkiim by the Arabs (Tris- tram, </. cit. 336), yields an oil 'prepared by the Arabs of Jericho and sold in large quantities to the pilgrims as b.alm of (Jilead.' This, however, was the irep<Tta of (Ireek writers, and clearly, therefore, distinguished by them from /SoAao/xoi' or pijTiVrj. It is merely a modern substitute. (3.) Lastly must be mentioned Lagarde's view that (Ir. CTTiipof = '"IS (fjr/). There is great probability in this identification of the words, for (tt- is employed in .several instances to transliterate <; (j) ; but evidence is wanting to con- nect ");> with the substance crrvpa^, which seems to have been called ill Hebrew n:3^ (liblineli). See further SroR ax. W. T. T.-D. N. M. ## BALNUUS (BaAnyoc [H], BaAnoyoc [A]), i Esd. 93i = Ezral03o. Bi.nnui, 4. ## BALSAM appears in RV"'k-, once for Dl^'3 bdsdm (Cant. 5 if, apcom&TA). and twice in rendering the ### 1. Heb. basam. P^--^^^'^ ^-^ n?.m ,.-...//. i,ab. bc'sci/t. 'bed of bal.sam ' ((ant. 51362, (t>lAA<M TOY APCOM&TOC)- KV text and AV have 'sjiict',' Ixjd of spices." The verb (in .Xram. bi^st'w) signifies to 'have pleasure.' 'be attracted by desire," ' and in Heb. the nominal forms ^ denote enjoyment con- nected with one particular sense that of smell. From one or othcT of the .Semitic forms comes Gr. fidXaa/xov. .Although hasdvi and bosem in the above passages may have the general sense of spice or perfume,^ it is more probable that, like basdm and ^dXiTa/uLov , they denote the balsam tree or plant par excellence. We now know that the proper source of Mecca balsam is Balsamoden- dron Opobalsamum (see 4) ; and a tree of this kind .seems to be intended in the passages from ancient writers which are here summarised. ### 2. Ancient References. (rt) Theophrastus {Hist. Plant. 96) has a long passage about the production of lialsani. It is produced, he says, 'in the . hollow about .Syria ' {iv tw auAwi/t tui Trcpi v,,^,-^^). xhis phrase Stackhouse explains from Strabo as meaning KotAe-Svpia ; but circa 522 H C ^ ^'^ present day Balsainodetuiron Opa- ' " balsatniivi does not grow farther N. than Siiakim ; it is essentially a tropical plant. Theophrastus, who is so minutely accurate in all his other details (note his happy expression <^vAAoi' he . . . o/uoiof iriryofcu, ' with leaves like rue '), cannot have meant what Stackhouse supposes. It is cer- tain, however, that the term CtEi.E-SvRlA \q.v.\ in the Greek period hail a wider application, and Veslingiiis (Opobalsaiiii I'iiuiiciie, 243) rightly remarks, ' Vallem hie intelligendam esse Hierichuntis . . . persuademur.' The fruit, Theophrastus continues, resembles the terminth (turpentine) in size, shai)e, and colour. The 'tear' is gathered from an excision ni.n<lL- witU iron at the season when the stems and the upper pans are tensest (jn-i-yr)). The odour is very strong ; the twigs also art- very sweet-smelling. No wild bal.sam is met with an \ where. The unmixed juice is sold for twice its weight in silver ; even the mixed, which is often met with in Greece, is singularly fragrant. (/') Strabo (763) is somewhat less full ; but there can be no doubt that it is the Mecca balsam plant which he descril)es as grown in a irapaSftcros at Jericho. He says that it is shrub-like (fla/otMcoSes), resembling cytisus and terminth, and sweet-smelling. The juice is obtained by means of incisions in the bark ; it is very much like a_ viscous milk (yAio-;^pu) -yaAojCTt) and solidifies when stored in little shells ()toyx<pi<)- He pr.nises its medicinal use, and says that it is protluced nowhere else. piodorus Siculus (248) mentions 'a certain hollow" in the neighbourhood of the Dead Sea as the habitat of the balsam, and adds that great revenue is derived from this plant, because it is met with nowhere else in the world, and is of great value to physicians. Pliny too (//.\ l'i25) affirms that the balsam plant is coiUined 1 Curiously enough, Ar. basinia h.ts the contrary sense of loathing (sKK Lag. Uel'crs. 143) ; but bal.lm denotes the balsam tree. 2 Heb. does not possess the verb. S See SiMCE. Bcsem is the word used in i K. 1021025 (Queen of Sheba's visit to Solomon). to Juda;a. ' In former times it was cultivated only in two gardens, Iwthof them royal ; one of them was no more than twenty jugcra in extent, and the other less. The emperors Vespasian and Titus had this shrub exhibited at Rome; ... it liears a much Mroiij;er resemblance to the vine \i e., ill the steins; here Phny scenic to borrow from Irogus Pompeius) than to the myrtle. The leaf bears a very close resemblance to that of [rue] 1 and it is an evergreen. ... At the present day it is cultivated by the fiscal authorities, and the plants were never known to be mure numerous. They never exceed a couple of cubits in height.' Josephus makes several references to the balsam. He says {A/it. viii. Ob) that the first roots of balsam (on-ojSaAo-OfiOi/) were A n '"""R^' * Palestine by the queen of Sheba. To 90 A. L>. gjyg _^|j jjg^ ^p ^Yie site of Poinpey's camp (at Jericho), he says it is where that balsam (b7^o^aAaa;ao^) which is of all unguents (fiOpa) the chief grows, and describes how the juice (oiros) is obtained {Ant. xiv. 4 i). Again, when speaking of the districts around Jericho assigned to Cleopatra, he speaks of the Cciousness of this pi int, which grows there alone (.;/. xv. 42). itlv, in a second reference to Pompey, he says that the region of Jericho bears the balsam tree (^oAira/iOi'), wh^se stems (n-pfju.i'a) were cut with >^harp stones, upon which the juice ' drops down like tears ' {B/ i. 6). I'rogus, an author of the time of Augustus, is reproduced by Justin (363). He describes the closely shut-in valley in which / / > r-v alone the opobalsamum grows ; the na'iie of the ISt cent. A.n. ^^^^^ j^ Jericho (Hienchus). _ 'In that valley is a wood, notable alike for its fertility and its pleasantness, being adorned w.th a palm grove and opobalsamum. The opo- balsamum trees h ive a form like pine trees {piceis), except that they are less tall {iiuigis huiiiUes), and are cultivated after the manner of vineyards. Ihese at a certain time of the year sweat balsam.' ### 3. Balsam in Arabia. It is remarkable that the Greek and the Roman writers dwell so constantly on the uniqueness of the balsam-tree of Jericho. Some of them, at any rate {e.g., Strabo, Pausanias, Diodorus), were not unaware that the plant grew on the coasts of Arabia ; and Josephus, in his legendary style, actually attributes to iiuportation from Arabia its presence in Palestine (.://. viii. 66). No doubt this is substantially correct. Prosper Alpinus {De BaLsamo, 1592) and Veslingius [Opobahami I'indicicB, 1643) long ago investigated the subject. In the time of the former, balsam plants were brought to Cairo from Arabia ; Alpinus himself [op. cit. 64) apparently possessed a living specimen. The Arabic writer 'Abdallatif [d. 1231) also speaks of the balsam tree as in I'>gypt at 'Ain Shems (' Fountain of the .Sun') z'.^. , in the gardens of Matariya, close to Heliopolis. It was about a cubit high, and had two barks ; the outer red and fine, the inner green and thick. When the latter was macerated in the mouth, it left an oily taste, and an aromatic odour. Incisions were made in the barks, and the amount of balsam oil obtained formed a tenth part of all the liquid collected.^ The last balsam tree cultivated in Kgypt died in 1615 ; but two were alive in 1612. This was the only place in Egypt where the balsam tree would grow. We can well understand, therefore, that the neighbourhood of Jericho was the only habitat of the tree in Palestine. ### 4. Probably OT mor = EV myrhh It would, however, be unreasonable to suppose that the needs of the luxurious class in Palestine in pre-Ronirm times were altogether supplied from Jericho. The precious unguent derived from the balsam tree, not less than the costly frankincense, was doubtless always one of the chief articles brought by Arabian caravans. The tree that produces the so-called ' balsam of Mecca ' is the Balsamodeiidron Opobalsamum. This tree, as Schweinfurth reports,* ' averages above 15 ft. in height, possesses a yellow papery exfoliating bark, and produces thin, grayish black twigs, from the ends of which a small quantity of balsam exudes.' ' It is widely distributed over the coast territory of Arabia, the adjacent islands, and S. Nubia' ; but 'the balsam is collected only in the valleys near Mecca.' It is thus described by' Dymock (Phnrmaco^r. Ind. 1 317) : ' Balsam of Mecca, when freshly imported into Bombay, is a greenish turbid 1 Rutie in old editions : but Mavhoff prefers tuhuri (tuheri). J See 'Abdallatif, ed. De Sacy, 88 (Budge, The Mie, 181). t We quote from a rdsumi of his researches in Pharm. Journ. April 1894, p. 897. fluid of syrupy consistence, having a very grateful odour, something like oil of rosemary. ' Jewish tradition seems to have held that Mecca balsam is what the OT writers call sdri whence the rendering ' balm ' of AV and RV (text) ; but the tradition was impugned long ago by Bochart {/licroz. i. 251), and docs not agree with the use of the .Arabic cognate word danv (mastic; see Balm, i ). Schweinfurth holds that the OT name for .Mecca balsam \as not .u)r/ (EV balm, perhaps really mastic ; see B.\LM, i), nor bosetn (see above, I ), but mor (see Mykrh). Certainly tnor was (like Mecca balsam) strongly aromatic and also a liquid substance (Ex. 3O23 Cant. 5513). whilst the OT refer- ences do not necessarily imply that sdrl was aromatic. It is not unlikely that both bdsem ( i) and mor mean Mecca balsam. (Cp Kew Ilulletin for Mar. -Apr. 1896, p. 89. ) .See MVKKIl. N. M. VV. T. T.-I). T. K.C. ## BALSAM TREES (D\S03 ; RV"'k'. 2 S. 023 i Ch. 14 14 Ps. S46). See Mli.ukkky. ## BALTHASAR RV Baltasar (BaAtacar [B.\Qr]). Bar. Ill/ See Bki.shazz.vr. ## BAMAH (nm, Ez. 20 29). See Hich Pi.ace.s, 5. ## BAMOTH (ni02; BAAAOoe [BAFL]), a station of. the Israelites Ixjtween Nauai.ikl [q..) and 'the glen ((P'^ vcLTtT)) which is in the field [plateau] of Moab, [by] the summit of [the] Pisgah, etc' (.\u. 21 19). Eus. {OS 101 22) descril)es it as 'on the Arnon' (like Nahaliel), which must be wrong. See Bamoth-BAAL. ## BAMOTH-BAAL (^r? n'lOB z.^., ' the high places of Baal "1 lav in the ^Toabite territory (see Nu. 2241, RV; cthAh TOY Baa\ [BAFLJ), to the north of the Arnon, and was assigned to Reulien (losh. 13 17 : Bmmoon B&aA [B]. BamooG B- [AL]). The order of enumeration in Nu. 21 19/ , where it is called simply Bamoth, leads to the supposition (so Di. ) that it must have Iain somewhere on or near the Jeliel 'Attarus, on the south side of the Wady Zerka Main (cp Is. 152 : the high places'). Conder {Heth and Moab, 144) and G. A. Smith {HG 562), however, find the Bamoth in the dolmens immediately north of el-Maslubiyeh, near the Wady Jideid. The Beth Bamoth of the Moabite stone is perhaps the same place (cp Bajith) ; but this whole region is thickly strewn with the remains of ancient altars and other religious monuments (Conder, cp cit. ijfOff.). The name Banioth-baal is suggested also by Nu. 2I28, where the pnN- nis| *|?i;2 (EV 'lords of the high places of Arnon' but see ) are mentioned in parallelism with Ar of Moab. G. A. S ## BAN RV'HK- Baenan (Ban [A]. Bacn&n [B]), i Esd. 037= Ezra 2 60, Tobijah, 2 ## BAN (Dnn), to Ban (Dnnn). ### 1. Terms renders by avaSeiia., ai'dOqiia, a.v(neBey.a.Ti<TtJ.fvov, and in a few in.stances aTrai^ei'a and other words denoting destruc- tion ; 6.va.0(iJ.aTiifiv and more rarely avarLOtvai , once, i Ksd.!t4, oi'iepoOi', efoAoflpevfii'j and in a few instances other verbs denoting ' kill ' or ' destroy.' Vg. has anathema, consecratio, etc. ; occido, consume, consecro, etc. AV translates curse, utterly destroy, accursed thine, etc. ; RV, de-Jote, utterly destroy, demoted thing: The root HR.M in Hebrew denotes devoting any- thing to Vahwe by destroying it : hirem is any person or thing thus devoted. The root is found in a similar sense in all the Semitic languages, of sacred things which men are partly or wholly forbidden to use. It is esjMJcially common in Arabic : e.g. , the sacred territory of Mecca and Medina is haram, and the harim (harem) is ground forbidden to all men other than the master and his eimuchs. It may be noted that the exclusive use of the root in the strong sense of devoting by destroying is characteristic of Hebrew (and of the dialect spoken by the Moabites ; see 3/.), and that in other languages hrm bears a meaning more nearly approaching NDD (unclean), E'lij (consecrated). ### 2. Law of Herem (a) Idols are herem in themselves. In Dt. 7=5 the Israelites are ordered to burn all heathen idols and not to bring them into their houses. The idols are herem, and make those who keep them herem. (d) Public herem. The Israelites or their rulers are ordered to treat as herem in certain circumstances, guilty citizens or obno.xious enemies. In I'.x. 22 19 [20] (liook of the Covenant, K) any one sacri- ficing to any deity other tlian Yahwe is to Ix: made herem. So in substance Dt. 1.36-ii, though the term herein does not cKCur till t'. 16. In Dt. 13 i3-:9 [12-18] any idolatrous Israelite city is to be made herein : all living things are to lie killed and ' all its siwil ' is to be burnt. .So far, in (a) as in (7'), the herem is something abominable in itself and distasteful to God. Its de- struction is a religious duty, and an acceptable service to Yahwe. Similarly, in Dt. 20 16-18 all Canaiinite cities are to be made herein, that they may not seduce Israel to idolatry. In Dt. 20 10-14, if any distant city refuses to surrender when summoned, all the males are to be slain, ami all other ix;rsons and things may be taken as spoil. The term 'herein' is not used in that paragraph, anil is perhaps not applicable to it. (c) We gather from certain passages that individuals might devote some possession to destruction as a kind of service to Yahwe, and that also is called herem (see Vow). In a section of 1' concerning vows, Lev. 27, two verses (28/ ) deal with this individual herem. Other vows may be redeemed ; but individual (like public) herem must be destroyed it may not be sold or redeemed : it is most holy (i'Ji/i-s/t kihfdshim) unto Yahwe. Among the objects which an individual may make herem, men are specially mentioned : they must be put to death. It is startling to find such a provision in one of the latest strata of the Pentateuch. Possibly only criminals could be made herem ; or the text may be fragmentary. Cp Dillmann and Kalisch on Lev. 272829. In Josh. 624 we have a provision that metal herem (obviously because indestructible) is to lie put into the treasury of the sanctuary. By an extension of this principle, Nu. 18 14 (P) and V.z. 4429 ordain that herein shall lie the pro[)crty of the priests. ### 3. Practice. Herem is met with in Hebrew literature in all periods. The sweeping statements that all Canaanite cities E. and W. of the Jordan were made herem are late generalisations ; but Nu. 21 (JE) and Judg. 1 17 (J), though otherwise discrepant, agree that the city on whose site Hormah was built was made herein. Other instances of herem are Jabesh- gilead (Judg. 21 10 /. ), Jericho (rebuilding forbidden under supernatural penalty. Josh. 626/. ), the Amale- kites (iS. 15), and the children of Ham at Gedor ( I Ch.44i). Similar cases in regard to which, however, the term herem is not used are Giheah and Benjamin (Judg. 20) and Sauls attempt to e.xecute Jonathan (i S. 1424-46). On the Moabite stone (/. 16/) Mesha' says that he made the whole Israelite populace of Nebo herem to Ashtarchemosh. The prophets speak of Israel or Yahwe making herem of enemies (Is. 34 2 etc.) or of enemies' property (Mic. 413), or, conversely, of the heathen (Jer. 269), or Yahwe (Is. 4828), making herem of Israel. In the later literature the root hnn often only means exterminate (2 Ch. 2O23). The old meaning, however, was not quite forgotten, and in Ezra 108, if any Jew failed to obey Ezra's summons to Jerusalem, his property was to be made herem and he himself excomnumicated. In post-biblical Hebrew herem came to mean excomnmnication as well as pro- |)erty set apart for the priests and the temple (Levy and Jastrow's Dictionaries, s.v. ; S. Mandl, Der Dann, '98, pp. 24-51) .See, further, Excommunic.\tion. ### 4. Origin and parallels. The character of herein, the diffusion of the root in a similar sense throughout .Semitic languages, and its use in the Hebrew sense by the Moabites, show that it was an ancient Semitic institution belon<;ing to Israel in common with its kinsmen. Stade ((/Wi/i. 1 490) holds that a .Semitic people besieging a city vowed to make it -. . . J herem to their god in order to secure his aid Moreover, the idea of herem. ^^ ^j^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^.^^^ j^^ allied languages shows was kindred to that of sanctity and uncleaimess. Like these, it was contagious (cp Ci.kas, 2. 14) : the possessor of herem lx;came herem ( Dt. 7 26 Josh. 618; .\chan). OP legislation, as we have seen, converts the brilje to a venal deity into a legitimate I penalty. The various degrees of severity are not im- portant in relation to the principle. Herem has something in common with taboos, especially in its fatal effect on its possessor e.g., in New Zealand tabooed food is fatal to any one who eats it (Frazer, Golden Bough, vol. ii. ' Taboos ') ; but it is not so closely allied to tatoos as the idea of uncleanness (xca; WKS, Rel. iVw.C-) 450/:). The Arab harim often assimilates to herem : e.g. , clothes used at the circuit of the Ka'aba are harim, and may not be worn or sold. Cp also the Roman ceremony of dez'olio, by which an enemy was devoted to destruction as an offering to the infernal gods (Preller, Kom. Myth. 124, 466). The instance of Kirrha and the .Amphictyoiiic council, in which the cultivation of land laid under a curse was made the pretext for a holy war, may also be compared with the case of Jericho. w. 11. H. ## BANAIAS (Banaiac [B.-V]). i Esd. 93S = K^ral043. Bknaiah, 10. ## BAND I. In the sense of a troop or company of  men, soldiers, etc. (see .\k.my, 3). The rendering of 'agapf>lm, C'SJX (prop, wings, cp Piab. agappu), 'E.z.\in,^\.z.; gedad, ^^J, 1K.U24 AV 2 K. 1321, etc. ; hayil, S-n (prop, force), 1 S.IO26 AV Ezra.S22 ; iiiahaneh, n;n9, Gen. 3-27[8] W (prop, camp), see Mah.asai.m ; and rdi, E?xn, I Ch.1223 AV Job 1 17; 'by kinds,' Pr. 3U27, represents a participle i";;n, /wsPs, 'dividing (it-^clf).' In this sense the common Gr. word is (nrelpa (cp Mt. 27 27 Mk. 15 16, etc.), ' cohort ' (so RV"i=;-, Acts 10 1). 2. In the sense of a ribbon. So/iefc-M, 2Z;q, Ex. 288, RV 'cunningly woven band'; -W 'curious girdle. 3. Finally, to denote anything that connects or encloses, the following words (also rendered 'bonds,' etc. ) are employed. 'Esttr, VOH, Judg. 15i4, cp Aram. "I^DN, Dan. 4 15 23 [12 zo] ; /u-fi/te/, San, Ps.ll06i (RV CoKDS, ?.7'.), and esp. Zech. II7 14, where ' Bands ' (mg. ' binders ' or ' union ') is the name of one of the prophets staves; harsubbdth, ni2i"in, Is. uS6 and Ps. T34 (RVnig. 'pangs,' doubtful); mot&h, H^iS, Lev. 20 13 Ez.3427, RV 'bars' (.Xgkiculture, 4); iiioscr, -,Dic, Job395 Ps.23, nioiekhbth, niDCiS, Job 3831!, of the 'bands' of Orion; see Stars, 3(5; 'dbhoth, T\Z^, Job 39 10, elsewhere (in plur.) rendered ' cords, ' ropes, etc. ## BANI C^a. 5, 52 ; cp Palm, and Nab. ':2 ; probably shortened from Bknaiah, ' Yah hath built up'; cp Gen. 3O3 Dt. '209 Kuth4ii, and see Haupt, Froc. Am. Or. Soc. Ap. 22 [92] ; BAN[e]i fBN.\L], -Al [L], -AiA [BL], -AIAC [NAL], BAAN[e]i [BX.$) is a frequently occurring name (chiefly post-exilic), and in some cases it is difficult to separate the persons bearing it ; there is often confusion between it, the parallel names BuNNi and BiNNUi [^j/.?.]. and the noun B'ne (':2). See Mey. Entsteh. 142. 1. A Gadite, one of David's 'thirty'; 2 S. 23 36 (uibs -yoAoaiiet IB], vi. yaSSi [A], vu ayrjpei [I.])-i Ch.1138, on which see Hagri. Cp Davii., S II (11.). . . ,. 2. A family of B'ne Hani occurs in the great post-cxiIic list (see Ezra, ii. 98 f), Ezra 2 10 (/Sai^u [B], -vi [A]) = Neh. 7 15 Oavovi [BKA], -aiov [L]) .\V BiNNUi (.;.r'.)= i p:.sd. 5 12 ; and various members of it are enumerated in Ezra 10 J90a>'0ui [BK]) = 1 Esd.9 3o(/iai*i fH.A]) EV Mam and among those who had married foreign wives (see Ezra, i. 5) in Ezra 10 34-42: viz., in V. 34 (Awi [BK], ^aiaifi ILl)=i Esd. 9 34 AV Maani, RV Baani, and in v. 38 (ol viol ^o^'ou"l [BNAJ. 0ayvt, cat vioi Povvei [I.1=MT '"31 '32^ EV Bani and Binnli)= i Esd. O34 (EV Bannls, E1.IAI.1; fiavvovi, ESiaAei? [l!], /3., EAtoAci [A], Pevvei. icai vtoi /Soiree [L]). It is plausible, however, to correct Bani into Binnui or perhaps Bigvai in 7'. 34 (cp 214). The family is also referred to on important occasions in Neh. 817 and 10 13 (fiavovia [I.]?) and as n> Ezra's caravan (see Ezra, i. i 2, ii. 15 {i)iO, I i:sd.S36, AV Banid, RV Hanias OSaw.a? |B], -raiat [L], -vi air- [Al) = Ezra8io (vlo>v [SoAeifiouS, B], ui. iSaAifiioe, L], ^aavLi [eAei^/aoufl'., A'"'-]) where Bani should be restored in MT(see Be. tu/ ioc). 3. One of the expounders of the Law (Neh. 8 7 ; see Ezra, ii. S 13/ ; cp i. 8 8, ii. g 16 [5I 15 [t] f) who officiated at the con- stitution of the 'congregation' {^^y.\ see Ezka, ii. S 12, 13 [/]). In O4 (R.-ini Kadmiel ; (ESBnai. yjoi <caS/iiT|,$$ the name is repeated, probably by an error (cp Ryssel) ; (.Iriitz, after Pesh., reads Binnui for the second Bani. In O5 (pHXA has simply KafijunrjA. Cp also Ezra 'J 40 (' and Kadmiel of the children of Hodaviah ')= Neh. 743 with i Esd. 'Jso (Ka5/xi7)Aoi; icai fiavrov [\]). In Neh. II22, Uzzi (5) b. Bani (/So^t [K^-a], ^ovvci [I-l) is called overseer of the Levites at Jerusalem.

4. Signatory to the covenant (see Ezra, i. S 7). Neh. 10 14 [15] (Pavvi [LI : viol Pavi [BXA] ; cp Bunni, i).

5. A Merarite; 1 Ch. G31 [46].

6. A Judahite ; i Ch. 04 Kr. (hai, omit).

## BANID

RV Banias (BANeiAC [H]), /.^., Bani {,/.v. 2[emll).

## BANISHMENT

On various forms of temporary or


permanent exclusion from the community as a con- sefjuence of crime or ceremonial distjualification, see BAN, 3; ClKAN AND UNCI.KAN, I $/ ) SV'.NA- (iOGLTK ; EXCOMMUNIC.VnON. In 2 S. 14 14 allusion is made to Absalom in the word irnj (F,V 'banished'), elsewhere usually rendered 'outcast' (' out- casts' or 'dispersed of Israel'); see Disi'ERsion, i. 'Ilie nature of the punishment threatened in Ezra 7 26t (it:"!!;') RV"'};- 'rooting out' (naiSda [li.V], naiSeUiv [L]) was alreaijy ob- scure to the editor of i E.sd. (S 24 : ri/aaipta [BA], ari^ia [L]). E/ra 108 (' separated [Si2-] from the congregation of the captivity ') may give an explanation of the phrase. ## BANK For so/m/i, nh':>D, in 2 S. 20 15 2 K. 19 32 Is. 3733 AV (elsewhere EV always Mount) and x-P-^ in I,k. 194! (AV Trench, RV't.'- Palisaue) see FORTIFICATION. ## BANK (Tp^nezA. Lk. 1923 EV), BANKER (tra- neziTHC Mt. '2527 RV). See TRADE AND COMMERCE. ## BANNAIA (Bannmoyc [A]), i Esd. 933 AV = Ezral033. Z-VBAD, 5. ## BANNAS (Bannoy [I^A]), iEsd..T26 RV=Ezra 240, Bani, 3. ## BANNEAS (Bannaiac [B.\]), i Esd. 926 RV = Ezra IO25, Bknaiah, 7. ## BANNER (D3, hil, HN). See Ensigns. i, a. b, c. ## BANNUS (Bannoyc [B.\]), i Esd. 9 34 = Ezra 10 38. Bani, 2. ## BANQUET / Banqueting House See Meai.s. ## BANUAS Bannoy ['^A]), i Esd. 026, apparently a misijrint for Bamias (so RV). See Bani (3). ## BAPTISM (Batttic/wa, BATTTizem)- ### 1. Origin Among the permanent witnesses to the Birth of Christianity _ . . out of Judaism is the primary institu- gl"- fJQj^ of {he Christian Church, the rite of baptism. W'ith the Jews the bathing of the whole tody in pure cold water if possible, in a running stream was a recognised means of restoration from a state of ceremonial uncleanness. Passages like Num. 19iiy!, 31 19, also Is. 1 16 Zech. 13i, and especially Ezek. 36 24^ , may be compared. The pouring of water on the hands a symbolic representation, perhaps, of baptism in a running stream was a Pharisaic precaution in- sisted on before every meal (cp .Mk. 73 Lk. 11 38). The Gentile, whose whole life had been ceremonially un- clean, was required to submit to baptism among other conditions of his reception as a Jewish proselyte (Schiirer, r,V.f(77.* 2569^.; 3rd ed. 3129). See Prosei.ytk, 5. The connection between Jewish and Christian baptism is strikingly illustrated by the regulations prescril)ed for the latter in the Didacki, to be noticed presently ; but, the ceremonial baptistns of Judaism, though they lie behind Christian baptism and exert an iiitluence on its history, are not its immediate antecedent. The Jewish baptisms were the outcome of the Jewish di.siinction between clean and unclean a distinction which was done away by Christianity (cp W.vshings). Christian baptism is a purification, not from ceremonial, but from moral impurity. The historical link is found in the baptism of John in the river Jordan. John adapted the familiar ceremony of baptism to a moral purpose : his was ' a baptism of repentance for the remission of sins,' a purification of the nation from that moral uncleanness of which ceremonial un- cleanness was properly typical. It was by means of this development of its true significance that baptism was rescued from mere formalism, and prepared to become the initiatory rite of the new Christian society. As Jesus' work took up John's, and as he him- self had chosen to be baptized by John, it was natural that his first preaching of rep)entance should be coupled, like John's, with a baptism. It is significant, how- ever, that he did not perform the rite himself: only his disciples did so (Jn. 4 1 / ). Christian baptism was not yet instituted ; and when it came it was to add a spiritual element which Joim's baptism lacked. Meanwhile Jesus was indicating by his own action, and by his defence of the action of his disciples, that the frequent i'harisaic baptisms the ceremonial washi.ig of the hands, arwl the ' baptisms ' of vessels and dishes (.\Ik. 74) had no permanent claim on the conscience; and certain of his words are directly explained by one of the Evangelists as repealing altogether the ceremonial distinction of clean and unclean, and as ' cleansing all meats' (Mk. 719). Only when the whole purport of Jewish b.iptisms was annulled was the way clear for the institution of the Christian rite, one of the essential principles of which was that it should be performed once for all, with no possibility of repetition. On the day of Pentecost Peter answers the inc|uiries j of the multitude in words which, whilst they recall the baptism of John, indicate the fuller significance of Christian baptism : ' Repxjnt ye, and be baptized, each one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of your sins, and ye shall receive the gift of the Holy Spirit' (.Acts 2 38). .\bout three thousand were there- upon added by baptism to the original band of Iwlievers. It is expressly stated that at .Sam.aria, as the result of Philip's preaching, both men and women were baptized ' in the name of the Lord Jesus ' ; but the gift of the Holy Spirit did not follow until the arrival of Peter and John from Jerusalem (S 12-17 1. I 'i*-' eunuch after Philip's instructions asks for baptism ; and ' they go down both together into the water' (83638). Saul is baptized by .Ananias at Damascus (9 18). When Peter preached to Cornelius and his friends ' the Holy Spirit fell on all that heard the word ' ; whereupon the apostle commanded them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ ' (1044.^. ). Special stress is laid on this incident as the first occasion of the baptism of Gentiles as such (IO45 11 1 18). It was justified by the ajx)stle on the ground of the previous gift of the Holy Spirit, which was the baptism promised by Christ in contradistinction to John's baptism (1116^). Baptism was thus recognised as the door of admission into the Christian Chrrch for Jews and (Jentiles alike ; and certain disciples of the Baptist whom Paul found at Ephesus were baptized afresh ' in the name of the Lt>rd Jesus' (195). Of Eydia, the purple seller of Thyatira, found by Paul at Philippi, we read that she 'was baptized, and her household ' (1615) ; and of the Philippian gaoler, that he was Iwptized, ' he and all his straight-way,' i.e., in the middle of the night (I633). .At Corinth a few of the earliest converts were baptized by Paul himself Crispus, Gains, and the household of Stephanas ; but the apostle's languaRc shows that this was ciuite exceptional (iCor. 1 14-17). In i (or. 1629 Paul nictuions a custom, apparently prevailing in Corinth, of vicarious baptism in behalf of the dead. He neither commends nor rebukes it, and it would seem to have soon died out.^ ### 2. Method. The earliest notice of the method of baptism is perhaps that which is found in the DiJachd, and, as we have already said, it illustrates the recognition of a connection l)et\veen the Jewish and the Christian baptisms. The Didachi', here as elsewhere, is strongly anti-Judaic in its lone, and at the same time shows the inHuence of Jewish practices upon the conmiunity which it represents. The Mishna draws six distinctions in the kinds of water available for various piirific.itory purposes [.\/ik~wad/k 1 1-8, qtioted by Schiirer, 'J4<>jj^. ), and in certain cases it insists upon the full stream of running water, in which the whole body can Ix; inniiersed. The Diduchi (cliajj. 7) recognises 'living water' i.e., the running stream other water,' 'cold,' and 'warnC ; and finally allows a triple pouring, where a sufiiciency of any water for immersion cannot be had ; but, though it indicates a preference in the order here given, it admits the validity of baptism under any of these conditions. It is sometimes urged that, because ^awTiii'fiv means 'to dip,' Christian bajjlism must originally have been by immersion. Tn the N'T, however, as in classical writers, the usual word for ' to dip ' is a.wTuv (I-k. 1(124 Jn. 1326). ^aiTTl^eLv had a wider usage, and could be used even of a mere cerenionial handwashing, as we see from Lk. 11 38, ' he marvelled that he had not first washed (efiaTTTia-drj) before dinner.' Already the partial ablution would seem to have been regarded as symbolical of the whole. It is difficult to suppose that the 3000 converts on the day of Pentecost could all have been baptized by immersion. Such a method is indeed presupposed as the ideal, at any rate, in Paul's words about death, burial, and resurrection in baptism (Rom. 63 /;) ; but pouring water on the head was in any case symbolical of inuuersion, and tantamount to it for ritual puriK)ses. ### 3. Formula (a) In the Namc, not ' into the name.' Although eh is the ])reposili()n most frecjuently used, we find iv in p . Acts'JjS IO48 ; and the interchangeability ^^ ^j^^ ^^^.^ prepositions in late Greek may be plentifully illustrated from the NT. Moreover, the expression is a Hebraisni ; cp iv dvo/j-ari Kvplov Mt. 2I9 ( Ps. II826 cr2) ; so in the baptismal fornmla of Mt. 2819 the Syr. version has <QAd (Lat. in nomine). {/<) In the name of Jesus Christ, or of the Lord Jesus. The former exjiression is used in Acts 238 10 48 ; the latter in Acts 816 1 95; cp also Acts 22 16, ' Ari.se and be baptized and wash away thy sins, calling on his name.' From these passages, and from Paul's words in I C>)r. 1 13 (' Was Paul crucified for you, or were ye Ixtptized in the name of Paul ? '), it is natural to conclude that baptism was administered in the earliest times ' in the name of Jesus Christ,' or in that ' of the Lord Jesus.' This view is confirmed by the fact that the earliest forms of the baptismal confession appear to have Ijeen single not triple, as was the later creed. Wlien Philip's baptism of the eunuch appeared to have been abruptly narrated, the confession was inserted in the simple form, ' I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God ' (Acts ' Tertullian {Res. 48 c. Marc. 5 10) assumes that the custom was current in Paul's time, but is wrongly cited as attesting it for his own day. Chrysostoin (ad loc.) says that Marcionites prac- tised it : and Kpiphiiiiius (/A/'r. 2S6) had heard of a tradition that the Corinthians had done the same. This is very weak evidence for a second-century custom, and it is most probable that if the practice was found it was due to the pas.saKe m Paul's Epistle, and cannot be regarded as independent testimony to the existence of the custom among primitive Christians. The difficulties in which Commentators who reject the obvious meaning of the words find themselves involved may be seen at length m Stanley's Corinthians {ad ioc). 837) ; and the fornmla 'Jesus is Lord' appears soon to have l)ec(>me a stereolyix.'d confession of C hristian faith (cp ko. IO9 I Cor. 123 Phil. 2ii) ; moreover the 'question and answer ' {fir(pwn}/xa) connecte<l with Ixiptism in I Pet. 821 would appear to represent only the central section of the later creed. On the other hand, we have in Mt. 28 19 the full fornmla, ' in the name of the Father and of the Son ami of the Holy(jhost. ' We have no .synoptic parallel at this point ; and thus, from a documentary point of view, we must regard this evidence ;is posterior to that of Paul's Epistles and of .Acts. The apparent contradiction was felt by Cyprian, who suggested (/:/>. 7^1? /.) that in baptizing Jews the apostles may have been contented with the one name of the Lord Jesus Christ, as they already lielieved in the Father ; whilst in baptizing (ientiles they used the full fornmla, which was given (as he points out) with the connnand to ' make disciples of all the nations ' or 'Cientiles.' This explanation, however, breaks down in face of Acts 10 45-48, the opening of the door to the Gentiles. Three explanations deserve consideration : (1 ; that in .Acts we have merely a compendious statement i.e., that as a matter of fact all the persons there spoken of were baptized in the threefold name, though for brevity's sake they are simply .said to have been baptized in the single name; (2) that Matthew does indeed report exactly the words uttered by Jesus, but that those words were not regarded as prescribing an actual fornmla to Ix; used on every occasion, and that the spirit of them was fulfilled by bajnism in the name of the Lord Jesus ; (3) that Matthew does not here report the i/>sissima verba of Jesus, but transfers to him the familiar language of the Church of the evangelist's own time and locality. The first of these explanations cannot be regartled as satisfactory in the alxsence of any historical evidence of the emploj'ment of the threefold formula in the earliest times. A decision Ixjlween the second and the third would involve an ineiuiry into the usage of the evangelist in other parts of his Gosp)el, and belongs to the dis- cussion of the .synoptic problem ; but in favour of the third it may lie stated that the language of the First Gospel, where it does not exactly reproduce an earlier document, shows traces of modifications of a later kind. It has been argued that when Paul (.Acts nt2y; |, in answer to the statement of the Ephesian disciples of the Haptist, ' W'e have not so much as heard if there Ix? a Holy Spirit' (et irvevtia. &.yi6v taTiv), said, ' L'lUo what, then, were ye baptized ? ' he presupposed the use of the longer formula which expressly named the Holy Spirit. The statement can hardly mean, however, that they had never even heard of a Holy .Spirit, for disciples of the Haptist could scarcely so speak (Mk. 18): it must refer to the special gift of the Holy Spirit which Christians were to receive. .Accordingly, Paul's question simply implies that Christian baptism could scarcely have been given without some instruction as to this gift which was to follow it. In any case, it would be exceedingly strange that at this point Lk. should not have referred to the threefold formula, had it been in use, instead of simply saying, ' When they heard it, they were baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus ' (.Acts 19 5). The threefold formula is attested by the Didachi (chap. 7), both in express words and by the mention of the alternative practice of triple effusion ; but, as the Didachi shows elsew here its dependence on Matthew, this is not independent evidence. Justin Mart3T (chap. V.tZ), in describing baptism to heathen readers, gives the full fornmla in a paraphrastic form {Apol.Xtx), 'in the name of God, Father of the I L'niverse and Ruler, and of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit.' .Such a paraphrase was neces- sary to make the meaning clear to those for whom he wrote. We find the full formula again in Tertullian some forty years later (De Bapt. 13, Adv. Prax. 26) ; and when the First Gospel was widely known it was certain to prevail. Exceptions are found which perhaps point to an old practice dying out. Cyprian [Up. 73) and the Apostolic Canons (n. 50) combat the shorter formula, thereby attesting its use in certain quarters. The ordin- ance of Can. A post. 50 runs ' If any bishop or pres- byter fulfil not three baptisms of one initiation [rpia liairTi(Tfw.Ta /utaj fivri<Ttu)s), but one baptism which is given (as) into the death of the Lord, let him be deposed.' This was the formula of the followers of Kunomius (Socr. 524), 'for they baptize not into the Trinity, but into the death of Christ ' (for other refer- ences see Usencr, J^elij:,': Untersiich., 1889, I184); they, accordingly, used single immersion only. ### 4. Age. No statement is found in the NT as to the age at which baptism might l)e administered. CJircumcision, which Paul regards as fulfilled in Christian baptism (see below, 5), enrolled the Jewish boy in the covenant of his fathers on the eighth day after birth, so that there could lie no doubt that young chihlrcn were truly members of the holy people. Thus, if children had been excluded from baptism when whole families were won to Christianity, we should almost certainly have had some record of the protest which would have teen raised against what must have seemed so inconsistent a limitation to the membership of the new ' I.srael of God. ' It seems reasonable to sup- pose, therefore, that where ' households ' are spoken of as I)eing baptized (.Acts 16 15 31-33 i Cor. 1 16), there must have been, at least in some cases, instances of the ba]itism of infants. That Paul could speak of the children of a believing husband, or of a believing wife, as ' holy ' is an indication in the same direction. ### 5. Interpretation. Paul, as we might expect, sees in baptism the means by which the individual is admitted to his place in the one body, of which he thus becomes a member ; ' For as the body is one am hath many members, but all the memlx.'rs, many though tlicy \yn, are one body, so also is the Christ ; for indeed by one .Spirit [iv evi wvevixaTi) we all were baptized into one body whether Jews or Gen- tiles, whether bondmen or free' (i Cor. 12 12/). Bap- tism was thus the fundamental witness of Christian unity (Eph. 45, 'one baptism'); and in both the passages here referred to it is emphasised as such in view of the variety of spiritual gifts. A parable of Cliristian baptism might be found in the cloud and the sea through which all the Israelites had alike passed ; ' they were all baptized into Moses in the cloud and in the sea' (i Cor. 10 2). In Rom. 61 J/". Paul regards baptism as effecting a union with the death of Christ : ' we were baptized into his death. ' It was a kind of burial of the former self, with a view to a resurrection and a new life. The same conception recurs in Col. 2 11/!, where it is immediately preceded by the thought that it corresponds in a certain way to the circumcision of the old covenant. It is ' the putting off ' totally, not merely partially and symbolic- ally of the whole ' Ixxly of the flesh ' ; and so it is the fulfilment of the old rite : it is ' the circumcision of the Christ. In Gal. 826/! Paul further sp>eaks of baptism as involv- ing a kind of identification with the person of Christ, so that the divine sonship lx;comes ours in him ; ' For ye are all sons of God, through faith (or 'the faith') in Christ Jesus ; for as many of you as were baptized into Christ put on (or ' clothed yourselves with ' ) ("hrist. ' The old distinctions, he again reminds us, thus disappeared lew and Greek, tx>nd-man and free, male and female ' for ye all are one [man] in Christ Jesus ' {eU iark ip Xp. I.). Eph. .'j26 speaks of Christ as cleansing the Church by the 'washing {\ovTp6v = 'washing,' probably not 'laver.' [In -wz is always XoiTvp: \ovTpji> is nsmCant. 42 6s Ecclus. 342$ ; so Aquila renders |m in

Ps. 60 10 108 10]) of water with the word' (eV ^iJ/Mtn). This last expression finds its interpretation in the pi^fia, or formula of faith, to which we have already referred which, whether as the confession in the mouth of the baptized or as the baptismal formula on the lips of the baptizer, transformed the process of ablution into the rile of Christian baptism. With this passage we may compare Tit. 3s, ' He saved us through the washing of regeneration and renewal of the Holy Spirit ' (5ta Xovrpou iraXivyei'faia^ Kaldi'aKati'ibcTeojs irv. ay.). This last passage reminds us of the teaching of Jn. 3.

i The relation of that chapter to the sacrament of baptism is exactly parallel to that of chap 6 to the sacrament of the eucharist (see Eucharist). W'e are secure in saying that the evangelist's interpretation of the signifi- cance of baptism must have followed the line of Jesus' conversation with Nicodemus as there related. That a Gentile, or even a Jew who had been neglectful of the Rabbinical discipline of ablutions, should need to begin entirely anew in the religious life, to be ' born again of water and the Spirit,' as a condition of entry into ' the kingdom of God,' would seem natural. The marvel and the stumbling-block was that this should Ik; required of those who, like this ' teacher of I.srael,' had been strictest in their ceremonial purity ; ' M.'u'vel not that I said unto i/tee . ye must Ije born again. '

Jn. , then, recognises, with Paul, the universal character of the initial rite ; whilst at the same time the narrative teaches the radical nature of the change in the individual soul. J. A. R.

## BAPTISMS

(Bahticwoi). Mk. 74, etc., RV"*,

EV WASHINGS [q.v.].

## BARABBAS

(Bap&BBac [Ti. WH], 48), the name of the prisoner whom, in accordance with a Passover custom, Pilate released at the demand of the Jews while condemning Jesus to death (so Mt. 27 is-20 Mk. 156-i5 Lk.23i7-2sJn.l839/.).

### 1. Story

More precisely than Mt. , who simply calls him a 'notable' (tT iffrjfiof) prisoner, and Jn., who calls him a robber, Mk. descrilies him as lying bound with them that had made insurrection (fitTo, tQv <TTa<7ia(TTU)i' 5e5f/i^i'oj), men who in the insurrection had committed murder.' As Mk. has not previously referred to these insurgents, it seems all the more probable that he is borrowing verbatim from another source, although about this particular insurrection we are in as complete ignorance as alx)ut the Galileans mentioned in Lk. 13 1. Lk. (2319), whofoUows Mk. , adds that the insurrection had occurred in Jerusalem, but says nothing about any fellow-prisoners with Barabbas, and thus leaves the impression that Barabbas personally had connnitted murder. Mk. is entitled to the preference, not only on this point but also when he represents the Jews as having demanded the release of a prisoner on their own initiative, as against the less probable view that Pilate offered them this of his own accord.

Reference is sometimes made to the analogy of the Roman Lectisternia ; but of these all that Livj- (v. 138) sa>'s and that only with reference to their first celebration is th.-it during tho.se days such also as were bound (Tinif/s) were relieved of their chains (7'mc/(i), and such was the religious awe inspired by the proceedings that no one dared afterwards to rebind (vituriri) the recipients of this divine favour. Thus he says nothing about release from prison ; and his contemporary Dion. Halicar. (I'ig [ = 10]), .on the authority of the Annals of a certain Piso, who himself had been censor, while he does indeed speak of such release, limits it to the case of slaves who had been laid under arrest by their masters {htS-vfiivrnv fiiv rCiv Otpa-aoirruiv, oirovf irpoTfpoi' iv TOis i7/iiois tlxov oi Sfo-iroroi).

Those who find some difficulty in accepting the narrative as it st.ands may perhaps find themselves better able to explain its origin on the lines indicated by W. Brandt, by whom every detail h.as been discussed with great care (Evangelische Ceschicht:-, 1893, pp. 94-105). Brandt takes the kernel of the story to be that a certain prisoner who had been arrested in connection with some insurrection, but against whom no crime or at least no prave crime could be proved, was released on the application of the jx-ople, who intervened in his l)chalf because he was the son of a Rabbin (see below, 2). The incident, even although it was not simultaneous with the condemnation of Jesus, gave occasion in Christian circles for the drawing of this contrast : the son of the rabbin Wiis interceded for and releasctl, Jesus was condemned. In the course of transmission by oral tradition the statement of this contrast might gradually, without any conscious departure from historical truth, have led to the assumption that the two things occurreil at the same time and on the same occasion. Finally, the liljeralion of a seditious prisoner in any case a somewhat surprising occurrence seemed explicable only on the assumption of some standing custom to account for it ; this assumption must presumably have arisen elsewhere than in Palestine.

### 2. Name

The above theory presupposes that ^apa/i/3aj stands for K3K -13, 'son of the father' i.e., l.cre, of the rabbinical 'master.' (It was not till afterwards that AM'a began to come into use as a propc-r name [of rabbins], explained by Dalman [Gratn. 142] as an abbreviation, like '3N, of .t3N : in the time of Jesus it was a title of honour [.\It. 289]. )

Jerome, imlecd, in his commentary on Mt. J" 16-18 says that ill the Gospel of the Hebrews (quod scril>itiir jiixta Hehrtros) Barabbas is explained as ' son of their teacher ' (Jilius mapstri fiiriiiii), where i-o>~uiii apparently implies an etymology similar to that found in a scholion of a Venice MS in WH App. 19;^ viz., that /3opa/x^ai'(only another form for /3apa8j3af ; see Winer, Grain. W g 5, n. 70) means 'son of our teai:her.' In that case we must (with ."^yr. hr.) write PappapPav, taking the second element as being ' teacher, 'and assume that paPfiiiv was explained as = K33'1, 'our teacher,' or [1^31, 'their teacher.' The mean- ing, however, is not essentially changed by this, as |3'] (as also pSl) is, like K3K, a title of honour for a great teacher.

The most remarkable fact in connection with the name of Barabbas is that Origen knew MSS, and did not absolutely reject them, in which Mt. 27 16/ read 'Jesus' {'Irjaovv) before 'Barabbas' a reading still extant in some cursives, as well as in the Armen. vers., in Syr. sin., and partly also in Syr. hr. Whether the Gospel of the Hebrews, referred to by Jerome, also had this reading is uncertain (see WH). In this reading ' Barabbas ' would be only an addition made for the sake of distinction, as in Simon Bar-jona, but not yet with the full force of a proper name.

Some support for it might perhaps he found in the fact that the first mention of the name in Mk. is preceded by 6 Xeyofievo^. The meaning would then be 'He who, for distinction's sake

g hough it was not his proper name), was called Barabbas.' nly, in that case, in Mt. the \ty6fi.fvoi> (here \vithout the article), since it is followed, on the reading at present in question, by 'ItjiTovv VapaffPav, would simply mean ' whose name was Jesus Barabba.s' ; and it may be so_ in Mk. also. In any case It is remarkable that in all the MSS in (juestion Barabbas should have the name 'Irja-ovs exclusively in ^It. and there only in two verses, while 7T'. 20 and 26 simply give toi/ Rapaj3/3at', TOf &i 'Iijo-oGi' as an antithesis. Thus we may be tolerably certain that the name Jesus as given to Barabbas has arisen merely from mistake.

A fairly obvious explanation would be the conjecture of Tregelles, that a very early transcriber had ' jjer incuriam ' repeated the last two letters of vfiiv and that these were at a later date taken for the familiar abbrevia- tion of the name of Jesus. If this theory be adopted we must assume further that a later copyist inserted also in V. 16 the name 'IriffoOv, which he had found in v. 17 ; but it is specially interesting to observe that in the Latin translation of Origen the word Jesus stands in V. 17 but not in v. 16 also. Cp Zahn, GescA. des NT A'anons, 2697-700. P. w. s.

## BARACHEL

("PNDia. '(Jod blesses," 28; Bar&xihA [BXA]), the father of Job's friend Elihu (Job3226).

## BARACHIAH

(H^Dia, -IH^Dnil), Zech. 1 1 7, the reading of .\V ed. 161 1, and some other old editions. See Bekkciiiaii (4).

## BARACHIAS

RV Barachiah (B&pAXiAC fTi. WH]), Mt. 2335- See Zaciiaria.s.

## BARAK

ipy^. 'lightning,' 66, cp Sab. Cpn3 Palm. pl3, Pun. JUtrais [the surname of Ilamilcar], and the .\ss. divine names A'amman-birktt and Gthil- hirku [Del. Ass. H \\ li 187]), b. Abinoam (Judg. 46- 5 '2; Barak [HI.], Barax l-^J)- See Deborah.

## BARBARIAN

(BarBaroc). primarily, one who sp)eaks in an unintelligible manner : ' hence a foreigner (cp //. '2 667], in which sense it is employed by Paul in

1 Cor. 14 II Acts 28 2. This usage was not restricted to the Greeks alone : it is met with among the Romans (cp Ovid, FHit. V. 10 37), and (.according to Herod.

2 158) among the Egyptians. In agreement with this, the people of Melita, who perhaps spoke .some Phtjunician dialect, are called 'barbarians' (Acts '28 2 4), and & uses pdpliapoi to render the tyi'? of Ps. 114 i a people 'of strange tongue' (Targ. 'K-i3"i3 Ncv)* '^ '^^ ""* uncommon "E\\77'es /cai jSap^apot, accordingly, includes the whole world: cp Rom. 1 14 (also Jos. Anf. xi. 7 i) and the similar 'Barbarian, Scythian,' Col. 3 11; see Hkm.knis.m, 2.

The use of /3ap/3apos became so customarj- that the term was used actually in referring to the speaker's or writer's own people ; cp Philo, l^'i'i. Mos. 5, and Jos. (/>/, pref., $i), who applies the designation 'upper barbarians ' to his countrymen beyond the Euphrates.3 At a later date the word gets the meaning 'cruel,' 'savage,' etc. (cp Cic. I-'ontei. IO21, ' immanis ac barbara consuetudo '), in which sense it recurs in 2 Macc.*.i2i 425lii2and in the of Ez. 21 36 [31] (for MT D-lJ/i, 'brutish'). ## BARBER (n'?5, Ph. a'?X Ass. ga/lahu). Ez.5i.t See Bkari). ## BARCHUS (BARXOye [A], iEsd.532 RV=l./.ra 253, Bakko.s. ## BARHUMITE, THE ('pni^n, 2S. '2^3. ; o Bar- AlAMeiTHC [H], o Baraiam. [Mai], o Barcom. |A]. O aBenni [!>]) See Bahakimitk. ## BARIAH (nn2, MARei [H], BeRiA [AL]), a de-scendant of Zerubbabel (i Ch. 822). ## BARJESUS the Jewish sorcerer and false prophet in the train of the proconsul Sergius Paulus at Paphos, in Cyprus, who (.Acts 186-12) withstood the preaching of Paul, and was punished with temporary blindness. ### 1. Names. At the outset, the names present great difficulties. In 136 his name (fivo/xa) is expressly said to have been -_ Barjesus (BapiT/croOj), and such a compound ^^^^^^ ^^ ^ father named Jesus) can quite easily have lieen a proper name (cp Barabbas, Barnab; s, Rirtholomew). In v. 8, however, he is abruptly called ' Elynias the sorcerer, for so is his name by interpreta- tion ' (E\i'/ixaj 6 ixa-yo^, oiJrws yap fieOfp/xtjiKveTai rb tvopLO. airoL'). A translation has relevance only when it is a translation into the language of the readers : in any other case it would be incumbent on the author to state what foreign language he is translating into. (a) This Ixiing assumed, we must take it that ' the sorcerer ' (6 /uAyo^) is the translation. Elymas (EXf/ios), in that case, would be the word translated. Accord- ingly, the name has been identified with the Arabic 'a/im, which occurs in the Koran (7io6 [109] 2633 and 36 [34 and 37]) as an adjective following the noun .uihir which denotes a sorcerer, and has thus been taken to mean ' wise,' ' able.' I^ss appropriate is the derivation from Aram. d'Sk or d'^n. meaning 'strong.' Equate Hdyos, however, etymologically, with EXi'/taj as we 1 Del. (Ass. //;r^ explains Ass. barharu 'jackal.' a Akin to this are the expressions oi fai(i Cor. 5 i2/)and rd iivn (like the Heb. opj, see Gentiles, i) to denote those- outside the Christian world. Cp the Talm. use of n'isnK. 3 Similarly, the Jews frequently employed '[wJCIW, Syr. arinnydi.e., ' Aramjean," in the sense if ' barbarian,' and so the Syr. translations of the NT, under their influence, ret.iin the term to translate 'EAAjji-tT, ^fli-titoi, etc. In process of time it was felt that a word which was used in the NT to designate ' heathen ' could hardh be borne by a Christian people, and the old name was modified into aramdyd ; cp. N6. ZDMG 25 113, Wright, Com/>. Gram. 15. may, it still has to be explained how Rarjesus came suddenly lo be called by the other name, Elymas. riie only way in which a plausible explanation could be reached would be if Elymas (in the sense indicated) could be taken as a title or cognomen assumed by Bar- jesus a foreign tongue being used to heighten still further the jirestige which he sought to accjuire by it. It is not as a titli;, however, that the author employs it. On the contrary, he gives the word witliout the definite article, and expressly adds that the word which he is translating was the actual name (dvofxa) of the bearer. {/>) It was quite sound method, therefore, to take Harjesus for the name translated, and Elymas for the translation. Kven Pesh., in t: 8, for EAv/u,as 6 /layos arl/urarily has 'this sorcerer Harshuma (so Pesh. reads for Bapujirous in 7'. 6 ; see l>;low, (t)], whose name, being interpreted, means Klynias." Klosterm.inn (/VoM'wt' ?'/ A/>o.<tc-iti:iic, 1883, pp. 21-33), how- ever, is al)le to sujjport this view only on three assumptions, each one of which is bolder than the otlier. We must read, he liolds, not EAu^a?, bnt 'Erot/oios ; secondly, we must read, not Ila^oiTjo-oOs, but '&apir)iTovav, or, to be ex.^ct, the Latin Bar- /t'sii/uin ; and, in the third place, the '\'}p\ 13 so transcribed (whether we derive it etymologically from the root ,^^t, or, with more proliability, from the root ic" which underlies V^, prersto i-st) means 'son of preparedness' or 'son of fitness,' and thus, by the same Hel)raism as we find in the name Barnabas (<j.v.), f-aratus, eroifios. a. As to t'le first of these assumptions, it has to be noted that the re.iding 'Erot/xos is met with only in Lucifer of Calaris (oh. 371), and even there not as Hetcemus but as Ktoemus ; D has Eroi/uia?, which, indeed, we cannot explain, but which, from its endinj;, is clearly intended to be taken as a proper name ; parntus is found only in Lucifer, one Vg. MS, and two Latin ^ISS, in which in many places is found the markedly divergent text of Acts which Hlass takes to be Luke's earliest draft (see Acts, g 17) ^. Next, as regards the second assumption. BopiTjo-ovac is found only in I) ; Barjesuaiii, only in the Latin translation of D ; Barjesuhaii or rather, according to the one M.S known to us, Bxricsitlniin, only in Lucifer, '["he corrector of 1) has re- stored IJapiJja-om-, which, as accusative, fits his reading oro^ari icaAoiififi'oi' for (L oio/tia, hut, in spite of to oi'O/na, is found also in .\HLP and the Creek margin of the Philoxenian ; N, Vg., Copt., Armen., and the Philoxenian version as well as ' noniiulh' known to Jerome, read Bapii)<rou that is to say, the simple Hebrew form without a Greek termination. On this Jerome (on the Hebrew names in Acts; Opera, ed. Vallarsi, 899) remarks, ' nonmdli Barjesu corrupte legunt,' himself declaring the right reading to be Harieu or F>eiieu, for which, by very daring etymologising from the Hebrew, he obtains the meanings malcjiciuiu, or ytalrficus, or in iiialo. Perhaps, however, even Jerome's aversion to Bapirjcrou rests upon the very obvious dogmatic consideration put forward by Peda in the eighth century, ' non convenit hominem Hagitiosum et magum filium Jcsu, id est, salvatoris, appellari quem e contrario Paulus (7'. 10) filium diaboli nur.cupat.' 'I he form Barjeu in Jerome can readily be accounted for as merely a clerical error for Barjesu, or as arising out of the Greek abbreviation IHY which is met with in the oldest -MSS along with the more frequently occurring lY for 'Irjo-oC. The explanation in the case of the readings preferred by Klostermann is much less easy. On this .account, in spite of their weak attestation, one might be inclined to regard them as the true ones ; but all the authorities for the read- ing f>aratus have the word, not in v. 8 instead of EAu^as, but as an interpolation after Bapujo-ous in 7'. 6, 'quod interpretatnr paratus.' This addition is met with elsewhere only in E, in the form o fieOepfirfveveTai EAujxas rendered in the Latin of this MS : ^iii7(/ interpretatnr Elymas. It is evident that in neither case have we more than a late attempt to obviate the impression that Elymas, first introduced in v. 8, was the name of another person. Bl.ass, on the other hand, regards the added words as part of Luke's e.arliest draft. He sees, however, that Luke could not have written at the same time in v. 8 ' for thus is his name interpretetl ' (oiiTcu? -^ap nfOfpixrivevtraL to ofo/Ma avrov) ; and, accordingly, he rejects these words from Luke's earliest draft. For this he has not a single authority ; and how can he expl.ain Luke's having, after all, iiurodnced the words into his second transcript, leaving out those in 7: 6 instead '! Are we really to believe that with his own hamis Luke changed his good aid thoroughly intelligible first text into a positively misleading after-text? Cp Acts, 17 (/). If, however, the acldition 'ywr/ interpretatur paratus' at the end of 7'. 6 is to ! regarded as a late interpolation, Lucifer also, who has it, lies open to suspicion : his form Etccmus in v. 8 may be not taken from an authoritative source, but a mere conjectural adaptation to allow of the word's l)eing rendered paratus and itself regarded as a rendering of Bop- iijiTous. What etymology he was following when he preferred (or perhaps conjecturally introduced) the form Barjesuban is a matter of indifference. In ancient times, as the Onomastica Sacra abundantly show, people made out Hebrew etymologies in a most reckless way. y. Klostermann's proposed etymology, /ar<r/j, rests upon a very weak foundation, as no such word as pc" (ViJSwan) can be shown to exist (the proper name ,nic, IsH vah, in I .en. 4ti 1 7 has no importance in this connection), and the root nir or kic which is used in .Syriac frequently for aftov, icro?, ofioAo?, as also for <n;i'-, Ofio-, afio-, in compounds, is never used for eroi^o?.! Besides, as we have said, the co<lex has not Barjesuban but Baiyesubam. Above all, however, Klostermann's hypothesis remains untenable as long as one is unprepared to accept the further assumption that o /uayot after EAv/iiav (or 'Eroifios) in 7'. 8 is a mere gloss to be deleted ; for 6 juayo? nece.ssarily leads to the assumption dealt with under (a). This had no doubt already been perceived by the scribe of H, who wrote o y-tya^ (the great) for 6 fidyo?, and so also by Lucifer, if the aittio princeps (of Tilius) is right in attributing the reading i>tagnu.i to him (the only MS of Lucifer at present known has tiia^s). If Lucifer really wrote tn^ignus, this increases the suspicion that the other variants in Lucifer are in like manner arbitrary and unauthorised alterations of the text. (r) In order to make out Elymas to be a translation of the name of the sorcerer, stress has been laid on the remarkable Peshitta rendering Barshuma for Ba/){r?(rois. .Mready, in the seventeenth century, we find Castell (Le.r. lleptagl. s.v. c?C') and Lightfoot (Hor. Ilehr. ad loc.) inter- preting Bapiijo-ouv as Jiliiis 7'tilneris, and deriving Elymas from the .\rabic 'ativta = doluit (*?) Over and above the reasons to the contrary that have alre.idy been urged under (1^), however, it has to be observed (see above) that a trans- lation into Arabic would exjilain nothing to the readers : it would itself require to be expl.-iined. A somewhat different turn is given to the matter by Payne Smilh (J'lus. .Syr. 598). Barshuma was in the first in-tance given in v. 8 as a rendering of Elymas, and only later introtluced by copyists also into 7'. 6 in substitution for Barjesus in the erroneous belief that it was the man's proper name. But the Peshitta in its arbitrary change of text in 7'. 8 (see abo\e (h\ ad mit.) says precisely the opposite, that Barshuma was the proper name, and Elymas the translation. It must, therefore, from theoutsft have held Barshuma to be a reproduction of the proper name Barjesus. Thus P.arshnnia probably means merely '.son of the name ' ; and ' the name ' is most easily to be accounted for as a substitute for 'Jesus' from the feeling of reverence which we have already heard expressing itself in Beda [see aVxive (/') /3], a reverence similar to that shown by the Jews when they said ' the name ' instead of ' Yahwe.' ((/) Van Manen, contrariwise (Paulus 1, Lcyden, 1890, pp. 98 /. 147), holds E.lymas to be the jjroper name, and interprets Barjesus in the Hebrew sense as meaning ' son of Jesus ' i.e. , ' follower of Jesus. ' In this he assumes that the primary document here made use of by the author of Acts did not refer to the man as a Jew, or as a sorcerer, or as a false prophet ; that it simply contained the information that at Paphos Paul came into opjiosition with one of the older and very conservative disciples (if Jesus, and got the better of him with Sergius Paulus. This hypothesis admittedly departs so widely from the text of Acts that it is impossible to control it thereby. (e) Dalman {Gram. 129, n. i ['94]) propo.ses a purely Greek explanation. 'EAu/iiis (so accented) he regards as contracted from 'EAu/natos (on these contractions see Nami:s, S 86 aiijiit.). In (except the Apocrypha] and NT, indeed, the Elamitcs are always 'EAa/ii, 'EAa^irat ; but with the Greeks the forms are as in- variably 'V-kvixdU, 'EAu/iaioi ; so in Tobit '2 10 Judith 1 6; I Mace. (5 1 has 'EAu/mat. Philologically this derivation is the simplest of all ; but it contributes nothing towards the solution of the riddle. ### 2. Different Versions. The failure of all the attempts enumerated above renders inevitable the suggestion that here the author of _.._ . Acts has amalgamated two sources, one ^ ^^^,^ ^^^ ^^^^ Barjesus while the other called him Elymas. Even Klostermann, in order to explain the peculi.ir distribu- tion of the names in ',1: 6 8, seeks the aid of this hypothesis in addition to the hypotheses already referred to [.above {b), beg.]. The addition, oi'irtijj yap fitOfp- fjiT]VVfTai rb tvofia aiWov (for so is his name translatt;d), however, would in any case be a very unskilful way of amalgamating the two sources unless 6 fJ.dyoi (sorcerer), as suggested above, Ix; deleted as a gloss. .'^lill, it once it is agreed to assume two sources, a further and larger question arises : the question, namely, whether the addition itself be substantially right that is to say, whether the one name Ije really a translation of the other. Nay, more : it is even conceivable that the two names do not denote the same person ; that accounts relating to 1 So Nestle, in private letter to the present writer. two different persons have been transferred to a single |xrson. This inference is suggested also by the epithets iipplii-d ; for, thougli it is not altogether inconceivable that a 'sorcerer' {ij.dyoi) should be a 'false prophet' (\l/(t'5oirpo<priTr}s), the two ideas are widely different. Of the critics mentioned in Actr, | ii, who discuss our present passage with reference to the distniction of sources, only Spitta aiid H. Weiss regard 136-12 as all of one piece; Clemen and Hilgenfeld are convinccti of the opposite, but make no definite suggestions as to separation of the portions ; Sorof and Jfingst derive?'. 6/1 from a written source, 77'. 8-12 from the j)en (if the redactor or from oral tradition. J.,nj;st further attributes to the redactor the word /xayov in ?. 6. Vet not even so are all the difliculties cleared up. ### 3 Credibilitv Of Narrative How far the narrative as a whole is to be accepted as historical hocomes a serious (juestion as soon as it has '^^^'^ traced to more than one source ; ^"' f crcdihility has been doubted  even by .Si)itta, h. Weiss, and others, who defend its unity. As regards the miracle in particular, one is not only surprised by its suddenness, but is also at a loss to see its moral justitication. ( )n the other hand, a misunderstanding would account for it readily enough. A sorcerer, a false prophet nay, any Jew ( Acts'28 27) is, in the judgment of the Christian, spiritually blind, and this is what l^aul and liarnabas proved of Barjesus in their disputation with him. In being handed down by tratlition this thought could easily undergo such a change as would lead to the repre.sentation that physical blindness had t)een brought on as a punishment by the words of Paul. On the other hand, one would e.xpect the blindness, if it is to be regarded as merited, to be permanent, or, at least, would expect to be told of some reason for its subse- <iuent removal, as, for example, that the sorcerer had ceased to withstand Paul and Barnabas, or even had become a convert to Christianity. It is very noticeable that the narrator shows but little interest in the subse- quent history of the man. The conversion of the pro- consul (not his existence ; see Acts, 13 ad fin.) also is doubtful to many. ### 4. Tendency -Ml the more does it now become incumbent to '^""^l"^ whether the narrative reveals  in any measure the tendencies dis- cerned elsewhere in .\cts. [a) In the first i)lace, and generally, it is clear that it has a place in the p.arallelism between Peter and Paul (.Acts, 4), in respect alike of the miracle of chastise- ment, the confutation of a sorcerer, and the conversion of a high Roman officer (cp .Acts5i-io 818-24 10 1-48). It is also in harmony with that other tendency of .Acts, to represent the Roman authority as fricndlv, and the Jews as hostile to Christianity (.'\f;Ts, 5(1); 4 ad iiiif. ; compare very specially the Jewish e.\orcists in close relation to sorcery. Acts 19 13-16). {(>) A conjecture of wider scope 1 connects itself with what is .said of .Simon Magus (see Simon Macus). If Paul was the person originally intended in the story of Simon, then in Acts 89-24 we find attributed to him the one deed which used to be flung in his teeth by his Judaistic adversaries that, by his great col- lections made in Macedonia and Achaia, he had sought to purchase at the hands of the original apostles that recognition of his ecjuality with them which they had so persistently withheld. The roniance of Simon Magus, however, of which we still possess large portions (see Simon M.\gus). had for its main contents something different, viz., that the sorcerer had spread his false doctrines everywhere and supported them by miracles, but in one city after another was vanquished in dis[nite and excelled in miracle by Peter. Thus, apart from the repetition of the occurrence in many cities, we are " .See for example, Hilgenfeld, ZIVT, 1868, pp. 36S-67 ; De Wette-Overbeck on Acts 136-12; Lipsius, Quellen tier rami- sclttn l\trussage, 1872, pp. 28, 32, a\x,/P/\ 1876. p. s73 : Holtz- mann, /.ll^T, 1885. p. 431 ; and very specially Krci\k'e\,Josefihus u. Lukas 180-190 ['94I. Lipsius afterwards withdrew his earlier view ; .see Apokryph. Ap. -gesch. ii. 1 ('87), p. 52 ; cp. told of Harjesus in Acts 136-i2 exactly what is told in the romance alxnit Simon (that is, Paul), and of Paul exactly what is told in the romance about Peti-r. Hence the belief that in I. '16-12 we can discover the same pur- pose on the part of the author as we discover in 818-24. He was accjuainted with the unfriendly allegation alxjut Paul, did not lielieve it, and wished to set forth another view. In the two passages, however, the method is not the same. In 8 18-24 it is shown that Paul could not possibly have been the infamous sorcerer, inasmuch as Simon the sorcerer w.is a Sam.aritan and was quelled by Peter indeed, but fjefore the conversion of Paul. In 136-12, on the other hand, it is shown that it was Paul hini-self who victoriously met a sorc<.-rer of this kind. One of the reasons for this divergence is seen in the desire, already noted, to establish a close parallelism between Paul and Peter. It is l)elieved possible also to explain on the same lines why in Acts 136-i2 the scone is laid in Cyprus, with a Jew in the entourage of a high Roman officer as one of the dramatis persona. To Cyprus, according to J osephus [Aut. xx. Tz, 141-143), belonged the Jewish sorcerer Simon, who, at the instance of Felix of Judita, procurator (i.e., highest Roman officer), had induced Drusilla to quit her husband. King .\zizus of PZmesa, and marry Felix. The purpose of the narrator would have been sufficiently served had he been able to say that the sorcerer in question Simon, to wit under whose name the Judaisers imputed to Paul so much that was shameful, had been met and vanquished by Paul himself. That, however, was im- possible ; the tale had already been related of Peter. Accordingly (so it is supposed) the narrator found it necessary to give another name to the sorcerer worsted by Paul. {c) His choice of the names Barjesus and F.lymas is still unaccounted for. There is, therefore, a motive for our attributing a historical character to a certain other sorcerer, Barjesus (or Elymas), as well as to a Samaritan sorcerer named Simon. .Although it is not easy to believe that Peter met the Samaritan Simon, there is no reason for assuming that Paul did not meet Harjesus. Indeed, it can easily be conceded that in Acts 136-i2, just as in Acts 89-24, the author was not consciously giving a false complexion to what he had heard. He believed himself able to offer a material correction. He assumed, that is to say, that what the Judaisers were in the habit of relating of Simon the sorcerer, while really intending Paul and his opposition to the ' true ' Gospel, rested in actual fact upon a mistaken identification with this Barjesus (or F.lymas), and that the latter was van- ciuished not by Peter but by Paul. It is less easy to suppose that Cyprus was given by tradition as the scene of the occurrence. Even without any tradition, the name could l)e suggested by Joseplms's mention of the native place of the Jewish sorcerer, and the name of Paphos would naturally present itself from the fact that the Roman i)roconsul had his residence there. ((/) The hypothesis has received developments to a point where we have to depend on less clear indications. If the accusations in Acts against Simon and liarjesus had originally been brought against Paul, what is said of the intimate relations of Barjesus with Sergius Paulus would belong to the same class. Now. in Acts 2426, it is said that Felix often sent for Paul and communed with him. It is assumed that the Judaisers had gone so far as to allege that Paul had purchased the friendli- ness of Felix with money, or even, perhaps, to insinuate that he had been negotiator lx;tween Drusilla and Felix. It is to meet those accusations (so it is assumed) that the writer of .Acts alludes to briliery by Paul as merely a hoiMj on the part of Felix, and informs us that Paul had stirred Felix's conscience by a solemn ' rea.soning ' with him about his sinful marriage (24 2$/ ).

(<) There are two more explicit indications that what we now read alxjut Barjesus was originally told of Paul. Kx^piis. 'enemy,' the epithet applied by Paul to Bar-jesus ( 13 lo), is, with or without the substantive iLvdpuiros, .the standing designation for Simon (that is, Paul) in the pseudo- Clementine Homilies and Recognitions. The name, ' enemy of righteousness,' fits Paul and his doctrine of the abrogation of the Mosaic law through Christ (Rom. IO4) all the more because his Judaistic opponents in Corinth came forward as ' servants of righteousness,' that is, men of strict observance of the law (2 Cor. 11 15). In that case, the temporary blind- ing of Barjesus will represent what befel Paul at his conversion ; even the expressions /xi] ^Xiirwv (without sight) and x"/"^7'^^'"'*^ (leading by the hand) in 98/. have their parallels in 1-3 n. Here, then, unless the whole hypothesis under consideration be rejected, we may say, with reasonable probability, that the blindness of Paul at his conversion (whether historical or not is immaterial) was originally represented by the Judaisers as a divine visitation for his hostility to the ' true' (that is, the legal) gospel, and that it was simply passed on by the author of Acts to Barjesus the Jew.

Whatever else be the result of what has been said in the present section, one thing at least is clear : it is impossible to reach a definite conclusion unless the tendency of the author is taken into account.

### 5. Later legends.

According to the trepiodoi Bapfdjia a legendary work composed by a Cyprian about 488 Barjesus opposed the work of Barnabas when, along with Mark (^^ctslSsg), Barnabas visited Cyprus for a second time. He withstood him in various ways at his entrance into the cities where he desired to preach, and at last stirred up the Jews to burn him at the stake at Salamis. (Cp Lipsius, Apokr. Ap.-gesch. ii. 2, pp. 283-286 278 297.) p. w. s.

## BAR-JONA

RV Bar -Jonah, the patronymic of Simon Peter l-Mt. 16 i7t B<\p ICa)NA [Ti. WH]). See Peii.k.

Icui'tt is a Gr. contr.iction of tuai'i'rjs (cp Jn. 1 42 2i/k.">' '" vib<; 'Iwai'i'ou [Ti.]. 1. 6 vi. 'Iiudi'ou [WH] ; 21 16 ^. 'Xiaavvov [Ti.], 2. "lujacou [WH] ; ]:izev. etc. present tcira ; see Var. Bib.), which corresponds to an Aram. Njnv nn \ cp B. Talm. Hull. 133 a, Dahn. Jiid.-ral. Aram. 142 n. 9, ancl see Joanna.

## BARKOS

(Dlp-13, 82, BepKOOC [L]). The B'ne Barkos, a family of Nethinim in the great post-e.xilic list (see K/.u.\, ii. 9), Ezra'iss (BARKOyc [B], -koc [A]) = Neh. 755 (B^PKOye [BSA], L om.) = i Esd. 532, Charcus, RV B.ARCHUs (B^xoyc [B], BARXOye [A]). The Nethi.s'im [q-v.") were mainly of foreign origin, and the name Barkos seems to be Aramaic and to signify 'son of the God Kos or Kaus. ' The name of this god occurs in many theophorous proper names among the Northern Semites ; we have Kaus-malak as king of Edom on an Assyrian inscription (Schr. KAT'^'f 150), Kosnathan ('n^Dip) in Euting's Nabat. Inscr. n. 12 1. i, and a variety of Semitic names on Greek inscriptions from Egypt containing the same element [Kev.-ArchioL, Feb. 1870, p. 109 ff.). Cp also the Edomite Kostobaros^ (Jos. Ant. xv. 79). Names designating the worshipper as son of his god are common in Aramaic e.g., the biblical Benhad.M) [probably], the Palmyrene una. 'son of Nebo' (cp Barnabas, 1), rncna ':a, 'sons of the son of the Sun-god,' the Syrian Bar-ba'smin, 'son of the lord of heaven," Barlaha, 'son of God,' etc. W. R. s.

## BARLEY

(n-iylf', DnVV'. Kpi0H. kriBai [BAL], Ex.931 Lev. 27 16 Dt. 88 Judg. 7i3, etc.) was in p biblical times one of the most character-

1. common j^^j^ products of Palestine (Dt. 88), re- garded as one of the neces.saries of life (Joellii). It comes second in the series of grains 1 [(coerTO^apo? m.iy perhaps be a scribal error for KoayoPapoi i.e., ^\2iD^p which finds a striking parallel in the name Kau5- gabri, an Edomite king mentioned on an inscription of Esar- haddon (cp Schr. /.c.).]

The less common singul.ir form is used for the growing crop. The name, which Hebrew has in common with Aramaic, but not with Arabic, is derived from a root meaning ' to be rough ' or ' bristling.'

mentioned in Ez. (49) as ingredients to be used in bread-making wheat, barley, Ijeans, lentils, millet, and Sfjelt (cp Bread). It may be inferred from a variety of passages, such as Ru. 217 Jn. 6913, that barley was, even during the times when it was cultivated along with whe.at, the staple food of the poorer class (cp Foou). Suuh a reference as that in i K. 428 (.08) shows us how largely it was used to feed horses and cattle.^ It may also be gathered from the part played by the barley-cake in the dream of the Midianite, overheard by (Jideon (Judg. 7 13), where it stands as a type of the Israelite peasant army, that as in other countries, so in Palestine, the cultivation of barley preceded that of wheat, and w.as the earliest stage in the transition from a nomadic to an agri- cultural life.'-^ (Cp PI. //A'xviii. 72, ' antiquissimum in cibis hordeum. ) This is, on the whole, more probable than the view of Jos. (.////. v. 64), which has been very generally accepted, that barley- cake represented the feebleness of Gideon's three hundred, and we are entitled to conclude that there was a time when barley was the staple food of all classes among the Israelites. The fact referred to in Ex.931/, that in Egypt barley ripens some time earlier than wheat, is supported by the testimony of Pliny (//A xviii. 106) as well as of modern writers (see references in Di. ad loc. ).

In the single case in which the use of barley is pre- scribed in an offering under the ritual law (see Jealousy, 2 R'tual O'^""^ "*"' 2). it is somewhat difficult to determine the reason. Some (e.g. , Bahr, Synibolik, 2 445) have regarded it as expressive of the sordid nature of the alleged offence and the humilia- tion of the accused ' (a wife suspected of adultery). A reason which has recently found more acceptance is that in the case of a simple appeal to God for a judicial decision a less valuable offering was sufficient than was requisite when a suppliant besought God for the bestowal or continuance of his divine grace* (Di. on Nu. 5ii, etc.). The prohibition to mingle oil or frankincense with the offering will, of course, receive a similar explanation.

Two-rowed barley {Hordeum distichon), \\hich may be presumed to be the feral form, is a native of W. .^ . . Asia. It may have been cultivated by Semitic races ; but it is not represented on Egyptian monuments. The kind most frequently cultivated in antiquity was six-rowed barley [Hordeum hexastichon). This occurs on the most ancient Egyptian monuments and on the coins of Metapontum six cen- turies B. c. It was no doubt derived by cultivation from the two-rowed kind (cp De Candolle, Orig.^^> 294-297, and authorities quoted there).

The word 'gerah' (Ex.3013) 'is defined by Rabbinical writers as equal to sixteen barley-corns ' ; but see Weights and Measures. n. M. W. T. T.-D.

## BARN

(n'l'ljp). Hag. 29; see Agriculture, 10. Also for Job 39 12 (p-) and (AV Barnfloor) 2 K. 6 27, RV correctly ' threshing floor. '

## BARNABAS

(B&RNaBac [Ti. WH] ; 48), otherwise Joseph (or Josks).

### 1. Name

According to the author of Acts (4 36), the name Barnabas (=vib? irapoucX^creco?) is derived from the Aram. 13 (son) and the same root as the Heb. N'3], jrpo(^^Tr)s the duty of n-apaKAijo-is ('address, exhortation'), ac- cording.; to I Cor. 14 3, and also according to .\cts \b^i/., being one of the duties of the irpo(^iiTT)s. When more

1 So in the Physiologvs (Land, Anecd. Syr. 4 ii^f., cited by Low, 277) barley is called the food of cattle as opposed to wheat the food of man.

2 Cp, especially, the parallel cited by Budde {ZDPVYi^i) from Radloff's Aus Sibirien, \ 329. <Jp also Moore on the passage.

S It is noteworthy that barley formed part of the price paid by Rosea to redeem his adulterous wife (Hos. 82) ; but this may be a mere coincidence.

4 See, especially, the full discussion by Nowack (^Arch. 2 249^), who agrees with L)illmann's view, and points out th.-it the ortering in question is neither a sin-offering nor a guilt-offering in the ritualistic sense.

closely examined, however, this etymology is not without its I dilficullics. It combines wonls from two different languages, and moreover fails to account for the form -ya/Ja. Klostcrmann (PrM. ill! A/xisUllf.tt, i88j, pp. 8-14) seeks to derive the mean- ing 7rapai(A>)<7-i from the Aram, nmj 13, filius quieiis, but finds in it no further reference than to the satisfaction which Harnab.ns I caused to the apostles by becoming a convert to Christianity, j I )alman's etymology (pram. li. jiui.-pal&st. Arani&Uch, 1894, \ p. 143), which makes iro/xucAijo'tt a rendering of KCnp, this last | lieing an abbreviation (not elsewhere met with) of a proper name .TDfU or JCn? ('3Cn:), takes us very far from the form to be I explained. Deissm.inn comes nearer the sound when (BiM- stuilieH, 175-178 I'osj; Xeue BibeUtudien, 15-17 |'97]) he compares the H.irncbo (133-13) of a Palmyrene inscription of the year 114 a.d. (see I)c Vogiii, La Syrie Centm/e no. 73), and the Semitic Bapw/Sout (son of Nebo) on a North Syrian inscrip- tion of the third or fourth century A.u.l In Is. 4<5i, as also ^ in Na^ouyoSoi'oorop, tiafioviao&av, Nelxj is transliterated into Greek with a instead of e, and the termination -a? may possibly have been substituted for -oi/t with the view of disguising the name of the heathen divinity. (For examples of ^uch a custom, see Winer, Grain, d. NTIichen S/>rachiaii<is,i) f) 27a.) On this theory, the rendering n-apaxATjcrit is merely a piece of popular etymology. Nestle (/'.*//<'/. sa. r., 1896, p. igy!) is inclined to take the .S>t. KI12, which signifies wapaKa\eli>, .is the starting-point of the etymological interpretation ; but he refrains from explaining more minutely the structure of the form.

If Joseph really did first receive the surname of Barnabas from the apostles, this seems to have been on account of his distinction as a sjx-aker. In this re- six-'ct, however, the author of Acts (13 15 16 14 12) invari- ably subordinates him at least to Paul. Many Jews, with a view to their dealings with Greeks and Romans, assumed in addition to their Jewish name a Greek (or Latin) or at least Greek-sounding surname (e.^. , Acts I23 1225 ]:Ji9 Col. 4 II, and 'Ia'i'aros= '|') ; and it may at least be asked whether this cannot perhaps have been the case with Barnabas also (see N.VMKS, 48, 84).

### 2 References in Galatians

According to the l^'-pistle to the Galatians (our primary source), Barnabas was a companion of Paul in '^ '"i-ssionary journeys for at least some time before the council of Jerusalem. In the council he joined Paul in supporting the immunity of Gentile Christians from the Mosaic Law (Gal. 219), which makes it all the more surprising that he afterwards retreated from the position he had taken long liefore, that a Jewish Christian was at lil)erty to cat at the same table with a brother Gentile freed from the law ((]al. 2 13). As in the case of Peter, so also in that of Barnabas, the rejiroach of hypocrisy hurled at both by Paul on this account may safely be toned down into one of inconsistency (see Council of Jerusalem, 3). In point of fact, Barnabas Aad shaken off the Mosaic law ; but he had never thought out all the bearings of the step so fully as to l>e able to vindicate it when the venerable and sacred duty of observing the whole law was so authoiilatively pressed upon him. From this date it was, of course, no longer possible for him to work along with Paul on the same lines ; and thus the dispute at Antioch more than sufficiently ex- plains why the two separated. The mention of Bar- nabas in I Cor. 9 6 only proves that at that time also he was a prominent missionary, and that he held to the Pauline principle of supporting himself by his own labour ; it is no evidence that he was personally known to the Corinthians, or that he had again become one of the companions of Paul.

### 3. In Acts

In the Acts of the Apostles the separation of Barnabas from Paul is explained as due not to a difference on a '"^^^'^ ^ principle, but to a personal question ; Ikirnabas wished to take John Mark a near relation of his, according to Col. 4 10 as companion on a second journey planned by Paul and himself ; but Paul objected, lx;cause on a previous occasion (.\ctsi313) Mark had left them in the lurch

> In Die IVorte /., ja CoS), Dalman comes over to Deiss- mann's view, which is also ably defended by C;. B. Gray, Exp. Times, Feb. 1899, p. Q%i /. Cp also Arnold Meyer, Jesu Mutterspracfte,^T/.Cg6).

(Acts 1636-39). Even if this be accepted as a historical explanation (and we have no means of controlling it), it cannot be said to have Ijecn the chief one (see above, 2) ; as to which Acts (see Acis, 4, 6) is scrupulously silent. In virtiieof the intermediate position, as between Pauline and Jewish Christianity, which was held, as we have seen, by Barnabas, he is atlmirably fitted for a mediating role in Acts. Although a native of Cyprus, he is regarded as a member of the church of Jerusalent (136/ ; on the sale of his estate, see CoMMU.MTY OK Got^iJS, I, 5) ; it is he who negotiates Paul's admis- sion to that church (^27) ; it is on that church's conmiis- sion that he ins[x.'cts the church which had been founded by dispersed Christians at Antioch in Syria (11 22-24) ; it is he who fetches Paul to Antioch from Tarsus and introduces him to his field of work (II25/. ), and he also is the apostle's travelling companion when the collection for the poor Christians there is beitig brought to Jerusalem (II30 I225); as in this case, .so also in the so-called first missionary journey, undertaken along with Paul through Cyprus and the south of Asia Minor, his name is placed first, at least till 187, and then again in 14 14 and even 101225. All this is not easy to reconcile with Paul's well-known inde- pendence as shown in his letters ; but the journey in Acts 11 30 1225 must also on other grounds Ik; pro- nounceil unhistorical (see Council ok Ji:kis.\lem, 1), and the rest of what is related in Acts 11 is in- consistent with the order t^s "Zvpia.^ Koi ttjs KiXtxtas in Gal. I21, as is the rest of what we read in .\cts 9 with Gal. 1 15-20 (cp Acts, 4, and, for the doubt- fulness of the contents of Acts 13/, and the probability of a Barnabas source there, 13 and 10). But, although the object of the narrative in .Acts is incon- sistent with history in as far as it seeks to suggest that the missionary activity of Paul among the Gentiles was no departure from the views of the primitive church, that on the contrary it was authorised and even set on foot by it, we may without hesitation accept as historical (see Acts, 4) not only the co-operation of Barnabas with Paul shortly before and at the Council at Jerusalem, which is vouched for by the Lpistle to the Galatians, but also the part which he took in the first missionary journey (.\cis 13/), and even perhaps in Paul's introduction to Jerusalem (of course accord- ing to Gal. 1 18/) at his first visit to that city three years after his conversion. We may also accept in all probability the second journey of Barnabas to Cyprus in company with Mark (.\ctsi539). From this jx)int his name disappears from the NT.

### 4. Later notices

Our later notices of him are of little value. According to Clem. Al. {S/rom. ii. 20, 116; cp Kus. // .J . ii. 1 4), he was one of the Seventy of Lk. 10 1 ; _ . ? in the frankly anti- Pauline Clem. Homilies

' (i.9-16), which date from the end of the second or the beginning of the third century or rather, in the sources from which these Homilies were drawn he was a personal disciple of Jesus, Palestinian by origin, but Alexandrian by residence, a strict adherent of the law ; according to Hom. i. 8, ii. 4, Clement meets him in Alexandria, but in Clem. Recog. (1 7) the meeting was in Rome. According to this presumably earlier (but none the less unhistorical) representation, he pro- claimed the gospel in Rome even during the lifetime of Jesus, and therefore before Peter. In Hom. 1 7 this statement is made only of some person who is left unnamed, and later means were found for the com- plete suppression 01 any such tradition, so full of danger to the authority of Peter and his alleged successors. From the fifth century onwards its place w.as taken by the statement tha^ Barnabas was founder and bishop of the Church of Milan a statement, how- ever, accompanied by the clause, ' after he had lieen the first to preach the gospel in Rome." It was upon this allegation that the archbishops of Milan afterwards based their claims to metropolitan authority over the whole of Northern and part of Central Italy. In the interests of Roman supremacy (which had originally been helped by it), the allegation was violently disputed by Roman theologians of the eighteenth century.

In complete independence of the Roman and Milanese tradition, there arose, after 431 A. D. , the legend that Barnabas had Ijeen the missionary to his native island of Cyprus, and had suffered martyrdom at Salamis. where he was buried. On this plea the Cyprian church, between 485 and 488 A.r). , obtained from the I-lmperor Zeno its independence of the Patri- archate of Antioch. The implied assumption is that Barnabas was an apostle in the full sense of the word.

Ecclesiastical writers often substitute him for Barsabbas (.\ctsl23; cp B.\K.SAR.\s, 2), perhaps on account of the name Joseph, common to both (the Sahidic and I'hiloxenian versions have, on the other hand, Joses in both cases, and there are isolated authorities for Barnabas alone), but perhaps in order to bring him nearer the apostolic circle. This object is effected in a more pronounced way by Clem. Recog. (l6o), which identify him with Matthias (Acts 1 26). There is an isolated notice in the ((inostic) Actus Petri V'ercel lenses to the effect that Kirnabas was sent along with Timothy to Macedonia before Paul's journey to Spain. Cp. Lipsius, Apokr. Ap.-gcsch. ii. 2, pp. 270-320 (especially 310), 260, 373.

### 5. Alleged authorship.

Tertullian's claim of the authorship of the lOpistle to the Hebrews for Barnabas is quite inadmissible. It is ... , difficult to attribute to a born Levite (Acts436) such grave errors about the ^^..^^^j^ ^^^ tabernacle as occur in Heb. 1)3/ "27 ; or to any member of the primitive church of Jerusalem any such declaration as that in Heb. 23, that he had first received the gospel at second hand through hearers of Jesus. Nor is such an origin consistent with the thoroughly Ale.\andrian character of the Epistle. I'.ven, however, if we must refrain from basing any argument on the statements about Barnabas in Acts 436, we are still confronted by a decisive fact : the man who <at a critical moment was so much subject to the Mosaic law ((ial. 213), could not have spoken of its abolition and even of its carnal character, as the writer of the I'".pistle to the Hebrews speaks in 7 12 18 16. Doubtless the ILijistle to the Hebrews was attributed to Barnabas because it was supposed that the X6-yos T/)s TrapaKXTjfffws of Heb. 1822 could only have come from the eios TrapaKXrjcrews of Acts 4 36.

That Barnabas should have written the anonymous epistle which since the time of Clement of Alexandria has borne his name, and on that account has been included among the writings of the ' apostolic fathers,' is still more inconceivable than his authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews. It goes far beyond Paul in its assertion of freedom from the law. As to its date, see under Acts ( 16). p. vv. s.

## BARODIS

(B<\pcoAeic [BA]), a group of children of Solomons servants (see Nicthinim) in the great post- exilic list (Ezra, ii. 9 8 r , 151 <;), one of the eight inserted in i Esd. 534(om. '-) after Pochereth-hazzebaim of II Ezra257 = Neh. 7 59-

## BARREL

{13 y^piA [BAL] ; 1 K. 17 12 14 16 1833)- See CooKi.vG Utk.vsils, 2 ; Pottery.

(biVD). 1 S. 17 20 RV"?- See Camp, 1-

## BARSABAS / BARSABBAS

( 48, 72)-

### 1. Name

The etymology is doubtful. Ba/wa/Sas has been derived ^^"^ "'^ ('son') and k2V or Kap ("Sheba," which, however, as far as we know, is always the name of a country, never of a personl, from 13 and kis ( = ' warrior ' ; cp Nu. 3I53), or from 13 and K3D (' old man's son '). Baptra^^as ([Ti. WH] the better attested form of the name) suggests ' child of the Sabbath.' Dalman {Gram. d. jiid.-paliist. Aramiiisch, 1894, J). 143) instances analogies to show that 'rat? or 'n3B* could by contraction become nap. though Knar "Q is what we should more naturally expect in such a case.

### 2 Joseph

1. Joseph Barsabbas, surnamed Justus ('IoCo-tos [Ti. WH]), was nominated, though not chosen, for the

^'^'^^"^T '" ^^^ apostolate caused by the


" death of Judas. The account of the election in Acts 1 15-26 could not l)e held to Ix; historical if we regarded the number twelve for the original apostolate as having lx;en fixed, and invested with special dignity, only after the controvcr.sy as to Paul's equality in privi- lege with the apostles of Jerusalem. But even were we to set aside the reference to the dwdfKa in i Cor. 15 s, as being unparalleled elsewhere in the Pauline writings, we should still be at a loss to explain why Paul never vigorously protested against an innovation if inno- \ation it was so arbitrary and so derogatory to his own position. Occasion enough for doing so presented itself in Gal. 2 and 2 Cor. 10-13. We nmst, accordingly, ascrilje to Jesus himself the choice of twelve of his disciples who stood in peculiarly close relations to their Master. But in that case it was very natural that these should seek to keep up their number that of the twelve tribes of Israel.

Whether the election was in Jerusalem is more open to question. On the arrest of Jesus all the disciples, according to Mk. I450 Mt. 2656, had taken to flight, and that they should have returned to Jerusalem so soon is not likely. The view of Lk. and Jn. , according to w hich they are present in Jerusalem on the day of the resurrection of Jesus (and remain there), cannot lie reconciled with what we are told by Mk. and Mt. ; the explanation is that the third and fourth evangelists found the statement of the first and second incredible. According to this last, Jesus, in Jerusalem, through the women, sends the disciples, who are also in Jerusalem, to Galilee, in order that he may there show himself to them. The kernel of historical fact, however, is not as I,k. and Jn. have it, but the reverse: namely, that the apostles were not in Jerusalem at all, but in Galilee, and thus in (ialilee received the manifestations of their risen Lord. It may even be questioned whether they were again in Jerusalem and able to come forward publicly and unopposed so early as at the following Pentecost (see Gifts, Spiritu.m.).

In a still higher degree must the discourse of Peter in .\ctsl 16-22 be regarded as entirely the work of the author (see Acts, 14).

Instead of Tw<r^<^ in Actsl23, there is some (though inferior) authority for 'Iwcr^s, a reading due perhaps to a conjecture that the ' brethren of Jesus ' named in Mk. 6 3 were of the numter of the Tw ehe ; the same con- jecture, if in Acts 1 23 the reading Toxr?)^ be retained, appears to find support in the fact that in Mt. 1855 the brother of Jesus in question is called, not as in Mk. 63 'luffrjs, but according to the best MSS 'liO(7ri(p. The assumption, however, is quite inadmissible (see Clopas,

4. 5)-

According to Papias (Eus. HE iii. SOg), Justus Barsabas drank deadly poison with impunity. From the fifth century onwards he is named as one of the seventy of Lk. lOi ; in the list of these preserved in Chron. Pasch. (Bonn ed. i. 400) he is identified with Thaddaius = Lebb:i.'us ; in that of Pseudo-Dorotheus {ih. ii. 128), with Jesus Justus (Col. 4 11), to whom the .see of I'^leutheropolis is assigned. In the Passio Patili (attributed to Linus, but really dating from the 5th or 6th cent.) ' Bar;/abas et Justus,' in another redaction ' Barnabas Justus,' and in a third 6 '&a.p<ra^a.% 'loiVros, are enumerated among servants of Nero w ho, converted by Paul, are cast into prison and condemned to death by the emperor, but afterwards released after an appear- ance of the risen Paul to the latter. The identification of this Justus with the biblical Barsabas seems to have irativcly late date. See Lipsius, 01-3, 24 ; ii. 1 94-96, 150, 161,

1. In NT.

Ixjon made at a c Apokr. .[p.-i;esth.

### 3. Judas.

2. Another Rirs;il)l)as called Judas appears in Acts 15 1'.- (4. along with Silas, as a pronnnent memlier of the early church in Jerusalem, and as a irpo- 07)ti7I th.1t is to say, as a man endowed with the gift of ira/)d,\i?(Tis (see Baknah.vs, } i). The mission asirilxxl to him that of conveying the decree of thecouiuil of Jerusalem caiuiot, of course, Ix: more historical than the decree itself (see Coi.NCiL OK Jkku- SAI.KM, i lol. 1'. W. s.

## BARTACUS

(Baptakoy [r^A], Bazakoy TL], BH/^.n IS (\\'. I), father of Apame. a concubine of Darius (i llsd. 129). His title or e|)itliet rov OavfxaaTOU is obscure. Jos. {.hif. \i. 85) gives it as rov dfixaaiov, which may j)ossibly Ik; for fjudecrrov = old Pers. iiiathista (simply 'colonel'), and, at any rate, is hardly a mis- understanding of the rav dav/jiaffro? in i Esd. (RV ' the illustrious M. '), which is not a very natural epithet. The form given by Josephus, Pa^efaKOf (cp Syr. tdaJf) jusi). seems nearest to the original name, whicli was probably Artabazak. Out of this 'Bartacus' may ha\e arisen in this way : the MS had ^a^aKov, and over the first four letters w.is written apra a correction which the scribe misunderstood (so Marc|. /u.J. 65).

## BARTHOLOMEW

(BarBoAomaioc [Ti. WH]) is enumerated in Ml. IO3 .\Ik. 3i8 l,k. G14 Actsli3 (see Aposti.k, i) as one of the twelve apostles of Jesus. The second portion of the n.ime represents the OT proper name vocalised by MT as p?n {doXfJLfi ; for the variants see Tai.mai). In Josephus {Anf. x.x. 1 i 5) the name Tholomaios idoXo- /wijos) occurs as Ixjrne by a roblx-r-chief It is not necessary to derive from Ptolemy ( TrroXe /ua(os ) ; the tl insteail of r is against this, though the second for e presents no difficulty (Winer,**' 5 20 a'). Bartholo- mew may have teen either a genuine pro|)er name like Barnabas, Barjesus, etc. , or a mere addition to the real proper name of the Ix-arer, given for the sake of dis- tinction, like Simon B.ar-jona (cp Barabbas, 2) ; on the latter supposition we do not know the true name of Bartholomew. It is the merest conjecture that identifies him with Nathanael (see Nathanaki.). If we neglect this conjecture the NT has nothing further to tell us about Bartholomew.

Ecclesiastical tradition makes him a missioii.-iry to the most widely separated countries, and attributes to him a variety of martyrdoms. The oldest writer from whom we have 2. Post- an account of him is Eusebius (///: v. 10 3), who biblica,!. represents him as having preached in India (in those d.^ys a very wide geograpnical expression, including, for example, Arabia Felix), and as having left behind him there the Gospel according to Matthew in Hebrew ; but Lipsius (.-J/oX-r. Afi.-gtsch. ii. 2 54-108 ; cp Krgiinz.-heft. 130/!, 189-191), from the closely related character of the tr.^dition regarding him and Matthew, assigns an earlier date to a tmdition that the shores of the iilack Sea were the scene of the labours of both, although this tradition is found only in authors later than Kusebius. According to other accounts, he preached the Gospel among the Copts, or (with Thomas) in Armenia, or (with Philip) in Phrj'gia, and, after the death of Philip, in Lycaonia. In the lists of the apostles his name is always coupled with that of Philip, a fact which makes it all the more remarkable that in this group of legends he is expressly designated as one of the ' seventy ' disciples of Lk. 10 1. On the other hand, the Parthian legend which gives Mesopotamia and Persia as the field of his labours, identifies him with Nathanael. A heretical Gospel of liartholomciv is mentioned by Jerome in his preface to Mt.

P. W. S.

## BARTIMAEUS

(B&RTIMAIOC [Ti. WH] ; on the accent see IhIow, 2, end), the name of the blind iK'ggar whom (according to Mk. IO46-5 ) Jesus healed as he was leaving Jericho for Joru.salem.

### 1. Story.

The parallel narratives of Mt. and Lk. show various discrepancies in points of detail. According to I,k. 1 8 35-43 the healing happened as Jesus was enter- ing, not when he was leaving, Jericho, and according to Mt. 2O29-34 two blind men were heale<l. It might perhaps Ix; suggested that each of the two evangelists, or at least Ml., was thinking of some occurrence other than that recorded by .Mk. ; but, as against this, the very close coincidence with the text of Mk. shows clearly that both are dealing with the story which is associated in Mk. with the name of Bartinueus.

As regards this pjirticular class of miracle, our judgment on which must depend on our doctrine of miracles in general, so much at least may Ije remarked, that in speaking to the disciples of John (Mt. 11 5-Lk.722) of his giving sight to the blind, and other similar wonders, Jesus meant to be understood in a spiritual, not in a physical, sense. Otherwise the closing words, 'and to the ix>or the gospel is preached,' would have no force ; for no proof of supernatural physical power is involved in this crowning inst.ince. It is plain, however, that the evangelists understood his words in a physical sense. For in Mt. there is recorded, Ijefore the account of the message to John, not only the healing of a leper (81-4) and of a lame man (!* i-8), as in Lk., but also the bringmg to life of Jairus's daughter (t 18-76), which Lk. records after that message (Lk. 840-56), the healing of a KuK^dt (t32y.), which Mk. does not record at all and which Lk. relates, like the raising of Jairus' daughter, after the message to John (11 14), and, alx)veall, the healing of two blind inen(927-3i), which does not apjiear in the parallel narratives. It thus appears that, in the first gospel, instances of all five classes of miracle are recorded as liaving occurred before Jesus appeals to them (if we may disregard the consideration that in Mt.932/; icw^dt is used in the sense of dumb ; while Jesus in the iness;ige to John uses it in the sense of deaO- Lk., on the other hand, in whose narrative the message to John is preceded only by the raising of the widow's son at Nain (7 11-17), in addition to the healing of a leper and a lame man (612-26) relates in 7 21 that Jesus wiought upon many persons in the presence of the disciples of John the miracles to which he was immediately afterwards to api>eal. Of these miracles we have no indication in the other evangelists. The conclusion is that the words ' to the poor the gospel is ( preached ' cannot have Iwen the addition of the evangelists or of I any of their predecessors. The words destroy the uliysical- supernatural interpretation which the evangelists seek to put 1 upon tlic preceding clauses. They are the authentic words of I lesus himself, and they prove that he did not claim to be a healer of the physically blind.

Some of the critics who argue that the evangelists have misapprehended Jesus's words do not deny the historicity of the story of Bartima-us. They point out that, in .Mk.'s narrative at least, Bartinufus, ' casting away his garment, sprang up and came to Jesus' (and thus cannot have been completely blind) ; also that the event helps to render intelligible the popular enthusiasm at the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem immediately afterwards. They account for the divergence of Lk. by pointing out that for the story of Zacchieus a great concoiir.se of [people before the entry of Jesus into Jericho is reciuired, and that the evangelist (erroneously) iMilieved this to have been due to the healing of the blind man; Mt.'s divergence they account for by supposing that he had fused together the story of Bartim:tus and that of the blind man, recorded in .Mk. 822-26, which he had previously passed over. Finally, they apix-'al to the express mention of the name of the |)erson healed a rare thing in the gospels as guaran- teeing a genuine reminiscence.

### 2. Name

This last argument would, of course, lose its validity should the name prove to be no real name but merely a description.

According to Payne Smith's Thts. Syr. 588, 1461-2, the Syrian lexicographers Bar '.Mi (>f/i 885 A.D.)and F^lias of .Anbar (circa 922) interpret Timaeus as meaning blind (sainya) ; similarly Ownti. Sacr., ed. I.ag.< 17t>35; BaprifiotcK, vibt tvi^Aov ; and Jerome (A 6610) even gives the corrected form 'Barsemia filius caecus ' and adds: 'quod et ipsurti conrupte quidam Bartimaeum legunt.' The reading Barsemia, however, has no support except in BarHebraeus (0/1. 1286 A.i>.), who found in two Greek MSS ' Samya bar .Samya';! and the interpretation

1 The reading is suspicious for the very reason that it depends on that of the Syriac translation, which could not render o yib* Ttfioi'ou liapTiiiaioi otherwise than by the awkward and meaning- less repetition of 13. It accordingly left o i<K untranslated, thus making Timaius the blind man's own name, and designating him 'D-p 13 'D't3 (so in Syr. sin. and nearly so in S>t. hr. ; cp Land, Anec. 4 141 : 'JtOTJ 13 'KS't:)- This might be held to indicate that the combination o uib? Tt^iou'ov BopTijiaiot cannot be due to the evangelist, who habitually introduces the Greek translation of an Aramaic expression by o <7t<i' (8:7 7 11 34) or o <rTii' ixe0cl>^irii'*v6iiLeyov (641 15i2 34). Thus o vw Ti(iaou is the m.irginal note of some very ancient reader.

'blind' cannot be establi>licd. Hilzig, who upholds it, has only inferred an Aramaic <De, ' to be blind," as lieing the inter- mediate step between the Syr. sfiiil and the Arabic ' amiya of this meaning (in Merx's Arvhiv, 1 \oj/., and Kritik fauli- nischer Brie/e, 1870, p. q/.); but the inference is not sound. It would appear, then, that the .incient interpretation 'blind' was hit upon simply because Tut/)A6s stootl near. Neubauer {Stud. Bib. 1 57;, without expressing any view as to the etymology, gives KD"n 13 as the origfnal forjn. This rests, however, only on the writing of the name in some MSS of the Vet. Lat. with th inste.-id of t, and the termination -cas instead of {Fus, to which, however, the unaniinous testimony of the Greek MSS is surely to be preferred (only D has Bopirei/iiai). Thus the most likely rendering of the name would be 'KSa "a, ' son of the unclean.'

.\:ccptinx this interpret.-ition, Volkmar still regarded the name ns only a description of the actor in the story. Uncleaniie^s, he argued, is the characteristic of the Gentile world ; wh.-it Mk. means to say is, not that an individual man, but that the whole Gentile world, is freed from spiritual blindness by Jesus that is, by the preaching of his gospel {Marcus u. d. Syni>/>se, 422, 502-6, 675, TiiJ. \ Jesus A'azarrniis, 266 yC). But in the sight of Christianity, Judaism, as well as heathenism, is blind, and Volkmar linds Judaism, too, represented, in the blind man whose healing is described in an e.irlier chapter (.Vlk. 822-26 ; see Marcus, 338 yC, 403-11; Jesus i\azarcnus, 243-5). The text, however, supplies not the slightest indication or hint that in the one place the Jews, in the other the Gentiles, are intended ; in fact, as H.artim.-cus uses the words 'son of David' and ' Rabbuni,' Volkmar finds himself constrained to pronounce him not a Gentile in the full sense of the word, but a proselyte thereby, however, destroying his own position, which is that the two healings t.aken tojjether express the deliverance by the gospel of the whole of humanity from spiritual blindness.

We are shut up, then, to the conclusion that Bartimaaus is a proper name like Barnabas, Barjesus, and the like, and it is a nii^ltrr of indifference whether the second element be tlic appellative "Npa, ' unclean,' or the personal name 'q-j (I^evy, Neiihcbr. Woricrh. 2 154).^ or the place natne n':d'j {ih. 166), or the second part of the Syriac place-name -^-j rra {Thes. Syr. 486, 1462), and whether any or all of the last three forms admit of being traced to a Jew isIi-Arnmaic root n"t:. ' to close up' (Syr. CO::)-

Uarlimffius remains a proper name, also, if the second part of it be supposed to be the Greek name Ti/tatos (found, e.g., in Plato). Orijen seems to have had this derivation in his mind when he called Bartimjeus 6t)(9 ti^tjj 7raii'ii/xo. Such a blending, however, of Aramaic and Greek is imlikely. On the other hand, it is not impossili'.e that the Greek word rn.ay have had influence on the accent. With a Semitic derivation this would naturally be Bapri/iaio?, as in MarSatos, Zaxx^'O?, and so forth. But just as, on the analogy of the very common Greek termina- tion -ai/o?, the accepted pronunciation of Urbanus and Silvanus was OupiSavos and liAouapos (Koin. 169 2 Cor. 1 19), although in Latin the accent lay on the penultimate, so conceivably the name tmder consideration may have been accented Bapri'/oiaios, even witliout supposing it to be etymologically derived from the Greek.

For the philology see, especially. Nestle, Afarg. u. Mat., 1893, pp. 83-92, and for the subject in general, Keim, Cesch. Jcs. z<oii Naz. 3 51-54 (Er 61-64). P. W. S.

## BARUCH

(^n.J, 'blessed [of God]'; BaroyX [BXAQ] ; BApOYX'^C [Jos.]), son of Xeriah and brotlicr of Sek.MAH (y.f. , 4), one of Jeremiah's most faitJiful friends in the upper class of the citizens of Jerusalem (cp Jos. Ant. X. 9i, ii^ iina-riuov ctjiodpa oiKiai). We he.ar of Baruch first in 604 n.c. as the scribe who committed to writing the prophecies delivered by his master up to that date, and then in 603 B. C. (?) as the fearless reader of those prophecies before the people, the princes, and the king (Jer. 36). After the roll from which he read had been burned, Baruch wrote down the substance of the former roll afresh a fact not without significance for . the criticism of the Book of Jkkkmiah il-v-)- In 587 B.C., it was to Baruch that Jeremiah when in prison committed the deeds of the land which he purchased from his cousin Hanamel at Anathoth (32 12), and after the fall of Jerusalem it was this faithful scribe who was charged

1 Thi.s personal name r^TSt however, is not certainly made out, for, according to I)alman(7Vj.(?/. Lil.-Blatf, 1893, p. in/., and Aram. u. neuheir. U'orter/iuc/i, 1898, p. 162), in the sole proof-text cited, the reading in the first edition is "DT. which he explains from jiyae

with having induced Jeremiah to dissuade his country- men from seeking a refuge in Egypt (43 3). The disciple ap[x;ars to have been similar in character to his master. In the language of strong emotion he com- plained of the troubles which had come upon him, and of the wandering life which he was forced to lc:id. ' Seekest thou great things for thyself [i.e., the leader- ship of a new and better Israel) ? : ' Seek them not ' was the answer ; for still worse troubles are in prospect ; but Baruch's own life will be spared (45 1-5 ; cp 12 1-5). We may be thankful for this brief record of Baruch's inner life. Its genuineness has l>ecn too hastily doubted :' the date given in 45 1 is, of course, too early to suit the contents, and must be interpolated ; but the prophecy itself is altogether in character with Jeremiah.

No other trustworthy facts respecting Harucli have reached us In the Midrash .S/tir /:a-S/iiri/ii {on Cant. 6 5) and in Migilla 1 6;^, he is said to have been the teacher of Kzr.a ; and the Midrash adds that Kzra did not go up to Jerusalem directly after the edict of Cyrus, because he did not like to miss the instructions of his teacher. This is obviously an attempt to prove the unbroken transmission of the oral tradition. An equally great and equally groundless honour was conferred on IJ.aruch when liunsen represented him as the 'great unnamed ' prophet who composed Is. 40-1 f). That various apocryphal writmgs claimed Baruch as their author is not surprising : Ezra and Baruch, the two great scribes, were marked out for such distinctions. .See APOCRYPHA, 20; APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE, i> ff-, and Baruch, Book of.

2. In list of Jud.ahite inhabitants of Jerusalem (see Ezra, ii. 5^i5[i]); Neb. 11 5. Not mentioned in II iCh.92^

3. b. /Cabbai (or Zaccai), in list of wall-builders (see Nehe.miah, i/, Ezra, ii. 16 [i], 15 d) ; Neh.32o.

4. Priestly signatory to the covenant (see Ezra, i. 7) ; Neh. 106 [7]. T. K. C.