Encyclopaedia Biblica/Canopy-Chamber

From Wikisource
Jump to: navigation, search



(HSn), Is. 45 RV. AV 'defence'; see TENT, 4.


1 Problems[edit]

We have before us a book which has suggested as many problems as Shakespeare's Sonnets- the name which we give to it, therefore, should not be a question-begging name. We will call it in this article neither 'Canticles' nor 'Song of Solomon." but, following the best interpretation of 1 1, 'Song of Songs' the choicest of all songs (like 'servant of servants,' Gen- 9 as i.e. , ' lowest of servants ').

The first ditficulty arises when we seek to determine precisely the subject of the .Song ( 2-4) ; the next, when we investigate its poetical forni ( 5-1 1), and seek to fix its date ( 13-15). We will consider these difticulties in order ; but the first cannot be treated completely ( 10/ 17) until we have overcome the second.

2. History of interpretations.[edit]

I. Subject (preliminary). Jewish tradition laid down very positively that, l)oth as a whole and in its several parts, the Song descrilx;s the phases of

f "^'-'J-^ |-f "--'j' '^ ^^T'l ^ love. I he bride was the syinlxjl of Israel, the bridegroom that of its divine king; and by the labours of countless homilists the .Song lx:canie a lyric record of the intercourse Ix-'tween the Lord and his people from the I-',.\odus (cp jer. 22) to the Messianic time. Of tho.se exegetical labours, or rather poetic.il bro<jdings, we have a summary in the Midrash ha- Shirini (transl. Wunsche, liihlioth. h'abbin. i /. 6), with which the not less fervidly-written Targum (of post-Talmudic origin) may Ix; compared.' This theory was introduced in a modified form into the Christian Church mainly through the influence of Origen, of whom Jerome says that, ' while on the other books he surpassed all others, on the Song of .Songs he surjjassed himself (Origen, Op. 3ii). This theologian treated the bride as being either the Church or (an important variation) the soul of the believer. The lx)ldly avowed heterodoxy of Theodore of Mopsuestia, who interpreted the Song solely as relating to the Lgy[)tian marriage of Solomon, was fruitless. Its condenuiation at the second coimcil of Constantinople (553 .\.I). ) postjjoned the acceptance of the literal interpretation in the ( hurch for a thousand years. The great .St. Hernard w role eighty- six sermons on Song 1 and 2 alone, and his exami)le fostered similar mystical studies in the Latin Church. Only among Jew ish commentators was a natural exegesis not wholly unrepresented.^ Ibn I-",zra, in particular, is so thorough in his literal exegesis that it is doubtful whether he is serious when he proceetls to allegorise. Though Luther was moving in this direction, no CJhristian scholar before Sebastian Castellio (i:;44) ventured to maintain the purely secular character of the poem, and all that medi.tval mysticism could do was to exercise its right of selection from the two allegoric views. The idea that the bride was the Christian soul became the favourite : partly because it seemetl to pro- mote edification, and partly because it conunendcd itself to the romantic spirit of the young western nations. Thus, Dante surprises us when [Cffii'iiio. 2 15, end) he identities the bride with Heavenly Wisdom.* Even in the time of the Reformation we find the evangelical ' Horace of the cloister,' Fray Luis de Leon, translating the .Song mystically in ' ottava rima'; and in our own d.iy Bishop Alexander, though a Hebraist, has made an earnest poetic protest in favour of a mystic and against a dramatic theory (Am-wj, 1886, pp. 26-51). Grammatical exegesis, however, destroys the basis of the old verse-by-verse allegorical interpretation.

1 On the Jewish interpreters see S. Salfcid, Das Hohelied Salomds hei denjiid. Erkliirertt des .Mtttelalters ('79) ; on both the Jewish and the Christian, W. Riegel, Die Auslegung des Hohenliedes inderjtid. Gemeinde u. dergriech. KirrMe ('qi).

2 See Salfeld, 52; Gratz, Schir ha-.Schirim, ug/"., and cp M.-xthews, Abraham Ibn Ezra's Commentary on the Canticles ('74), Preface.

3 Dante's Jewish friend, Immanuel ben Sh'lomoh, identified the bride with the ' material intellect ' (Salfeld, 91). The biblical point of contact is Prov. 8.

  • Hp. Lowth is one of the chief defenders of a secondary and

gener.-il allegorical sense. He appeals not only to ' the most ancient authority,' but also to the analogy of P.s. 45 and (more safely) to pas.sages in the prophets. Such a position, however, was tenable only provisionally. The Rishop expressly rejects the most poetic form of the allegorical theory, for which alone most Christians have cared it was defended by Bossuet that which explains the Song of the lovin? intercourse between Christ and the soul. Surely the election of a Gentile Church ('dark but comely') might have been foreshadowed at a less expenditure of poetry. Rightly, therefore, did J. D. Michaelis and the acute Bp. Warburton criticise Lowth for not going further. Lowth answered th.it without allegory the place of the Song in the canon could not be justified. All his literary taste could not dissolve his narrow notion of the authority of the

3. Not an allegory.[edit]

The only question possible is, whether a general allegory of subject may have been intended

^^. ^j^^ poet whether he considered the earthly love that he descrilx.'d to have a true symbolic resemblance to the sjjiritual love.* The answer is, that such a symbolic resemblance is inconsistent with the spirit of Hebraism. It is true that the relation between Yahw6 and his people is described in the prophets by the symtx)lism of wedlock (Hos. 1-3 ; Jer. 22 3 ; Ezek. 16 ; Is. 50 1 5456). It is true, also, that the phrase ' to love (anw) Yahwe' occurs frequently in Deuteronomy and (less often) in the Psalter, and that the word nii (used in the Song) is applied once by Isaiah (5 1) to Yahw6. Still, the notion implied by the prophetic allegory of wedlock, as well as by the phrase to love God,' is not that of free inclination on Israel's part towards the All-beautiful One, but rather of an obedience which is in the first instance the condition of divine protection, though, as favours multiply and the essential goodness of the divine commands appears, it becomes a habit and a passion. In Deuteronomy, therefore, the love of Yahwfe is prescribed as a duty not invited or presupposed ; and even in the Psalter, where devotional feeling finds the freest expression, there are only three passages in which the phrase 'to love Yahwe' occurs (Ps. 3I23 97 io(?) HSzo), and in the first of these it occurs in the imperative mood. It is in harmony with this that three other passages (Ps. on 6936 119132) contain the fuller phrase ' to love Yahwe's name,' which appears to mean (see Is. 566) the performance of religious duties with a certain fervour. Such a conception of the love of God we find in the Koran (Sur. 829; cp I996). It was one of the Jewish elements in Mohammed's teaching, and failed to satisfy later generations of Moslems. In Syria and in Egypt, and still more in Persia, arose a mystic type of devotion, which sought by contemplation to lift the veil between man and God. The mystic love-songs of the Cairo dervishes, and the fine love-poems of the SQfi-poet Hafiz, have been com- pared by Orientalists with the Song of Songs ; but it has been forgotten that, fervid as the love of God became among the later Jews, it never divested itself of the chastening restraints of legalism, and that, in Persia at least, mystic poetry is one of the fruits of a national reaction against the aridity of Islam. It is still stranger that Sir William Jones and Sir Edwin Arnold have compared the Gitago\inda of the admired Indian poet Jayadeva (14th cent. A. D. ), in which it would appear (but may we not suspect an afterthought of the poet?), 'from the few stanzas scattered through the poem where the author speaks in his own person, that he means his verses to be taken ' in a mystic sense Krishna symbolising the human soul, the shepherdesses the allurements of sense, and Radha the knowledge of, or meditation on, divine things. Surely the pan- theistic atmosphere in which Jayadeva lived, and the excessive imaginative fervour of the Indian genius, are altogether unlike the conditions under which the Song of Songs must have been penned.

4. Origin of allegorical interpretation[edit]

How came it, then, it may be asked, that the Jews of a later time, in their exegesis of the Song, adopted a theorv which is, strictlv, contrary to

01 j,^g gj-j|.;^ ^f Hebraism ? 'Probably thus. y^r^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^ Mishna ( Taanith, , ^g^ ^^,^^ ^^^^^ j,^^ destruction of the temple, passages from the Song were sung at certain popular yearly festivals. We know, too, that after the great catastrophe all expression of exuberant joy was forbidden. Now, what in those gloomy days was to be done with the S>ong, which tradition already ascribed to Solomon ? The answer was ready : Consecrate it by allegorical interpretation. This course corresponded to the change which had passed upon the national character. The enthusiastic element in Jewish piety was becoming, in adversity, more intense. This element needed the expression which it found in the Song of Songs (see Berachoth 57^, where nn'on is ascribed to the Megilla of the Song of Songs as well as to the Book of Psalms). It should te added, however, that even after 70 A. i). the natural interpretation found some supporters. At the synod of Jamnia (90 A.D. ) K. 'Akiba had still to defend the sacredness of the Song of Songs (Mishna, Yadayim, 35), and in Sanhedrin, loi a, we find a solemn anathema on those who treat the Shir ha-Shirim as a secular song (icj J'cd)- The grounds on which this secular character was asserted may be guessed from \\\& Aboth de R. A'afan, chap. 1, which states that 'formerly' some counted the Song 'apocryphal' (ii), quoting in support of this, not 7 1-9, but 7 u/

It is about, or soon after, 90 A.D. that we find the first traces of the allegorical view (see 4 Esdras 52426 726, and R. Simeon ben Gamliel's allegorical interpretation of Song 3 II in TaanithAZ). Before that time Jewish teachers seem to have shrunk from quoting the Song ; even Philo neglects it. Nor is any use made of it (or of Koh^leth) in the NT. Eph. 527 alludes perhaps to Ps. 45 13, but certainly not to Song 4? ; and the parallelism between Rev. 320 and Song 52-6 (Trench, Snrn Churches, 225 /. ) is incomplete. This silence on the part of early Jewish and Christian writers shows the weakness of the argument from tradition adduced by the allegorists.

5. Poetical form : a history of views.[edit]

II. Poetical form. Is the Song of Songs a drama or a bundle of loosely connected songs? The earliest advocate of a definite dramatic theory ^^,^g ^j^g learned Jesuit, Cornelius Lapide (t 1637), who, like Ewald, divided the poem into five acts. Our own Bishop Lowth takes up a middle position. He finds no trace of a regular plot, and only one thing in which the Song closely resembles the Greek dramatic models the chorus. He allows, however, that the Song may be classed with imperfect dramatic poems, such as the Eclogues of Virgil and some of the Idylls of Theocritus. The first scholar to adopt the second solution of the problem was Richard Simon ; but the first to make it plausible was Herder.^ Influenced partly by the disintegrating tendency of the newer criticism, but still more by an irresistible impulse to search for traces of old popular poetry, he boldly denied the con- tinuity of the poem, dividing it into about twenty-one independent songs (with a fragmentary conversation for an appendix), threaded like so many pearls on a neck- lace. These songs are sometimes very short ; but brevity. Herder thinks, is the soul of a love-song ; nor is it important to determine the exact numl)er of songs. Herder does not deny a certain pleasing appearance of unity, but ascribes this to the collector, who wished to show the gradual growth of true love in its various nuances and stages, till it finds its consummation in wedlock. In its present form the .Song may be taken to consist of six ' scenes ' ; but the critic apologises for the term, and insists that the poem was intended to be read, and, as it stands, is neither a theatrical piece nor a cantata. Herder's * exquisite little treatise ' ^ could not fail to make an impression. It gained the approval of Eichhorn and Goethe ; but, without a more

1 'Lieder der Liche. Die altestrn und schdnstcn aus dem Morgenlande (1778). See Herder's W'erke by Suphan, Bd. 8, and cp Havm's Herder^ i 175, where it is shown that it was really Bishop Percy's Keliques which opened Herder's eyes to the element of folk-song in the OT. Herder, however, came to recognise that this element was somewhat modified in the Bible by a certain inherent and distinctive sanctity.

2 We have borrowed this and a few other characteristic phrases from the EH article ' Canticles ' by Robertson Smith for the pleasure of quoting from such a fine piece of critical exposi:ion.

thorough justification than Kichhorn gave, it could not permanently subvert the rival theory. Apart from its cKxiuent defence of the literal interpretation, its chief contribution to biblical study is perhaps this that it has unintentionally proved the im|)ossibility of recover- ing the original songs (if songs there were) and of retracing the plan (if plan he had) of the hypothetical collector. Goethe apix,'ars to have felt this. Tempted himself, as he tells us in the Westostlicher Divan, to select and arrange some of ' these few leaves,' he took warning from the failure of previous efforts, and left the poem in its hopeless but lovely confusion.

A first step in the criticism of the Song was taken by Evvakl in his early commentary (1826). He did not as yet venture to suppose that the ' cantata' was really acted on the stage ; but from the first he asserted its genuinely dramatic character, and in 1839 he repaired his original omission {Die poet. lUicher ties A T, Btl. i. ). Was this a step backward ? Only in appearance. Until the necessity of disintegration had been convin- cingly proved, l-'.wald was always on principle opposed to it. The cleverness and moderation of his critical theory, aided by his growing reputation for broad and deep scholarship, led to a very general adoption of the dramatic hypothesis, though the names of De Wette, Cjesenius, Bleek, and Magnus may be quoted on the other side. The last-named scholar, however, did not effect much for his cause. His theory ' involved the assumption that the editor often displaced part of a song, sacrificing the unity of the original lyrics to an artificial composition of the whole. ' It is only fair to add that in 1850 Rottcher did his best to make the opposite view absurd by introducing into the supposed Hebrew drama ' the complexities and stage effects of a modern oiicretta. ' In i860 Renan obst.-rved, with truth, that the dramatic theory had become ' almost classic,' and in 1891 and 1893 it was put forward as correct in the Introductions of Driver and Konig. Other eminent defenders of this theory are Hitzig (1855), Ginsburg (1857), Kuenen (1865), Delitzsch (1875), RolxTtson Smith 1 (1876), Kaempf (1877), Kohler (1878), Stickcl (t888), Oettii (1889). Bruston (1891), Martineau (1892), and Kothstein (1893).

By degrees, however, the theory of the separatists recovered from the effects of Magnus's imprudence. It began to pass into a new phase, and to e.xercise a stronger attraction. Diestel (art. ' Hohes Lied,' Schenkel's ///i^. Lex. iii. ['71]) ; Reuss ('79, in La liible, etc. . also Gesch. der Schriften des A Ts^"^^ ['90]. 231-239); Stade (GVf, 2i<)7 ['88]); Cornill (/////. ['91], pp. 236-240); \i\.\dd& (New World, March '94, pp. 56-77); Kautzsch (HS, '94; /,//. of t/ie OT, 148-151), and Siegfried {Holieslied, '98) have done much to show that the view of Herder had not yet Ijeen adefjuately con- sidered. Among these Buckle deserves prominence for being the first to utilise adec|uately the information re- specting Syrian marriage customs given by Consul Wetz- stein in 1873.

6. Dramatic hypothesis considered.[edit]

Before reviewing this theory ourselves, we shall do well to examine the dramatic hypothesis more attentively. '"^ ^'^^ forms which it has taken are numerous and varied ; in dividing the poem into acts and scenes critics are by no means unanimous.^ According to Reuss, this wide divergence is fatal to the hypothesis. It seonis foirer to admit that if it could be made out (i) that there is a plot, and (2) that there is any reason 10 expect a drama among a Semitic people, we might excuse this divergence as an unfortunate consetjuence of the absence of stage directions.

1 Of this lamented scholar's later views we have, unfortunately, no record.

2 The dramatic schemes of Ew. and Del. are given in full by Dr. //'rc*/.() 438-444. Delitzsch finds only two chief characters, Solomon and the Shulammite. Passages like 2 10-15 and 4 8-15, which seem to speak of a shepherd-lover, really refer, he thinks, to Solomonj who adopts the circle of ideas and images familiar to his rustic love. Against this absurd view, see Oettii, 157. M.-irtineau, on the other hand, eliminates the king altogether. So too C.istelli, who describes the poem as an idyll in dialogue, the chief personages of which are the Shulammite and her lover.

i. First, then, is there any plot? The dramatists (as we may call the defenders of this the<jry) answer that there is. Stickel even discovers two plots, developed by distinct pairs of lovers the Shulanunite (who is a vine-dresser) and her 'friend' (lii), and a shepherd and shepherdess of Lelxinon (besides the royal suitor, Solomon). The two latter are intro<luced in three scenes, 1 7-8 1 15-24 4 7-5 i. They know nothing alxjut the Shulammite and her ' friend. ' The fxjot has inter- woven the two movements to amuse the audience and produce a jjleasing contrast Ijetween the different fortunes of the two pairs of lovers. All very conceivable ! Double musical themes can be treated in fugues : why not also in Hebrew drama, granting that a regular Hebrew drama ever existed, and that Stickel's view of the text is justified ? However, all that this critic has shown is that 1 q f. and 1 15-17 are out of connection with the previous verses ; and in the case of the latter passage an easy emendation ^ enables us to recognise a continuous speech of the bride in 1 i2-2i.

Most critics, on the other hand, are content with one plot, and approach more or less closely to the dramatic scheme of Ewald, according to which the heroine is a maiden of Shulem or Shunem in Issachar (see Shi;.ni;.m), who has two lovers, the one at a distance, the other (till he finally disappears) near at hand ; the one poor but favoured, the other royal but treated with disdain. In chap. I4/. we find the maiden, who makes no secret of her country origin, in the ' chamlxirs ' of the king among the ' daughters of Jerusalem ' (the ladies of the palace) ; but in 85 she suddenly appears, approaching her mountain home on the arm of her betrothed. FVom

the context it is thought to be clear that the suitor whose riches are contemned (87, cp 11/.) is King Solomon, to whom the flattering compliments offered to the maiden in previous chapters must be assigned. How, then, came ' the Shulammite ' to exchange her free country life for the irksome splendour of the court ? It is inferred, from 611/., that she had been surprised by Solomon's courtiers (who had often lx.-en employed, no doubt, in similar abductions) on a royal progress in N. Israel. She ' had gone down into the nut-garden to look at the green things of the valley,' when 'suddenly,' she says, 'my desire brought me to the chariots of my noble people' (Ewald). It is some excuse for Solomon that, if Ewald may be followed, ' the Shulanmiite ' had not even been betrothed to the shepherd when she was carried off. (R. Martineau, however, thinks that between the third and the fourth scene i.e., between the 3 6- 11 and 47-16 ' the Shulam- mite ' and the shcjiherd lover have l)een formally l)e- trothed. ) Then, how came the girl to be delivereti

from her royal captor? Renan has offered a very modern solution of the problem ; but it is one w hich has no basis in the text, and may be safely neglected. Most have supposetl (cp 89/.) that the escape of ' the Shulanunite' was due, not to any favourable combina- tion of circumstances, but to the effect produced upon Solomon by her own frank and loyal character ; ' all the actors,' says Ewald, ' recognise the restraints of the true religion. ' Will this view hold ? Is it conceivable that the luxurious Solomon should have lieen represented by any p>opular p)oet as releasing one of the ' maidens innumerable' in his 'chambers'?'^ Is it probable that such a maiden would have had, in the poet's fancy, the liberty implied in the early scenes of the 'drama,' or that she would have met Solomons advances in that extra-ordinarily absent manner which Ewald's view of 1 9-26 sup|)oses?

1 1 15 has evidently been interpolated from 4 i, and the opening word of 7'. 16 has been put in to match the first word of 7'. 15. An address of the heroine to her lover is out of place in this context (Bickell).

  • Stickel quotes an examnle of such magnanimity from the

life of the Caliph Mahdi (Krenier, Culturgesch. dcs Orient, 2 127) ; but can we compare the characters of the two sovereigns?

Wli)- slioukl the recurring phrase ' daughters of Jerusalem ' (cp ' daughters of Zion,' 3ii) have such a limited reference as the dramatic theory requires ? Then, as to the Shulammite and her abduction. Theory apart, what right have we to assume that the intercourse iniplied in the poem between the girl and her lover was prior to marriage? To this point we shall have to return. Can we safely infer from the title that Shulem or Shunem was the girl's home? The title occurs in a single passage (H 13 [7i]); but there is no allusion elsewhere to confirm this supposition. Next, how can Ewald base such a romantic story simply on the very obscure passage, 6"/.? Lastly, how do we know that the Solomon of history or legend plays any part in the poem? As Castelli, himself one of the dramatisers, has well pointed out, Solomon is mentioned by name only in some simile or figurative contrast.' Thus in Is the heroine likens herself for comeliness to the curtains of the pavilions of Solomon (but we should rather read with Uriill, We., and Wi., nsS:r, the name of a nomad Arabian tribe; see S.\i,M.\H, 2). In 87-11 Solomon's litter is spoken of jestingly; and so, in 811, 'to the costly vineyard of Solomon the heroine prefers her own symbolic one, which does not require the anxious super- vision of others.' There is a fourth passage in which, according to an extremely probable correction of the text, Solomon is named, 68 y] :

' Sixty cjueens had Solomon, and eighty concubines, and maidens innumerable. One is my dove, my spotless one.'

Here again there is a contrast between Solomon's large harem and the speaker's single incomparable bride.

Can we, then, be sure that where the phrase ' the king ' occurs alone, it is not a honorific designation of the bridegroom ? And this suggests the question, which Castelli, however, does not raise, whether the term ' the Shulammite ' is not as purely figurative as ' the king ' ? Several writers (e.j^. , Klostermann) have conjectured that the story of Abishag the Shunammite ( i K. I3/) supplied the plot of the supposed drama ; but consider- ing the difficulty of making out any plot at all, and the fact that 'the Shulammite' is referred to only in one passage, we may ask whether it is not more probable that the term is applied metaphorically, and is equivalent to 'the fiiirest of women' (18 59 61)? If we omit 611/. as misplaced (doubtless a correct view), and read tiio and 13 [7i] together, we shall see how natural it was for the poet to seek out some striking variation on the rather hackneyed phrase just mentioned. The passage will run thus :

' Who is she that looketh down as the dawn, fair as the moon, clear as the sun? Turn, turn, thou Shulam- mite, that we may look upon thee.'

It is usual to assume that the spectators, being ignorant of the heroine's name, address her with blunt directness as a girl of Shunem, and that she answers by the modest question, ' What do you see in the simple Shulammite girl ? ' It is much more natural to suppose that ' the Shulammite' (.Shunammite) is a term not less complimentary than ' fair as the moon ' in v. 10, and points back to the Abishag of tradition. ^ And should it be asked why .Abishag's name is not mentioned, we may venture to express the opinion that when the song was written there was probably in the Hebrew text of i K. I31S, I Sam. etc., not jf3X. but a very different word (see Shulammite).

There are many other difficulties of interpretation which might be mentioned. For example, how are we to understand the movements of ' the beloved ' ? Are

' Castelli, Delia poesia hihlica, 311

2 This view was proposed by Stade in 1887 {GVI 1 292), and adopted by Hu. in his excellent essay, Nenv World, Mar. 1894, pp. 62-64. Budde desiderates an OT analogy. Perhaps ' Zimri ' insK. 3i(seeRV)issuch.

all the meetings of the lovers, except the final reunion, in reminiscence or in sleeping or waking imagination only ? Can we conceive of a drama in which each of the actors seems almost if not quite uninfiuenced by the sj)eeches of the other? Not so did the Vahwist and the Elohist and the author of the Prologue of Job manage their dialogues. Less important is the difficulty which arises from the changes of scene, a weakness which need not surprise us in primitive plays. We must be careful, however, not to attach too much imi)ortance to European parallels. Kenan, for ex- ample, goes too far when he refers to the comparatively elaborate pastoral play called Li Gieus de Robin et de Marion, or Li Jens du Bergier et de la Bergiere, composed in 1282 by Adam de la Halle for the diversion of the court.' It would be more natural, with R. Sanmel ben Meir (Kasnoam), to compare the simple pastoretas of the Troubadours ; but even that might be misleading.

7. No Semitic drama.[edit]

ii. We have now to ask, further. Have we a right to exjject a Semitic drama, however primitive in form '

That Semitic nations are not at all devoid of general dramatic capacity may be granted. In Mohammedan countries the rdwi ( ' reciter ' ) still displays all the faculties of an actor, and stirs his hearers to the depths as he tells the story of 'Antar or the tales of the Arabian Nights ; and there is an unmistakably strong dramatic element in Arabic works such as the ' .Sessions ' of Hariri. It cannot have been otherwise with the Israelites. They too must have laughed and wept as they listened to their story-tellers. At all events, the relics of their literature contain genuinely dramatic passages : see, for example, the stories of Jacob and Samson (evidentU- of traditional origin), of Ruth and Job. Even in the psalms and prophecies we have pieces like Ps. 2 24 7-10 Is. 63 1-6 28 8-11 Mic. 6 6-8, and the colloquies in the Book of Job have at least a distant affinity to the drama of character. Still, there is no evidence that the transition to a drama was ever made by a Semitic people. We have an Assyrian epic, but no Ass\rian drama. Least of all can we reasonably expect to find one in the OT. Theatrical performances were not known at Jerusalem before the time of Herod, and to all good Jews such heathenish practices were detestable (Jos. Ant. xv. 81 ; cp BJ i. 21 8). Hence the dramatic theory of the Song is plausible only if the composition of the poem be placed at Alexandria (during the Greek period). Why, upon this sup- position, did not the dramatist write in Greek, as did Ezekiel, the author of the drama on the Exodus called 'E$a7co7T7? In a word, the difficulties of the dramatic theory are insuperable.

8. Popuiar lyric poetry[edit]

{b) The Israelites, however, had a still more characteristic gift that of lyric poetr)-. Singing and dancing formed essential parts of their festivities, as they still do among the Bedouins ; and when these festivities were occasioned by some great local or national event, a dramatic element would naturally infuse itself into the popular songs, and this all the more easily because the custom of alternate song, which is in its nature dramatic, was very ancient (cp Ex. 152i iS. 21ii). Ewald thinks that the Song (which is, according to him, a cantata) was originally intended for a festival of the independence of the N. kingdom, and that it was per- formed in five days, an act in a day. This view suits his theory of the ' plot ' of the Song ; but it is no longer tenable we have seen that the references to ' Solomon ' are figurative, and that ' the Shulammite ' is also a mere eulogistic term.

Why should not we take up again the suggestive idea of Bossuet and Lowth that the Song was intended for use on the seven days of the marriage festival (cp

1 TM&tre franfais au vtoyen age, par Monmerqui et Michel, 102-135. (Renan's account differs.)

Gen. 29a7 Judg. 14i2 Tot), n 19)? On such occasions there would, of course, Ix; altiTuale songs by the bride- groom and the bride, and to this Jeremiah refers when, describing the calamities of invasion, he says that Gotl will ' cause to cease from the cities of Judah and from the streets of Jerusalem the voice of mirth and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom and the voice of the bride" (Jer. 734 2rMo). There is also an illus- trative p.nssage in the Mishna (TiuiHtlhAi, already re- ferred to), and the strangeness of the notice affords the best guarantee of its truth. It was customary at the ' Wood Festival ' (^v\o<(>opia) on the 1 5th of Ab (August) and at the close of the Day of Atonement' for the ' daughters of Jerusalem ' (cp Song 1 5, etc. ) to go out ami dance in the vineyards, and whoever had no wife went thither also. (Was it a relic of 'marriage by cai)ture'? Cp Judg. 21 21. ) There was also alternate sinjjing, and the youths were wont to use the words of Song 3 II. See D.XNCK, 6.

9. Syrian wedding festivities.[edit]

It is from .Syria, where so many old customs have survived, that we get the fullest confirmation of Hossuet's idea. Let us turn to .Song36-ii (trans- lated by the present writer in JQR, July 1899), where the words referred to so strangely in the Mishna occur. Solomon is here introduced riding in his palanquin 'with the crown with which his mother crowned him on his wedding-day,' escorted by sixty warriors 'with the hand on the sword.' What this means we can tell from von Kremcr's account of the nmrriage processions in Moslem villages in the Lebanon.'^ The procession goes from the house of the bridegroom to that of the bride, and in it there is a band of youths armed with long poles, which they keep striking together, and hold in such a way as to form a kind of roof over them. The poles were probably in olden times lances : the open country was not secure from bandits (Hos. 69 ; cp Ps. lOS).** The ' crown ' is, of course, that of the bride- groom (cp Is. 61 10) ; ' in the war with Vespasian,' says the Mishna (iV/*;, 914), ' the crowns of bridegrooms were forbidden." The Solomon of 3 11, then, is not the Solomon who made himself a state-litter, but a happier though a humbler mortal. It is, in sooth, a pretty jest to liken the bridegroom with his nu[)tial crown and the sixty ' companions" (Judg. 14 11) who roof him over with their [xjles to the luxurious Solomon in his gorgeous palan(iuin with his martial bodyguard around him ; and the jest has a wholesome moral.

A nmch fuller account of the customs of the Syrian peasants in the month of weddings (March) is given by Wetzstein.* During the seven days after a wedding, high festivity, with scarcely interrupted singing and dancing, prevails. The bridegroom and the bride play the parts of king and cjueen (hence the week is called the ' king"s week " ), and receive the homage of their neigh- bours ; the crown, however, is at present in .Syria (as in Greece) confined to the bride (contrast Song3ii). The bridegroom has his train of ' companions ' (to borrow the ancient term, Judg. l-lii), and the grander the wedding the more of these there are. The bride too has her friends (cp ' daughters of Jerusalem," Songls, etc. ), the maidens of the place, who take an important part in the reception of the bridegroom (cp I's. 4514 Mt. 25 1-13). In the evening of the great day a sword-dance is performed. In the Arabian desert it is the young

1 The tenth of Tisri must anciently have had a festive char- actir : can it have been a prelude to the joyous Feast of booths (Kohlcr)V

2 Mttti-lsyrien urui Damascus (^'$-i), p. 123.

3 Wetzstein says that the bridegroom's friends are really armed. He thinks that ' by reason of fear in the night ' (.Song 3 8) may allude to the insecurity of the villages.

.Appendix to_ Delitzsch"s Hoheslieii (1875), 165-167, 170- 177 ; cp Wetzstein in Zt. /I'ir F.lhnologie, 1873, pp. 287-2^4. Even among ihc /ella It }n of Palestine there seems to be a vestige of the sword-dance. The bride on her camel is conducted to the house of the bridegroom holding a drawn sword, /'JiJ-'Q, April 1894, p. 136.

men of the trilx; who thus display their agility (Doughty, ylr. Dei. 2 118); but in the Syrian wedding festivals the sword-dancer is the bride. When tak<ti in con- nection with another Syrian custom and with the passage of the Mishna mentioned alwve, this may Ix; thought a relic of primitive 'marriage by capture." (The con- nected custont referred to is this that when, on the morning after the wedding, the royal seat has Ixen erected, a crier comes forward declaring that the ' king' the bridegroom has made a campaign against a hitherto impregnable fortress, and calls ujxjn him to say whether he has succeeded or not. The ' king ' answers in the affirmative, and upon this the seven days of rejoicing begin. ) However this may Ix;, the sword- dance at the Syrian weddings has a significance of its ow n. It not only displays the physical gifts and capacities of the bride, but also syndwlises her womanlyself-respect, which keeps all intruders afar off (cp SongSg 10). ' The figure of the dancer, her dark waving hair, her serious noble bearing, her downcast eyes, her graceful movements, the quick and secure step of her small naked feet, the lightning-like flashing of th(; blade, the skilful movements of her left hand, in which she holds a handkerchief, the exact keeping of time," form a .scene which contributes not a little to make the 'king"s week " the happiest in a .Syrian peasant's life. The dcscrijition throws a bright light on SongG 10 13 7 1-6 (which forms a connected passage).' The opening verse is probably six)ken by the chorus of neighbours on the approach of the bride with the sword ; it abounds with res|>ectful compliments suitable to the occasion. / ". 13^ also Ijclongs to the neighlxjurs, who call to the bride to turn that they may see her tetter. Then, to draw out their admiration further, the bride- groom asks them why they are gazing as fixetlly at this paragon of beauty this second .Shulammiie 'at the dance of warlike hosts," i.e. at the \\ar-dance, or sword-dance (c'^rrrn n'^r.irs ; u>s xP'- ^'^ Tapf/i/ioXiIi' ; so Budde). It often happens in the Syrian desert, says Wetzstein, that when a woman performs this dance on occasion of a victory of one trilx; over another, and some young man shows special a<lmiration of the dancer, he is called upon to fight unarmed, according to certain rules, with the dancer, and may chance to pay for his boldness with his life. To this the question in Song 613^ may allude. Song 7 1-6 (which is in a different metre from 6 10 13) exactly answers to the .Syrian uuif/ {i.e., 'laudatory descrijition") sung during the sword- dance by the leader of the chorus. We must not criticise it too severely. The tone is that which popular taste required and (to judge from the 7^v/.f/ quoted by Wetz- stein) still requires in Syria.

On the day after the wedding, w hen the ' king " has announced his 'victory' over the 'fortress,' Jinolher was/ is sung. This time the attractions of the lady are described with less unreserve, in deference to wifely dignity. Such a 7i'<!s/ we seem to have in Song 4 1-7. Is the bridegroom, then, exempt from laudation? Not in modern .Syria, nor in the .Song. True, in Song 36-ii, sung (it would seem) during the procession from the bridegroom's house to that of the bride, flattery goes no further than to liken the crownetl bridegroom to Solomon. The young wife naturally goes further. The W'(/.r/ itself is found in Song 5 10-16. Prefixed to it is a speech of the bride describing a weird dream that she has had, in which she believes so firmly that she begs for the help of the ' daughters of Jcriusalem ' in restoring her to her beloved. These are the chief songs of this class; but in Song64-7 we have at least a fragment of a laudatory description of the bride, part of which is an ill-connected quotation from 4 1-3. Wetz- stein assures us that the 7<'(ijr/"- passages are the weakest p.art of the wedding-songs, and accordingly, he adds, the 7<w.r/-portion of the Song of Songs is much inferior poetically to the rest. Certainly the most striking part

' On rt iiy^, see above, S 10. Reiiss despairs of 10-13 with- out reason.

of the Sonsf of Songs is the passage which contains 7 xi- 87 (excepting the interpolated verses 83-5'). It is a song such as might have been sung on the evening of the wedding-day. The opening description is true in idea, though imaginary in its incidents. It is true in idea ; for every marriage, according to the poet, should arise from the free affection of one man and one woman. It is imaginary in its details, for the incidents are inconsistent with what was allowable in courtship. For real songs of courtship such as an Israelite might have used, see Riickert's Hamdsa, bk. iv. ). The closing eulogy of love as ' strong as death, inflexible as Sheul, whose flashes are flashes of fire, [whose flame is] a flame from heaven ' (86), is noble.

The poetical form, and therefore also the origin, of the Song of Songs seems to be no longer doubtful.

10. Present Writer's relation to Wetzstein[edit]

Fully twenty years ago (1878) the present writer rejected Ewald's interpretation of Song (5 11/., but still thought it possible, omitting interpolations and transposing certain misplaced passages, to restore something like the original sequence, and to recognise a loose imperfect plot such as quick-witted hearers and spectators might have divined. He saw also that the poem was based on pl)pul.^r songs,'* and admitted the critical significance of the information furnished by Wetzstein. ' When we consider,' he then wrote, ' that processions and the choral performance of lyric poems were familiar to the Israelites from Samuel down- wards, it becomes a highly probable conjecture that this custom of the Syrian peasants was already in vogue in the times of the or writers. This is confirmed by the remarkable coincidence between the time when the incidents of the Song are supposed to take place (see Song 21-13) and the time of the peasants' weddings in Syria (March is the most beautiful time of the Syrian year).' He further noticed two or three of the ivasf- passages in the Son^, and (after Kohler) the implied reference to the sword-dance in Song 61013 ( '^y- being misplaced). He was far, however, from realising the extent to which the Hebrew songs were analogous to the traditional Syrian, and thought that a part of the Song related to the happy courtship of the rustic lovers ; nor did he understand the reference to Solomon or the meaning of 'the Shulammite.' To Budde he owes it that he has adopted a more consistent theory.*

11. Result[edit]

The book is an anthology of songs used at marriage festivals in or near Jerusalem, revised and loosely connected by an editor without regard to temporal sequence ; in saying which, we do not deny that the kernel of the work may have been brought, from some other part of the country, perhaps in the north.

12. Apparent unity.[edit]

What of the supposed indications of unity? These are found partly in the phraseology ('Solomon,' 'the king,' 'daughters of Jerusalem,' 'my beloved,' 'my friend,' the seeming re- frains in 27 85 84 ; as well as in '2,17(1 46rt ; and in 2i7^ 814/^), partly in the poetical colour, partly in the feeling or spirit, and of course in the circumstances. This agreement tetween the several parts of the poem is not as great as has been supposed. As Bickell observes, ' (jeneratim omnia verbotenus repetita serius inserta sunt ' ; in such repetitions are even more plentiful than in MT. The genuine points of phraseological agreement are quite accounted for by the traditional conventions of these love songs. That the feeling, the poetical colour, and the circumstances are the same, harmonises with the assumed origin of the songs. The prominence of the mother (1684 825) is to be explained not (with Ewald, 334) by ' the Shulammite's' supposed loss of her father, but as a vestige of the matriarchate ( Mutterrecht). With regard to Song I4 and Song 8 10, which, taken together, may seem to show that the heroine had been placed in a royal palace but had ' comjjelled her assailant to leave her in peace '

t These verses are not in the metre of the rest of the passage ; the two former come from 2 6_/C (cp 3 5), while the last has been suggested oy 3 6.

2 Or, 'a most vehement flame.' The final ,t may be simply an aftormative (Jiiger, Jastrow).

3 See Foutulers o/OT Crit. (1893), 350.

  • r.udde's attempt (Neiv World, March 1894) to show that

some of the less poetical passages are due to the collector and reviser of the songs, who now and then misunderstood the texts, cannot here be considered.

(Robertson Smith's paraphrase of 8ioi^), we should hold that the ' chambers ' of 1 4 are those of the crowned bridegroom, and that the ' peace' of 810 belongs to the characteristic figure of the ' fortress ' (see above).

13. Date[edit]

Historically, the Song would gain, could it be shown to be pre-exilic. What would not one give for the light likings of ancient Hebrew maidens, and for a nol)le popular protest against the doubtful innovations of the unpatriotic Solomon? Robertson Smith in 1876 held that the Song of Songs was just such a protest. ' The conservative revolution of Jeroboam was,' he remarks, ' in great measure the work of the prophets, and must therefore have carried with it the religious and moral convictions of the people. An important element in these convictions, which still claims our fullest sympathy, is powerfully set forth in the Canticles, and the deletion of the book from the Canon . . . would leave us without a most necessary complement to the Judaian view of the conduct of the ten tribes which we get in the historical books. ' The reference to the harem life of Solomon, however, is con- fined to two verses (Song 6 8/. ) ; it is rather sportive than polemical, and, attractive as the protest-theory is, it is opposed to a sound exegesis (see above). *

14. Not pre-exilic[edit]

For a pre-exilic date there is no solid argument, (a) The title, which is not by the author (note nrx), is of course not more trustworthy than the headings of the ' Solomonic ' psalms. (b) The points of contact with Hosea (cp Song2i3 4ii 611 with Hos. 14 6-9) and Prov. 1-9 (cp Song 4x1 14/. with Prov. 53 7 17 5 15-17) prove only that different poets used similar (conventional) images. Moreover, recent criticism tends to show that Hos. 14 2-10 and Prov. 1-9 are post-exilic, {c) The phrase d"ic'*c3 ' (going down) straight," used of wine, in Song 79 Prov. 2331, is indecisive, whether Prov. I.e. is early or late. (d) The mention of Tirzah beside Jerusalem (Song 6 4) need not point to ' the brief period when that city was the capital of the dynasty of Baasha ' (but see TiKZ.\H), for (if MT is correct) it is the beauty of the site of Tirzah that is referred to a beauty which could not pass away with a dynasty. Most probably, however, we should emend the text thus, ' Thou art beautiful as the narcissus, comely as the lily of the valleys ' ^ (cp 2i). If so, Tirzah is not mentioned, (e) That the references to Solomon prove nothing, we have seen already. It will, therefore, be absurd to base an argument on the comparison of the lady in Song I9 with one of Pharaoh's mares. If the bridegroom could be likened to Solomon, the bride could be likened to one of Solomon's finest Egyptian horses, especially if the songs were written while Pales- tine formed part of the Grseco- Egyptian empire (cp Theocr. Id. 15 52/ ). Whether Solomon really obtained horses from Egypt, is a question which need not be discussed here (see MiZR.MM, 2a).

15. Post-exilic[edit]

For a post-exilic date the main arguments are these : (a) The position of the book among the Hagiographa. (b) The beauty of Jerusalem is mentioned late (Ps. 482 50 2 Lam. 215). (c) The absence of striking archaisms of thought and expression, {d) The importance attached to rare exotic plants and to garden-cultivation points to Babylonian influence (see Garden). See Song 4 12-15, where the following plant-names, which are of foreign origin, and very possibly late, deserve attention.

T\-hr\v(. (also Ps. 45 9, l^te, where, as here, it is coupled with lb ; cp Prov. 717, and see Aloes), [ic^p (also Prov. 7 17 Ex. 30 23, both passages late), D3n3 (&"" Xf7,), TT) (also 1 12), and, following Gratz, D"ni (for the tautological omj), new Hch. for 'roses. '^

1 MT is hardly defensible. Fair women would not be com- pared to cities. Tg. paraphrases ' as the women of Tiran (jjnn),' or Tirzah (Neub. Gfogr. du Tahn. \Ti). Bickell and Bu. omif 'as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem,' as weakening the effect of ' terrible ' which follows; but nC'N, 'terrible,' is simply a corruption of D'pOi/ (in the phrase 'V rUCIC, ' lily of the valleys '). On m'?jn:3i see Ensigns, i b.

The fondness of the poet of Canticles for spices led the ancient scrihcs into some very strange textual errors viz., (i) 4 6, 'to the mountains of myrrh OS'I) and the hill of frankincense ' (W^V.l), where -on should be pcnn. 'Hermon,' and njiaV should be JUaVn (cp HKA) ; very probably, also, the correct reading in r. 8 is ' from the hills of the cedars, from the mountains of the cypresses' (cTTID m.-IO O'llH HU'^iC); (2) 814, in the ' mountains of spices' (D'Cra), 'F3 should certainly be n'tyiia, to which, if We.'s view of -una n.l, 'mountains of malobathron ' (We. /'<>/.(*> 409), was that of the early scribes, we may add 217 where we should read C'nh3 H, ' mountains of cypresses ' (see Bether).

Add njK = new Heb. niiJK. 6 n, and perhaps -isb = Kt'<TTpo%, 1 14 4 13 (plur. ). Last, not least, we have the Persian loan-word for plantation or park, D^":!3, 4 13 ; elsewhere only Nch. 2 8 Eccl. 2 5, though the exact history of the form is doubtful.

One Greek loan-word S has been found in [VnSK, 'palanciuin,' S9 = </>opioc (so O ; but .see Littkr). In the Midrash ' is ex- plained by Kcr-ie /.^., (i>6pr\ij.aL. In Sota 49^ it is said that the use of the bridal litter (pnSN) was forbidden by the Jewi.sh authorities during the Bar-Cochba war. On the gorgeous <l>op(la of the .Syrian l.idies under Antiochus K^piphanes, .see Polybius (ap. Athen. .'J 22). The only doubt can be whether 'j< is not a gl()>s. .Metrical rea.sons .suggest its excision (Hickell).

(e) Among the distinctly late words are pn-)H 3 10 76* (for Judg. 822-27 is not, as it stands, ancient; see Budde) ; vv. 5 15 Esth. 16; 3n (plur.). 6it Job 812; i 5 ; nSi'3n, 2 I Is. 35 i ; C'inn, 1 10 (nn, Aram, and new Heb. ) ; Sna. n'ac'n. rsrt ' to glance,' D'3'in ' smoke-holes,' 29 ; 3dd, 1 12 ; rtiiir:, 2i4 Ezck. 3820 (.\ram. Kj-n) 'a step' ; -n-jp, 21315 7 12 and perhaps Is. 168 (for ItlD^c^ see SBOT, ad loc. ; op Duval, REJ I4277) ; inp. 'winter,' 2ii ; nisip, f)2ii ; 0"0'P7, 52 ; pic* (plur. ), 32 Prov. 78 Eccl. I245 (cp Griitz. 49); ^Ja (Piel), 53; i'Dp(Piel), 'to spring,' 28 ; nt:], ' to keep,' 1 6 8 II 12 ; ,ij?o, 'enclosed,' 73. (/) Grammatical forms. Note n-jn, 1 15, etc.; n'na, I17; nrx, 'where,' I7 (cp -il, Dan."728); njrx, how'?53, Es'th. 86. Also rfornc-K, 22 times. na^cJ, I7, like 'pW, Jon. 1 7, and irK "7^3, Eccl. 817, ,i|iS icJk, Dan. lio. '^r, 16 812 ; Vr, 37 (exactly the Mishna usage), [g] Tn, 44, for Ti^, may perhaps point to the post-exilic period (see li^nk. Z^ 7- mi 127).

The preceding list of arguments, though not ex- haustive, should be sufficient. Linguists, such as Gesenius among Christians and M. Sachs among Jews, long ago recognised the modern character of the Hebrew. The question, however, was a complicated one, and ingenuity did its best to save an early date, and with it (it appeared) the historical value of the Song. It is time for critical students to look at the facts more frankly. We can now show that this anthology of songs is post-exilic, and may conjecture that it is nearly contemporary with that 'song of love' (and of spices), Ps. 45. It is not easy to find a period more suitable to all the data than one of the early and fortunate reigns of the Ptolemies (cp rounders, 353). A still later date is suggested by W'inckler [Altor. Forschungi-n, 295).

1 The first mention of roses elsewhere is in Ecclus. (see RoseX j This would allow us to date the .song in 300-250 ii.c. There were roses in liabylon in Herodotus's time {llerad. 1 195).

2 He was anticipated by Field (Otii:. Hix. 2415),! e rendering of Sexta as ^aAa(3<i)ep(ou). ' Dat ct malobathron Syria, says PI. (//.\'12i).

3 Another of the supposed Greek words arises from a corruption ot the text. See Armoury,

4 pjIK in 7 6, however, is corrupt,

16. Text[edit]

Like the other poetical books, the Song of Songs suffers from many, often most unfortunate, corruptions ^ ^^ ^^^^ ^'"^ dislocations of passages have added to the difficulties of the interpreter. Gratz was the first to recognise the bad state of the text. Among recent scholars Hickell and Budde have done most ; Hickell's chief results have been incorporated in Hudde's excellent commentary. Pcrles, in his Analeklen ('95), has considered aIx)Ut ten passages, and the present writer has endeavoured to correct some of the chief errors UQH and Exp. Times for 1898-99 and A-t/oi/Vor, Feb. 1899, 14s/:). Among these corrections it may Ix; mentioned that, according to Bickell, the Shulammite ' in 7 i is due to corruption ; against this view, however, see Hudde, who points out that, since the phra.se ' the Shulammite' is not tantamount to a declaration that the bride is a Shulammite damsel, and only means ' one who is as fair as Abishag the Shulaiumite,' it is no gain to the adherents of the dramatic or idyllic theory to have the correctness of n-a^w.T assured to them. Contrary to ISeries (who on this point is an adherent of (Griitz), Bickell further thinks that 3'ij <Ey in 612 (see Amminadik) also is not the true reading. He regards 3-1: "cy na (n3 derived from ni3 in ni33-o which is corrupt) as a doublet of [,i] anj [<cj,'] na in 72, and renders ' my noble kinswoman ' ; Budde prefers to wait for more light. Perles has pointed the way to a better solution by grouping 612 and 72 with 77. Here, the present writer thinks, we should read na na.iK iTEJity, 'loved one, Shunammite damsel,' and, con- sequently, he makes the same restoration in 612 and 72 t.?. , p'OTr na. Certainly Bickell is right in re- fusing to have anything to do with the ' chariots ' of which MT and therefore also EV speak in 6 12. The whole story of the Shulammite's having been surprised in the nut-orchard by the king's retinue (cp Driver, In/rod., 442, 446) breaks down, when strict criti- cism is applied to the text. On Cant. 36-ii, which is disfigured by curious corruptions (one of which is the famous j'v-iSN, RV 'palanquin'), see Litter.

17 Value[edit]

We must now endeavour to estimate the value of the Song. We shall not Ije ungrateful for the material ^^'^^^ supplies to students of manners and customs and the distribution of plants ; but it is nuich more iniportant that it opens a window into the heart of ordinary Israelites. {a) The Song reveals a very pure conception of true love, as springing out of a free inclination of one man and one woman,* and rising into a passionate and indestructible union of hearts. If the songs were written (or even if they were only edited, revised, and suppleiuented) in the early Greek period, what a contrast they offer to much that was current at the luxurious court of the Ptolemies ! {b) The Song shows also a genuine love of nature. ' The writer inspires us with his own delicate joys. The breath of spring still breathes through his words, its scents, its fresh moist greeniiess, the old hopeful spring notes heard in the woods, again are all here. '^ There is nothing more lovely than the spring of Palestine, and this old fjoet felt it. Where the images are bizarre, we need not put it down to him. The was/- songs were, and still are, governed by strict convention (cp Wetz. in Del. 174-177). Ovid and Theocritus are not without some of these strange love images.' (c) ' Race -psychology ' also may gather something. Twice the heroine falls into a perplexing confusion between dreamland and reality (Song3i-4 52-7). This can be paralleled from Arabic love [X)etry, in which the dream-form of the beloved receives an objective exist- ence, and lovers even give their respective apparitions a rendezvous (see Hiiiruxsa, Kreytag, 22 ; Lyall. Trans- lations, 12). * ((/) If the poem is post-exilic, it shows us that there were times and seasons (cp Eccl. 34) of which legalism could not overshadow the joyousness. ^ It reminds us of the fine love-sentiment of the Arabic HaniAsa.

2 W. G. Forbes, Serifwns C85), p. 147. 3 Cp especially Song 1 9 with Theocr. Id. 18 30. See JJamdsa, 612, and Cf Journal Asiatigue, 1838, p. 374 etc.

In this and in other respects our notion of the post-exilic period may perhaps need revision.

Is this, then, the whole worth of the Song for us? Being canonical, must it not have some subtle religious value which has teen overlooked ? ^

The answer is (i) that wfc have no right to assume that R. 'Akiba's well known saying about the Song at the Synod of" Jamnia (see Canon, 53) represents the point of view of those who first admitted this popular and supposed Solomonic work among the Kethubhim ; and (2) that the mistake of a Jewish Synod cannot be perpetually endorsed by Christian common -sense and scholarship. We have therefore to revise our con- ception of the word ' canonical ' in its application to the OT writings.

Hesiiles the commentaries of E\v., Hitz., Gratz, Del., Stickel, Oettli (AV/C, 98), etc., consult WRS, art. 'Canticles,' /iBW, Hriill's review of Kaempf, Jalirh. f. jiid. Gfscli. u. Lit. 1877, p. 138^ ; Hu.'s rev. of Stickel, TL/, 24th March 18S8, his art. in Neil' li'orld, March 1894, and his fine commentary, 1898; also R. Martineau, Ann-r. Journ. 0/ Philolof^y, 1892, pp. 307-328; Bickell, Carmina VT u-trice (^%2)\ Siegfried, C, Prcd. u. iro/iesHcd (:<)9'); Riedel, Die Aus/cg: ties Holienlicies in <icr jiid. Geiitein<ie u. der christl. Kirckc ('98). T. K. C.


(rreTACOC [AV] ; according to one view it has been borrowed in Aramaic under the form tJ'tDD Dan. 821 ; hut see Hkkkchks, 2 ; Tukb.vn, 2 ; and c^ Journ. Phil.l^yx)/.). the Greek broad-brimmed (fr. irerdi'- vvfii) felt hat which Jason made the Jewish youth wear (2 Mace. 4 12 RV ; AV 'hat'). It was worn (originally) chiefly by shepherds and hunters, was an attribute of Hermes,^ and so became the badge of the palajstra.

This a'isumes that the te.\t is genuine (note that vnoTaaa-uiv in A precedes). The Syr. reads Jl^^aA^B fc^Jl-l: cp 2 S. 1231 (Pesh.), where MT has jaSp. Did the translat.^r think of eTTiTaais? Equally obscure is the origin of the Vg. in liipa- naribus, though the infamy and vice of the later gymnasia, the fact that the 'Ep;oiaia were celebrations of a more or less free and unrestrained character, and the alhislon to vicious practices in 2 Mace. 64, make \\. possilUe that a genuine tradition has been followed.


(HjVaX, KAnnARlc [BKAC]). Eccles. r2 5t RV. That the Hyssop (q.v.) is the caper-plant {Capparis spinosa, L. ) is a favourite theory. Still more prevalent is the view that the word rendered 'desire' in .\V RV'"e- of Eccles. I.e. ('the almond tree shall flourish, and the grasshopper shall be a burden, and desire shall fail') denotes the berry of the caper-plant.^ The difficulties of translation are as great in the third of these clauses as in the others (.^i.mond. Grasshopper). The Revisers of O T changed ' desire ' into ' the caper- berry,' but could not determine on a satisfactory verb ; ' fail ' therefore remains, with ' Or, burst ' in the margin. Thus much at any rate is plain : the noun in this clause must denote some object in the physical world.

The rendering 'the caper-l>erry ' (, Aq. Vg. ) * has been adopted by nearly all modi-rns, among whom G. F. Moore ^ deserves special mention because of the fresh light which he has brought from Mishnic and Talmudic sources. The rendering ' desire ' ( Abulwalid ; Parchon) is a worthless modern guess.

In spite of the agreement of scholars, the clause remains obscure, mainly from the difficulty of interpret- ing the predicate nan. (i) Plutarch {Sym/). 62) speaks of the caper being used as a relish to induce appetite for food ; medi;Bval Arabic writers mention its effects

1 Even Herder fell into this error ; see Haym, Herder, 287.

2 In middle and low Latin petasunt becomes the winged shoe of .Mercury (Uufresne, ed. Favre).

3 That this fruit, and not the berr>'-like bud familiar in modern times, is intended appears clearly from the Talmudic references (see I^w, Pjtanz. 264), and the exhaustive discussion in Moore's art. referred to below.

  • Pesh. has a double rendering : (i) the caper, (2) misery

the latter seemingly based on a supposed (but impossible) abstract use of the fern, of |1'31< ; cp Sym. ^ (iriiroi'o; and Field, Hex. i\oT,.

6 See his article, JDL 10 55-64 ('91).

in stimulating sexual impulse (Wetz. in Del. Koh. 452) ; ^ and it was in traditional use (especially the fruit) in the middle ages as a stinmlant in senile disorders.'^ It has been sought, accordingly, to explain -isn as mean- ing 'fail of effect' (so RV text), and this will do as a makeshift : when even the caper fails, nothing is left to try. Unfortunately, it is ditficult to believe that the Heb. verb can have this meaning ; Delitzsch's explana- tion of it as a case of internal Hiphil ( ' produces failure ' i.e., ' fails') is most unlikely.

(2) Others have thought of the bursting of the ripe berry and the scattering of its seeds as a synonym for death (so RVniK); but this is quite untenable, (a) because of the fact that the root Tlfl is nowhere used in a physical sense in Hebrew,* (/') because the context requires a phrase descriptive of old age rather than of death, and (f) because of the botanical impossibility of the inter- pretation, there being no evidence that the fruit of Capparis spinosa is dehiscent.

Unless, therefore, we give the Heb. verb the very unusual sense of ' fail ' we can only say that probably, as in the other clauses, the metaphor indicates some feature in the old man's appearance or physical state, and Moore's suggestion, to emend isn into some derivative of ms appears a good one.

N. M. vv. T. T.-n.


is the transliteration of the Text. Rec. KATTepNAOYM ; but KBDZ, followed byTisch.,

'1<=S-. WH, etc., read KA(})ApNA,OYM (so "*- Pesh. and Jos.).

1 Name[edit]

The original was, therefore, cinj 1S3. village of Nahum. It is not mentioned before the NT, and this, coupled with the fact that ied prevails in the composition only of comparatively late names, is proof of an origin shortly before the time of Jesus. Whether by N'ahum is meant the prophet, we do not know. In Jerome's time it was another Galilean town that was associated with him (GASm. Tiwlve Proph. 279).

2. References.[edit]

Capernaum became the home of Jesus (kv oi'/cCfJ iariv, Mk. 2i) and 'his own city' (Nit. 9i) after his rejection by the townsmen of xNazareth. j^^^^ he preached (Mt.85 Mk. I21 93336 Jn. 6 etc.); did many wonderful works, healing Peter's mother-in-law and many others (Mk. I3134), a paralytic (Mt. 9i Mk. 2i Lk. 018), a centurion's servant (Mt. 85 Lk. 7i), a man with an tmclean spirit (Mk. I23 Lk. 433), and (by a word from Cana) a nobleman's servant (Jn. 446) ; and called the fishermen Peter and Andrew (Mk. I16), and Matthew or Levi, who sat to receive toll (Mt. 98 Mk. 2i4 Lk. 527). In spite of all this, the body of citizens remained unmoved, and Jesus pronounced woe upon the place (Mt. II23 Lk. Idis, R\'). These passages imply that Capernaum was a TroXis, with a Roman garrison, a synagogue (built by the centurion), and a customs-station ; and that it lay down in the basin of the lake (Jn. 2 12 Lk. 431), and on the lake shore (Mt. 413), and (presumably from the customs station) on the great high road from Damascus past the N. end of the lake to the Levant (cp way of the sea quoted in Mt. 415/. from Is. 9i[S23]). A comparison of Jn. 617 with \It. 14 34 would seem also to imply that it lay on or near the plain of Gennesaret at the NW. corner of the lake.

3. Suggested Identifications.[edit]

The name has entirely disappeared, and amid the scattered evidence of writers since the NT and the various groups of ruin which strew the lake shore between Gennesaret and the ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ j^^^^^^ diversity of tradi- tion and of modern opinion has naturally arisen. Two sites divide the authorities Khirbet el-Minyeh (several mounds with indistinguishable ruins and an old Khan also called Minyeh on the N. corner of Gen- nesaret) ; and Tell-Hum, a heap of black basalt ruins

1 It should, however, be noted that neither Dioscorides (2 204) nor Pliny (13 127 20165^) mentions either of these effects.

2 So Tragus (l^e Stirp. Hist. Comm. 1552, 8968) writes to the effect that, cooked, and taken with oil and vinegar, it is used with benefit in cases of palsy, gout, 'phlegm,' 'spleen,' sciatica, in urinary troubles, and as an emmenagogue.

3 Even if it were, the Hiphil would not mean ' to burst.'

with the remains of a wliite marble edifice and a curious tomb two miles and a half farther west, und two miles and a half from the mouth of the JoiJan. Between these two the evidence is not quite conclusive.

4. Josephus[edit]

For Tell-Huin there is usually cjuoted the evidence of Josephus, who says that, having lieen thrown from his To nhuB '^^ '" '^ skirmish with the Roman forces P in Jordan, he was carried to a village called Kf<f>apvo}>jui)v {fiifi. 72). and thence to Tarichea;. Even if this reading were correct, Josephus, with injuries so slight as ho reports, might as easily have been carried the 5 m. to Gennesaret as the two and a half to 'I'ell- Hum, especially as his desire seems to have been to get to Tariche;. It is suspicious, however, that he calls the place a village (kui/hij), and Niese fixes the proper reading as K<papvu}K6v. The only other evidence Josephus gives favours Khan Minyeh. He descrilxis (/Viii. 108) the plain of Gennesaret as watered by 'a most copious fountain ' called by the people of the country Capharnaum. This Robinson Ijelieves to Ije the 'Ain et-Tin, close by Khan Minyeh ; more proli- ably it was the 'Ain el-labigah, whose waters were conveyed in an aqueduct past the site of Khan Minyeh into the plain. Tell-IIum, on the other hand, has neither fountain nor spring.

5. Christian and the Jewish traditions[edit]

The Christian and the Jewish traditions are divided. Jerome places Capernaum 2 R. m. from Chorazin, a K ni._;*j datum which, if Chorazin be Kerazeh, , ,,, ,, ,,_ t. 1 u' 1 e . T jv, agrees With I ell-Hum. So do the data of ,..,/ , , , r

traditions heod<.suis(.7mz53o). who, workmg from Magdala round the N. end of the Lake, places Capernaum 2 R. m. on the other side of Hepta- pegon, presumably 'Ain el-'labigah. Isaac Chilo in 1334 \Carmoly ItiiUtaires, etc., la Terre Sain/e des xiii.- x--ii. Sih/fs, 260) came to Kefar Nachum from Irbid, and found it in ruins with the tomb of Nahum. In 1561 the Jichiis /la-Tsrdikim {/fi. 385) mentions Tanchum with the tombs of Nahum and Rabbi Tanchum {c\> Jichus hu-Abot id. 448). Taking Kefar Xachum and Tanchum as identical, some find in 'Toll-Hum 'a corruption of 'Tanchum.' This is the case for Tell-Hum. It really rests on the evidence of Jerome and Theodosius (for it is not certain either that Kefar Xachum and Tanchum were identical or that 'Tell-Hum' is derived from 'Tanchum') ; and it is opposed to the evidence of Josephus. Yet in recent times it has received a large increase of support (Dr. Wilson, Lands of the Bible, '2.\y!)-\\()\ Thomson, Land and Hk. ed. 1877, 352-356 ; Sir C. Wilson, Rain-oy of Jerusalem, 375-387; Guc'rin, Galil. '\^i-jf.\ Schaff, ZJil'V^ \-nff. \ Furrer, id. ^Id-x, ff. , and in Schenkel's liib. Lex. 8495; Frei, ZDPV 2 115; van Kasteren, ib. 11 219/; Schiirer's ///'v/. 471 ; Buhl, Pal. 224/.).

On the other hand, .\rculf s description of Capernaum (670 .\.D. ), as being on 'a narrow piece of ground V)ctween the mountain and the lake.' suits Khan Minyeh, but not Tell-Hum. Arculf adds that it lay on the shore non longo circuitu from the traditional spot on Gennesaret where the loaves were blessed. He did not visit it, but saw from a distance that it had no walls. Willibald's data (722 A.O. ) suit any point l)etween Mejclel and Bethsaida, and equally in- definitive are all other references till Isaac Chilo in 1334 states that the town is now in ruins, but was formerly inhabited by Minim i.e., Jews who had Ixicome Christians all sorcerers (cp Neubauer, Gt'oi^. du Taint. 221). Many find Minim in Minyeh. In answer to objections to this (Furrer, ZDPl'2si ff;), another derivation has I)een suggested through the older Arabic spelling el-mutiya, common in Kgypt and Spain for 'villa,' 'steading,' 'hamlet,' etc. = Lat. mansio, Gr. fjiOiH) from which it is said to be derived (Gildemeister, y.DPJ' ii^^ff.). In any case, a place lay here in the eleventh century called Munyat Hisham (Kazwini's Lexicon), and in 1430 El-Munja, a village so large that the whole lake was called after it. (Tristram gives the form 'Miniyeh,' which Delitz.sch derives from Mineh, harljour). And (Juaresniius in i6i6-a6 (Llucid. 'J'err. Sane. 2568) says that by the site of Capernaum there was in his time a KhSn called by the .Arabs Menieh i.e. , Minyeh. Ruins have l)een found lK)th on the plain, by Robinson {LPh' 348-358) and Merrill (/;. of Jordan, 301 /), who traced a city wall, and on the hill by Schumacher {/.DPI' 1870).

6 Probably Khan Minyeh.[edit]

On the whole, then, the balance of opinion is in favour of ' Khan Minyeh.' So Robinson, Conder, Henderson <^- '58/). Keim (Jesus. Engl. ed.. ",* ^ '^367^). Stanley {SP 384), G. A. Sm. {//is/. Ceo^. 456/.), Ewing (in Hastings, D/{). The site suits the biblical data, is required by the data of Josephus, and has tradition in its favour from the seventh century onward.

G. A. s.


(x(\4)<\pc&A(\M& [N'V ; so J^yr.], KA^). Ul'S. |, (JJAPC. [*<*]. X<^P4>APCAPAMA [A] I. the scene of .Nicanor's unsuccessful att.ick U[)on Judas. 1 Mace. 731 (cp Jos. .-//. .\ii. 104). The name is ob- viously c'^e' "1B3, which is met with in the Talnmd also. Most commentators (.Michaelis, Grimm, Keil) seek the site somewhere to the .S. of Jerusalem, on the ground that Nicanor's subsequent movements were first to Jeru- .salem and then farther northwards to Heth-horon. liwald and Schiirer, however, prefer to identify it whh the Carva Salim mentioned in a pilgrimage of the year 1065 as near Ramleh and not far from Lydda (Ew. //is/. ri32i, Schiir. GJV\i(x) n. ; cp Le .Strange, /\il. under Moslems, 471/! ). In the time of the crusaders ' Capar- salcm ' is again mentioned as a casale of the Knights Hospitallers. Mukaddasi's location of it ' in the district of Caesarea on the high road from Ramleh northwards ' agrees with the data in i Maccabees. In that region we find at the present day a village .Selmeh 3 m. E. of Joppa and Khirbet es-Sualimiyeh 6 m. farther N. across the 'Aujeh. Kh. Deir Sellam^ 12^ m. \V. of Jerusalem and I m. S. of the present high road to Joppa, suits the Maccabean, but not the mediaeval data. The same remark applies to the other Kh. Deir Sellam 4 m. N. of Jerusalem. Cp also the important W. Selman up which runs one of the main roads from the Maritime I'lain to Jerusalem. G. A. s.


RV Ciiai>hi:natha (xA(})eN<N0A [ANV], Jl^i^amo [I-ag.], but jj^v^Aa^caa [Walton]), a locality on the E. of Jeru.salem, which Jonathan the Maccabee repaired {iweuKevaai), i Mace. 1237t. The reading is uncertain, and the etymologising attempts of the older Lighifoot and others (Kn':sr, ' un- ripe dates,' Kn2D2, from silversmiths or some treasure house) are best avoided. Sepp and Furrer ( 77,/, 1896, col. 470) identify the place with the Tyroptron valley (see Jkrls.M-KM), in which case ivtaKfvaae (dirfffKiaaaf [\']) will have to be emended.


(K&(t)ipAC [A]), I Esd. rji9 = Ezra225.



(linD? ; Dt. 2 23 Am. 9 7. KATinA- AOKIAC [BAQL], KAnA. [F] ; Jer. 47 [6 20] 4t. om. PrptP HN.VQ. a'b'kai KAnnA. [(.'"'^ll. also occurring in plural form Caphtorim (Dnh23; KA(})eopieiM [I-l om. H), Gen. IO14 (x&. [AEJ)= I Ch. 1 12( AVCaphthorim; XA<}>op.[-\='-]) : Dt. 223t (.W Caphtorims, KAnnAAoKCC [MAFL]) ; the land and properly the |x>ople whence came the Philistines.

1. Not Crete.[edit]

In Gen. IO14 (see lielow)iand Dt. 223 Caphtorim is a synonym for Philistines. Caphtor is now generally identified with Crete, an important island of which the mention is perhaps to be expected ; see Gkogkai'HV.

The words,' whence came the Philistines,' in Gen. 10 14 should follow 'Caphtorim.' Probably they are a misplaced (incorrect) gloss from the margin.

15(7). In Jer. 47 4 't is expressly called an 'k ('island'?), and the Philistines (?) are sometimes called ' Cherethites. ' The Zeus Cretagenes in Gaza may also suggest a con- nection of the Philistines with Crete. These are Dill- mann's arguments. Mut ( i ) Crete does not appear to be mentioned in the Assyrian or the Egyptian monuments ; (2) the sense of is not to be limited to ' island " (BDH, 'coast, border, region'); and (3) in Jer. I.e. <5^ gives rov% KaraXoiirov! tC> v:/)ffo)v i.e., the text which it followed was without ' Caphtor ' ; the ' islands ' or ' coast-lands ' miijht be the Phoenician colonies (WMM).

2. 'Cherethites' not Cretans[edit]

As for 'Cherethites,' the current explanation, 'Cretans' (so too 6, Pesh. ), is very uncertain ; cp . ,'^" n'jB probably = Pulasati (Purasati), which is the name of one of the tribes of sea-pirates from the coasts of Asia Minor which harassed I^i^ypt under Rameses III. The probability is that <ni3 is a slightly modified form of the name of another such trilje. Now, the tribe which is constantly coupled with the Pu-ra-sa-ti in the Egyptian inscriptions is that of the Ta-k-ka-ra or Ta-ka-ra-y. It is reasonable to infer that "rn3 is a form of Takaray, which was Hebraised in two ways : ( i ) by placing the first con- sonant third instead of first ('ma, as if = cut off?), and (2) by omitting the first syllable (na ; but see Cakites). We look to Egyptology, therefore, for light on this problem.

3. Caphtor not Phoenicia[edit]

According to Ebers,! Caphtor is the Egyptian Kaft-ur, ' Great Kaft." This scholir held that Kaft was the name current in Rijypt, first of all for the populous Phcenician colonies in the Delta, and then, more widely, ~ for the Phoenicians of Phoenicia and their colonies. Kaft-ur would therefore mean 'Great Phoenicia' (cp Magna Graecia). This view, however, though not without plausible justification, is no longer tenable, as W. M. Miiller has fully shown CAs. u. Eur. z^i ff.\

4. But Cilicia[edit]

Keftu is the name of a country which, together with

Asi (the Alasia of Am. Tab. ) i.e., Cyprus represents

-, i p-i- the western quarter of the world in the

4. UUt l^ilicia. ^gg ^f Thotmes III. No doubt it is Cilicia that is meant ; hence in Lepsius's Denkinaler, 63, it is mentioned with Mannus ( = Mallus, a region of silver mines) as inhabited by the same people. E. Meyer (who himself, however, still inclines to identify Caphtor with Crete) writes thus^ of the land of Kaft (i.e., Miiller's Kefto) : ' The inhabitants of this land, the Kafti (formerly wrongly read Kcfd) carried on a sea trade, and possessed a richly-developed decorative art which is closely related to the MycenjEan. Upon the ligyptian monuments they present throughout, in contrast with the inhabitants of the Phoenician seaports, a wholly non-Semitic type of features, and appear in the inscriptions as a western people outside the pale of the Semitic world. Rightly, therefore, have Pietschmann, Steindorff, and W. M. Miiller rejected the equation Kaft = (jboii'iKT; of the bilingual decree of Canopus and sought for Kaft in Asia Minor, perhaps in Cilicia.'

N^ow, when we consider that the sea-pirates called Purasati and Takaray are stated to have come from the ' islands ' [i.e. , coast-lands), it is obvious that, if Purasati (at any rate) has been rightly identified in Hebrew litera- ture, Caphtor, whence the PClistim (Philistines) came, must be a name for some part of the sea-board of Asia Minor, and we may expect to find its original in the Egyptian inscriptions. That original must surely be Keft6 (or Kaft), which appears to have been Hebraised as Caphtor. That Caphtorim should be called a son of Mizraim(Gen. 10 14) is not surprising, for Caphtorim here, as well as in Dt. '223, means, not the people of Caphtor (the coasts of Asia Minor) but the Philistines, who, as Miiller has shown, were subject to Egypt in Shishak's time and earlier (cp David, 7). It is indeed doubtful whether either Amos or the Yahwist (J) can be pre- sumed to have known the true meaning of Caphtor, for

1 Ag. u. die BB. Mosis, 130 jf. ['68]. So formerly Sayce, {Prit. MffH.i-^) 136).

  • In a special communication for the present work. Cp

WMM, As. u. Eur. ZAlff-

as early as the fourteenth century the name Keftd had passed out of general use. As a name for Cilicia it was superseded by Hilakku (see Cii.K :IA, 2). Hence the false tradition, identifying Caphtor with Cappa- docia, could easily arise, just as another incorrect tradition identifying the Cherethites with the Cretans (on the other side see Chkrethites) arose. See WMM, As. u. Eur. 337, 390, to whom this (probably) right explanation of Caphtor is due. That the final r in Caphtor still needs to be accounted for is admitted.

T. K. C.


(KATTnAAoKiA [Ti. WH]) Acts 29 I Pet. 1 if. Cappadocia, from a similarity of sound, was wrongly identified by the translators of (5 with C.M'HTOR (see readings in previous article). It is allowable, however, to find it in the Gomer (see Geography, 20, i) of Gen. IO2; certainly the region called Gimir by the Assyrians was in or near Cappadocia. A still older name for Cappadocia seems to have been Tabal (see Tubal) ; the Tabalreans were scattered abroad on the invasion of their lands by the Gimirrai. The connection of Cappadocia with the early Hittites can only be mentioned here (see HlTTITES).

Cappadocia is mentioned twice in the NT : Cappa- docian Jews listened to Peter's sermon (Acts 29), and his first epistle is addressed to Christian residents in the province (i Pet. li). Jews must early have found their way into this part of Asia Minor, which is inter- sected by the commercial highways leading to Amisus on the Euxine and to Ephesus on the .i^gean.

Strabo (534) sketches the area included under the name of Cappadocia. In the earliest times it embraced the entire neck of the Anatolian peninsula. Subsequently it was split up into the two independent monarchies of Cappadocia Proper (7; ir/)6s rep Taip(f>, r\ fxeydXr]) and Pontus {ij irpbi t<^ II6vT(f) K.), separated from each other by the broad irregular elevation of the Tchamli Bel and Ak Dagh (Strabo, 540 ; Rams. Hist. Geogr. 315). In the south the Pylne Cilicias and the ridge of Taurus marked the frontier against Cilicia. Lake Tatta was part of the western boundary. In the S\\'. Cappadocia merged into the vast level plains of Lycaonia and South Galatia ; eastwards it extended to the Euphrates. The frontier varied greatly, however, at different epochs, especially towards the N. and the E. Cappadocia

is a cold elevated table-land, intersected by mountains, deficient in timber, but excellent for grain and grazing (Str. 73, 539). Its chief export seems to have been slaves (Hor. i^/. i. 639: Mancipiis locuples eget crris Cappadocum rex) ; but they were not of much account (Cic. Post Red. 614). Red ochre (Zu'WTrtKTj yoiXros : Str. 540) of good quality was exported : the em- porium was Ephesus not Tarsus, as we might have expected. Several monarchs of Cappadocia Proi^er bore the name Ariarathes (cp i Mace. I522). Its last king, Archelaus, was deposed by Tiberius, who reduced the country to the form of a province, in 17 A. D. (Tac. Ann. 242; Jos. Ant. xvi. 46).

In Imperial times the C.-xppadocian ro.ids fall into three groups :(x) those on the north, and (2) those on the south, of the river Halys, in both cases leading eastwards to the fords of the upper Euphrates ; (3) transverse roads leading northwards from the Cilician Gates : one of the chief among these last was that which afterwards became the pilgrims' route to the Holy Land (Rams. of>. cit. 255). The capital, Mazaca (Ma^<uta, from Mosoch, the ancestor of the Cappadocians: Jos. Ant. 1. li i. Gen. 10 2), occupied a central position actually upon the Euphrates trade-route, at the northern foot of Mt. Argseus. It was re- founded by Claudius, who gave it the name Caesarea, about 41 A.V). Because of the strength of the new religicm in it, Julian expunged it from the list of cities. By his time the whole town had been christianized (irai/fiijinei Xpcirriai-i^oi'Te?) and its great temples of Zeus Poliuchus and Apollo Patrous had long been destroyed (.Sozom. HE U\: Rams. of>. cit. 303). This is the more remark ible as southern Cappadocia was the strong- hold of the worship of Ma (Enyo), whose priest rivalled the king himself in power (Str. 535). At the time of Strabo 's visit the Hieroduli of the temple numbered over six thousand, and almost all the [wople of Comana were connected directly ur indirectly with the worship. At Vcnasa there was a similar cstahlishnicnt dcvolcil to the worship of Zeus (Sir. 537, Hams. /. cit. 392). It is only in later ecclesiastical history that the towns of^C.-jppadocia are celeliratcd j-.^., Nyssa, ISIazian;Jus, Samosata, Tyana. For the Chri.stianity of Cappadocia, see Rams. Ch. in K. /;//.( 443.^ W. J. W.


The lavish use of this old Knglish word in EV is perplexing. We shall mention the words which it represents, suggesting in some cases substitutes. EV is by no means consistent : the words referred to are sometimes rendered differently (cp Ofkicek, I'RINCK, Ruler).

I. lia'al, 7j,'a in rinpS 3, properly 'one who was on the watch,' Jer. 37i3t.

a. liphsilr, TODO Jer. 51 37, Nah. 8 17 (RV ' marshal "). See Scribe.

3. Si\g1d, TJ3 I S. 13 14, prop, the foremost one ; hence prince' [RV usu.illy) or ' leader " [EV 1 Ch. 12 27 13 i).

4. Kilsl, K'ir: Nu. 23 etc. (RV 'prince'; better 'chief '/.^., one who is entrusted with authority). In Kzekiel often for the .secular head of the Messianic kingdom. Often too in P if.g-, Nu. 1 16 2 3).

5. Pihdh, nnD a K. I824 Is. 869. Here and here only the word means 'general ' ; a glossator (see SBOT, Is.) used it in a wrong sense. Elsewhere it means ' governor,' ' satrap ' (see GOVKRNOK, i).

6. Kiifin, I'S^ Jud. Il6 (a 'decider'/.^., chieftain, RV 'chief,' except Dan. 11 18).

7. Kai, 3T in late Heb. for 11, e.g., 2 K. 258, 'captain of the guard ' (.\Vn>K- ' chief marshal ' ).

8. Kdi. c'K-i ' head,' Nu. 14 4 1 Ch. 11 42 (RV ' chief) ; 2 Ch. 18 12 (RV ' he.id ') ; cp Government, 26 n.

9. Saint, 1i'\v Dan. 215; syn. with 'captain (an see 7) of the guard,' r. 14.

10. Sails, IT'Sr 2 K. S> 25 ; see Akmy, 4, Chariot, 10.

II. Sar, nir in 'explain of the host,' i K. 1 25 ; 'captain of thousands, hundreds,' i S. 22 7. Elsewhere ' prince,' even Is. 10 rt and 31 9 (where read 'captains '). See Army, 4, Govern- MliNT, 21.

12. 13. 14. Three words mistranslated 'captain' are T|, n|, and ]?^N in 2 K. 11 4 19, Ezek. 21 22 (AVniff. and RV 'battering ranis') and Jer. 13 21 respectively.

The Grcek words are :

15. opxijyos Heb. 2 10 (RV 'author'), prop, 'one who takes the lead ' ; cp i Mace. IO47 Heb. 12 2.

16. o-TpaT>)-ybs ToO Itpov (I,k. 22 4 5' Acts 4 i etc.), the com- mander of the temple Levites ; see Army, 8 6-

17. <rrpaTOr5<ipx)? Acls2S 16 (RV after K[.\Bom.]), 'captain of the guard,' a military tribune ; cp Jos. />'/ ii. 19 4.

18. x"'^'apxo J"- !'> '2, chiliarch, see Ar.mv, 10.


These parallel and practically synonymous expressions ('ac', .T3t:', n'3B', v^'^'X" /ioXwTfi'eti', -ri^fiv, ^uyptiv, and nS:, niS:, ^'nSj, ' to strip, make bare [a country],' fieroLKi^fiv, etc. ) occur together in such phrases as ' the captives of Egypt and the e.xiles of Ethiopia' (riD niJ-nN1 D'lsD "ivnK ; Is. 2O4), ' into e.xile, into captivity shall they go" (nSlJ3 isS' '3t;-a ; Ezek. 12 n), 'the children of the captivity which were come out of exile' (nVun-'^a '3r~0 D'Kan ; Ezra 835). The captivity and exile incidental to conquest are intended. On what is known as The Captivity or Exile par excellence, see Israel, 32^, and cp Dispersion.

In Is. 51 14 nys (EV 'the captive exile") means, literally, nothing more than ' he that is bent down ' (see RVnitj), but the text is corrupt (see Che. SBOT, ' Isa.,' Addenda). In Js.22i7 -'tj^TS. 'will carry thee aw.iy with a mighty captivity,' in AV, ought to be rendered, as in RV, ' will hurl thee away violently.'


(kapaBacCeIicon [HA]. E om.)in I Esd. 9 34 .seems to stand for the ' Vaniah and Meremoth ' of II rj!ral036.

1 Strictly, the rendering rests upon the change of finiK and rSmn (' ways,' cp AV) into n'irriKi which b supported by most moderns.


nnnX,' which is properly the fern, collective form of HIX, ' a traveller,' Jud^,' 56 RV"*-, Job 618/ RV ; elsewhere (in CJen.;i7.5 Is. 21 13), '(travel- ing) company," which in JobGiyrcprcicuis n^vH. See Trade .^^I) Commerce.


is given in RV^e- as rendering ndpAei. T\^2 {& ANBpAi). for which EV has 'emerald.' Both renderings are uncertain ; for a third, see EMERALD.

Whilst under the head of carbunculus Pliny prob- ably includes the ruby, which is simply the red corundum, and the spinel, we may with safety assume that neither of these stones can have licen in the high- priest's breastplate. For, Jlrit, there is no proof that the ruby, which is only found in Ceylon and in Hurmah, or the siiinel, were known to the Hebrews and their neighbours any more than they were to the Greeks till after the time of Theophrastus ; secondly, owing to its hardness the ruby has hardly ever been engraved on, and any instances that are known Ix^long to the late Roman period. On the other hand, '1 heopliraslus {La/>. 18) descriljes his carbuncle {AvOpaC^} as a stone red in colour {ipudpbu fiif ti^ xP'^Moti, jr/j6s 5^ t6v ijXiov Ti.04ix(vov AfOpaKOi Kaiofxivov irotei xpoav), a statement that fits well the carbuncle, and tells us that it was engraved for signets (i^ &v kuI to. a<Ppayi5ia yXi'xpovaiv). The nophck of the breastjjlate may therefore have been a garnet. See, further, Precious Stones.

2. On the np-^a ofEx.28i7 89ioEz. 2813! (EV 'carbuncle*) see Emerald.

3. On the rniJK ':2K of Is. 54i2t (EV 'carbuncle') see Crystai,. vv. r.


(D3-13 ; GaraBa [BNL(^)], oaBaz [A]). a chamberlain of Ahasuerus (Esth. 1 10).


(^J'^D?"!?. in Jer. and Is. CrbSIS ; Egyptian A'a-ri-ka-ma'i('})-I<i ; early Babylonian [circa 2200 B. C. ] Karkamis ; 1 Assyrian Gargamil, Gargarmei), a city on the Euphrates (Jer. 462 ; so also Sargon, la kisad Piiratti[see'^"\. Sargon, 172]).

The readings of the versions are : Jer. 46 2 xapM<' ["".Al, (tapxa/m. ((,)] ; 2 Ch. 35 20 .\V Cl/ARCHFMlSlf. xapxafi- 1 l.j. H.\ om. ; cp I Esd. 1 23 (25) A V CHARCHAMIS xapxa/iu^ ( IJ], itaAxo/i. [.\], xa.p\a^ii<; [L] ; in Is. 10 9 CCSISJ represented by ttji' ^utpav riji' (ndvtt) Ba/SvAuirof [HR.\Q] [?] ; Charcatnis.

1. Site.[edit]

The site of Carchemish was fixed by G. Smith, shortly before his death at Aleppo in 1876, as being at Jerabis on the W. bank of the Euphrates. .Such, at least, apixjars to be the most probable form of the name (G. Smith in his latest diary speaks also of a place called Yaraboloos). Maundrell gave the name as Jerabolfls (Bohn's ed. 508) ; Sayce (Hist. Nev., Jan. 1888, p. 109, n. ) adopts Jerablils for Carchemish on the authority of Skene, Wilson, and Trowbridge. The form Jerabis is that heard by Sachau (Reise in Syrien, 168) ; and Pococke long ago gave Jerabecs as the name of a place distinct from Hierapolis ( Travels in the East, 2 164). Jerabis (variously spelled) is there- fore adopted by .'^^chrader, Delitzsch, G. Hoffmann, and Professor W. Wright of Cambridge ; Peters, however [S'ippur, text, map, and index), adopts Jerabus [sic). Jerabis is the plural form of Jirbas given by Yakut.'-' If Jerablus were correct it would still remain to be shown historically how Hierapolis (of which it is an obvious corruption) came to be applied to the ruins of Carchemish, seven hours away. The Syrian Hierapolis- Mabug (the Turkish Benibi, from Greek Ba^/it^v?;, cp Ass. lia-am-bu-ki), to which the name Jerabliis certainly does belong, was the seat of the worship of the Arama?an

1 Cun. Texts from Bab. T.-ib., etc. in the British Museum. Pt. ii. no. I, obv. 8 ; no. 6, obv. 11.

2 Nold. and Hoffmann identify with the Greek Europe? or Oropos (Syr.form Aghropos). Yakut's words (2688) are: ' D.-iir ^Cinnisri is on the E. bank of the Euphrates in the region of el-Jeziraand Diyar Mudar, opposite Jirbhs (Jirbis is SyrianX From Dair IjLinnisri to Manbig the distance is four farsahs, and from Dair IjLinnisri to Sarfl^ seven farsahs.'

goddess Atargatis (g.v.). G. Smith's words are (see Del. Par. 266/), ' Grand site[;] vast walls and palace- mounds 8000 feet round [;] many sculptures and mono- liths with inscriptions [;] site of Karchemesh. ' Some of the sculptures and inscriptions are now in the British Museum. The ruins extend half a mile from N. to S. by a quarter of a mile from W. to E. (Pococke, i.e.).

2. History[edit]

Carchemish was the northern capital of the Hittite empire, the Assyrian mat Hatti, clearly a great trade centre, and seems to have been a fortress-city commanding the principal ford of the Euphrates on the trade route from the Mesopotaniian plains into Syria. As the mounds lie between Berejik and the junction of the Sajur with the Euphrates, it is certain that a strong force at Carchemish could block the route of an Egyptian army into Assyria. About 1600 B.C. the army of Thotmcs III. had to meet the people of Ka-ri-ka-mai(?)-sa (W'.MM, Asien, 263) ; and the I'2gyptian captain Amenemhbe took some of the inhabitants prisoners. Tiglath-pileser I. [circa iioo B.C.) says that he defeated and plundered people be- longing to the city of Carchemish, and when the rest fled and crossed the Euphrates he sent his troops across on floats of inflated skins and burnt si.x cities at the foot of Mount Bisri (A'/>l32, /. 49 ff.). It is clear that his victory did not give command of the ford and that he did not take the city itself. Asur-nasir-pal (circa 880 B. c. ) received from Sangara, king of (mat Hatti) the Hittites, in the neighbourhood of Carchemish, tribute, the magnitude and variety of which attest the wealth and prosperity of the land (A'Z?lio6, /. 65^.). Shal- maneser II. about 858 B.C. defeated an alliance of Sangara with his neighbours and received an enormous tribute from him {k'B\i62, I. 27 ff.). On the bronze gates of Balawat a picture of the fortress is twice given in relief. Sargon II. in 717 B.C. actually captured the city, took its king Pisiris prisoner, deported its people, and settled Assyrians in it (A'/?238, //. 10, 22 ; Wi. Sarg., passim). From this time it was the capital of a regular province of Assyria, and had its own saknii or governor, who took his place among the Eponyms (692 B.C.). A strong proof of its commercial import- ance is afforded by the fact that by far the most common unit of monetary value in Assyria down to the last was the maneh of Carchemish. On the battle of Carchemish in 605 B.C., see Egypt, 68 ; Isk.\el, 40.

See further Hittites, and cp Maspero, Dc Carchemis of>pidi situ, etc., Struge:le of Nations, 144/; Schr. A'G/'" ('78), p. 221 ff.; G. HofTmann, Ahkamil. /. d. Kunde dcs Morgcnl. (D. M. C), vii. no. 3, p. 161: Del. Par. 265-268 ; Wright, PSR.A, 1880-81, pp. y>/.; iSIenant, Kar-Kdniis, sa position, ttlc, 1891.

C. H. \V. J.


( K(\pHe [BA]) 2 K. 2023 AV, RV Kareah,


(thn Kd.piAN[XV], t. -i^a[-A]), the southern part of the Roman province of Asia, mentioned as one of the countries to which a Roman note in favour of the Jews was sent in 139 B.C. (i Mace. 1023) ; see Mac- cabees, First, 9. At that date Caria was autonomous. Previously the greater portion had been assigned to Rhodes (in 189 B.C.), but after the war with Perseus (168 B.C., cp I Mace. 8s Pol. 30 5) it was declared free. After 129 B.C. Caria was part of the province of Asia (Cic. Pro. Flac. 65). Jews were settled in many Carian towns Cnidus, Halicarnassus, Myndus, Miletus and in the islands off the coast Cos, Rhodes, etc.

w. J. w.


(nsn), used thrice in RV of the royal body-guard, 2 K. 114 19 (.W Captains ; ton XOppCell [B.\L], xopei [A 7'. 19], and 2 S. 20 23 mg. (so Kt., Kr. wrr;, EV Ciieretmites \q.v.\ xeAeGGei [B], Xepe. [A], TOY TtAinGiOY [L, see Benaiah]). Perhaps the Carians, the famous mercenary folk (cp, e.g. , Herod. 2152), are meant (see Dr. ad loc, Caria, above, and , cp Cherethites). Even so, we must not infer a real acquaintance with the western part of Asia Minor. The name may have meant little more than foreigners. (For another view see Capmiok, 2.) f. b.


RV Carmonians (Carmonii [ed. BenslyJ, -mini [.-\*], -;/<? [.\**]), for which some MSS read Armenii, on the principle of substituting the un- known for the known, a people, mentioned in the ' vision horrible' (4 Esd. l.')3o), who were to go forth 'as the wild boars of the wood ' and ' waste a portion of the land of the .Assyrians with their teeth' (so RV) ; see Swine. They are probably the inhabitants of Kerman a province on the N. shore of the Persian gulf, lying to the W. of Gedrosia. Kerman is now the name of a province in the SE. of Persia.

In language and customs they were akin to the Persians They were not unknown to ancient classical authors (e.g., Nearchus, Arrian Ind. 38 ; Strabo, 15 727, the latter of whom gives a very gruesome account of some of their crueltiesX

The events hinted at in the vision probably refer to the conquests of the Sassanides, more especially of Shdpur or Sapor I. (242-273 A.d. ), and to their expeditions against Valerian (258 A.D.) and other generals. We may thus see in the wasting of a ' portion of the land of the Assyrians ' (v. 30) Sapor's expedition towards the NW. where he overran Syria and destroyed Antioch. The dragons of .Arabia (v. 29 ; cp the ' fiery flying serpents ' of Is. 306) would then be the Arabian forces of Odenathus and Zenobia, who drove him back beyond the Euphrates ; and the retaliation described in V. 33 would refer to the repulse of the Palmyrene troops, their dislodgment from the banks of the Orontes, and the fall of Zenobia at the hands of Aurelian (272 A.D. ).

See E^SDKAS, FOURTH BOOK OF, 5 {h). [For the history of this period cp WRS, ' Palmyra,' and No. ' Persia," A/H'JK]


(XAPMH [B.\]) I Esd. 525. AV=Ezra239 Harim, I.


("PO-I? orhm;3r}i.e.. 'the garden-land'; KAPMhAoc [B.\L]). I. (.Sometimes also Sai^n nri, '^P'^^ """^ kapmhAion-)

1 Name and position[edit]

The name Carmel, which is properly a common noun meaning a plantation of choice trees (cp Span, carmen), is employed both with and (Josh. 1926 Jer. 46i8 Nah. I4) without the article as the proper name of a mountain. The reference is to the richly wooded character which Mt. Carmel had anciently and possesses still in a large degree (cp 'The Black Forest ' ).

It is convenient to distinguish three separate applica- tions of the name : (i) as denoting the range of hills extending for some 12 or 13 miles from the sea coast in the NW. to the W. el-Milh in the SE. ; (2) as including also the farther prolongation (called er- Ruhah) of this range for other 12 or 13 miles in a south-easterly direction, as far as to the neighbourhood of Jenin ; (3) as designating the promontory or head- land in which the range ends at its northern extremity, leaving only a narrow passage between the mountain and the sea. The range and the promontory combine to form a striking feature in the configuration of Palestine. The symmetrical arrangement by which the country as a whole falls into longitudinal sections, running north and south, distingu shed as the littoral zone, the hill- country, and the zone of the Ghor (see Palestine, 6/.), is broken by Carmel alone, intruding into the Mediterranean plain, and interrupting the continuity of the mountain zone so as to form the plain of Jezreel. ' Topographically it is thus important ; and, though Carmel is not often expres.sly named, the presence of this natural barrier and the adjoining plain had a considerable influence on the course of immigrations or invasions from the time of the Philistines and Pharaoh Necho down to that of Bonaparte.

2. Nature[edit]

The eastern slope of Carmel falls sharply towards the plain of Esdraelon ; but westward its declivity towards the Mediterranean is gentle. On this side its CDiitifjiiration presents a series of divergent buttresses n U * sejiarated by valleys and oixning up like a fan towards the coast. This western region, properly, belongs to the massif of Carinel, and Conder says, quite rightly. 'Carmel is Ijcst deseril>ed as a triangular block of mountains.' From the summit of the main range and, indeed, from almost every [xjint along the ridge extensive views to Sf)uth and north are obtained, and Carmel in turn is visible and conspicuous from a great variety of distant points. The range reaches a maximum elevation of 1810 feet a little to the south of the village of 'Msfiyeh.

Ocolu^ically it is cretaceous and nummuliiic limestone, con- taining fo.ssil cchinoderms and 'gcodes' /'.^., .silicious contre- lioiis known as septarium or vulgarly as cats' heads, called by the ancient \i\\^nm. lapiiiti juiiiiici or KUJah's melons (l.ortct. La Syrie ifaujounfhui, 172). There are many caves, and sonic volcanic rocks. The fauna includes the roelnick, the leopard, and the wild rat. The flora, which is luxuriant, is wholly wild. The most common trees are the pine, oak, lentisk, carob, olive ; traces of modern agriculture are to be found only in the neighl)ourhood of the villages and of the sea-coast. It was otherwise in ancient times, as is shown by the very name (above, g 1). At various points in the range ancient wine and oil presses have been discovered, and traces of Roman nds have been pointed out to the present writer by Dr. .Schumacher.

3. OT ref.[edit]

There is every ground for believing that formerly Carmel was covereil much more luxuriantly than n is - OT rAff ""^^' H""nce the comparison m Cant. 7 5[6] ^.jf^j^^^ ,^^.^^ j^ ,,^g Carmel'), and the allu- sion to the sjilendour of Carmel' in Is. 352. Its pro- minence is referred to in Jer. 4618, where it is said that the king of Babylon will come ' like Tabor among the mountains and like Carmel by the sea.' In conjunc- tion with Sharon, Lebanon, and Bashan, Carmel serves as a type for a land that has been singularly blessed by (iod (Jer. .^iOig Mic. Tm). The devastation of Carmel implies the severest chastisement for Israel (Is. 889 Jer. 426 .\m. I2 Nah. I4). Its thick woods offered shelter to the fugitive, as .Amos (93) indicates in an allusion that admits of explanation without supposing that the mountain was held to give protection against Yahw6 (for the i'ea cp Ps. I397-12). The passages which assign to IClisha an abode on Carmel do not necessarily mean that he was comix-lleti to seek an asylum there (2 K. 225 425). In the time of Strabo Carmel was still a place of refuge for the p>er.secuted (I6759).

We cannot say with certainty to which tribe Carmel belonged.

'fhe one reference in this cmmection (Josh. 19 26) in the delimitation of .\sher is somewhat enigmatical (see Ashkk, 3), and in any case tan relate only to the extreme headland. The trilies of Manasseh, Is.sachar,and Zebulun must all have touched on C.irmel. Ooubtless the tribal limits varied from age to age, and there must have been periods of Pha;nician ascendancy.

In later times ("armel belonged now to Samaria, now to Galilee, sometimes even to the province of Tyre.

In Ahab's time it certainly formed [xirt of the do- minions of that monarch, and it Ix-came the .scene of the memorable contest between Elijah and the prophets of Raal.

Tradition places the scene, and the altar of Yahwi which Elijah repaired, at a point called KI-MohrakaC place of burning '), where there is a Roman Catholic sanctuary 1 700 feet above the sea-level, two hours south from' Esftyeh. Beneath this spot, at the base of the mountain, near the Kishon, there is a hillock, the so-called Tell-el-KassIs (' hill of the priest,' not ' of the priests '), which is pointed to but, of course, with no historical certainty as the place where the prophets of Haal were put to death.

There are no data for fixing the scene of i K. 18 in one locality more than another, and tf. 41-46 leave us as much in the dark as the rest of the narrative. Some interpreters take the 'mountain' in 2K. I9-15 to be Carmel ; but it is natural to look for it somewhere on the road Ixjtween Samaria and Ekron. It h.-is also l)een supjiosed to be intended in Dt. 33i9 (' Issachar .nnd Zebulun . . . shall call the peoples unto the mountain'); but 'what mountain is meant is quite indeteniiinate. There may have been more than one mountain sanctuary in Zebulun and Issachar ; and the reference may be to these generally ' ( Ur. ad loc. ).

4. Other ref.[edit]

Carmel had a widespread rejiutation for sanctity. Thotmes III has been quoted as a witness. Maspero, in fact, thinks that he can recogtiise ' the holy headland ' (rnp cKi) of Carmel in the name Ru-4Q-kds, no. 48 in the Palestinian place-list of Thotmes III. {NH<->h^^) ; but this is uncertain.'

Jamblichus(/'i/. J'ylh.3 i5)asserts that Pythacoras sojourned on Carmel. Tacitus (Hi^t-'-l^) speaks of it as a place con- secrated by the presence of an oracle, Ix-sidc an aliar that was unadorni-d by any ima^e of the deity. Suetonius (/ Vj/. 5) relates that Vespasian s.icriticed at this sfKit, and heard from the priests the prophecy of his greatness.

5. Later times.[edit]

Among Mahommcdans the memory of Elijah is indissolubly .issociated with Carmel, which the Arabs to this d.iy call Jclxrl .Mar Ely.-.s, Mount St. Elias, where they have set up wclys and mosques in his honour.

Still greater h.as its importance been in the Christian world. Many anchorites established themselves there from the earliest times. In 1156 St. Berthold of Calabria founded the order of Carmelites and built their first monastery at the north-western extremity of the range near ' Elijah's grotto.'

In 1253 the monastery was visited by St. Ix>uis (Louis IX.) of France, who is sometimes, but wrongly, represented as its fou'ider. Dedic.ited to 'Our lady of Mount Carmel,' it has had a very chequered historj'. The Carmelites were often per- secuted ; and their house was destroyed or turned into a mosque. In 1799 it was used as a hospital for the sick and wounded of Napoleon's army. In 1821 it was destroyed by 'Abdallah-pasha ; but a Carmelite friar, (iiovanni liattista di Frascati, success- fully undertook to collect funds for its restoration. The present building, 560 feet above the sea-level, is due to his efforts ; by its side stands a lighthouse. ' FJijah's grotto' forms the crypt of the church ; another grotto near, which formerly belonged to the Christians bat has now been taken by the Moslems, is represented as having harboured a school of the prophets in Elijah's time, and as having given shelter to the Holy Family on their return from Egypt.

A little way above the monaster)-, on the crest of the hill, a large sanatorium {l.uftkurhaus) has been built by the German colony in Haifa. ^ These colonists pursue agriculture on the sIojkjs of Mount Carmel, and, by their success in vine-culture es|>ecially, have d"nionstrated the possibility of bringing b.ick to the scene of their labours some portion of its ancient prosperity.

6. Literature[edit]

Besides papers in PKFQ, .see especially v. .Schuljert, Rrist in das Moi-genland, 8202-220; Guerin, Palestine: Samarie, 2240-250, 260-273; Furrer, W'andertingen , durch das heil. Latuii-\ 317-329; Conder,

Tent-Uork, 88-95: (lASm. //(/ 337-340;

L. Gautier, Souvenirs de 'Jerie-Sainte^"^^, 227-248. Lu. G.

2. A town in the hill-country of Judah (Josh. I555) {XfpfJ-f\ [B.\L]), the scene of incidents in the life of Saul (i S. L'.i2i and David (i S. 252 f.).'^ The gentilic Sp-iliri, Carmelite (Kap/iTJXtos), is apjilied to David's wife Abigail [^.v.. i] (2S. 22 KapurjXdTov [A], etc.) and to Hkzro(i Ch. 11 37). The town is mentioned (Xep/uaXa, Carrnr/a) hyV.us. and Jer. ((^A n03i27276/. ) as situated 10 m. from Hebron, and as having a Roman garrison. It is the modern Karmal, 2887 ft. alx)ve the sea-level, about 8 K. m. SIC. from Hebron (accord- ing to Robinson, who thinks Eusebius and Jerome have exaggerated the distance ; see also Palestine Survey map, sheet xxiv. ). Robin.son speaks of the ruins as ' extensive ' ; the principal ruin is that of the castle, which he assigns to Herod or the Romans, but Conder to 12th century .\. n. The site is upon the edge of the wilder- ness of Jud.-ea ; but to the west the land is broad and fertile, not unlike scenes of upland agriculture in Scotland. The name Carmel is therefore suitable. There are many remains of vineyard terraces, and a reservoir.

G. A. S.

1 More precisely, Maspero places the tmvn of Rosh Kodshu on the slope of the promontory (Struggle f/ the Aatioiis, 136 ; ZA, 1879, p. 55). W. .M. Midler (As. u. Eur. 165), however, points out that the grouping of the names proves that Ru- sa-kd$ cannot have been fiir from Carmel.

2 Carmel ought also to be read for Rachal in iS. SOag; so HI . See Rachal.

S In that oue it cannot be compared with the Nab. n. pc


(W3. 70; xaPm[]i [R-AFL]), appar- ently shortened from lieth-hac-cerem * or Beth-haccarmi [see T.miciikmomtk], and note in Josh. I559 the name Carem (karcaa [BAL]).

1. Father of Achan (?.f.) ; Josh. 7 1 18 [R om.] i Ch. 2 7t. In I Ch. 4i Carmi, el>ewhcre c.illed son of Zabdi (or iCh. 26 of Zimri), is m.ide sor. of Judah ; but we should rather read Cheluhai (cp 29) with We.

2. b. Reuben, sui>jK)sed ancestor of the Carmltes ('D13n)i Gen. 40 9 Ex.614 Nu.266 iCh. 631.


(Carmonii [ed. Bensly]). 4 Esd. 15

30, AV C.\RM.\NIANS.


(kapnain [AXV]). i Mace. 543/: and Camion (karnion [AV]), 2Macc. I221. See Ash-



(to Kep&TiON [Ti. WH]), Lk. 15 16 RV"'K Sec Hl'sk.s.


{XV t^'lH. 2 Sam. 5 n ; tcktcon. Mt. 1355). See Handicrafts, 2.


(KApnoc [Ti. WH]) appears to have been Paul's host at Troas ; it was with him that the aposile left the cloak and books mentioned in 2 Tim. 4 13. He is named in the lists of ' the seventy disciples of our Lord' compiled by the Pseudo-Dorotheus and Pseudo- Hippolytus (see Disciple, 3) as bishop of Bercea in Thrace.


This English word, which has elsewhere in EV, with various special applications as indicated by the context, the obsolete sense of ' something carried,' is found in the sense of ' vehicle' in Lev. 159, RV"'?- (see Saddle), and perhaps in iS. ITzo 257, AV"'c- (see Camp, i, War).


(N3L;n3) in Esth. 1 14 MT, one of the ' seven princes ' at the court of Ahasuerus. 's equiva- lent seems to be apKeffatos [HN'^^AL^], -caoi [^*]r whence Marq. {Fund. 67) would restore njc^-ii ; cp O. PcTS. 7t>ariM'i/id, 'wolfish.' See Admatha.


(n^U') I S. 67. See Chariot, 2.


See Handicrafts.


(nrJ'X), Prov. 76, RV Lattice (2(2)).


(X"'QD3). An unknown place, near Ahava and Babylon, whence Ezra obtained Iddo (i. ), the chief man there, and his brethren ' the Nethinim, Ezra 8 17 {Macrcpev rod tottov [L])=i Esd. 845 [47] (see below ).

The other renderings are based on the connection of x'SD3 with <"|D3 'silver, money,' Ezr.1817 (apyvpioi rov Tonov [BA]) = I Esd. 8 45 [47], EV 'the pl.ice of the treasury' (rwron-oi [toO]

ya^O<i)vKa.KtOV [HA], T. T. TUlf -Kl'lOl' [L], . . . TOIS fv T. T.

ya.^o<^vKa.^iv [13.\L]). It is perhaps possible that thi< place was no town, but merely a college, or a locality where Levites were educated (cp He.-Ry. Kzr. ad loc.).


(xAceAey [AN"^-^]) i Macc.ls4 AV. See Chisi.ki;.


(D^n^p?, Gen.l0i4 iCh.lijf). See Geography, 15 (3).


in i Mace. .'^36 AV Casphon (xACct)CON [X] : KA- [V] ; xAC(t)coe [A], but in --. 26 KAC(t)a)p [.VN":*], KAI CKACJJW [V], KACc{)a> [X*]; Jos. Ant. xii. 83. XAC4>0MAKH. etc. , where m&KH = the nameMaked), a town of Gilead (see under B(jsor), taken by Judas the Maccabee in his campaign beyond Jordan ( i Mace. 536). It is doubtless the same as the Caspis, RV Caspin (see Gkphyrun), of 2 Mace. 1213 (KAcn[e]lN [V.\], A'aspa [Syr.]), a fortress described as strong and fenced about with walls and near a lake 2 stadia broad. These data suit the present el-Muzeirib, the great station on the II.ijj road, which is not identified with any other OT name (but see .XsiiTAROTH, 2), and in antiquity must have Ix^en a place of importance : its ancient name has not been recovered.

I For vnK '(to) his brother,' we must read VnKI, 'and (to) his brethren," with Vg. and I! i Esd. bal.

The identification of Casphon with Khisfin (see Furrer, in Riehm's Ull'B 1 834^;) is philologically improbable, and has no special recommendation. With Khisfin cp Talm. Ha.sfi\-a. On Muzeirib see Schum.icher, Across Jordan, 157^ There is another large lake, el K hob, 16 m. N. of iMuzeirib. G. A. S.


represents two Hebrew words. i. ,Tip (Ex. 30 24 Ezek. 27i9t) appears, along with myrrh, cinnamon, calamus, and olive oil, as an ingredient of the holy anointing oil. It is mentioned, along with bright iron and calamus, among the wares brought into the Tyrian market. The origin of the word is unknown, nor is it found in any of the cognate languages : some have thought that it reappears in the kittC) spoken of by Dioscorides (1 12) as one species of cassia.

(G(BAl-L renders Tpij in Ex. 3O24, where Ka<r<ria, (v^aXor), and Koo-Tot are mentioned in other M.SS as alternative renderings : in Ezek. 27 19, where "AQ omits, Aq. has (nrapriov, Sym. trTOKTri, and "Tlieod. KaiSSa. Pesh. and Targ. identify it with the niyxp or ' cassia ' of Ps. 458 [9] (see below).

Scholars are agreed that probably what is intended is some kind of cassia.

Celsius (2 186) notices the mention in Mish. AV/. i. 8 of nj^S riip, 'white cassia,' as cultivated in Palestine; but this, according to Low (349), must have been quite a different plant.

2. n'lysp Ps. 45 8 [9], the word which passed into Greek as Kaala'^ and thence into other languages, is almost certainly a derivative of the root ysp ( = Ar. kada'a), to 'scrape' properly 'to reduce to fine dust' (WRS in /. Phil. I671/). A 'powdered fragrant bark' is thus indicated. The word is too general to allow of certain identification with any particular species ; but probably what is intended is something akin to the modern 'cassia bark' (i.e., the bark of other kinds of Cinnamormim than that which yields the true cinnamon). The use of the Heb. plural to denote a substance of this kind is natural. ^ The word in the singular is found as a female name ; see Keziah.

Fl. and Hanb., Pliarm.fi) 519, say: 'That cinnamon and cassia were extremely analogous is proved by the remark of Galen, that the finest cassia differs so little from the lowest quality of cinnamon that the first may be used for the second, provided a double weight of it be used."

A very probable source of cassia is C innatnomum iners^ Bl. The Pharmacopwia indica says : ' May be used as a substitute for Cinnamon, to which it can hardly be reckoned inferior.' C. iners occurs in S. India and throughout the Malayan region. It yielded the 'cassia bark' once so largely exported from N. Canara. See Cinnamon. n. M. W. T. T.-D.


(DTJWO), 2 S. 6 st RV. See Music, 3(3)-


Two buildings are distinguished in AV by this title: (i) the ' citv [rather, citadel] of David' in I Ch. II5 (nniVP) 7 (HV^)' ^'^^'^^ ^^ harmonizes with 2S. 5? by rendering 'strong hold,' and (2) the barracks (lit. camp) attached to the fort Antonia (Acts 21 34 37; xa/jcju^oXi)). See Jerusalem, Temple.

3. RV also gives the title to the btrah^ (nT3) of Susa (AV 'palace '). See Palace, Shushan ; also Fortress, Tower.

4. The word is also used in AV, quite wrongly, for ."TI'B' prah, which is rather a nomad 'encampment' (so R\0, Gen. 25 16 etc. (distinguished from C'lsn. ' villages '). See Camp, f i, Catti.f., I n.


RV The Twin Brothers

(AlOCKOYPOi['l"iAVH] ; so RV'"K- 'Dioscuri'), the sign \'Kapa.(T-r\fx.ov) of the Alexandrian ship in which Paul sailed from Melita to Puteoli (Acts28ii). Castor and Pollux, the sons of Zeus and Leda and brothers of Helen, appear in heaven as the constellation Gemini.* See .Stars, 3/ They were the tutelary deities of sailors, and (it may be interesting to note) were held in especial veneration in the district of Cyrene, near Alexandria {Schol. Pind. Pyth. 56). Catullus (427)

1 The spelling with one s is correct in Greek and Latin (Lag. Mittheil. 2357).

a For niP'sp Hcrz and Che. (Pf.P)) would read PB, 'are shed."

3 A longer form is Mraniyyak (only in plur.), 2 Ch.li 12 2. 4 (cout>Ied with micdnllm, ' towers ').

  • On their mythological forms see more fully EW s.v., and

Roscher J.?'. 'Dioskuren.'

speaks of a boat dedicated to the same deities, and for other examples of names of ships see Smith's Class. Diet., s.v. 'Insigne.' It is probable that images of Castor and Pollux were fixed at the lx)w of Paul's ship, since it was customary for a ship to carry at the Iww a representation of the sign which furnished the name (the insiirnf), and at the stern a representation of the tutelary deity (the tutela). Herod. (837) makes refer- ence to the Pataikoi (origin doubtful), figures of hideous muscular dwarfs which the Pha-nicians stuck up on the bows of their galleys (cp Phcknicia, and see Perr. Chii). Phacn. 2x7/., and note the illustration of such a galley, ib. 19).


Cats (F.V) or rather WILD CATS (oAoi/poi) for the context retjuires us to take a.l\. in this sense are mentioned in the ' Kpistle of Jeremy' (Bar. 622) with bats, swallows, and birds, which alight upon the bodies and heads of idols. Wild cats (pSinn) are recog- nised by the Tg. of Is. 1822 (for 0'3B, see Jackal) 34 14 (for D"N, see Jackai, [4]), but not of Hos. 96 (where 'nn is a faulty reading for r^'iin, 'thistles'). We must not infer from the lateness of these words that it was only at a late date that the Israelites became acquainted with wild cats. They no doubt knew the felis maniculata (the original of our own domestic cat), which to-day is very common on the K. of Jordan (though it is scarce on the W. side), and is found, indeed, throughout Africa, Arabia, Syria, and Palestine (Tristram).

We need not wonder that no reference is made in the OT to the domestic cat. The Egyptians themselves had prob;ibly tamed the wild cat only to a certain extent ; it accompanies the fowler on his expeditions (see woodcuts in Wilk. Anc. Eg. 1 236/ ). The stories of Herodotus (-266) are absurd. Bastit, the goddess of Bubaslus, was 'a cat or a tigress' (Maspero).

The rendering ' wild cats ' in Tg. of Is. (see above) is not a(loi)ted by modern translators. All that we can be sure of is that the writers of the descriptions referred to had in view some definite wild animals. Wolves, hyenas, jackals, and wild cats (including ' martens') were in their minds; but it is not easy to distribute them among the various Hebrew terms. Many commentators, after Bochart [Hieros. 862), give 'wild cat' for Heb. d"'.s (Is. 132i 34i4 Jer.5039 fs. 7-1 14 [text doubtetl]). Certainly EV's 'wild beasts of the desert ' (as if from ,ts) is inappropriate ; the ety- mology assumed also is' very doubtful. The ancient versions are inconsistent, and the Heb. writers would not have condemned them. See Jackal, Wolf.


Cl^n) Prov. 226 AV?-; EV train up,' with which cp Lk. I4 mg. , ' the things which thou wast taught (/caT7;x77<^'7s) by word of niouth'; Acts 1825 mg. 'taught byword of month {Kary)xi)lxivo<i) in the way of the Lord.' That oral instruction is meant by KUTTixfiv is undeniable ; cp Jos. Fi/. 65, ' when thou meetest me,' Kal avros <re iroXXd KaTtjxriffU), ' I will inform thee of many things. '

The Revi.sers of the OT seem to have thought that sjich a peculiar word a.s -[jri may have had a technical meaning such .is KOTTixeri' at length .acquired. In MH a derivative of i:n (~n) means the 'gradual introduction of children into religious pr.ictice": e.g^., 'Wherein consists the child's training C^'Sn), )'oma S2a, with reference to the fasting on the Day of Atone- ment. Certainly the word -jjn elsewhere always has a technical meanmg. It seems to mean religious initiation or dedication, whether of a person (so perhaps --jn Oen. 14 14) or of a building (see Dkdicatk ; cp -pjn, Enoch). The first part of Prov. U. IS very obscure, and probably corrupt (see Che. jrfi. 7. .Sept. 1899). Oral instruction there doubtless was in the post -exilic period to which Proverbs seems to belong (see Education, | i) ; bu' "IJn is not one of the technical words of the wise men for communicating instruction.


(p^J), Ps. IO534, etc. AV, RV Cankkkwok.m, see Loc'fST, 2 (6), and (S'pn) i K. 837 etc. EV, see LocusT, 2 (9).


(koy& [R]. kaBoya [A], reAAhA? [I-]), a family of .Nkthinim in the great post-cxilic list (see Ezra, ii. 9) i I-Isd. 5jo, immentioned in ll Ezra 247 Nch. 749. unless the name may Ix: identified with Gahar (in3 for inj?), or perhaps with (Jiui^kl [</./.v.].


1 Nomadic life[edit]

The nomad origin of the Semites is plain from the fact that numerous words relating to the life "'* 'Associations of nomads (e.g.. ox, shc-ep, etc. ) are conmion to all the dialects. In the case of the b'ne Israel, not only idioms and figures of speech, but also old traditional names and even direct statements, confirm the view, which is in itself highly probable. Note, for example, the name Rachel, 'the ewe' (WKS /eei. Sem.f-' 311), and the description of Abram as a ' nomad Aram.x-an ' (n3k 'OIK Dt. 26 s)- A still earlier ancestor, Jabal (the name is again significant), is called the ' father '.^., founder of nomadic life (Gen. 4 20 ; cp Cainites, ").

It is important at the outset to bear in mind the difference between nomads ('tent-dwellers,' Gen. i.e.) and those who have settled down as agriculturists. Of the constantly recurring struggle between these two classes a vivid picture is presented in the narrative of Zeeb and Zalmunna (Judg. 8), chiefs of the Midianites, a people which, as depicted in the OT, may serve as a good illustration of the nomad class. The dif- ference between the two ckisses may not be complete ; for traces of nomadic origin will continue to be visible, even after the shepherd's tower, or the cattle kraal, with its nucleus of tents, ^ has develo{jed by successive stages into the fortified city (liro i-y ; see 2 K. 17 9 18 8 and cp Benz. NA 125 /). It is equally important to remember that the state of civilisation of a settled peojile is not readily assimilated by those on a lower grade. The importance of this in its bearing on the early history of Israel can hardly be exaggerated^: with the b'ne Israel the transition from the nomadic to the settled state was a long process. The compilers and expanders of the patriarchal legends shrink from representing their heroes as pure nomads : they feel that, if so represented, these heroes would be grossly inadequate types of their far-off descendants. We have, however, evidence that the later Israelites had, in the more northern parts of their own land, representatives of the old nomadic life in all its simplicity (see Reciiakites).

2. Names for cattle.[edit]

The words commonly employed in Hebrew to denote cattle in general are :

1- JifP.""'^<-A(cp l,:pe, 'property'), EV usually 'cattle'(so "VPP T^** , 'nomads, 'Gen. 4032), a term denoting 'possession,*

-y , comprising, therefore, the things which are the u>ual and almost pcculi.ir property of nomads, I' is used, accordingly, in a much wider sense than jKs (EV 'flock'; but AV 'cattle,' Gen. 8O40 etc.), which denotes the small cattle, sheep, and goats, or sheep alone (cp i S. 25 2). Miknrh does not include, however, servants ; nor, as a rule, horses or as.ses (but see Ex. It 3 Job 1 3X

2- '"'?.^'?^ bfhemaJi, nji'ov, includes all the larger domestic animals : in Neh. 2 12 14 it means a .saddle-animal. It is usually contrasted with man, wild beasts (I'n, icttjmk), birds, and crawl- ing things (cp Ps. 148 10). The word is not, however, free from vagueness, for it may l:>e applied to wild animals, and even (in plur. form) to an imaginary animal (see Uehk.moth, || i, 3X

3. fy?, be'ir, KTi\vo'i (' cattle ' Nu. 20 4 Ps. 78 48), ' beast," used of beasts of burden (Clen. 45 17 cp 44 3 13) and of cattle generally. The Ar. ba'lr"" is used of both the camel and the ass.

1 In the present article will be found what requires to be said about large cattle. Small cattle also are included in treating of pasturing, tending, breeding, etc. ; but their species and Hebrew names will be con.sidered under Sheep and Goat.

  • '"'7*?> properly the circuhr encampment of nomadic tribes:

cp Gen. 1^ 16 Ezek. 1h 4.

3 Hommcl (.-!// 7" 20S) remarks on the resistance to Babylonian civilisation displ.iyed by the nom.-id Aramaran trilws mentioned in the Ass. inscriptions of the eighth and the seventh centuries. Strong historical evidence would have to be shown to justify the conclusion that the Israelite 1 essentially different from these.

4. nSxVs, mlla'khah ' property ' (cp Ex. 22 7 [6], 10 [9]), used of cattle in Gen. 83 14 and, as including them, in i S. 1.^9.

5. N-ID ;<V/-' ' fat cattle,' 1 K. 1 9 (RV fatling, cp ftdcrxot <riTuTOs) ; generally used with 11!? or "^i^S-

C. nif, se/t, rendered ' small cattle ' or ' cattle ' in Is. 43 23 Ezek. 34 17, is the n<it. unitntis to jNi, see Skeep.

7. C'b'^K, aldphlm (pi.), ' oxen ' ; cp Prov. 14 4 Is. 30 24, etc.

To denote the animals of the bovine kind the Hebrews used :

(a) ni?3, ixittar, a generic word, which frequently occurs in parallelism with [KS. It is often used individually (cp ""i^^'ja, a single ox or calf: see Gen. 18 7), and frequently employed to define a word more closely e.g., with SjJ? Lev. 9 2, is Ex. 29 i. Its usual nom. unit, is -li") i^*". used without reference to age or to gender, to denote an ox or cow. It is used of a young calf in Ex. 22 30 [29], Lev. 22 23, and is once collective. Gen. 32 5 [6]. (/') ia,/rtr, fem. nns, parclh, bull, cow, defined by ipa J3 Ex. 29 I and used of a seven-year-old, Judg. 625. (c) 'rjy, -egel, fern, n^^'j^', 'eglah, a calf, used of a three-year-old (Gen. 159 cp Is. 15 5), and also of a young cow that already gives milk (Is. 7 21); see Heii-kk. (</) 1"3N, 'ahhir ' mighty,' used poetically of oxen (Is. 34 7), but also of horses (Jer. 8 16, etc.).

3. Breeding[edit]

With regard to the practices of ancient nomadic pastoral peoples we are but ill-informed. It is probable that formerly (as now in Arabia) the same clan would not breed more than one kind of domestic animal. There is still a broad distinction between the camel-breeding tribesof the upland plainsand the shepherd tribes of the mountains (WRS Rel. Sem.^^> 311). The steppes of E. Palestine have always been more suitable for sheep and goats, and the northern mountains for oxen. E. of the Jordan, however, cattle were turned loose, 1 and, becoming wild, acquired a name for their ferocity and from their habit of gathering in circles round any object that attracted their attention ( Ps. '22 12 [13] f. ). At the present day shepherds frequent the cool mountain-heights in the summer, and find late in the autumn an abimdant supply of green leaves and twigs for their sheep and goats in the cedars round Lebanon and Raalbek.

The parts of Palestine which were most suitable for the pasturing of herds the parts which deserve the name of n:pa jnx (Xu. 32 i 4) were those situated to the E. of Jordan (the modern region of Belka) and in the S. plains of Judah. The enormous tribute paid annually by Mesa, * the shepherd ' {ip}), attests the richness of the country (cp Nu. I.e.). Places specially mentioned in connection with herds and flocks are Carmel ( i S. 202), Shechem ((Jen. 37 12), Dothan (Gen. 37 17). Sharon (i Ch. 2729 Is. 65 10), Tekoa (.\m. 1 i), Gedor (i Ch. 439), Bethlehem (i S. I611), Midian (Nu. 31 32 cp w. 8/.). Edom (Is. 34 6), and Kedar (Ezek. 27 21).

4. Species.[edit]

In prehistoric times there were several kinds of oxen, all wild : a Eurojiean bison. Bison bonasus, Linn., still preserved in the forests of SE. Europe; the ^rus, Dos primigcnius, and Bos longifrons, now extinct, probably belonging to the same race as our Bos taiirus or domesticated oxen. Our modern cattle are derived from the last-named. In Palestine at the present day horned cattle are found only where fresh pastures are easily accessible. In the wilderness

5. of Judah horned cattle of a rather undersized kind may be seen in great numbers. Farther to the N. there is a larger and better bred race, used for tilling. These, as a rule, belong to the same species as our cattle, the Bos taurus. N. of Esdraelon there is a light-coloured and stalwart variety usually known as the Armenian. In the valley of the Jordan, especially towards the N., there is a species of Indian buffalo, Bos bubalis (Ar. gdmus), a

1 Each tribe has its own ivasm (see WRS Kin. 212^.) or special mark (cp perhaps niK> Gen. 4 15 Nu. 2 2, and see Cain. S 6 ; Cuttings, g 6). With this it was customary to brand the cattle. See, for .specimens of such cattle marks, Doughty, Ar. Des. 1 125, and cp Drake, Unexplored Syria, 1 ZAi/.

clumsy animal with remarkably long horns (generally flattened and angulated). From its size and general appearance the species has been confounded with the ancient ri '^/ (see Unicok.n) ; but it belongs to compara- tively recent times. It has been introduced into several of the Mediterranean countries e.g., Egypt, Asia Minor, and Italy. E. of the Jordan horned cattle are rare (Tristram, Moab, 251), although the best country for them is said to be there (cp Buhl, Fal. 60).

Cattle-breeding holds a large place upon the Egyptian monuments ; their evidence goes to show that the so-called Zebu was most common, and that several species of it were bred. The long-horned kind generally had their horns bent like a lyre or, less commonly, in the shape of a cre.scent. Short-horns appear rarely in the Old Empire, but are more frequent in later times. Another kind was hornless ; it is never represented as ploughing and threshing, and hence may have been regarded as belonging to a ' fancy ' class.

A new kind appears in the New Empire. It has horns somewhat wide apart, and bears a big hump.

5. Cattle-breeding[edit]

We have no means of ascertaining any of the ancient methods of breeding (a certain kind of which is prohibited by the law in Lev. 19 19) or of rendering ^^j.^g^j pj^^jg j^jj^.j,,jj,g They were ^.^^ earliest of domesticated animals. They preceded by a long time the domestication of the sheep. The bones of one species, the Bos primigcnius or Urus, have been found in the remains of the neolithic Swiss lake-dwellings.

The pastures were probably free to all comers, since in primitive times there was hardly any property in land. A pasture is useless without a watering-place (cp Judg. 1 15, where the importance of the possession of water is clearly shown ; see Moore, ad loc. ), and property in water is doubtless older and of more import- ance (cp WRS Rel. Sem.^'^> 104/.). The right to a pasture was obtained by digging a well ; and, among the Hebrews as among the Arabians, the wayfarer was always allowed to water his beasts so long as he ditl not hinder the owners of the water. 1 See .Spkings. The district upon which cattle pastured is called njns, lit. 'place for feeding.' Cp 'yn i K. 4 23 \y. 3]); arn: ^^ 'a broad pasture' (Is. 3O23) is doubtful {SBOT). "1310 (EV 'desert,' 'wilderness') denotes properly a pasturing ground where herds are driven, from nan ' to drive (herds)' ; cp BDB Lex. s.v. i3t^

Other words to denote the pasturing ground are HN:, nU the pastoral abode (gen. rendered 'pasture,' or 'sheep-cote,' once 'stable,' Ezek. 25 5 EV). Similarly J'^T couching-place, Jer. .')06 (Ilni: Piov. 24 15 of an abode of men). To denote more narrowly confined areas, we find }NS nil-lDS sheep-folds (i S. 243 Zeph 26, etc.), ms3 an enclosure (Mi. 2 12), niSD (Gen. 33 17) ' booths,' temporary night-shelters (see below).

When required to be specially fattened, cattle were withdrawn from the open pastures and kept in a stable P3-1D- See Am. 6 4 i S. 28 24 Jer. 46 21 Mai. 4 2 (320) ; ' stall," lit. a place for tying up ; cp also "sn (Hab. 3 17) and ,1^30 (Hab. 3 17 Ps. 5O9 7870) ' fold.'

The/fj4 are called D-THBV (Ps. 68 13 [14] RV ' sheepfolds,' AV 'pots'), or c;nsc'3 U"dg.'5 16 Gen. 4914), properly perhaps 'double-pens.' Moore (on Judg. I.e.) and Che. (on Ps. I.e.) prefer the sense 'dung-heaps.'

The manger or crib is D13N (Is. 1 3 cp Lk. 27 13is <f>dTvri), whence the denominative D13N fattened,'

1 A stricter law is alluded to in Dt. 2 6 28.

2 Similarly, E'^Jp, the common-lands of a city (especially a Leviticil one), in Nu. 35 2 'suburbs' [EV], is perhaps originally 'place of driving' (BDR); cp RVmg. ' pasture-l.inds.' Che. (loubts the sense of ' driving ' and proposes a fresh explanation, making the word practic.-illy syn. with nif ' field.' Hence the applied sense 'reserved land' /.<., belonging to the community or to the sanctuary. Sec JQ A', July 1898, p. 566.

3 ,T113 wall, like the Ar. gadtraf-, denotes the fold. Here may be added "l?>n, which may originally have meant a ' cattle- yard ' : cp BDB, s.v.

4 ,inj< (cp BDB, s.v.) ' stall ' is used generally for horses, but also for other animals ; cp 2 Ch. 32 28.

applied to oxen (Prov. ISi; ; and also birds i K. 4 43 [53]). 'l"o eat the ' stalled ox ' (which was looked upon as a luxury ; cp Prov. 15 17) is termed a reproach by Amos (Am. ()4) himself once a herdsman.

Apart from the ordinary herbage (jyT, Nu. 224 afc-j;), cattle had si)ecial foo<l (K'iBOa), which was either chopix'd straw (pn) or 'mixed fodder' (S'Va; ' cp Job 65) made more palatable by the addition of salt, or a salt herb (pen ^'^2. Is. 30 24).

6. Shepherds, etc.[edit]

From the references in the OT we are able to gain a fairly clear idea as to the duties and customs of those who had charge over cattle.

The usual word to denote such an occupation is njTl (or IKS '), nj|7p 't ; less frequently "Cfc* nxi, and 1^} (for the !a.st see Shkki'). Hy far the greater numlwr of references deal, as we should naturally expott, with the tending of sheep and goats, and the specific word for a 'cattle-man' (^p.^) occurs only once (.Vmos 7 14).

The shepherd, clad in a simple garment (Jer. 43i2) like the mod. Ar. humus, goes forth at the head of his flock (-ny ; cp Jn. IO4), all of which kno'v his voice and respond to the name he gives them (ib. v. 3). He takes with him his shepherd's bag (c'pn 'Sa, i S. I740) or wallet (t25pV'. ib., I.V Scrip), staff (Vpp, see esp. Gen. 32io [11] ; and cp B^l". njVf?, Ps. 284). and. as a means of defence, a sling (I'S;?, i S. 17 40). He ' gently leads' his flocks I^^V.,, Is. 40 II Ps. 282) to the best pastures, where he makes tiu-in lie down by streams (Ps. 282);'^ though it must Iw admitted that the reading in Ps. 232^ is uncertain (see ^,'he. /^j. '-'). The dangers from wild beasts^ [-S-, lions. Is. 31 4 i S. 17 34) and nomadic marauders (Job 1 14 17) were very real. No doubt there was the solace of the pastoral reed'* (see Judg. .'116, and cp Job 21 12 i S. 16 18), and later writers s])oak of the sheep-dog (Job 30 1 Is. 56 10/ , see Doc, i), well known to the Assyrians. By night the shepherd had to keep watch in the open air (Lk. 28, cp Nah. 3i8) ; but sometimes a temporary shelter was made (.Ass. tarhasu= j-3n and masallii are so explained), whence 'shepherd's tent' ('j;t Sr\^ Is. 3812; cp DTin nijsrp, Cant. 18) becomes the type of an uncertain dwelling-place.* In other cases towers were built for the shepherds (cp Gen. 35 21, and see 2 Ch. 26 10) ; traces of them are to lie found at the present day. The 'duars' in the Sinaitic peninsula consist of stone towers put together without mortar, and bear a striking resemblance to the ' Talayot ' of the Balearic Isles, and to the beehive -shaped houses of Scotland. They are enclosed by low walls of massive rough stones, and are occupied by cattle (cp Maspero, Dawn of Chi. ^S^ / '> see also Doughty, .-i r. Des. 1 13). The sheepfolds also, as their name implies, were sur- rounded by walls (cp Jn. 10 1).

When the shepherd returned to his master the sheep were carefully counted by l:)eing made to pass under the staff (cp Lev. 2732 Jer. 33 13 Ezek. 2O37) a representa- tion of the shepherd ' telling his tale ' is not infrequent on Egyptian monuments. As for wages, it may be doubted whether the practice described in (icn. 3028^ was usual : possibly the usual reward was the milk of the flocks (see i Cor. 9? cp, on the other hand, Zech. 11 13, which speaks of a money payment).

t From SSl 'to pour out'; or, 'to pour over' (so Ass. baliilii) ; hence ' to mix.' Cp \^a.X../arritgo, and see Anointing, i I. The denominative occurs in Judg. 1921.

2 Frd. Oel. makes 'jVnj' = '3S3T, '</ ( = Sn3) in Ass. being a syn. of rabiisu 'to lie down.' But see Franz Del.'s note.

3 .Similarly in Assyria: cp Maspero, Daivno/Cw. 767^".

  • Cp the illustration from Assyria, Maspero, I.e. The shep-

herd seated plays upon a reed to the delight of his dog.

  • .At the present day a sheep-pen is made of boughs. It is

called liailra (see Hazor), and the trail of boughs in the sandy desert is always a sign of the nomad mamil (encampment); cp Doughty, A >: Des. 2 220/!

7. status[edit]

The status of the shepherd varies according to the society in which he lives. Among primitive pastordl P*-""!*^* *^*-' sh'^'^'h himself, or even his daughters, tend the flocks (cp Gen. 29 9 Ex. 2 16 //. 6423), as is the case at the present day in various parts of the Sinaitic peninsula (see Kn. -Di. Ex., ad loc). The early kings of Israel owned large flocks, and the post of chief shepherd (cp ,i:;:p -ur, Gen. 476, also I Ch. 2729 I Pet. 64. dpxffolfjLtju, and magiiter regit pec oris, Liv. 1 4) was important and full of dignity. Hence the designation ' shepherd ' (.ntn) was a noble one and was used of the kings of Israel (Jer. 234, ep ,ip ' to rule ' 2 S. 52) as well as of those of Assyria, and becomes the origin of the lieautiful NT phrase ' the good shepherd.' Perhaps it is inevitable that the adoption of a more settled mode of life should Ix; unfavourable to the repute of the shepherd. To the Egyptians, for more than one reason, shepherds were an 'alxjinination ' (Gen. 4634: cp Aho.mination, 4) ; ' Asiatic '(/.'., barliarian) and ' shepherd ' were to them synonymous terms (see Ec.VPT, 31). Similarly in Palestine, as the Jews advanced in prosperity, the prestige of the shepherd's calling diminished. In Rabbinical times a shepherd was precluded from bearing witness, because one who must have fed his flocks upon the pastures of others would naturally be dishonest (cp Sanfi. 252, Jos. .Int. xvii. IO7).

8. Use of cattle[edit]

Besides the use to which cattle were put in ploughing and threshing (see Agrk lltlkk. 8), they were also used as draught animals (cp iS. 67_^). Their MiLK (q.'c:) formed one of the main articles of diet, and their skins were used for clothing (see Le.vther, Wool). Pastoral life probably meant usually a diet of milk and game ; and the use of cattle for food was somewhat restricted (see Rel. Sem.<-^ 296/.). The young animal was, however, preferred and considered a special dainty. At the present day, it is said, the sheep is eaten only at festivals, and goat-flesh is not used as food save by the very poor. In sacrifices cattle were frequently used, and huge hecatombs are mentioned in connection with the temple services ^ (cp i K. 863 2 Ch. 56 75 2933 etc. ). Cattle, being almost the only property of nomads, become, among primitive people, a medium of exchange. When the first coins were made in Greece, this was commemorated by stamping the head of an ox upon the ingot. Cattle and wealth are, therefore, almost synonymous terms.

Cp n^:p 'possession and Ass. j^//rt/K 'herd*; . "ijpp 'cattle,' and '"litP ; D"03: and Syr. | <w'\i ; 1^ ^jjj orig. an animal for_ riding (Nestle, ZDMG 33, 707 ['79] ; />tcus and pecunia ; KTifVO(i and icni/xa).

9 Treatment of cattle[edit]

The earliest legislation (Ex. 20-23) was intended for a people who, having advanced beyond the pastoral ^^^^'^' ^""^^^ occupied chiefly in agriculture. The prominence given to the ox, the sheep, and the ass is as noticeable as the ab.sence of all reference to the horse and the camel. Remarkable also is the humanity which characterises these regulations. Cattle are not to l)e muzzled (con, cp ccnci while threshing (Dt. 254) a law which holds good to the present day (cp Dr. ad loc), and was in vogue in Egj'pt, where one sees representa- tions of an ox and an ass threshing unmuzzled (cp Erm. Eg. 432, and see Agricui.tire, 8). According to another enactment, oxen were not to work upon the sabbath (Ex. 23 12). Notwithstanding the strictness of the sabbath, it was customary to water the cattle on that day (Lk. I315). Other laws respecting cattle- stealing and damages caused by oxen are given in Ex. 21 28/:; cp ib. 22 10 [9]/: The law dealing with the case in which a beast entrusted to one's care has been maimed or torn (P^x. 22io \ji\ff.) provides that the production of the maimed part is to suffice as a guarantee of good faith and that no restitulion is to be required (see UiiJ'Osrr). It was, therefore, to the advantage of the shepherd to be able to produce a leg or a piece of an ear as a proof (cp Am. 812). Jacob, however, declares to Laban that instead of producing ' that which was torn of beasts ' (nSTa) he has made good the loss himself (Gen. 31 39).

1 nao, properly 'slaughterer (of cattle),' is applied to a cook and, strangely, to a member of the royal body-guard. See Executioner, and cp OT/C^) 262, n. i.

10. Reverence for cattle.[edit]

The early Semites, like other pastoral peoples, paid great reverence to cattle, their kinship with whom they long continued to recognise. This ..., ,i,i;,; , ;. . vt.i ,. gives additional point to Nathan's parable : the ewe lamb was, to a poor man who nourished it, more nearly a daughter^ than it could Ije in later times. No doubt the special veneration for cattle was connected with the idea that man owes his food in large me;isure to them (cp WRS I.e.).

A full treatment of this subject would lead us too far. Nor can we consider here the Israelitish form of the legend of the ' Golden Age ' (cp Hesiod, ll'orks attd Days, 109^), and the contrast between J's description of the peace between man and the lower animals (cp Is. 116/) and P's representations of man as their lord and master. The worship of the domestic animals is another subject which invites attention. The most ancient evidence for it is supplied by the Babylonian zodiacal mytholot^y. '-^ In Egypt, too, the worship of sacred animals takes us back to an incalculable antiquity. Witness, for example, the bull-worship of Memphis and other cities (see Egyi'T, 14), which has been connected with Israelitish idolatry. Notice, too, the worship of the cow Ha'thor, the ' lady of heaven,' which reminds us of the cow-headed Ashtoreth of Sidon. See further Cam-, Golden; Ashtoreth; Azazel; Clean, 17. A. E. s. s. A. c.


(kay^A [Ti.WH]), Acts 27 16. SccClauda.


(properly a close-fitting cap or net- work), as applied to an article of dress, occurs as the EV rendering of D'p*3"' Is. 3i8 (mg. ' networks," as though = "2LJ' ; eMTTAOKidv)- To complete the parallelism of the verse, we should read, with Schroeder and others, D^D'lDL", ' little suns ' ; see Necklace, n.

In its anatomical sense, 'caul' in Hos. 138 ([Da"?] ^^Jp; (7vyK\ei(T/j.6i Kapdia^) apparently refers to the peri- cardium. It is used similarly in E.x. 29 13 Lev. 34 10 15 etc. to render n^n'v (lit. 'excess'; Xo/iis), an uncertain expression which has occasioned difficulty from the earliest times. It denotes probably ' the fatty mass at the opening of the liver which reaches to the kidneys, and becomes visible upon the removal of the "lesser omentum," or membrane extending from the fissures of the liver to the curve of the stomach' (Dr. Lev. SDOT, ET). On the Vss. , and various interpretations, cp Di. -Rys. on Lev. 33;'* and, on the probable reason of the choice of this particular part of the body for offerings, see Liver.


(iTiyJp, ml'drah; cnHAAION ; spelunca). The limestone strata of Syria and Palestine readily lend themselves to the formation of caves and ravines. The springs issuing from limestone rock generally contain carbonate of lime, and most of them yield a large quantity of free carbonic acid upon exposure to the air. To the erosive effect of water charged with this acid, combined with the mechanical action of the sand and stones carried along by the currents, the formation of caves and ravines in such rocks is chiefly to be ascribed.

1 Cp the Egyptian paintings which represent men talking to cattle, and decking them with fringes.

2 On the ' Bull ' of the Zodiac, which is the Bab. Gud-an-na (equivalent to our Taurus, or else to Aldebaran), see Jensen, Kosmol. (njff.

3 J. U. Diirst's Die Rinderv. Bab. .Ass. u. Ag. (Berlin, '9q) a contribution to the history of domestic cattle appeared after the present article was in type.

The old view that ydthereth was the greater lobe of the lung has nothing in its favour.

What are now ravines have in many cases originally been subterranean watercourses, which have been un- roofed by the degradation of the rock. Some of the Syrian caverns are of great size ; Strabo, for example (756), speaks of the ffTrrjXaia fiadvffTo/xa of Ituraea, and mentions one capable of holding 4000 men. Books of travel, from William of Tyre and Quaresmius onwards, abound with references to such caves and the local traditions respecting them (Tavernier, Maundrell, Shaw, Robinson). Those of Palestine are frequently men- tioned in the Bible as places ofrefuge and shelter for the terror-stricken (Is. 219 Rev. 615 cp Zech. I45), the out- lawed (David), the oppressed and the persecuted (Judg. 62 iS. 136 I K. 18 4 13 199 '3 Ezek. 3327 2 Mace. 611 Heb. 1 1 38), and the criminal (Jer. 7 n Mk. 11 17 and |]), and as places of sepulture (Gen. 23 n Jn. II38). Whether the word Horite ' means ' cave-dwellers ' has been questioned ; yet that in many parts of Palestine the earlier inhabitants continued to use caves not only as storehouses but also as dwelling-places cannot be doubted. Of their connection with worship in pre- Christian times there is little or no direct evidence. Still, it appears safe to hold ' that the oldest Phoenician temples were natural or artificial grottoes, and that the sacred as well as the profane monuments of Phoe- nicia, with their marked preference for monolithic forms, point to the rock-hewn cavern as the original type that dominated the architecture of the region' (WRS /?(/. Sem.P> 197), and it is probable that the Greek fxiyapov was borrowed from the Phoenician myD {ib. 200). The association of so many of the Christian sacred sites in Palestine (<?.,^., Birth of Mary, Annunciation, Meet- ing of Mary and Elizabeth, Birth of the Baptist, Trans- figuration and Agony of Christ, Repentance of Peter) with grottoes is the arbitrary invention of legend- mongers. See, further, Maarath, Mearah, Hebron (Machpelah), Makkedah, Etam, Eleutheropolis ; also Aduli.am (where it is shown that 'cave' ought to be read ' hold'), and (on the grotto of the Nativity) Bethlehem, 4.


(nX ; KeApoc [BAL]), Cedrus Libani Loud., bears in Heb. a name which is found also in Aramaic, Arabic, and Ethiopic, and is probably derived from a root signifying ' to be firm' or 'well-rooted,' of which another derivative might be the D'HS '^ of Ezek. 2724. It appears that Aram, 'arzd and Ar. 'arz, like Kibpo^,"^ may denote not only the cedar, but also the juniper {/uniperus Oxycedrm), and, possibly, pines of various sorts.* It may be, then, that nx is not to be strictly confined to Cedius Libani;^ but it is highly probable that this tree, which has been associated with Lebanon from early times, is the one usually intended,* and in such a passage as Is. 41 19 the cedar is expressly distinguished from other conifers. OT writers em- ploy the cedar as a type of beauty (Nu. 246), majesty (2 K. 149), strength (Ps. 295), and loftiness (2 K. I923). The wood, which was much more precious than that of common trees like the sycamore (i K. 10 27), was largely used in the construction of great buildings like the temple (see also Alt.\r, 8) and Solomon's palace; cedar

1 Cp iin '" Job306 I S. 14 II. See Horite.

2 Best translated 'durable'; certainly not (as EV)' made of cedar- wood.' [But the text is in disorder.]

3 On this see the Index to Schneider's Theophroitus, s.v.


  • So in modern times we are told of el- Arz 'in the mouth of

uneducated Syrians it designates one of the pines, Phius haUpf'emsis, which grows in great numbers on the mountains {Joum. Linn. Soc. 16 247).

B Lovv (57) says, ' V^H seems to have denoted both the cedar and the /uniperus Oxyceiirus, L.' According to the same authority, Aram, arzd denotes first Pinus cedrus, then all conifers.

8 Hooker, however, regards it as 'an open question whethei the C. Libani is one of those which supplied most of the timber employed in building Solomon's temple (Nat. Hist. Rev.. 1862, p. 14), and there seems to be a general consensus of opinion that the wood used for purification (Lev. 14 Num. 19) was the juniper.

beams were most highly esteeim-d for covering interiors (Cant. 1 17 Jcr. 2214). The ust- made of this wood in the ccri-mony of cleansing the leper (I^ev. 14 4^) or the person rendered unclean by contact with a dead body (Nil. 15)6), seems to lie due to the esteem in which it was held for durability and incorruptibility (see Ui. on Lev. 14. Nowack. HA 2289). See Cl.KAN, 16/

Of the existing cedars of 1 .ebanon the first accurate account was that given by Sir J. D. Hooker in Nat. Hist. Rev., 1862, pp. 11-18. The group which he visitetl was that in the Kadisha valley, N. of Beirut, near the sunmiit of Lebanon (Dahr el Kodib). He found there about 400 trees, disix)sed in nine groups the trees varying from about 18 inches to upwards of 50 feet in girth.

Another interesting account is that of Dr. Leo Anderlind, who \isited them in 1884. 1 He speaks of three groups one at Haruk, a second 4 m. KSF.. of Bsherre, and the third 18J m. N. of that place It is the second of these, the same that Hooker visited, which he particularly describes. The greatest height of any of the trees, he savs, is alx)ut 82 ft.; but the majority are between 46 and 72 ft. The oldest of them were the strongest trees he had ever seen.

According to Tristram (NHB 344), ' at least nine distinct localities are now ascertained."

[.According to Dr. Post (Hastings' DB 236^), it is uncertain what tree is meant by 'lirazlm in Nu. 24 6. He remarks that ' the cedar of Lebanon does not grow in moist places,' but ' seeks the dry sloping mountain side, where nothing but the moisture in the clefts of the rocks nourishes it.' He concludes, therefore, that ' unless we suppose that the location of the 'ardzim is poetic licence, we must suppose some water-loving tree to be intended in this passage.' It was well to bring forward this difficulty, which is overlooked by Di. The remedy lies close at hand. iJsage requires that the 'cedars' should be described as the trees which Yahwe planted. We have to read in a D'llJtD 'like cedars' and in l> probably D'3^V^ 'like poplars' (Che. Kxp. T. IO401 6 [June '99]).]

N. M. W. T. T.-D.


(KeApcoN [ASV]), iMacc.153941 AV. See (jKDKK.mi, i.


(toy KeApoY [Ti.], toon KeApcoN [WH] Jn. 18 1, RV KiDKO.N.


RV KiLAN (K[e]iAAN [BA, om. L]). The sons of Ceilan and Azetas are a family in the great post- exilic list (see E/R.\, ii. 9, 8 f) i Esd. 5i5, not mentioned in || Ezra (2 16) or Neh. (7 21).


in modern house-architecture, means the covering of a room which hides the joists of the floor above, or the rafters of the roof. Down to the seventeenth century, however, the word was applied also to the inner lining of the walls of a room, and in modern shipbuilding it still denotes the inside planking of a ship's bottom (see AVw I'^'tg. Diet. s. v. ). The Hebrew words (see below) rendered ' ceil.' ' ceiling.' in E\' are to be taken in this more extended sense. See further, Chambkr, HOL'.SE. Tkmplk.

1. JSp. sippun, 1 K. 6 15 (aoKOs) ; cp "irED, sifklnSh, Jon. 1 5 (the ' sides ' or ' innermost parts ' of the ship). The verb is used in I K. tig "37 Jer. 'li 14 Hag. 1 4.

2. In 2 Ch. 3 5 C'rn3 'i'V .IBn means 'he covered "(or panelled) [the greater house] 'with fir.'

3. 1'nr, sahif'h, Kzek.41i6t, a word otherwise unknown. Co. proposes to emend yy ri'nc' to ry 'i2n ; see 2 Ch. 3 5 as above, and ip the 'iris of Nu. 173/: [1638^:; a 'covering' of the altar].


(nV.3n), Jer. 37 16 AV^e- RV, .\V ' cabins,' 2 a questionable rendering of a Hebrew word which is probably corrupt. The words ' and into the cells ' are quite unnecessary after ' into the dungeon house ' ("iia.T n-a^Sx), and may be a gloss. See Prison.

AVrng. RV (cp ,Tv>KAi<r/xo [QmK]) is a guess. In late Heb., Syr., etc. (K)ni3n denotes 'shop' (cp ipiya.vn\^ia. [.\q.), er- gastulnm) or 'tavern.' Moreover the form is difficult (Hevan, Dan. 30, n. 1). Cs x*P** (BAQ, xa. [K], al. yij.) points to the reading n('hn. Cheyne suggest* reading nVlirvi ' the lowest part (of the pit)' : cp Ps. 88 7 Lam. 8 55.

1 Published in the Allgem. Fors'- u. Jagd-Ztitung, at the end of 1885, and also in the /.DPI' 10 8gJ^

  • ' Cabins ' in the sense of ' cell ' is now quite obsolete.


(koiAh cypiA [BAL]), i Esd. 217.

RV ((Kl.l SVKIA.


or rather, RV, CKNCiikK^; (KeNXPAl [Ti. VVHj). A town and harlxjur on the Saronic gulf, now marked by the village of h'ifhries. It served as the eastern port of Corinth, which lay alxnit s*ven miles (Str. 380, says 70 stadia) to the west, just as I>echa;um was the port for the Italian trade. Strabo calls Cenchre.TE a village {klj/jlti), which indicates its sub- ordination to Corinth : it was, in fact, merely a landing- place for goods and passengers.

AI)out 4 m. to the north, at Schoenus (modern Kalamaki), was the jioAxot or tramway upon which vessels of small tonnage made the passage from the one sea to the other (to iTTtvuiTa- rov ToC "laflfioO: Str. 335, 369: cp Thuc. 87, Pol. 4 ig, Die Cass. 51 5). The idea of substituting for it a canal cut through the Isthmus was very ancient. The scheme was entertained in turn by Periander, Demetrius Poliorcctes, Julius Cajsar, Caligula, Nero, ard Herodcs Atticus. Nero actually began the work in 67 A. o., bout the time of Paul's final visit to Corinth. Ves- pasian sent him six thousand Jewish prisoners from Galilee (Jos.^/ iii. 10 10). Traces of this cutting were to be seen on the line which has been adopted by the modern engineers who have brought this ;(p6-ov M*y* ayu't<rna to completion (i88i- 1893)-

Half a mile to the SW. of the .Saronic entrance to the canal are the remains of the Isthmian sanctuaries and Stadium which furnished Paul with the imagery of I Cor. 924-27.

The pines from which were cut the victors' garlands are mentioned by Strabo (380) and Paus;inias (ii. 1 7). The road to Corinth led through groves of pine and cypress and was bordered with tombs among them those of the Cynic Diogenes and the courtezan I^is(l'aus. ii. 'J^). Coins (of .\ntoninus Pius) give a representation of the harbour of t enchrea; flanked on either side by a temple, and containing a standing brazen colossus of Poseidon (Pans. ii. 2 3) and three ships. Coins of H.adrian show the two harbours, Lecha-iim and Cenchreae, as nymphs turned opposite ways, each holding a rudder, inscribed


It was from Cenchreas that Paul sailed at the close of his first visit to .Achaia (.Acts 18 18 cp 'JO3). The voyage between Greece and .\sia took a fortnight in Cicero's case {Ep. ad Att. 51369); but he sailed slow ly (cp Thuc. .3 3). Phoebe, a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea,', ' carried under the folds of her robe the whole future of Christian theology' (Renan, Saint Paul, 219), for to her, on the eve of her departure to Italy on her private affiiirs. Paul entrusted his letter to the church at Rome (kom. 1(5 1 2).' See Erazer, Pausanias, 87/. Good map of the Isthmus in Baedeker's Greece, EI', 229. \v. J. w.


RV Cendebaeus (KCNAeBAioc [AXV]; but KCNAeBeoc [A once], AcBaioc |N*V once], and AAlBeoc [N once]), the general left by Antiochus VII. in command of the sea-coast, who ' pro- voked the people of Jamnia,' and also fortifie<l Kidron for the purpose of invading Juchva. He and his army were put to flight, near Modin, by Judas and John, the two sons of Simon the Maccabee (i Mace. I538- 16 10). According to Zockler. he is the Cendd of the Arabian legends, a N. Kx. prince hostile to the Jews (cp Blau, /.DMG 25 577)- Schurer(r;/7 1, 7. n. 31), however, derives Cendebeus (as also koi5i'/3i/j) from the Lycian town KdvSv^a.


the utensil used for offering INCENSE.

In Il^V it represents i. n'T^iTD the vessel for oflTering T\'pp 'incense' with; Ezek. 811 2Ch. 20iot( Bvnian^otoi', which is found once in NT Heb. 84 [R\n,>i. 'altar of incense']). From the same root is derived niiri^S, 2 Ch. 30 14, ' altars (RVn>B- vessels] for incense.' Cp In'CENse, { i.

2. 'Bnp (.y/ snatch up ; irvp(e]<oi) Lev. 10 i 16 12 Nu. 166 ^ 17=^ EV, but AV alone in Nu.414 (irvpioy) i K. 750 (.WmR. 'ash pan'; SuiVicri) 2Ch. 4 22 (fluto-iti) and miptiot'). In these passages RV gives 'firepans,' and both .W and RV in Ex. 27 3

' [Unless it be held that Rom. 16 i-ao is a letter of introduc- tiori given to Pha:be by Paul for the Church at Ephesus. So JiJlicher, Eint. in das y /', 73 (cp Colossi ans, j( 4) ; M'GifTert, Chr. in Ap. Age, 275. Cp, however, Roma.ns, \\ ^ 10.)

883 2 K. 25 IS and Jer. 52 19 (where .W"'S. 'censers'). The rendering ' snuffdishes ' occurs in Ex. 2038 3*23 Nu. 49 (see Canolestick, 8 2). generally irvpMiov which recurs in Ecclus. 50 9 (EV 'censer'). See Incknsk, 4.

3. Ai^afuTOf (Rev. 835) etymologically ' frankincense ' : cp njia^n in i Ch. 29 ( Ai^>/u>tos : here only, but once in A and cp 3 Mace. 5 2).


(eKATONTAPXHC [Ti.] -oc [WH]),

Mt. 8 5. .See .\KMV, g 10.


(kh({)AC [Ti. WH], Aram. N20 'a rock,' cp Ass. A'ti/>u, and Heb. D'D?, Jer. 429 Job 30 6; see Lag. Pfiers. 58). See Peter.


(khrac [BA]), I Esd. 529. See Keros.


RV Ket.^b (kht&B [BA ; om. L]). The b'ne Cetab are a family of Nethini.m in the great post-exilic list (see Ezra, ii. 9) i Esd. 5 30, not men- tioned in II Ezra (2 46) or Neh. (7 48).


(xABpeiC [BXA] ; in Judith 8 10 xa/^P"" [HX], x/^Pf'M [A]; in 106 xa/^P"" [BN.\]), son of (lOthoniel, and one of the rulers of Bethulia. (Judith 615 8 10 10 6.)


(AV they of Chadias) and Ammioioi (.W Ammidoi), two clans in the great post-e.xilic list (see E/.R.\, ii. 9, 8c). I Esd. 5 2ot XA^ilACAl [B], x&A- '<\C<M [A"] ; AMMlAlOl [B], -Aioi [A] [Lorn.]), where they occur after the Men of Beeroth (i Esd. 5 i9 = Izra 5 25 = Neh. 7 29). The names may be identified (though not with confidence) with Kedesh [i] (Josh. 1623), or perhaps Hadashah {ifi. 2: 37) and Hlmt.ah (ib. v. 54).


(xMpeAC [A]). 2 Mace. 10 32 37. AV CHKKK.\S.


(I'b etc.). See Agricultl'ke, 9, 15.


is the word used in EV in translating Hebrew terms which signify ( i ) ornaments and insignia, and (2) means of confinement and punishment. Though chains were no doubt well known to the early Semites, it is chiefly the latter variety that we find depicted upon the monuments ; actual remains, moreover, have been found in excavating (Place, Nineve, iii. pi. 70). Chains for confinement consisted of rings around each foot joined together by a single link ; the arms were similarly treated (see Botta, Monuments de Ninive, i. pi. 82).

1. Chains were worn as articles of adornment upon the foot (mV:X, see Anklkts, Bracelet, 5), arm (mc', see Bracelet, 4), and neck (D\mn, p:j;, see Necklace). For chains .such'as were worn by Joseph and Daniel, as expressive of rank (T31, and Bibl.-Aram. N^'jon), see Necklace. To denote some kind of architectural ornamentation we find nipwi^ iK. 621 (Kr. 'W; Ezek. 723, doubtful), and niip^!?,! iK. 717 2Ch. 3i6(cp 2Ch. 35), see Pillar, Temple. Of these Heb. words the former is used in Is. 40 19 (nipni, text doubtful) of the chains fastening an idol, the latter denotes the chain worn upon the high-priest's ephod (ni"i;^'lir, Ex.2822, niiyiC*, 39x5; jcpocrd? [B-M-], Kpiaa-a-. [I.]; also Ex. 2814 (cpoo-falioTos [BAFL]); see Breastplate, ii., Ephod, Ouches. For chain-armour see Breastplate, i.

2. As a means of confinement, ropes or cords were perhaps more commonly employed. For chains the general term is CpUNJ Nah. 3 10, etc., or, with closer reference to the material, '733 l"!?i ' fetters of iron ' (Ps. 1498) both, in parallelism, in Ps. 105 18. Other terms are pj'S (Collar, 3) and T\vn}, 'brass' (Lam. 3 7).2 The use of the latter in the dual (C'nfm, Judg. 16 21 2S. 334, etc.) does not necessarily imply the binding of both hands and feet by these bronze fetters. The < -reek words are Seo-fiO? (Jude 6), tretpd (2 Pet. 24), ire'iij and aAucrij (in parallelism, Mk. 54 I,k. 829); the last -mentioned term is used in Acts 126, where the Roman custom of chaining a prisoner to two waiders is exemplified. See Prison.

1. The Aramaic form of this word (unSrSr) 's represented also in the new Hebrew nSc'Sc', which became a regular word for chain, and meant also a chain for measuring.

2 The RV 'chains' for D'nin 2 Ch. 33ii is too bold. See Manasseh.


What the ancients understood by the word is uncertain, i. It is met with only once in the Bible (Rev. 2119; xaAkeAcon [Ti.], xaAkhAcon [WH] ; others, karxhAcon ; culciJonius). In modern mineralogy chalcedony is a variety of amorphous cjuartz ' semi-transparent or translucent ; white, gray, blue, green, yellow, or brown ; stalaclitic, reniform, or botryoidal, and in pscudomorphs or petrifactions ' [Ency. Brit.^^ 16 389). The word chalcedony is usually applied to the white or gray variety, the brown chalcedony lieing known as the sard (Sardius), the red as the carnelian (see S.aruius). The chalcedony also occurs in stratified forms ; when white layers alternate with black it is called onyx (see Onyx). When the white alternate with others of red or brown colour it is called sardonyx (see S.VRDONYX). Pliny, who lived not far from the time when the Apocalypse took shape, does not speak of the chalcedony as a distinct stone, but only of ' Calchedonii [or 'carched.'] smaragdi ' as an inferior kind of emerald, mentioning that the mountain in Chalcedon where these stones were gathered was in his day known by the name of ' Smaragdites' ^ (HN 37 72-73). Symmachus, on the other hand {circa 200 .\.D. ), gives Kapxv^^"'-'"^ for -\3i3 in Is. 54 12 (AV 'agates,' RV ' rubies ' ). This rendering suggests an original nana (cp the reading xPXP [BQ]. Kopxopos [A]) for 1213 in Ezek. 27 16 (AV 'agate,' mg. ' chrysoprase,' RV 'rubies'). See Precious Stones, Rlbie-s.

2. Chalcedony {karkedmi) is the usual Pesh. render- ing of uc. s'bho (axoLTT)^, achates, 'agate' of Ex. 2819 39 12). Notwithstanding the reference in Ezek. 2722 to the precious stones imported from Sheba - we can hardly connect the stone uc with the country called Sheba. As Fried. Del. points out {Heb. Lang. 36) it is the Ass. Subu i.e., the shining or precious stone {abnu tiosku or akru), KaTi^oxTfjf. This stone occurs among others in a list of stones enchased in gold for the royal breastplate. On Delitzsch's suggested identification with the diamond {Prol. 84 f.)^ or the topaz {Heb. Lang. 36) cp what is said under Precious Stones, Diamond, Topaz. Tradition is in favour of the rendering ' agate. '

Agate, so named, according to Theophrastus, from the river Achates, in Sicily, is one of the numerous modifications of form under which silica presents itself, almost in a state of purity, forming 98 per cent of the entire mineral. The silicious particles are not so arranged as to produce the transparency of rock- crystal, but a .semi-pellucid, sometimes almost opaque substance, with a resinous or waxy fracture : and the various shades of colour arise from minute quantities of iron. The same stone sometimes contains parts of different degrees of translucency, and of various shades of colour ; and the endless combination of these produces the beautiful and singular internal forms, from which, together with the high polish they are capable of receiving, agates acquire their value as precious stones. Agates are usually found in detached rounded nodules in that variety of trap rock called amygdaloid or mandelstein, and occasionally in other rocks. The varieties of the agate are numerous, and are now, as in the time of Pliny, arranged according to the colour of their ground.

3. It is not apparent why RV"?- should suggest chalcedony' for r't'in in Ex.2820 (EV 'ber}'!'). See Tarshish, Stone of. w. r.

1 Cp Aiflbs (TuapaySirrii of Esth. l6 (S and see Marble.

  • Theophrastus (La/>. 34) tells us that the best precious stones

came from Pseplio (<c ttj? i/(e<^a) KoAou/ttfi'J)? X"/"")- This is probably the same as the P.sebo of Strabo (822) a lake and island S. of Meroe (mod. T.sana or Tana) near the head of the Blue Nile (see Reclus, GA>^. Univ. 10 258 262).

3 The difficulty of believing that the Israelites knew and perhaps even engraved the diamond is only minimised by Del., not removed (see Adamant, Diamond), though it is not so serious in the case oS S'hhd (mentioned only in P) as in that of JWw/<'w(Ezekielan<l P).


(xA^x^^ [A]. \d.KKd.\ [L]). i K. 4 31 [5 11], RV Caixol.


(D^"=lb?. XaAAaioi [BXAEQL], Ass. A'aldu), is used in Gen. 11 28 . ineis^amu. ^n equivalent for Babylonia.

1. The Kaldu[edit]

The land of the Kaldu proper lay Sli. of Babylonia projjer, on the sea coast as it then was. Its true capital was Bit Yakin ; its usual name in the Assyrian inscriptions was mill Tanitini. the Stra-laiid. If Dclitzbch (Par. 128, etc.) be crrect in his derivation of the name from the Kassitc |)coplc, the wider application to liiibylonia may have been a leRacy from the Kassite dynasty there. On the other hand, the Kassites (Del. calls them A'ossiier) had a lanRunRe quite distinct from that of the Kaldu, w ho spoke Semitic. The Kaldu are carefully distinguished by .Sennacherib both from the Arabs and from the Aranuvans. Mero<lach-lialadan, the usurper in Ikibylon during Sargon's reign, and the inveterate foe of Assyria till .Seiuiacherib hunted him from Babylon to Bit-Yakin and thence to e.\ile, v.as a Kaldu. There is no reason to think he had any right in Habylon ; on the other hand, nothing shows him to have been more foreign than were the Assyrians. In fact, the Chaldeans not only furnished an early dynasty of Habylon, but also were incessantly pressing into Babylonia ; and, despite their repeated defeats by Assyria, they gradually gained the up|>er hand there. The founder of the New- Baby- lonian kingdom, Nal)opolassar {circa 626 n.c. ), was a Chaldean, and from that time Chaldea meant Babylonia.

2. 'Chaldee', etc.[edit]

The use of the term Chaldee, introduced by Jerome to distinguish the language of ccrtam chapters in Daniel and Ezra (o-'irs ]ic*S: L)an. I4), is incorrect. The only correct expression is Aramaic(seeCn.\l,l)K.\,2 ; D.WIEI., 12; Aram, 2; Ar.\m.\ic Language, i # ). Another jjeculiar usage must be mentioned. We find ' Chalfieans ' used in Dan. as a name for a caste of wise men. As Chaldean meant Babylonian in the wider sense of a member of the dominant race in the times of the New Babylonian Empire, so after the I'ersian conquest it seems to have connoted the Baby- lonian literati and lx?come a synonym of soothsayer or astrologer (see Daniki., 11). In this sense it passed into classical writers. Whether any association of sound with kall7, the specific name for magician in Assyrian, helped the change of meaning is difficult to decide. The modern so-called Chaldees have no racial claim to th name, and it is very questionable whether the traces of alleged Chaldean culture discovered at Telloh are correctly assigned to this people.

See Dclattre, Lcs Chaldeens, \Vi. Unters. Alior. Gfsc/i., Mff-1 a"d die Histories of Assyria and Babylonia; also Beitr. tur Assyr. 8 1 13. C. H. W. J.


(xAA4)ei [VA]), i Mace. 11 70 RY, AV CAI.I'UI.


Of the structure of the chamber of the ancient Hebrew house we know but little ; it would naturally depend upon the style of the rest of the build- ing. In modern Syria, floor, wall, and ceiling are commonly made of beaten clay (cp n'o Ezek. ISn), which is often coloured with ochre. Wood, neverthe- less, is not rare. The Ckii.ing, if of wood and flat, is of curious and complicated joinery ; or, if vaulted, is wrought into many coves and enriched with fretwork in stucco ; the walls (n'p) are adorned with arabesques, mosaics, and the like, which, set off by the whiteness of the stucco, present a brilliant effect. Enamelled inscriptions, specimens of the most intricate Arabic caligraphy, originally intended to keep oft" harmful y/V/wf, surround the walls. On the number and arrangement of chambers, see House, i.

Of the various Heb. words for ' chamber ' Tin and Tf^ (cp vtrtpwof) are used of rooms in private houses ; see Bed, i. nan is used particularly of the nuptial chamber ; see Tent, f 4. Other terms are used especially of rooms in a temple or palace. nSP^ (i Ch. 9 26 Jer. 35 2 4, etc.) or r\2m (Neh. 3 30 12 44 13 7), a room in the temple occupied by priests and temple-servants, also a room in the royal palace, Jer. 3iii2 2o; and (once) ot a meal-chamber 1 in a ^<t/n<z/< (i S. 9 22 A V ' parlour ') ; see HIGH PLACE, | 3. V^sf (i K. 5 7 3 Eak. 41 $^) and kp (, K. U 211 aCh. 12it Ezek. 407_^) are similarly ued of temple-chambert. In the case of two words the suggested rendering, 'chamber,' it certainly incorrect ; J/'X^ (i K. I 5 AV) means properly a ' story," as in RV (see Tkmplk), and 3J (K/elc. 10 24 31 39 RVmtj. 'vaulted-chamber'), in parallelism with nZ"^, refers evidently to some mound for illicit worship (KV better 'eminent place').

^ Or, 'feasting hall." For another probable instance see 2 K. 10 22 emended text (see Vestry). WRS Rel. Sem.P) 254 n. suggests that A<ryTj, club-room, is derived from '^ ; but see Lewy, Die sctHit. Ftemdu: im G rice It., 94.