Encyclopaedia Biblica/Crescents-Dan (people)

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(D^pnb), Judg. 82. 26 RV (AV ornaments '), Is. ;^ia RV (AV 'round tires like the moon'). See NECKLACE.


(kphth : mod. Camiia), the largest island in the /Kgcan sea, of which it is also the S. limit.

Crete extends 140 m. from W. to E., consisting of an irregular ridge of mountains which fall into three distinct groups, the central and loftiest (mod. I'si/criti) being the Mount Ida of the ancients. The N. coast is broken into a series of large bays and promontories ; on the S. there are few harbours, and oiily one lonsiderable l)ay that of Messara, under .Mt. Ida. The physical character ol' Crete is succinctly tiescribed by Strabo (475, opeu'j) (cai iduela t) I'ljaos, ex^' ^'auAuii'as ei/KapTTOus).

Lying at almost e(|ual distance from Kurope, Asia, and Africa, Crete was one of the earliest stages in the l)assage of Oriental civilisation to the W. In historical times it was of little importance chieHy as a recruiting ground for mercenary troops (Pol. 31 26, Jos. Ant. xiii. 43; cp I Mace. 1131).^ (.Jiiintus Metellus reduced the island in 67 B.C., and it was combined with the Cyrenaica to form one province senatorial under the eiTi]5erors.

The jews were early connected with Crete (cp the story told in Tac. J /is/. r>2 that the Jews were originally fugitives from Crete). In -'* of Ezek. 2i> 16 and Zeph. 25 [BX.AQ] Kprjres is read for the ' Cherethites ' or Cherethims' (n'nis) of EV, and KprjT-q [BX.\Q] in Zeph. 26 for mD, which, however, is certainly not Crete, but denotes 'land of the Cherethites' i.e., Philistia. KprJTCs also occurs in of Ezek. 3O5 npparently for CIS. See CHKUKrHrrK.s ; and, on the hypothesis con- necting the Philistines with Crete, Cafiitok, Piiil.i.s- TINKS. Gortyna (near modern //. Deka in the Messara, the only consideral)le plain in the island) is mentioned as containing many Jews ( i Mace. I523 cp IO67), and Philo {Le^. ad Cai. 36) says that Crete, like all the Mediterranean islands, was full of thetn (cp Acts2ii Tit. 1 10 14, Jos. Ant. xvii. Vli, J'ita, 76).

The account of Paul's voyage to Rome furnishes several geographical details. From Cnldus his ship ran under the lee of Crete (.\cts277 virewXeva-afiei' tt}i> KpTjTTji' Kara ZaX/JLuiPrju), and soine time appears to have l)cen spent in the shelter of the I'"air Havens. Whether the apostle was able to accomplish there any missionary work cannot even be guessed; and. we are thus left without any information as to the process of the evangelisation of the island. When we ne.xt hear of it the gosi^l has apparently been widely established (see Pastorai, Episti.ks).

1 They were mostly archers : Paus. i. 284, 'EWrjiTiv on firi KpTja'if oiiK inix'opi.oi' ov Tofevi'. Their internal di "-""" kept the Cretans in miliury training : cp Pol. 48 24 4.

The character of the Cretans as gathered from the epistle to Titus, is entirely in accord with what is known from other sources. The epistle (Tit. 1 12) quotes 'a projjhet of their own' (i.e., Epimenides, called 6{?os dvTip by Plato, Laws, 1 642 ; 6eo<f>i\ri% Plut. Sol. 12), who stigmatised them as liars and beasts. It was a popular saying that it was impossible to out- cretan a Cretan (Pol. 821, cp Pol. 646/ 818 33 16). Polybius (646) writes that 'greed and avarice are so native to the soil in Crete, that they are the only people among whom no stigma attaches to any sort of gain whatever' (cp Tit. 1 11, 'teaching things which they ought not for an ignominious' ain ' a similar phrase occurs in Tit. I7). The repetition of the thought of Tit. 1 7 fXT] irdpoivov, 22 vri<t>a.\iovi, 23 (iy)dk oivi^i iroWt^ deSovXuj/jL^vas is equally ominous (Cretan wine was famous in antiquity; cp Juv. Sat. 14 270). Tit. 3i bears obvious reference to the turbulence of the Cretans, a characteristic which runs through their history.

For Crete as the 'stepping stone of Continents,' see A. J. P2vans on 'Primitive I'ictographs from Crete ' in y. //<//<//. .S'/W. 14 ('94). ^ w. J. vv.


(D-UN). I.s. 1 3, etc. See Catti,i-, 5.


(^nn). Lev. 11 22, RV. AV Bketi.e ('/)


(HtilT), JobSlii; see Law and Justice, S 10-11.


ypin, to/ci', a word common in the fem. form nryin, toleah, or nrpin, tola'ath, is used in Ex. It) 20 in the general sense of 'worm' [EV], in Is. 1 i3 ( E V ' crimson ' ), Lam. 4 5 ( E V ' scarlet ' ) for the crimson dye prepared from the body of the female Coccus ilicis, a Homopterous insect belonging to the family Coccida;.

The female, which grows to the size of a grain of corn, is in the adult or imago stage attached by its inserted proboscis into the leaves and twigs of the Syrian Holm-oak, whose juices it lives on. The male is winged and flies about. The bodies of the females are collected and dried, and from them are prepared the colouring matters known as Cochineal, Lake, and Crimson. Since the discovery of America a Mexican species of Coccus, C. cacti, which lives on the India fig, has largely supplanted the first-named species as the source of the pigment, and at the present day both have lost their commercial value owing to the invention of aniline dyes. In old literature the name Kermes (see below) is frequently used for Coccus.

Other names for this colour are 'pa, sdni (Jer. 430, RV ' scarlet ' ; elsewhere EV ' scarlet ' ; see Colour.s, 14) and the late equivalent h-rp2, karmW^ (2Ch. 2714 [6 13] 3 nt -) The origin of the termination -il in S'pis is obscure ; it can scarcely be explained (as in Ges.-"*') by the Pers. affix -in ; for there is no word kirmin in Pers. , nor would it signify the colour if there were.

For Is. 63 1 (j-i,':n, RV'-'K. -crimsoned,' EV 'dyed'), see CoLOL'RS, 13/. n. m. .\. e. s.

1 Probably from Pers. ^/rj;/, 'a worm,' and perhaps akin to our 'crimson' and 'carmine' (see Skeat, s.71. crimson'). Cp Sans, kritni, which is probably identical with our word ' worm ' (/A s.v. ' worm '). On the other hand, Del. (ZL 7' 39 593 ['781) may be right in connecting Ar. and Pers. kirmut, from which carniesitius and crimson are most n.-ituraljy derived, with an independent Turkish root beginning with p instead of 3.

2 The word l^'oia seems to have been read for ^^-^2 ^V '" Cant. 7 5 [6). See HAIR.


(Unn), Is. 322. See B.\g (2).


(Kpicnoc [Ti. WH] ; a Roman name), ruler of the .synagogue at Corinth, and one of Pauls converts there (Acts 188 i Cor. 1 14).

In Ap. Const t. 7 46 he is said to have been ordained bishop of jEgina. In Mart. Rom. Vet. he is commemorated on Oct. 4.


' Beasts of the reeds ' is an alternative rendering (in AV"'B ) of nj]? n?n, Ps. 6830 [31] ( Bhria toy K^^<^/V\OY). -^^ 'company of spearmen,' RV^ rightly 'wild beast of the reeds.' This means the crocodile (hardly B(>hemoth i.e., the hippopotamus), used to symbolise the Egyptian power. Cp Hupfeld and Del. tid loc.

According to (5 the 3s of Lev. 11 29 (.AV 'tortoise') was a 'land-crocodile'; see Lizard, i. For 'land- crocodile,' RV's rendering of n3, a kind of lizard (Lev. 11 30), see Chameleon, i. For Jer. 146 RV^t- (c'3n ; .\V 'dragons,' RV 'jackals'), see Dragon, 4. For Job 41 1 i': RV'K- [40 25] (EV 'Leviathan.' AV"'ir- ' whale,' ' whirl[xx)l ' ), see Behemoth and Leviathan.

The animal descriljed poetically in Job has generally been identified with the crocodile (seeesi:)ecially Bochart ^lyiff-)- Until recent times, when the propriety of making any zoological identification has tjeen questioned, the chief dissentient has lx;en Schultciis. This great eighteeiiih-century scholar tliinks that the arguments for the crocodile anil the whale are atK)ut etjual ; the poet does not seem to him to have lx*en consistent in liis de- scription. Tristram, however (.Vy7// 258), is of opinion as a naturalist that the crocodile is descrilxjd under the name Leviathan, and if Huildes translation and ex- position be adopted, the characteristics of the crocodile the difficulty of capturing or taniing it, its vast size, its formidable row of teeth, its impervious scales, its gleaming eyes, its violent snorting, and its immense strength. all come out with niarvellous exactness. Riehm {Hllli, s.v. 'Leviathan') leaves it an open question whether the poet may not even have seen crocodiles in Palestine. Certainly the Nahr ez.-Zerk{i near C'a;sarea is believed to have had crocodiles quite ateiy.' and, as the climate of this marsh region re- sembles that of the Delta, there is in this nothing sur- prising. Still, tliough Pliny ( I/X i> 19) speaks of this river as the Crocodile river, and mentions a tow a called ( "ro- codilon. we have no evidence that there were crocodiles there in biblical times. A thirteenth-century tract gi\es a strange story of fierce beasts called ' cocatrices ' having lx?cn brought there (see Cockatkk.k). Sir John Maundeville designates them corcodrils. See further Budde's elaborate conmientary on Job 40/ ; and for another view (connecting the description in Job with mythology) see Behkmoth .xnd Lkviatha.v, 3.

CriKotiilus nilotkus, formerly common throughout the Nile, h.-is been ahuosl exterminated in the lower part of the river, though it still flourishes above the second cataract. It is found fron the Nile and the Senegal to the Cape of ( lood Hope, ami in .Madagascar and Syria. Large specimens attain a leni;t!i of 15 feet. It was worshipped hy the ancient Egyptians at Omhos and in the Kayfim (by Lake Moeris) under the name of Sobku (tr;ui>crilitd in Cik. as iou^o?) ; for a possible explanation of this, sec .NLispero, Da-i.n of Civ. ioj_/: n. M. A. E. S.


(n2). Lev. 11 30, RV ; AV CHAMELEON ('/-T'. ). See also above.


(nS->*nn), cam. 2i, RV"'e-; t:V RosK {q..:\.

1 Schumacher says that he has .seen a crocodile there, but that there are very few crocodiles left (PK/-Q, Jan. 1887, p. 1). For a sifting of the evidence down to 1857 see Tobler, Drift* IVanderung nach Paldstina ("59), 375 ff. Cp Rob. Phy. Geog. Ce;), 1757: ; Baed. /"a/.P) 272.


We shall not attempt to introduce the reader to the archaeological study of the .symlxjiism of the cross. Interesting as the task would be, it is really superfluous. If there was a time when it could l)e supposed that lietween Christianity and the non- Christian religions there was, in respect of the symbol of the cross, an affinity that was divinely apix)inted, that time is passed. We are no longer tempted to imagine that iK-lween the sign of the cro.ss in baptism, and the heathen custom of Ixiaring a mark indicat- ing the sixjcial religious communion of the individual, there is a kind of pre-ordained relation. On the other hand, the fact that heathen notions did affect popular Christian tieliefs in very early times, cannot l)e denied : the magic virtue ascribed to the cross has doubtless a non-Christian origin. For these matters it is enough to refer to Zockler {Das A'reus Christ i), who fully recognises the original purity and simplicity of the earliest Christian view of the cross. His sobriety contrasts with the fantastic subjectivity of E. von Bunsen (Das Symbol des Kreiizes, 1876).

1. Nature and use[edit]

First as to the meaning of the Greek word ffravpds, which has a wider range than the word ' cross ' by which it is rendered in English. We find it frequently used for the most primitive instrument of execution, the upright stake (crux simplex) to which the delinquent was bound when no tree was at hand (cp infelix arbor and infelix lignum; Liv. 1 26 Cic. Pro Rabir. 4), or on which he was impaled (cp HANGING), as well as for the fabricated cross (crux composita) of various shapes.

The origin of crucifixion is traced back to the Phoenicians. The cross was also u.sed at quite an early date in some form or other by Egyptians ( Thuc. liio), Persians (Herod. 9i2o), Carthaginians (Valerius Maximus ; Polyb. lii, etc.), Indians (Diod. '2i8), Scythians (Justin, 25), and others, besides the Greeks (GJ. Curtius, 44) and the Romans.' Among the last-named, however, this cruel form of punishment (cp Cic. / 'err. It 64 ' crudelissimuni teterrimunujue sup- piiciunt"; Jos. lij v. 11 i) was originally reserved for slaves (seri'ile suppliiium ; compare the application of the term furcifer to slaves) and criminals of the worst kind.-' It was at first considered too shameful a punishment to be inflicted upon Roman citizens (Cic. Verr. I5 56i etc.).

2. Shape.[edit]

Of the cross proper there were three shapes the crux immissia or four-armed cross, the crux cummissa or three-armed cross, and the crux decussata which is more commonly known as St. Andrew's cross. Following the old tradition of the Church (Iren. }laer.\\. 'J 1 4 ; Justin. Tryph. 91 ; Tert. adv. JuJ. 10, etc. ) which finds some support in the assertion of the Gospels that above the head of Jesus was placed a title(Mk. 1 ;') 26 f7r(7/)a</>7; T77S atrial ; Lk. 23 ^8 e7ri7/)a0')) ; Mt. '^737 aiTia ; Jn. 19 19 rtrXos), the cross of the NT has commonly been taken to be the crux immissia.'^ The accounts of the manner of the crucifixion being so meagre, any degree of certainty on this point is impossiljle ; but the evidence seems to preponderate in favour of the traditional view.

3. NT cross.[edit]

The four-armed cross in use at the time of the crucifixion of Jesus was most probably of the following description. It consisted of two pieces an upright stake (stipes, staticulum), which was firmly fixed in the ground with pegs or fastened to the stump of a tree, and a cross-beam {artleuna, patibulum), which was carried by the condemned to the place of execution. High up in the upright stake ,an indentation was probably made in which to fasten with cord and perhaps also to nail the cross-beam (cp Lucian's ^v\a TiKTaivtiv ; also Hor. Carm. 1 35 ; ( ic. ]'err. f>2i). At a suitable height from the groinid was fixed a [jeg {TTTjyfMa, sedilc ; see Iren. J/acr. ii. 24 4) on which to set the body astride (cp Justin, Dial. 91 ; Iren. I.e. ; Tert. cant. Marc. 3 18) so that the whole weight might not rest upon the hands and arms. This, together with the fastenings, made a rest for the feet [viroiriidiov , suppedaneu7n lii^nuiii; cp (ireg. of Tours, De Glor. Martyr., chap. t5) uimecessary.

1 In some of these cases (e.g., Persian.s), no doubt, only the crux simplex is intended. The cros.s' in the strict sense of the word was not u.sed by the early Jews. In Esth. "9 S13 ^ re- presents ,-in ' to hang ' (cp the application of the term vSn '" Jesus by the later Jews), by (navaovv. See, however, Hang- ing. It was iiuroduced into Palestine by the Romans (.see Law and Ji'.stice, g 12 ; and cp Jos. Ant. xii. 14 2 xx. 62, BJ ii. 126). Pesh. in the Go-spels uses zekapit, which seems to mean primarily ' to elevate.' Qur'an (4 156) uses salaba.

^ Cp Lk. 2332, Sen. Ep. 7, Cic. Patron. 71, Dion. J 52, Jos. Ant. 13 22, .\pul. Asin. 3.

5 This too is the shape of the cross in the old (3rd ceiit.) caricature of the crucifixion which was found on the Palatine hill at Rome.

Some scholars (Keim, etc.) have contended for the crux commissa (cp Seneca, Consol. ad Mar., 20, Jos. H/ v. Hi).

  • Jeremy Taylor (ZZ/i- ij/" C//rj.7) supposes the body to have

'rested upon nothing but four great wounds.'

6 The offence alleged (Lk. 23 2) was a political one. Stoning was the Jewish punishment for blasphemy. See LAW AND JUSTICE, i 12.

7 The scourging of Lk. 23 22 Jn. 19 i was probably a i>ri - liminary and therefore an irregular one.

4. Crucifixion[edit]

It is probable that on such a cross as this Jesus was crucified and that the execution was carried out in the regular manner. Soon after the sentence (Val. Max. 1 ,6 ; Dion. Hal. 948), or on the way to execiuion (Liv. 3336; cp Cic. V^err. 5 54) the condemned was scourged." He was led, bearing his own cross, or rather part of it (Plut. De sera numinis vindicta, chap. 9 ; Artemid. 256 and cp the symbolical phrase in Mt. 10 38 16 24) to which he was bound, along the public roads to an eminence (see (ioLGOTiiA) outside the city gates (Cic. l^err. i>b6\ I'laut. A/il. glor. ii. 4 6). In front of him went a herald l)earing a tablet [titulus ; Suet., Cal. 32) of condemnation, or he himself carried the alria. (cp (j(xvl%, Socr. HE 1 17 ; irlva.^, Euseb. HE v. I44; Xfi'KWfia, Soz. HE I17) suspended by a cord from his neck (Suet. Calig. 32 ; Dotnit. 10 ; Dio Cass. 54 3 ; Euseb. HE v. I44). On arrival at the place of execu- tion the cruiiarius was stripped of his clothing and laid on the ground upon his back. The cross-beam was then thrust under his head, and his arms were stretched out across it to the right and left and perhaps bound to the wood (cp Lucan, Phars. 6543/'. I'lin. y/.V xxviii. 4ii), the hand being fastened by means of a long nail (cp cruet Jigcrc, affigere). .Already, before or after the arrival of the coinlemned (see Cic. Verr. V. 66, and cp Polyb. i. 86 6; Uiod. .\xv. f) 2 ; Jos. BJ vii. 64), the upright stake had been firmly fastened in the ground. The cross-beam was then, with the lielp of ropes (cp perhaps Plin. HN .xxix. 4 57) and perhaps of st)me other simple contrivance, raised to its place on the stake. Here it was hung provisionally, by a rope attached to its ends, on a firm nail or notch, ^ whilst the body was placed astride the lower peg in the stake, and the legs bound. The beams were then probably bound and nailed together at the point of intersection. Nails like those already used for the hands would be employed to fix the feet (Lk. 24 39 ; cp Plautus, Mostel. ii. 1 13 ; Just. Dial. chap. 97; Tert. Adv. Marc. 3 19, etc.), which were only slightly elevated above the ground. The nails were driven through each foot either in front, through the instep and sole, or at the side, through the tendo Achillis.'^ The body remained on the cross until it decayed (Hor. Ep.\. 16 48 Lucan, Pilars. 6543), or (from the time of Augustus) until it was given up to the friends of the condemned for burial ((^uinlil. Decl. 69; cp Jos. BJ iv. 62). Soldiers were set to watch the crucified (Cic. Pro Kabir. 4ii ; Petron. 5,//. 3; Quint. Decl. 69; Mt. 2766 Jn. 1923). Death resulted from hunger (Euseb. H E %"&) or pain (Seneca, Ep. loi). To alleviate the latter the Jews offered the victim a stupefying draught (Mk. 15 23 Mt. 2734 Bab. Sanh. /. 43i). Breaking of the legs {(TKeXoKowia ; see 6) was a distinct form of punishment among the Romans (Seneca, De Ira 832 ; Suet. Aug. 67 ; cp, however, Origen on Mt. 2754)- ^'- \- C.

1 Jeremy Taylor (Li/e 0/ Christ) and Farrar (Li/c 0/ Christ), assume that the body was nailed to a prostrate cross which was afterwards raised and fixed in its socket. Cp however, the expressions crucem ascendere, in crucem excurrere, ava^aivfiv iiri Toi' or., etc.

2 See Urandt, Z>ie Rvangelische Geschichte, from which this part of the description is borrowed. For the two nails cp Plautus, .Mostetl. ii. 1 13 and see .Meyer. Others (Keim, Farrar, etc.) think that only one nail was used.

3 This seems to be plain from the expression in Mt. 2734 (WH and RV) ' wine mingled with gall.' The allusion is to Ps. O'.tai (xoA^, 'gall,' would never have come in otherwise), and one remembers that Ps. 22 (from which the ' Eli, eli,' etc., of .\It. 27 46 is taken) is a fellow psalm to Ps. 69. See also Lk.

5. Evangelists point of view[edit]

Modern realism takes an interest in these painful details which was unknown to primitive Christianity and to the evangelists. From an archaeological point of view this may be justified ; but it is necessary to point out that the evangelists are entirely indifferent to the archaeology of the circumstances of the Passion. All indeed that they seem to care for is ( i ) the opportunity which the Cross gave for Christ to make fresh disclosures (in speech) of his wonderful character, and (2) the proofs which the Passion gave, as it appeared to them, of a ' pre-established harmony ' between prophecy and the life of Jesus. When the ecr/JLUpvicrfxevoi oluos (wine mingled with myrrh) or 6^05 (vinegar) is mentioned, it is chiefly, we may presume, to suggest a connection with Ps. 6921.^ So the 'casting lots' doubtless fixed itself in tradition because of the parallelism of Ps. 22i8. The only NT passages in which a clear trace of sympathy with the physical pains of Jesus is discernible are Lk. 2244 and Heb. 67, especially the former. Here also great reserve is noticeable. Though W'etstein (.V7', 1 751) quotes several ancient writers who state that sweat, in some circumstances, is really tinged with blood,'- yet the early writer of Lk. 224;,/^ contents himself with saying that the sweat of Jesus in his agony w'as 'as it were clots of blood' (wLcret 0p6ixfioL aifiaroi)

6. Cross of Jesus[edit]

There is no evidence that any ue&tn writer had formed the idea that Jesus died of a broken heart, as W. Stroud, M.D. , supposed (Treatise on the Physical Cause of the Death of Christ, 1847) certainly an idea for which many modern readers of the Gospel would be glad to find sufficient evidence. The hypothesis is based on Jn. 1934, where we read that ' one of the soldiers with a spear pierced (^vi'^e) his side, and forthwith there came out blood and water.' From a critical point of view, we can hardly say that the fact that Jesus received this wound after he had breathed his last is well established ; theorising upon it therefore, with a view to determine the cause of Jesus' death, is excluded. We have reason to believe (see Orig. on Mt. 2754) that a lance wound was sometimes given to those who were crucified to accelerate death. The probability is (if the kernel of Jn. 1931-37 be accepted as historical) that the two malefactors first had their legs broken [crucifragium) and then received their coup de grace by being pierced with a lance. This is not opposed to the literal interpretation of v. 34, for all that the evangelist denies is that the legs of Jesus were broken. That the state- ment of the 'eye-witness' (6 iwpaKilis) has come down to us in its original form, cannot, however, safely be asserted, because of the impossibility of explaining the issuing of ' blood and water ' from an internal source pliysiologically. Perhaps one may suppose that the writerof Jn. 19 31-37 in its present form has accommodated the facts of tradition (the tradition attested by the ' eye- witness ' ) to his theological needs. There is a theological commentary on the ' blood and water' in i Jn. bjZf, where the ' water ' and the ' blood ' have Ixicome, as it were, technical expressions for permanent suix-rnatural channels of divine grace, though the commentary may to us (not to its first readers) be as obscure as the text.

' With regard to the hypothesis of Dr. Stroud (viz., that death was sud<ien from rupture of the heart, and that the blood and w.-iter were the separated clot and serum of the escaped blood in the pericardial sac, which the spear had pierced), it is sufficient to mention the invariable fact, of which this physician appears to have been ignorant, that the blood escaping into a serum cavity from rupture of a great organ, such as the heart (aneurysmal aorta) or parturient uterus, does not show the smallest tendency to separate into clot and serum ("blood " and " water," as he takes it), but remains thick, dark-red liquid blood. The notion that the wound was on the left side is com- paratively late. It is embodied in some of the newer crucifixes, where the wound is placed horizontally about the fifth costal interspace ; but in most modern crucifixes, and probably in all the more ancient, the wound is placed soniewhat low on the right side. That it was deep and wide, is inferred from the language of Jn. 2O27, where Thomas is bidden to " re.-ich hither thy hand and thrust it into my side" namely the side of the spiritual body.'

[The ordinary view of the motive of the soldier (In. 19 34) viz., that he wished to make sure of the death of Jesus is of course a mere conjecture. If, therefore, the expression i^tKev- T7)<rai/ ( = npi, 'they thrust through,' in Zech. 12 jo) will permit it, some may prefer to accept a new hypothesis that the wound inflicted hy the lance was only a slight one. The author of this liypothesis thus explains it. El>.] 'May it not have been a thoughtless, rather than a brutal .ict, the point of the lance being directed at .something on the surface of the body, perhaps a discoloured wheal, bleb, or exudation, such as the scourging (Mt. 27 26) might have left, or the pressure of the (assumed) ligature supporting the weight of the body might have produced? Water not unmixed with blood from some such sujierficial source is conceivable ; but blood and water from an internal source are a mystery." c. C.

2.^1 3-5 and especially Jn. 10 7^/., which allude to the same passage (the iin//a) of Jn. corresponds to the eis rJ|i' iii^av fiov of the Ijsalm). ofo9 is most naturally rendered Vinegak [q.v.]; cp iiuotations in Wetstein. This too suits Ps. Oi.

1 This is not inconsistent with the fact that the second part of Mt. 27 35 is wanting in the best MSS, and omitted by recent editors. See Jn. I924.

2 ' Numerous more or less unauthentic modern instances have also been needlessly brought together.' c.C

3 .\n early addition to the original text (WH).

7. Biblical references[edit]

Apart from the references to the cross in the evangelical nairatives, there are a few passages in which the cross is mentioned, or has been thought to be mentioned, in a manner which has the note of originality.

1. If .Scllin [Serubbal'fl, 106) were right in reading iiB c'l'ri^rKi in is. 539 we should get a striking though unconscious anticipation of the cross of Jesus in prophecy. It is this writer's rather strange theory that ZERUBBABEL [i'-i'.], whom he idealises in the light of Is. 53 and kindred passages, suffered impalement as the Jewish Messianic king. Unfortunately the sense of 'cross' (o-Tai/p5s) for in is justified neither by its etymology (see Ges.-Buhl) nor by usage. Taw means properly a tribal or religious sign, and is used in Ezek. 946 for a mark of religious import on the forehead (cp CUTTlNGS, 6) and in Job 31 35 (if the text is right) for a signature. 1 .No Jew would have used w for arax'pjs, though, the crux commissa being in the shape of a T, the cross is often referred to by early Christian writers as the mystical Tau.

2. Mt. IO3S 'He that taketh not (oi' \aixjiavfL) his cross, and followelh after me, is not worthy of me ' ; cp Lk. 1427 'doth not l)ear {ov ^xcrdi^ei) his cross' ; Mt. IO24 'let him take up (dpclrw) his cross' (so Mk. S34 Lk. 9i23). Two views are held: (i) Ihat to take, or take >ip, or bear a cross was a proverbial jihrase for undergoing a great disgrace, suggested by the si.-ht of the Roman punishment of crucifixion ; and (2) that though the substance of the saying may l)e due to Jesus himself, the form, as perhaps in many other cases, is due to the recasting of the saying by a later generation, possibly under the influence of the highly original phraseology of Paul.

3. Gal. 220 XP'<^V (Ti'veffTavpcofxat ; ' I have been crucified with Christ' (cp tji4). It would Ixi difficult to assert that this strong expression was suggested by any saying of Jesus ; it has obviously arisen out of the previous statement, ' through the law I died to the law.' The crucifixion of Jesus is of slight interest to Paul as a mere historical event ; it becomes all-important through the apostle's mystical connexion with Christ. The crucifixion has an ideal as well as a real character, and the former gives a value to the latter (cp Ad.\m .\nu EvK, 2). On Cal. 3 13 see H.VNGing. T. k. c.

See further Jesus, 29/ ,and Oosi'KI.s, 12 14; also Brandt, Die E range Use he Gesehieh/e ('g^), I7Q# ; Keiin, /esu von Nasara, 3409/: ; Meyer, Das Matlhdus-Eraii- gelium (7th ed., 1898), 488/ ; Godet's Commentary on Luke ; and, in particular O. Ziickler's Das K'reiiz Chrisli (1875 ; ET 1878). 1-4 .M. A. c, 5-7 T. K. C.

1 So RV, with most critics ; but the text of i'. 34/; is certainly in disorder (see Deer, ad loc.\ 'IB ' my sign ' ( = ' my signature ") is a most improbable expression. Tg. and Vg. presuppose 'r^^^n 'my desire.'


( KOptONH). Bar. (1 54- -See RAVEN.


1. Varieties.[edit]

In considering the crown of the Hebrews the primary signification of the Knglish word, and the origin of the crown itself, must not be lost sight of. Originally crown, garland, fillet, chaplet, and diadem were hardly to be distinguished from one another.

As to the form of the Israelite crown we have no certain information. The ancient Egyptian forms of the upper and lower country crowns, the one with high receding slojje, the other l)ottle-sha(ied (see hieroglyphs in luJVi'T, 43 n.), are less to l)e thought of than the .Assyrian truncated cone with its snuill pointed elevation rising in the centre. The latter was worn by the highest classes, and may well have been the head-dress of Hebrew royalty. Another important variety was the DIADEM \_q-v.\ which was worn as a fillet (see TURBAN, i), or encircled the high imperial hat of Persian sovereigns. From this has probably been derived the high priests MITRE [(/.?'., 2]. The Persian hat is perhaps referred to in the late Heb. kether (nri^ Ksth.lii 2i7 68 and perhaps Ps. 459 ['o] [f^^ra. Che.], in I'^sth. 5td57;/ta),' and in the Kidapii of i Esd. 3 6 (EV 'headtire').

2. Royal crown.[edit]

The Hebrews must have been familiar with the ancient custom of distinguishing rulers by special forms of headgear ; but in the frequent allusions to the ceremonies of a royal accession coronation is mentioned only once - in the case of Joash (2 K. II12). See CoKoNATioN. Besides the bracelets (ni-iJ'Vn ; so We. 's emendation : see Bracelet), we see that the distinctive ornament worn by King Joash was the nizer -113. It means simply ' mark of separation or consecration, "'and, originally, was perhaps nothing more than a fillet (WHS A'e/. iV/.<2) 483 /. ). In post-exilic literature it forms part of the high priest's headdress (see MiTKE. 34). Of its earliest use we are ignorant. It is true that according to 2 S. 1 10 Saul's nezer was transferred to his rival David ; but we cannot Ije sure that the statement is historical. The representation that kings went into battle wearing their insignia need not l)e disputed ;=* but there is good ground for suspecting that the writer (who is an l".])hrainiite) is imaginative. See Sa.mlel, i. 4 (2). Now.nck {//A I307) holds that Solomon was the first to introduce a royal crown. Certainly David did not have his son crowned (anxious though he was to have Solomon's right popularly recognised : i K. 1 33), and neither Absalom nor Adonijah went through the rite of corona- tion when claiming the throne ; but it is remarkable that, when so nmch is said of Solomon's throne (i K. 10 18), nothing is hinted about a crown. That the 'atdrdk (.-n-^v) was, at least for a limited period, the usual ornament of Jewish kings may be taken as certain. It is possible that this also was originally a diadem or fillet, although in Job 31 36 we reail that it could be ' bound ' upon the head (i:i'). which suggests that it was a turban. In Cant. 3 11 it represents the bride- groom's (Hellenic?) garland.-* Not only does the \'ifdrdh, by a common metaphor, typify dignity and honour, but also in late passages its possession implies sovereignty and its loss is synonymous with the king's degradation. A case of the former is Ps. 21 3 [4], ' Thou settest a crown (ni::j') of fine gold on his head ' {aTi<pavov tK \ldov TL/jLLOv) ; of the latter, I'.zek. 21 26 [31], ' Remove the mitre (ns:^i:> KtSapis). and lake off the crown (n-cy aT^(pat'o^).' Here we may follow Smend and Bertholet in explaining tx)th mitre and crown of the m'l;/ insignia: Zedekiah is to be stripped of all his dignity. For the priestly may (cp Ecclus. 45i2), see MiTRE ; and for other Heb. words to designate distinguished head-gear, see Diadem, Tukhan.

1 It is in Esther, too, that the decoration of the horse with the king's crown is most clearly associattd with the royal dignity (tontmst Esth. Or with i K. 1 33). See also Ciiaii.kt. In later Hebrew nns became the ordinary word for crown. It is used in the phrase, ' the crown of the law,' a precious crown-shaped ornament of the scrolls of the Pentateuch, also of the crowns on cert;iin Hebrew letters and in the famous Mishnic .sentence (.\both 4 19), ' There are three crowns : the crown of Torah (Law), the crown of priesthood, and the crown of royalty; but the crown of a good name excels them." Lagarde (Cesam. Al'handt. 207 13-15) regards in^ as a Persian loan-word: but the root is common in Hebrew. As in most other words for crown, the root-meaning must l)e 'to encircle."

2 uses different words for it:- In 2 S. 1 10 it has poaiAeior [RA], .aria (LI, in Kx.-.'06 -nizaXov, whilst in 2 K.ll 12 the word is left untranslated (if^ep [HI, <fp[Al; but iy.'ao-^a (L)). In the last-mentioned place the Targum and Pesh. have

3 Thenius refers to Layard, Kinn<ek, fig. 18. Rameses put on a distinguishing ornament when he went agauist the Khita (Brugsch, Gesch. .-F.g. 499).

The mCV which David captured (2 S. 12 30) belonged to the idol o(\.\\c Ammonites (see Ammon, 8). For the Talmudic view on this and other p.-vssages connected with r^ yal and priestly crowns, see Leopold Liiw s excellent essay ' Kranz und Krone ' in his Ces. Schr. 3 407^:

3.Bridegroom's crown[edit]

Crowns or garlands were worn by brides (Ezek. IG12 niKsn nT:j;) and by bridegrooms (Is. 61 10 nxs, RV garland). The 'oil of joy" ((>., t'. 3) recalls the royal anointing (see CORONATION), and it may be that the bridegroom wore a chaplet crown as king of the festival. Delitzsch thinks that the bridegroom's //rr w.is a turban. Solomon (Cant. 3ii) is represented as wearing a diadem or 'd/Jrdk on the day of his espousals (cp Cantici.es, 9). In the time of Vespasian the bridegroom's chajjlet was abandoned (Mish. Sotah 9 14). In the Middle Ages the Jews resumed the use of wreaths for brides.

4. Post-exilic and NT usages.[edit]

Josephus asserts that after the return from the exile Aristobfilus, eldest son of Hyrcanus I. , was the first to put ' a diadem on his head ' {Bi.a.5r}fia, Aiit. xiii. 11 1). From Zech. 6 9-15, however, it would appear that Zechariah was directed to select from the exiles' gifts enough gold and silver to make crowns (nii^y) or a crown (jrpj, Wc. , Now. ) for Zeruljbalxil.- Josephus was perhaps thinking solely of the Ha.smoii:i;an kings ; those priest-kin^s wore ' buckles of gold ' on their shoulders, not crowns on their heads (i Mace. 10 89 I444, Tropir-t)v xp^'^^d" '< see Buckle, 3). The Talmud thinks that Hyrcanus, the 'second David,' wore two separate crowns, one royal and one priestly (h'iiLi. 66 u) ; and Josephus re]jo:ts a present to this kiii;.^ of a golden crown from Alliens {(TTifpavos, .4/itxW.Si).

The Gr. (rrecpavoi, which properly denotes the badge of merit as distinct from 5id5j?,ua the badge of royally (see Di.\ni;M), is fre;iuently used by O to represent .nT.:jf ; but the distinction between 5Ld5r]/j.a and <TT(<pavoi was not consistently obser\'ed in Hellenistic Greek.

In the NT ffTi<f)avos is used of the garlands given to the victors in games ( i Cor. 9 25 ; cp 2 Tim. 2s), of the ornaments worn by the ' elders,' etc. in the visions of the .Apocalypse (Rev. 44 10 62 O7 14i4[hcre, Ihe.Sonof Man]), and of Jesus' crown of thorns. The last perhaps affects the Roman rather than the Jewish idea as to the symbolism of the crown ; but Jud;t^an ideas on such matters must by that dale have Ixien assimilated to the Roman.

InRViM.icc. 1029ll35l337 39 2Macc.l44((rW(/)aj'or) ' crown ' ( AV' 'crown tax ' ) refers to a ' fi.xed money j^ay- ment like the Roman atiruin coronarium (Cic. in Pis.vi. ch. 37), in vom\ of the wreath or crov.'n of gold which at one time it was customary, and even obligatory, for subject peoj)les to present as a gift of honour (cp 2 Mace. 144 and S 2 above) to the reigning king on certain occasions' (Camb. Bib. ad 1 Mace. IO29); see Taxation.

On ther.V of the altar (Ex. 30 3/. 3726/. EV 'crown,' RV'e- 'rim' or 'moulding'), see Ai.tak, 11; on that of the ark [ih. 25ii 372), see Akk, 13 ; and on that of the table of shewbread ' ^ib. 2^t-2^f. 37ii /!), see ALTAR, 10. (5 renders by KPfidriov arpiirTJv and

See CHAPLET, MITRE, TURBAN ; and cp Goi.n.

I. A. S. A. C.

1 The re.iding i< difficult. Many follow Hitzig and read yy for jnr (.Isa., SHOT no): 'like a bridegroom who orders his coronal.' Crowns, it may he added, are still used in the marriage rites of the Greek Church.

2 The MX assicrns Zechariah's crown to Joshua the high priest ; but this can hardly be maintained (see Zkkuiiuaiiki., and cp Ki-nhi adloc.-).


See Cross.


I. The cruse of water (HnSV- sappdhatjt) which stood by Saul's he id when he was surprised by David (i -S. 26111216: cp i K. 196) was probably a small water-jar of porous cl.ay like the 'ibrik (vulg.ar pronunciation, hrik) of the modern Syrians and Egyptians. The porosity of the clay enables the water to be kept cool if the brik is placed in a draught.

The same vessel was used by the poor to hold oil (cp I K. 17 12 14 16, where it is distinguished from the larger 13 or water-jar [lA' ' pitcher '] in which the household supjilv was fetched from the well [Gen. 24.4^ 6 tV*])-

In I K. 17 //.<., in 106 and in Judith IO5, uses the word tca/zaicT)?. also WTitten (cafii//airr)9, which, if from xo/itiru), would sug^^est the shape of the Roman ampulla.

2. The cruse of honey which Jeroboam's wife took as part of her present to Ahijah (i K. I43) was the bakbiik or earthenware bottle (see Bottle). The Greek trans- lators ((D'^'- Aq.) render by crrafwos, a wine-jar, which, it is interesting to note, is also used by <J5"'^- for the sinsencth (EV ' pot of manna') laid up in the sanctuary (Ex. 16 33). This cruse or jar of manna was of earthen- ware according to the Targum, but of gold according to (5 {loc. cil.).

3. The cruse (n*n^s, vSpUrKrj) of 2 K. 22ot, used by Elisha to hold salt, was proljahly a flat dish or plate rather than a bottle or jar (cp rtnSs, 2Ch. 3Ji3 [G Kal evodii)0ri] ; rn^s; in 2 K. 21 13 6 aXd^aarpos [B], rb dXd^ffTpOV [.\], TO TTV^lJV [L], P.\n).

4. On the cruse (17 dXdjSaffTpoi ; AV Box, 2) of Mt. 267, etc., strictly a jar or pliial of alabaster, usually pcar-shajxid or pyramidal (Pliny, J/.V 9 56), see ALABASTER. A. R. S. K.


There can be little doubt that rock crystal is intended by the KpvaraWos of Rev. 21 11 : glass is represented by va\oi (see Gl.\SS). Thcophrastus (54) reckons crystal among the pellucid stones used for engraved seals. In modern speech we apply the term crystal (as the ancients apparently did) to a glass-like transparent stone (commonly of a hexagonal form) of the flint family, the most refined kind of quartz.

In (5 KpvdToXKo'i represents

a. nn^. ' frost ' or ' ice,' perhaps even in Ezek. 122.^

b. n^ipx ["3J<] (Is. 54i2, EVf 'carbuncles'), that is, 'stones of fire' (cp Ass. aban isdti, 'stone of fire'=: hipindu), on an assumed derivation from mp, 'to kindle' (lit. by rubbing): hence the rendering of Aq. \IQ. rpiira- VLafxov, Sym. Theod. [XiO. ] yXv<prji, Vg. lapidcs sculptos \_scalptos\. LXX and Pesh. have KpvoTdXXov (mp?).

c. rh-a, EV 'bdellium' Nu. II7 (cp Field, Hexap.).

d. n'm-p, I'-V 'vapour' (Ps. 1488).

For Job2Si7t .-\V (n"p?Di), RV ' glass' ; see GLASS.

C3-, gdbls []o\>1%i^; RV 'crystal,' AV 'pearls'), is of obscure origin ; cp perhaps Ass. gabdhi, ' be thick, massive. '

The RV 'crj-star finds support in the Heb. P'DJ^K, 'hail* (on the relation of meanings see BDI!, s.t'. p2i), and possibly intheTarg. pSn3(Lag. a.Uo y^-\-^2 = ^^fipviov, ob > isui [Dan. 10 5 2Ch. 35 Vg. ; cp Oi'Hik]), which, like Ar. Pers. itila^fr (the word is sli^jihtly transpos -l), means 'cryst.al or even 'gla.ss,' as well as ' beryl." Blau understands 'glass pearls.'

pBXAC transliterates yo.Sfn and so Theod. ya/Sts ; the Pesh. is too paraphrastic to be of any use ; and vireprjp/oitra [.Sym.] Jl^^-VJO [Syr. He.\., mg. juXSD CuX] are appellatives derived from MH jy^j, 'to heap up,' C"r"w 23, 'heap,' 'hill.'

1 Hitz. and Co. delete 'terrible,' K^ijn (so 5ha, but not 0Q Vg. Pesh.). It is of course possible that we should read rnp \ cp b.


(212), Ezek.305 RV ; AV Chub (^.r.).



The common term is HSK, 'ammah' (prop, length of fore-arm? see r.DB; Ass, ainmatu, ,nax in the Siloam inscription [jyT]), Gen.Ois; cp r'KTI^N, 'an ordinary cubit' (Dt.Sii) rirx nsbi nSNS one handbreadth longer than the usual cubit ("Ezek. 40 5), etc."

ICi, gomed, Judg. 3 i6t seems to be a short cubit ; so Jewish tradition ; see Moore, ./AV, \- 104 ['q3).

The NT term is wi\xv%, Mt. t> 27 Lk. 12 23.


RV ' seamew ' (e)n*4* ; Xci^oy [BAFL] ; Lev. 11 16 Dt. 14 ist), is mentioned among unclean birds. It cannot be identified with certainty. 1 lie Hch. root probably signifies leainness ; thus the kindred word nBrtc*. iahhi'pluth (cp Ar. suhdf), denotes consumption or phthisis. There is no settled Jewish tradition ; but and \'g. are very likely right in understanding some kind of atjuatic bird, jx-'rhaps the tern [S/i-rna fliiviatilis, FFP, 135). The AV ' cuckow ' comes from the Geneva Bible.

Two species of cuckoo spend the summer in Palestine: Cuculus canorus, the widely-spread common cuckoo, which returns frum its winter quarters towards the end of March ; and the great spotted cuckoo, Cociystcs glantlarius, which arrives rather c-u-lier. Canoi Tristram enumcr.ites nine s|>ecies of tern hclong- ing to two genera found in I'lilestine, some of which are plentiful along the sea coasts and around the'inland waters, especially in wmter. The shearwater, Puffinus, is another identification suggested for the Sahafh. P. yelkouanus, an inhabitant of the Mediterranean and other seas, has acquired the name of 'Sme damnie' from the French-spe:iking inhabitants of the Hosphorus, its restless habits having given rise among the Moh.immedaii population to the notion that it is the corporeal habitation of lost souls.

N. M. A. K. S.


(D-Nu'p. X/Xv/'/w ; ciKyAi [-YOI B^i'L], Nu. 11 si ) and Garden of Cucumbers (H'^'pO, viikhih; ciKyHp&TON. Is. 18 Bar. 67o[69't). Forms analogous to the word rendered 'cucumber' occur in Arabic, Aramaic, ICthiopic, A.ssyrian, and Carthaginian; and probably Gr. aiKvi] ' is the same word with the first two consonants transposed.^ It is thus known that what is meant is some kind of gourd, cucumber, or melon, perhaps primarily Cucumis Chute, L. (Low, 330), which is now regarded as a variety of the melon [Cucumis Melo ; see Hassekjuist, I/cr Palcrst. 491).

The cucumber itself, Ciiciiiiiis sativus, originated in NW. India, and certainly the .S.-inscrit name soul-as.t looks strikingly like o-iiciios. It seems clear that the cuciimb<r reached the Mediterranean region pretty early. De Candolle {(If. PI. Cult. 212) says that there is no e\ iilence th.it it was known in ancient Kgypt ; this, however, applies equally to the melon (208).

^z'^0 (for riKC'pc) is simply place of cucumbers ' ; Ar. and Syr. have similar words with the same meaning. Cp Food, 5. N. M. vv. T. T. -i).


(1^3; kyminoN. cytninum. Is. 282527 Mt. 2.323!) is the seed of an umbelliferous herbaceous plant {Cuminum ivmiuum, L. ) which is used as a condi- ment with different kinds of food. A native of the Mediterranean region,^ it was from an early period largely spread over W. Asia.* The Heb. name, which is of unknown origin, is found also in Arab., Syr., Eth. , and Carthaginian, and has passed into Greek, Latin, and many modern languages, including ICnglish.

Cummin is often referred to by ancient writers. Thus two early Greek comedians include it in lists of condiments (.Meiiieke, 378437); Dioscorides (36i/) and Pliny ('JO 14(57]) descri e its medicinal properties, the latter noticing especi.illy its effect in producing p.-ileness referred toby Horace (A/, i. !! 18, 'exsangue cuminum ') and by Persius (v. 55, ' pallentis grana cumini ').

The mention of the seed in Mt. 2823 as a trifling object on which tithe was rigidly imposed by the Pharisees reminds us of the Greek use of Ki'/uvoirpiarrji (' cuinmin-sawer ') for a niggard or skinflint (.Arist. Etk. N. iv. 1 39). In Is. 2827, where Yahwe's varied discipline of Israel is illustrated by the care and dis- crimination with which the husbandman performs his appointed task, it is noticed that finer grains, cummin and nsp (see Fitchks), are threshed with staff and rod, the heavier treatment by the threshing wain Ijeing re- served for coarser seeds. N. .M.

1 Theophrastus has <rtirvof and <rttw>) ; according to Fraas the former was the cucumber, the latter the melon.

a So Ces. r/i,s. s.v. ; L.ig. Arm. S/., 1975, J)fittfi.2 3s(>-

8 Kentham and Hooker, Cm. PI. 1 526.

' Dioscorides knows it chiefly in Asia Minor.


(1-12), I Ch. 188 RV ; AV CHUN.


The 'cunning workman,' 2un, is distinguished from the 'craftsman' cfin in Ex.3535 3823, and the recurrence of the phrase arin ntrya in connection with certain textile fabrics (Ex.26131 286 15 86835 3938 [P]) suggests some specialised meaning (see EMBROIDERY). '

usually has v^Kn; or in^f rot ; Vg. \xs,\ia\\y polymitariut or opus polyiiiitariuni, the work of the dama.sk weaver (see Wkavin<;). AVniK. (Kx. '2(5i), perhaps less accurately, ha.* 'embroiderer' (sec KMiiKoiuiikv). On the other hand, the ' cunning work ' (n3B'TC) of Kx. :il 4 S-'j 32 33 35 a Ch. 2 14 [13] is mainly that of the metal worker and jeweller; in zCh. 2615 it i:. that of the military engineer.


The seven Hebrew and Greek words rendered ' cup' in EV can be but imperfectly distiiigui.shed ; see, however, Fl,.\GON. (ioBi.KT, Mf.M.s, Pottkky ; also, on Joseph's divining cup, DiviSATiON, 3 [3], JosF.i'ii ; and on the 'cup of blessing' (i Cor. 10 16), Elciiaki-st, Passover.

Special applications.[edit]

The figure of a wine-cup occurs fretjuently to express the effect, whether cheering (Ps. 285) or the reverse, of providential appointments. The prophets being primarily messengers of woe, the second of these applications predominates. In the N'T the figure descril>es the suffer- ings willingly accepted by Christ and his followers (Mt. 20 22/. 2C39, etc. ), and is u.sed in the older Jewish sense in Revelation [e.g. , 1-4 10 16 19). Nowhere does the term ' cup ' stand by itself in the .sense of ' destiny ' ; the use dcscrilx;d above never pioduied what ni.ay be called a technical sense of 013, 'cup.' In Ps. 116 16s it is a second oia. meaning 'appointment, destiny,' from \/0D3 = ruc, 'to number, to ileterininc,' that is used. 'The portion of my (or their) cup' should be 'my (or their) destined portion.' No one can drink ' fire and brimstone,' nor can 'cup' and 'lot' stand as parallel expressions. From the list of passages we designedly omit Ps. 1 1 6 13 ; 'lift up the cup of salvation ' should be ' lift up the ensign of victory ' (reading o: ; see Ensig.n). Yox'aggiln, px. Is. 2224 EV, .see Hason, i. For Jer. 36 5, J?*?^> ^''i Joseph's silver divining cup. Gen. 44 2 12 \(>/., see above. For the bowls upon the golden candlestick (Kx. 'lh-i,iff. S"i7 7^t)see Ca.ndlestick, g 2. For ci2> kos, the common term (Gen. 40 11, etc.), see Mkals, $ 12. For Jer. 52 19, JTpjS, vi'nalikltk (AV 'cup'), and Jer. 52 19, '"D, i*/// (RV 'cup'), see BASON, 4. For Nu. 4 7 RV, i Ch. 2S 17 KV, nil",-;, k'sdu-oth, see FLAGON. The NT term is 7roT^pioi'(in (B for kos), Mt. 23 25 20 27, etc.


(n|?^*p, lit. ' one who gives to drink ' ; 01 NOyooc)- I" Eastern courts, wherethe fear of intrigues and plots was never absent, cup1)e.arers were naturally men whose loyalty was above suspicion ; they frec|uently enjoyed the sovereign's confidence, and their post was one of high imjiortance and honour (so, e.g., at the court of Cambyses, Her. 834; cp Marquart, J'hiUilogus, f).')229). The only reference to cujibearers in Israel is in the uni(iue chapter describing Solomon's court, i K. IO5 (euvoi'-xoi'S [L]) = 2Ch.94. Elsewhere cupl>earers are spoken of in connection with Egypt (Gen. 40 1-23 41 9), Shushan (N'ch. 1 n tvvoZ'xo^ [HN"^^]). and Nineveh (Tob. I22). It is perhaps hardly necessary to add that the Assyrian Rabshakj:h ['/.f. ] has nothing to do with

  • cupbearer. '

In Gen. I.e., EV 'butler' C',7r2.T-3n, 'chief butler' (40a o.f)(yoi.vo\6a% [A PL]). In -'. 13 aptly uses ap;(ioti'0\oia where the Hebrew has JS, 'position, oflice.' With reference to Neh. Ill, it is worth noticing that Nehemiah was only one of the cupbearers to .Xrta.xerxes (not the cupbearer; cp l!e. -Kys.). finds a reference to male and female cupbearers in Lccles. 28 (niic'l TJC', oi.vDxoov [-OVV K'^-^A] koI 0(W>x<>aO ; but see Ecci.FSiASTES, \ 2. The chance allusion in Jos. Ant. xvi. 8 i shows that at the court of Herod (as was iilso the case in Assyria) the cupbearers were eunuchs ((P's tiivoiiyoK al)Ove may, of course, be nothing more than an error). See, generally, Meai_s, II end.

1 Cp Fr. gfnir, applied in a sjieciali.sed sense to civil and militarv engineerins: (ingeniuii:), and the Eng. eni:iHe.

2 P.s.'t>0 3 [5I V5 R [9] Is. 51 T7 Jer. 25 15-17 49 13 Lam. 4 31 Ezelc 23 33-34 ; cp also Jer. 51 7 Zech. 12 3.


(nxpri), is. 7 is RV"*- See Milk.


See Blkssings and Cursings, BLASPHEMY, BAN, COVENANT ; and cp Urim and Thimmim.

On C'jri, Iterem (Mai. 4 6 [824), etc.), see especially 1?AV. On n^*?3;y, Ubha'ilh, Is. (55 15 (RV"it. prefers Oath \q.v.\); hSk in Nu. 5 21 (RVrng.' adjuration); nSxPl (H^KFI Lam. 865], n")Xp, Dt. 2820 (RV 'cursing'): n^Sp, Karaflt/ota, Rev. 223 (RVrntr. 'anytliinf; accursed'), an J icaripa, Gal. 3 1013, see BLESSINGS AND CURSINGS


For Ex. 26 i ff., etc. (nj/n;) and Nu. 3 26 [31], etc. ("2.1 ; more usually 'h.inging' in AV, gener- ally 'screen' in RV), see Taiiernacle. p'^ (xofioipa : Is. 40 22t), RV'"'K 'gauze,' is properly infin. of ppi, 'to be fine or thin." Thi; lieawns are likened to a fine gauzy expanse. The rendering 'curtain' is loose, and is due, no doubt, to the use of ny'T in the parallel Ps. 104 2.


1. Babylonian.[edit]

I. A (non-.Semitic) people called Kasse is mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions as dwelling in the border country between N. Elam and Media. Sennacherib (Tayl. Cyl. 164^; A'Z?187) describes this region as difficult to traverse, and as not subjugated by any of his predecessors. In fact, it was a conquering race that dwelt there. To it belonged the dynasty which ruled over Habylonia for nearly six centuries^a lengthened rule, the conse(|uence of which was the infusion of a large Kassite element into the population of liaby- lonia, especially S. Babylonia, which might fitly be called the land of Kas. It is this Kas or Kos (whence MT's KQs)! thit is intended in Gen. 108, where NiMKOi) ['/.f. ] is called the son of Cush. That the Babylonian Kas is meant in (jen. 2 13 as the passage now stands, is nnuh less easy to make out (see Paka- DISk), while to h:)ld with Wincklcr [AT Utitcrsuch. i.J,bff.) that Isaiah refers to the S. I',al)ylonian Kas in the difficult prophecy. Is. IS, can be rendered possible only by somewhat improbable textual criticism and exegesis.

Wi.'s result (1892) is that the embassy mentioned by Isaiah is that of .Merodach-bal.-idan to Hczckiah in 720 H.c, and his stron:.;est argum.-nt is that ' the streams of Cush ' in 18 i is not applicable to the kiiij;do:n of Ethiopia, which had but one stream, the Nile. The answer is that the geographical know- ledge of the writer was naturally but small, and that the island of Meroe, to w'lijh the residence of the Ethiopian kings was removed after laharka's time, is formed by the union of the Nile, the Atbara, and the Klue Nile. On grounds independent of Wi.'s hypothesis, the words ciD'nn^S lajfD "ICX ire correctly held to be a late interpolation. (See further Che. and Haupt in Isaiah, ilch. SJSOT.)

1 Unless we suppose the vocalisation KQ.5 (e'53) to be produced by the confusion of the Babylonian and the African py

2. Arabian[edit]

2. The question of the existence of an Arabian Cush has passed into a new phase since the discovery by Winckler ( \/i/sn, 2 ['98]) of a N. Arabian land of Kus contiguous to the N. Arabian Musr or Musri, and together with it forming the region called Meluhha (see MIZRAIM, 2/'). The land being known as Kus ( =f-3) to the Assyrians, we cannot avoid a re-examination of the more difficult OT passages in which a'"3 (Cush) or 'C'i3 (Cushi) occurs. Referring first to the Pentateuch and reserving the complicated question arising out of Gen. 2 13 for sub- sequent consideration, we see at once (u) how probable it is that in the list of names in (Jen. 106 Cush is an Arabian and not an African country ; for none of the eleven names in Gen. 10 6 7 can be supposed to be African except Cush, Mizraim, Put, and .Seba, and of these Mizraim (read rather Mizrim) has been claimed elsewhere for Arabia, while Pur [</.v.] is at any rate not Libya, and Seba (n3d), which resists all attempts to localise it in Africa, may well be susjiected to be only another form of Sheba (khc-) i-e., the well-known Arabian Sabasans. It is true Sheba appears in v. 7 as a son of Raamah ; but no objection can lie based upon that. The same name probably fixed itself in slightly diflferent forms in different localities, and in Ps. 72 lo we even find k3d (which has intruded into the text) as a variant to kic (Possibly Shclxi, k3B' should everywhere rather be.Scba, KStr. ) This conclusion greatly reduces the error committed by the redactor of Gen. 10 in inserting w. 8 10-15 18/^-19 (which behjng to J) between vv. 6/. and v. 20 (which belong to P) ; for the population of the Babylonian lanil of Kas, to which Nimrod belonged, was largely formed by the immigration of ' Chald;ean ' tribes (c'lB's) whose home was probably in E. Arabia. If Kas Ix; taken, not ethnically but geographically, as a designation of the Arabian home of the ancestors of a large part of the people of S. Babylonia, it was not incorrect to regard Ximrod as related to the Cush mentioned in v. 6/. (For J's view see XiMRDi), MiZKAi.M. )

{b) In Nu. 11 I (E) we hear of ' the Cushite woman' whom Moses had niarried. In Ex. 21621 (J) his wife Zijjporah is represented as a Midianite. A northern locality for Midianites is probable even without the very doubtful passage 1 K. 11 18 (cp H.\UAI), 3). There is no necessity to follow W'ellhausen in his excision of the whole of Xu. 12 1/> ; at any rate ' the Cushite woman ' comes from an early source. See Moses.

(c) On 2 S. I821 see CUSHI, 3.

(d, e, f) Is. 2O3 4.33 45i4, see MIZRAIM.

{g) Am. 97. Who are the -rp ':2? Hardly the 'children of the Ethiopians' (EVJ. What evidence have we that the IClhiopians were regarded with con- temiJt in .\inos's time? Probably the prophet looked nearer honn;, and saw the misery inflicted on the Arabian Cusii by some great mischance in war (cp \Vi. , op, cit. 8).

(h) Hab. 37, 'the tents of Cushan.' ysxz should perhaps become ^'3, Cush ; at any rate, X. Arabian peoples are meant in both parts of the verse. See Ci;sn.\N.

(i) Job 1 17. It is cjuite possible to read c"n3 or C'TD, Cushi(yi)m (Che. JQR 4575) for c"ir3 (EV ' Chaldeans' [(/-t'.]), which is not without difficulty, and to explain this of the N. Arabian Cushites, who must at any rate be referred to.

(j) In 2 Ch. 21 16 we hear of 'Cushites' lx;side the Arabians (cp Akahi.\), a rennniscence of whcjse pre- datory raids probably underlies the distorted tradition of ' Zer.ah the Cushite' (see Zekam) in 2 Ch. W^ff- I [k) Ps. 887 [S]. nii- -ru^'-cy, 'with the inhabitants 01 Tyre,' should be r?3} nisc, 'Musri and Cush'; a similar emendation is required in Ps. 874. The combination of Philistines and Tyrians, Tyrians and Ethiopians, presented in MI", is extremely improbable. (Besides W'i. Musri 2 \^MDV'G, 1898], cp Glaser, Skizze, 2326/:)

3. Egyptian. See Ethiopia. T. K. C.


(r-IS, xoYc[eli [BXAR], chusi [Vg.], t'^p [Tg.]) a Benjamite (Ps. 7, heading). The text, how- ever, is corrupt.

Cushi ( al.^ is a very poor conjecture (see Ci'SHi, 3). No doubt ' Cush ' should be ' Kish ' (see Tg.), and the text .should run "3a'-j3 B'"p'i3 '13T'?y. The missing name was either Mordecai (Esth. 2 5 ; cp Che. OPs 229/) or, perhaps more probably, Shimei (q.v., ic), a member of the clan of Kish (so Kay, Che. Ps.'>"'i). In the former c.xse, David w.as supposed to be speaking'in the name of Mordecai 1 in the latter, the curses of Shimei are the supposed occasion of the psalm.

1 Ps. 7 was a Purim psalm.


(|V""I3; AiGionec [BS<:-<^>'.\Q]. ee. [X*]), H.ab. 37!. The name should mean '(a clan) belonging to Cush.' on the analogy of Ithran, Kenan, Lotan (but see CrsH, i. 2h). It is at any rate parallel to Midian. This agrees with OT passages which appear to place the Midianites in X. Arabia, where, according to the evidence produced by Winckler, there was a region known to the Assyrians as Kiis or Cush. See Cfsii, i. 2 ; Midian.


RV ; \V Chushan-rishathaim (D'nrL'h |l,"-12, i.e., 'Cushan of double wickedness ' ).

The versions have : Xov<rap<Ta8atn |ltAI, aipurnniuB (I.) (not original!; N'et. l-at., C/imiirsa/tm ; Naples SynupMs, Xui/o-ap- a'U/utf[sit.] ; Jos. \ov<Tap<ra0ov iKen.) ; ^ g. Chtisaii J\asiitliiiii4 : (sec \lcr, Dit liibtl liesjiis. ii ; l^t;unle, itfptuag. StiuiUn, i4=/2 74).

1. The story.[edit]

The name of a king of Aram (MT Aram-naharaim [q.v.]: a very rare expression), who is said to have oppressed the Israelites after their conquest of Canaan for eiglit years, till Othniel ben Kenaz overthrew him (Judg. .'57-11 ). 'I'll story of this oppression and deliverance is introduced a a typical illustration of the edifyinjj theory of Isr.nelitish history put forward in Judg. 211-19, an 1 was wanting in the pre-Ueuteronomic book of heroic stories which forms the iiasis of our Ji;ih;ks [q.v. , S 3 5). Hence we are not surprised that it presents none of the characteristics of narratives founded ujjon genuine popular traditions, and that only two assertions emerge out of the phrases of which it mainly consisis vi/. , that the land of Israel was coiKjuered by an early .\ramaan king, and that the Israelites were deliveretl by the Judahite (Kenizzite) hero Othniel. These assertions, howeviT, are contra- dictory. I'.ven in the early time of David the clans of Judah had but a slight connection with Israel, and in the time of Deljorah's insurrection, it appears, they stood entirely aloof from the Israelites (see Judg. 5). It is hi.storically impossible that the Judahite clan of Othniel couUl have playoil the glorious iiart ascribed to it in the story. Hudde (A'/. Sa. 95), therefore, w hile admitting that the oppression of Cuslian-rishathaim may conceivably rest on a trailitional basis, rejects Cithniel's championship. The editor of Judges, he re- marks, belonged no doubt to the tribe of Judah, and took a pleasure in giving it a representative among the 'judges.' .Similarly W'ellhausen and Stade.

It is more probable, however, that the whole trouble is caused by an error in the text.

2. Probable origin of the name.[edit]

There is some reason to think thai the true reading of (s in Judg. 3 8 10 15 . . . Xoi/craptraf^aijLi ^aatAcwf OaaiAta) ^vpt'ac (note the position of trorafxux' in 7'. 8, and see Field's Hex. on v. 10 .1 Even apart from this, it is not too bold to emend cix, 'Aram,' into DIK. Edom (as in 2 K. Itlb), aid to omit c'l,^J as a gloss (with Griitz, Klost.). That Othniel the Kenizite should he the deliverer of judah from the Edomite tyranny is only natural. Observe that the next oppressors are the Moabites. Whether we may go on to correct Rishaihaim into Rosh-hat-temani, 'the chief of the Temanites,' with Klo-.i. (fiiscli. 122), and to work into this paragraph the isolated passage 1 36 by prefixing "'], 'and he smote," is problematical. It seems to the present writer enough to read, for 'nyc'n. ':C'nn ntS, ' from the land of the Temanites,' which is the description attached to the n:ime of the Kdomite kin,i Hu>ham in Cien. 3l5 34. The letters became partly defaced, and an editor wittily read D'nj'cn. It is very possible, too, that the name \V^Z (Cushan) is a corruption of Dwin (Crn) Husham (cp Klost. 119). . The writer was at a loss for a name, and took one from the list of Kdomite kings. Husham's son Had.id was a great warrior (?'. 35); it was natural to make the father equal to him in this respect. Whether we may suppose that the editor to whom we are indebted for ' Cushan-rishathaim, king of .\ram- naharaim,' had in his mind Kassite (Cushitc) incursions such as some scholars connect with NiMKon and Zkkaii (qq.v\ which might be loosely statetl to have proceeded from ' Aram- naharaim,' may 1)C doubted. For a different view of the origin of the story as given in MT see Moore ( ludges, 88 /.), w ho thinks that we have here a distortion of the tradition of a raid of Midianiti.sh 'Cushites' into Judah.

1 (8b has in r. 8 XovtraptraOaiiiL PatriKiu^ iroTaftuic 'S.vpiai, and in z: 10 X. p. SvptVt n-orauti"'.

3. Other theories[edit]

Those who prefer to take the book of Judges as it Oth stands, without applying critical methods, have two recent hypotheses respecting Cushan-rishathaim to choose from.

Prof. M 'Curdy (///.vC. Prof-h. Men. 1 230; cp 221) thinks that the ' whole land ' (of Canaan) may have been suMued by the Aram<-Eans, who, during the enfeeblement of Assyria, h.-d re- occupied the land of Mit.ini, the Kgyptian Naharina, which includes W. Mesopotamia (see A'/'l^l 850), some time before the accession of Tiglath-pilescr I. (1120 B.C.). In the ease with which the asserted conquest of the strong cities of Oinaan was effected by the Aramaeans, in the name ("f/i/-rishathaim, a^d in the championship of a Kenizzite or Judahite hero, he finds no difficulty. Prof. Sayce, too, in his ingenious defence of a non-critical view of the nariative ((>//. i>/<'. 7<)t-2'^j), make* no remark on die n.iine of Isr.iel's oppressor, and holds Othniel to have Ijceii the deliverer of ' S. Palesiinc ' from the tyranny of th: army of the king of Mil.'ini at the time of the invasion of Kgypt by the N. (icoplcs somewhere about 1210 B.C. (leign of Kanicscs III.). The imaginativeness of I'tof. .Sayce's statements respecting ihe king of Mituni's niuvcmcnts has tacen pointed out by Driver {Ci>HUit. Rci'. W 420/: 1'94J). In fact, the itate- inrnt that the king of Miluni ' (larticipated in the M^ulhward movement of the peoples of the .N.,' but 'lingered on the way,' Mild presumably sought to secure that dominion in Canaan uhich had liclonged to some of liis predecessors,' has no monumental evidence in its favour. If tradition had preserved the memory of any incident in the great migration of the N. peoples, would it not have been the desolation of the land of Amur (N. Palestine) caused by the N. peoples themselves? It should be added that Stade (OVkA. 1 6<y) i>osiii\ely denies that there is any basis of tradition in the story, and lx)th Hudde and G. F. Moore (whose treatment of Judg. 37-11 is thoroughly good) are half inclined to agree with him. .^lade, however, goes too far when he says that the form of the name Cushan-ri-haihaim is enough to prove it unhistorical (Cestli. 1 6q ; cp Kucnen. Ein/fitiinc, 1, j 19, n. i). Nor is this assumption at all essential to his theory. (Since the above was written, Klost. 's view has been adopted by J. .Marquart (l-unU. 11).] T. K. ('.


("t'-IS, 'Cushite'; cp Jehidi and the Moabite name Musuri (man of Mu.sur) in the lists of I-.sar- haddon and Asur-baiii-pal, A'^ 7"'-' 356, no. 4; voYCei \\V\\.\chusi{\^.\).

1. All ancestor of Jkhidi Xq.v.^ der. Sil 14).

2. Father 01 ZtifllA.MAll 1 {q.v.\ ("/eph. 1 1).

3. 'c-'sn, R\' ' the Cushite,' the messenger whom Joab desfiatched, in i)reference to Ahimaaz, to inform David of the death of Absalom. Ahimaaz, we are told, follow- ing later ran by the way of the plain '-^ and reached David first (2 .S. 18 19-32). Two tjueslions .arise. Who was ' the Cushite ' ? and why did Joab prefer him to .Ahimaaz as the messenger? The account, which has been taken from a fuller narrative, does not say. Evi- dently the Cushite ' was a foreigner, and this was the reason why, like the Amalekite in 2 .S. ] , he could without oftnce be the bearer of evil tidings. 1 hat David had foreign soldiers (c.^. , the Hittite Uri.ah) is well known. ' '1 he Cu.shile ' was not (as H. 1'. Sm. supposes) a negro. \\'e can hardly doubt that he beloii". (1 to the N. .\rabian Cush = (see Clsii, 2).


C"=|.}1-1!?. I'rov. 7 16 31 22 RV Ke(^<^^<M()N Mk. 438 R\'|. See BED and cp ROGELIM 


( I ) i'?? i:zra 4 13 20 7 24 R\' {W ' tribute' ), (2) -^bn Ezra //.f. .-\V (RV 'toll). (3) reAooNiON Mt. 99 etc. AV ' receipt of custom,' RV ' place of toll." See TAXATION.


(ni2; xoye \\^\ A omits], xooGa [I-]: Chut,ui : \(^ and Cuthah (nn-IS ; xoynGa [H'. XOYA l-'^]. Xw8a [L]; Cutha), a place in Habylonia from which colonists were brought to N. Israel (2 K. 1724), identified with Tell-Jbraliim, NE. of Babylon, where remains of Nergals temple have been found. It is the Kuta or Kiitfi of the cuneiform inscriptions. Bt^fore the rise of Babylon, Kuta and Sijijiar, it appears, were the chief cities of N. Babylonia. As late as the tinte of Asur-bani-pal it was obligator)' on the kings of Assyria to sacrifice to Sam.as and N'krgal [vf-i'. ] at SiiJjwr and Kuta resi^ectively, a custom apparently due to the primitive imjxirtance of these cities in the ' kingdom of the Four Quarters of the 'World ; (Winckler. (/A./ 33281).

J This is apparently the Cusi who fipires .is the father of Ezra in a SiKuiish MS of 4 Ksd. ; sec Uensly, Fourth Ezra, xliv.y; Ixxx.

a "1337 (.MT), but perhaps rather jiinan, 'the gorge '(Klo.).


3 The alternati\e would be to suppose kak-kiisi (21^ Kttli) to l>e an old corruption of Huskai (see the readings). This reminds us too much of 1 heodore of Mopsuestia's confusion of the Gush \q.v.\ in the title of Ps. 7 with the Archite Hushai.

  • The third term in these passages, PrKVlZ, is rendered 'toll

(AV)or * tribute '(RV).

We have a record of the building of the temple of Ncrgal in Kuta by Dungi, King of Ur (A'A'3aSi); and Nebuchadrezzar mentions among his pious nets that he restored the temples of I the great gods at Kutfi {A'Jl'^si). It was from the temple of Nergal that one of the creation-stories brouRht from As;ir-b5nt- pal's library is stated to have come (A'/'(2| I 1^7-153) ; see Crkation, 16. The name 'Culhaians' lies hidden under Archkvitks (i/.v.) in Ezra 4 9. In the pnra-ieology of the later Jews ' Cutha;ans ' is equivalent to ' Samaritans ' (so in Jos. and the T:ilmiul). With this name is probably to be connected the CoUTHA of I Esd. 532 (not in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah).

T. K. C.


This penalty ( ' I [Vahwe] will cut him off from among his people," 'he shall be cut off 

from his pi'0]ile,' 'from Israel, ' 'from the assembly,' and the like ; i,'2j; mpo inx 'man) is first met with in H 1 (see Leviticus), where it is attached to a variety of offences, many of them of a cer^-monial or technical character (Lev. 17 49, failure to bring slain ox, lamb, or goat to the tabernacle; 17 10 14, eating blood; 18 29, various 'abominations'; 20 3 5/., Moloch- worship ; 20 17/., incest, etc. ; 223, unclean approach to holy things). It occurs frequently in P (Cien. 17 14, neglect of circum- cision ; Ex. 12 15, eating leaven in paschal season ; Ex. '^03338, imitating or putting to secular use the holy oil or incense ; Ex. :U 14, sabbath profanation ; Lev. 720/. , unclean sacrificial eating ; 7 25 27, eating of fat or blood ; 198, eating sacrifice on third day ; 2829, non-observance of day of atonement; Nu. 9i3, failure to ktx-p the passover though clean and not on a journey; I530/. , high-hanfled sin, insult to Yahwe ; 19 13, contact with dead ; 19 20, failure to remove uncleanness from contact with dead by sprinkling).

The view of the older interpreters was that the ex- pression meant the death penally. It is worth noticing, however, thit in Ex. ;U 14/. sejiarate emphasis is laid on 'he shall be put to death' (nnv mr) as distinguished from ' that soul shall be cut off' (nmh r3:n nm^j) ; cp Lev. 20 27 (death penalty on witchcraft), the Deutero- nomic expression ynn lya. ' put away the evil,' Dt. IBs [6] (in connection with the death penalty on the false prophet or dreamer of dreams), and perhaps also Lev. 2329/. , nma: followed by Ti-inxa, gradation of penalties. If account be taken of the actual circumstances amid which H and P arose, it seems more probable that the writers had in their mind either some such idea as that which was carried into practice under Ezra and Nehemiah (Ezra 108, 'separated from the congregation of the captivity,' ]| i Esd. 94, 'cast out from the multitude of them that were of the captivity'), and ultimately de- velope 1 into the minor and major excommunications of the synagogue (see SYNAGOGi;r.), or that they thought onlv of death through divine agency, not of punishment inflicted at the hands of the community (Driver on Lev. 720/.). See, further, B.\N.

t It may be noted that the ' I ' is peculiar to H, as also the phrase ' I will set my iare ' (Lev. 1" 10 20 3 6 26 17) or ' put my face ' (20 5) against the offender.

3 Aram. V^^iiflO, Ass. tardiu, Ar. iarafa, strictly 'to cut into,' ' nick,' or ' notch.'


(Ceremcnial Mutilations). The former heading is derived from the EV of Lev. 19 2S 21 5. It is, however, too narrow in its range. Circumcision cannot altogether be left out in dealing with the ' cuttings ' referred to in these passages ; nor can we forget how intimately the laceration of the flesh in mourning is associated with the practice of shaving the head or cutting off part of the hair. The origin and significance of Circumcision [>/.v.] is treated elsewhere. The present article will deal with (i) in- cisions ( i/). (2) the cutting off of the hair ( 3-5). and (3) tattooing ( 6 /), regarded as ceremonial mutilations (see further SACRIFICE).

1. References to cuttings[edit]

The technical Hebrew terms for ceremonial incisions are tj-iir, ddic' (verb Dir) ; 2 the verb Tiina also is used. In Lev. 21 5 [H] we read (with reference to mourning for the dead) 'They shall not make ... any cuttings in their flesh ' (point nbib, as plur. of tJiB- ?). The practice was forbidden especially to the priests, who would thereby ' profane ' themselves. The substantive cnc' occurs in Lev. 1928 : 'Ye shall not make any cutting in your flesh for a (departed) soul.' (On the only other passage [Zech. 123] in which bie' occurs no stress can be laid).i There is no exact parallel for this Hebrew usage in Assyrian ; but we do find Hardfit used of rending a garment in token of grief (a passage in Sargon's Annah, 294, gives a striking parallel to 2 S. I2), and pro<)ably enough this rending was an attenu- ation of the more savage^custom of rending the flesh.' Asur-bani-pal (.Smith, 127 81) too speaks of his warriors as those who ' at the lx;hest of the gods let themselves be hacked to p-eces in the fray' [ittanasi-atu). On this it may be remarked that the case of mourners who shed their blood to feed the manes of departed friends is analogous to that of soldiers who do this on the battlefield in obedience to the gods. A supposed second term for ceremonial incisions (riTij) is simply due to misunderstanding. In Jer. 4S37 we should read with guA Q..,, t,^ ('all hands are cut into'); the prefi.xed Sy in MT is an error ; nnj is, in fact, participial. The reflexive form -\-\it\t\ occurs in Dt. 14i (parallel to the already cited passage of I^v. ), and at least six times elsewhere. The primary meaning of the simple stem is obviously ' to cut off ' ; cp Ar. jadda, jadda, T]3. j^^. The ceremonial cutting referred to was an ordinary custom of mourners in the time of Jeremiah, to disjjense with which would have been something very strange and unusual (Jer. 166 41 5 47 5) ; evidently the contemporaries of the prophet did not recognise the law in Dt. 14i. The incisions referred to in Mic. 5 [4 14], ' Now hack thyself [so Nowack], O daughter of attack,' must also be signs of mourning; and this may well be the case too in Jer. 67, where mijn". ' they would cut themselves,' implies that the apostate Jews who resorted to the Whore's House (i.e., the idol temple) wished to bring over the Deity to their side by self-mutilation. This description of the prophet may be illustrated by i K. 18 28, where the ' cutting ' practised by the priests of Baal is said to have been after this custom or ritual, and to have followed the ritual dance by or round the altar (see D.anck, 5). Hosea, too (714), speaks of Israelites who 'because of corn and new wine cut themselves,' to propitiate their god (read- ing mun- with &'^'^, We. , Che. , RV^e-).

2. Significance[edit]

The practice of shedding the blood in one way or another as an honour due to the dead is world-wide. It is found not only among the Hebrews and the Arabs (We. Heid, 181), but also among the ancient Greeks and the modern African and Polynesian peoples. ' The blood is the life ' ; and it is probable that when in primitive times the mourning kin ' cut themselves for the dead,' they did it in the belief that the departed drank in new life with the blood thus poured out by the willing self- sacrifice of sorrowing friends, and at the same time renewed their bond of union with the living (cp ESCHATOLOGY 3. 4)-

Such acts doubtless had a sacrificial or .sacramental asjject ; and in view of the fact that the disembodied spirit was conceived as possessing a quasi-divine or daemonic character, with un- defined potencies for good and evil, it may be assumed that the blood-offering was, or became, as much a conciliatory present to the manes of the dead as that of slain victims was intended to be to the higher gods. It may even have been thought that, as the dece.ised man had pa.ssed into another world on leaving the circle of his kin, he had in some sense become a stranger to them, and that therefore it was neces.sary to make a blood-covenant with him, and so .secure his good-will for the tribe or family. The radical change of death might suggest that as the corporate unity of the departed wit h his clan had been broken , it must be restored by giving the dead to drink of the blood of the living kindred.

1 If the text is correct the meaning must be ' to strain oneself to pieces,' 'to break down under a lo.-id.' Nowack, however, holds that a gloss has been taken into the text.

2 There was no longer any consciousness of this when the post -exilic prophet Joel wrote, 'Rend vour heart, and not your garments' (Foel2i3). Else he would have said, 'Rend your heart, and not your flesh ' (cp Jer. 4 4).

Bearing in mind that ritual practices acquire a new symbolisin as time goes on, and that affection for the dead has often evinced itself, even at a high stage of culture, by suicide over the corjjse, and by such customs as the Hindu Sat!, we may Ije inciinetl to see in the ' incisions for the deail," as practise*! in the |)eriod of the great prophets, a symbolical expression for the willingness of the mourner to depart and be with the lovwl and lost one.

3. Cutting of hair[edit]

The passages which mention incisions of the flesh also mention cutting off the hair as a sign of mourning. Thus Lev- 21 s [H] : ' They (the priests) shall not make a bare bald patch on their head, and the corner of their beard they shall not shave off' (cp Lev. 1S>27 Dt. 14i, ' An<l ye siiall not set baldness between your eyes' i.e., on the forehead * for one that is dead ') ; Kzekiel, too (44 20), forbids artificial baldness to the priests. The preval- ence of the custom of cutting off the hair in token of deep grief is, however, presupposed by the earlier prophets, who take no e.xception to it. Micah says, addressing a city community, ' Make thee bald and shear thee for tliy darling children ; make broad thy Ixildness like the vulture's ; for they are carried away captive from thee' (Mic. I14). See also Am. 810 Is. 22 12 (cp 824) Jcr. 729 166 Kzek. 7i8 ; such passages show that the prohibition of the custom referred to belongs to a later age of religious legalism. In Dt. 14i these practices are forbidden to Israelites generally, on account of their relation to Yahw6, on the principle on which Aaronites with any physical defect are e.xcluded from the service of the altar (Lev. 21 16-23).

Cutting off the hair was also the most characteristic expression of an Arab woman's mourning. When Halid b. al-Walid died, all the women of his family offered their hair at his grave (Agh. 15i2 ; W'e. Hcid.C^) 182). It was a sacrifice to the dead, and the under- lying idea of the offering is suggested by the story of Samson. ' If I be shaven," said that hero, 'my strength will go from me' (Judg. I617). In other words, the hair, the growth of which was continually renewed, appeared to the ancients a centre of vitality, like the blood ;i and thus to offer it, whether to deity (Nu. 618) or to the spirits of the dead, had essentially the same ini[)ort atid purpose as to offer one's blood, the aim being to originate or to renew a bond of vital union Ix-tween the worshipper and the unseen power.

4. Initiatory ceremonials.[edit]

Regarded as sacrificial acts, both blood-letting and offering the hair were private acts of worship, performed by the individual for his own good as distinct from that of the community ; and both are common elements in ceremonies of initiation by which youths are admitted to the rights of manhood, especially to marriage and particip.uion in the tribal worship. Thus Cikclm- cisiON [q.v., 4] was originally a rite preliminary to marriage (Ex. 424-26); and Lucian (Dca Syr. 60) informs us that the long locks of young p)eople were shorn and dedicated at the old Syrian sanctuaries on the same occasion. In the course of time the barbarous character of the blood-offering caused it to lapse from general use, except among certain priesthoods and votaries ; whilst the hair-offering, which in origin and principle was identical, survived to the close of Pagan- ism, and may be recognised in the tonsure of early Christian Monachism.

1 See WRS A"./. 5<-/.0 324, and note the Chinese phrase, mao hsiich. ' h.iir and blocnl,' and the saying, ' Am I not of the same hair (scil. as my father)?'

5. Other specialised forms[edit]

The passage Lev. I927 (H ; about 570 B.C.) has already been referred to. It is a prohibition of a practice, in vogue among certain Arabian tribes, of shaving off the hair all round the head, a circular patch being left on the crown (Herod. 38) a practice indicated, it seems, by the nickname ' Shom-patcs ' ('xixp hkd) applieil by Jeremiah to some Arabian [X-'oplcs (RV, al.so AV mg. , ' all that have the corners [of tjfjeir hair] jjolled' ; Jer. 926 [25] 25 23 4932). There can be little doubt that this, like most other ancient trilal Ixidgcs and customs, had religious asstx,iations and a religious significance ; in fact, Hero<Utus (38) expressly says that the .Arabs pretended to imitate their national god Orotal-I)iony.sos by their peculiar tonsure. Hence, no doubt, the practice was forbidden to the Jews by the older Levitical code (Lev. 192;), the object being to isolate the people of Yahwe from the neighbouring nations and their worships. On the other hand, there were some important religious customs which, though of ethnic origin, were not abolished by the law. Hence it was that the Nazirite continued to make an offering to Yahwe of his shorn hair (.see N.v/.iKrri.) a practice which survived, in a shape modified by circumstances, in the days of Paul (Acts 21 23-26 ; cp 18 18). See H.\IK, 2/

6. Tattooing etc.[edit]

What we call ' tatooing ' also is prohibite<l (Lev. 19 28). The expression y-j-p n3.3 does not occur again in the OT but in Hebrew j.pfP . * ^ZTXi means the same as the Greek ariyixtni^uv, to set a mark on a thing by pricking, puncturing, or branding (see Buxtorf ; it is also used of fowls scratching the grtjund).

The object of graving or branding marks on the flesh would appear to be dedication of the person to his god. Herodotus (2 113) mentions a tcniijle of llerakles at Taricheia, by the Canopic mouth of the Nile, where a runaway slave might find asylum if he ' gave himself to the god ' by h.iving certain ' sacred stigmata' made on him.' In Is. 44$ wc have a good instance of graving a divine name on the hand, in token of self-dedication : " One will say, I am Yahwe's ; and another will name himself by the n;imc of Jacob ; and aiunher will mark on his hand Wilmji: s, and receive the surname Israel ' (5//C> 7" ; cp critical notes). As far as they indicated the ownership or pro[x.Tty of the god, such marks are analogous to the j7/f/./ or cattle-marks of the Bedawi trilis, and may have had their origin in that necessary practice of primitive pastoral life (cp col. 711, n. 1). In Ezek. 946 we read of marking a Tau or cross, the symbol of life (cp the Eg}'ptian ^, 'nh, life, with J-, the Phoenician form of the letter Tau) on the foreheads of the faithful in Jerusalem, who are to be spared from slaughter ; which recalls the sealing of the 144,000 servants of God on their foreheads ( Rev. 73/. ), and further, the mark of the Beast (xapa7Ma. something graven. Acts 17 29) on the right hand or the forehead of his worshippers (Rev. 13i6y. 20 4). The strongly metaphorical words of Paul, too, Z bear in my body the marks (or brands) of Jesus, ra ariyfiaTa toO 'IrjcroO (Gal. 617) clearly presuppose a custom of tattooing or branding the flesh with sacred names and symlxjls, which would be familiar as a heathen practice to Paul's Asiatic converts.

1 Thus Ptolemy Philopator branded the Alexandrian Jews with the sign of the ivy to identify them with the cult of Dionysus; see Hacchls. Cp Frazer, Totcmism, 36 Jf. For the hr.-inding of .serfs see KoYCT, ( ^o.

2 Cp Deissmann, BibeUtuditn (95), 262-276 (a new and in- genious theory).

7 Substitutes.[edit]

In Ex. 139 Dt. 68 II18 and elsewhere we have what may be regarded as a substitute for the painful processes of tattooing and branding. The Israelite is to bind the precepts of the Law on his hand for a si^n / they are also to serve* as FRONTLETS [^..] (ni:t:ia. phylacteries) between his eyes, i.e., on his forehead (cp Dt. 68 Rev. 73). The sign on the hand recalls the sign which Yahw6 set on Cain (Gen. 415: see C.MN, 4), whilst those strips of inscrilx^d vellum, the phylacteries ( = ' frontlets," EV of OT) of Mt. 235, were looked upon as having magical qualities, not less than the old tattooings and brandincjs ; they were a protection against harm,^ and probably also secured health and good fortune (cp Targ. Cant. S3).

For the literature of the subjects here treated of, see the works referred to under Cikcimcision, Molkning Customs, Fkonti.kts, Sackii-ick, etc. See also WRS Rel. iVw.l-' ch. 9, and the authorities there cited ; !:. H. Tylor, Prim. Cult. 2 18. c. J. B.


(kyamoon [BX.A] ; c/w/mon [Vg.] ; ^^.^iO^ii.** ['^y]). 'which is over against Esdraelon ' (hulith 73). looks like a corruption of Joknkam or (Movers) Jokmkam. Robinson, however, noting that Kva/jLibv means ' beaiifield,' identifies it with the modern 1 l-'iilch, 'the lx!an,' on the plain itself but 'over against' the city 'of Jezreel.' Cp Hu. /'(//. 210. The name Cyanion sh)ulii |>robably be resloied in Judith 44 for \\iiiva. [!'.]. .See KoNAlC.


l^"^:). Cant. 5 14 RV'"*.'- See Ring.


For i Ch. 138, etc. (DT.^V??), 2 S. 65 Ps. I6O5 {Z'\-i--i\ and for i Cor. 13 i (Ku/i^aAoc) see Misic, 3 (2).


RV HOLM TREE; (HnPl, Is.44i4h, a tree which in the siiij;le pass;it;;e where it occurs is coupled with the oak. The Hebrew tirzdh does not appear in any cognate language, but may be connected with .\r. tarnza, ' to be hard. ' - LXX ancl I'csh. omit llie word ; Aq. and Th. render dypioSaXavos { ' wild acorn '). \'g. has ilex, which is defended by Celsius (2269^), and has been wisely adopted by our revisers. It is difficult, however, to be certain ; for the evergreen oak (Quercus ilex, L. ) is at the present ilay rare in I'alestine {FFF 412). The heavy, hard nature of its wood would harmonise well with the probable etymology of tirzdh. ' Cypress' (perhaps a mere guess) comes from the Genevan Hible. David Kimlii and others thousrht that what was meant was the fir tree ; Luther prefern d the beech. Cheyne (Is. SBOT. Heb. ) thinks rtnn corrupt, and with Gr., reads n,nn (see Pink).

For Cant. 1 14 4 13 .A.V"iff., see Cami'HIRF. [so AV] ; and for Is. 41 19 KVmtr., see V.ox Tree Lso EV]. .n. m.


(kyttpoc [Ti. WH]), the third largest island of the Mediterranean, placed in the angle between the coast of .Syria and that of .Asia Minor (Strabo, 681 ), called Alalia in the Amarna letters, where its copper is specially referred to (so E. Meyer, Petrie, etc.), 'Asi by the Egyptians, Yavnan by the Assyrians, and KrniM {</.: ) by the Hebrews.

1 Description.[edit]

Its physical structure is simple. It consists of a central plain running across the island from E. to W. , bounded by a long mountain ridge to the N. , and by a broader mountain district to the S.

The central plain was likened in antiquity to the valley of the Nile, being flooded annually by the Pedi;eus, wlii.h left rich deposits of mud. Strabo sketches the productiveness of Cyprus (684 : evotvoi trrt (cai eue'Aaios, (Ti'toi re avrapKei xpiirai). Copper (named after the island) was found in the mountains, and timber for shipbuilding.

In situation, climate, and productions, Cyprus belongs to all the three surrounding continents, and historically it has constantly shared in their vicissitudes. It is most accessible from the E. and the S. , and, lying right over against Syria, was early visited by the Phoenicians, who founded Amathus, Paphos, and Citium, the last, the Phoenician capital, giving its name to the whole island. 1

t The Tg. on 2 S. 1 10 takes Saul's bracelet for a totat>hah i.e., an amulet. The He.\ap. on Ezek. 13 18 gives <<)uAaitr>jpia as a ' Hebrew' or 'Jewish' interpretation of rinOD (EV 'pillows,' see Dress, $ 8), which is connected with Ass. kasu, ' to bind.' The Rabbis (Talm. .Slmlih. ^t h) also explain totn^hoth as amulets. The word cannot lie explained from the Semitic languages, and, since the Jewish ideas of magic came ultimately from the Sumerians of primitive Babylonia, may reasonably be explained by the Sumerian dibdih (from liahiiah), 'to bind ' = Ass. kastt (see above), kainti. For an analoj^y, cp ncB3. ,'*r. 51 27 Nah. 817 from Ass. ituf'sar, 'tablet-writer,' which fs of Sumerian origii (Jjih 'tablet,' i/ir ' write'). See COT-lwZ/.

2 We should perhaps associate with this Syr. t'ras, ' to be Straight.'

2 History.[edit]

The Phoenicians were not, however, the earliest inhabitants of Cyprus. They found in possession a people closely connected, as their art and alphabet show, with the primitive races of Asia Minor (for W'MM's theory see Kittim, and cp As. u. Eur. 337). The Greek colonists arrived before the eighth century B.C. The discoveries in the island indicate clearly its partition between the Phoenician element in the S. and the Hellenic in the central depression stretching from Soli in the \V. to Salamis in the J".., at which latter site we find an art that is largely (ireck. The Cypriote character was wanting in energj', and the island was almost wholly under the influence alternately of Asia and of Egypt.

(i) In 709 B.C. Sargon II., king of Assyria, was recognised as over-lord by seven Cypriote princes ; their tribute was continued to his grandson Esarhaddon, Schr. K.lTi-) 368355. (2) In the sixth century .'\masis, king of Egypt, comjuered the island (Herod. 2 182. Perhaps it had been comiuered even before his time, by Thotmes III. In any case the Trpwros atSpuinmv of Herod, is an error). (3) After the conquest of Egypt by Cambyscs, Cyprus fell to Persia, being included in the fifth satrapy (Herod. 3 19 91).

The connection with Greece and with Hellenic ideals was brilliant but purely episodical (Evagoras, king of .Salamis: 410 B.(.). The island fell into the hands of Alexander the tjreat, and finally remained with the Ptolemies as one of their most cherished po.ssessions until its conquest by the Romans (cp 2 Mace. 10 13: Mahaffy, /;/;//. of the Ptolemies, pass.).

3. Jewish connection[edit]

The Jews probably settled in Cyprus before the time of Alexander the Great (1 Macc. I523). Many would be attracted later by the fact that its copper mmes were at one time farmed to Herod the Great (Jos. Ant. xvi. 45: a Cyprian inscr. , Boeckh 2628, refers to one of the family). After the rising of the Jews in 116 .\.n. in Cyrene, in I'^gypt, and in Cyprus had been suppressed, it was decreed that no Jew might set foot upon the island, under penalty of death, even for shipwrecked Israelites (Dio Cass. G832. See Salamis). In the history of the spread of Christianity Cyprus holds an honourable place (.\cts 436, Joseph surnamed Barnabas). Its Jewish population heard the Gospel after Stephen's death from those whom the persecution had driven from Judasa (.Acts 11 19). Some of these were men of Cyprus and Cyrene, who fled to Antioch and addressed the (Greeks of the city {v. 20). Cyprus was in turn the first scene of the labours of Paul with Barnabas and Mark (.Acts 134-12), afterwards of Barnabas and Mark alone (.Acts 1.^)39). One of the first Christian missionaries may have been that ' old disciple ' Mnason with whom Paul lodged at Jerusalem (.Acts 21 16). Returning to Palestine at the close of his third journey, Paul and his companions sighted Cyprus (.Acts 21 3, ava<}>a.vavTi% ttjv K. ; AV 'discovered'), leaving it on the left hand as they ran from Patftra to Tyre. In the voyage to Rome from Cassarea the ship ' sailed under Cyprus ' (Acts '274, i'7re7rXei^<Ta/ue') i.e., northwards 'over the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia' {v. 5: cp .Str. 681) taking advantage of the northerly and westerly set of the current, in order to reach Nlyra.

1 Josephiis (Ant. i. 6 i) says Xe9i;xa . . . KuTrpo? avrri vvv KoAetrai. Epiphanius, a Cyprian bishop, writes, KiVior r) Kvirpiiov vrjiroi KoAeirai ' Kmot yap Kvirpioi, Ilirr. 50 25 (see Kitti.m).

4. Administration[edit]

After its seizure by the Romans in 58 B.C. Cyprus had been united for administrative purposes with Cilicia ; but in the first partition of the Roman world after Actium it was made an imperial province (Dio Cass. 53 12) i.e., its governor, if it had one of its own, and were not rather united with Cilicia to form a single province, bore the title legatus Aiit^usti propnrtore {Trpeffjiei'Tris ^fj:iaffTov duTiffTpdrrryoi, cp Dio Cass. 53 13 ; in NT always rjytf^uv, cp Lk. 22, Str. 840 rfytfibvai Kal SioiKrjras Kaiffap irifjiireL). Why then does the writer of Acts 187 call Sergius Paulus ' proconsul ' (dvOi'nraroi, the proper title of governors of senatorial provinces, AV ' dcpuiy ' ; cp Acts 18 12 1938)? Some have argued that he used the word loosely, and appeal to Stralxj (685. fyivtro ivapx^o- V "WOi KaOitrtp Kai vvv (an ffrpaTrfyiKT]}' to prove that the island was governed \>y a proprietor appointed by the eni[x.'ror ; but the writer of Acts is quite correct. I-roni Uio Cassius (53 12) we learn that, in 22 B.C., Augustus restored Cyprus to the Senate in exchange for S. (iaul (cp Dio Cass. 544). In Paul's time, therefore, its governor was j)roperly called ' pro- consul.' The passage <|uoted from Strabo is misunder- stood, as is clear from id. 840 [d% 5i rds S-q/xoaias 6 SrjfWi arparqyov% i) vw6.tov% irifXTro. i.e., governors of senatorial provinces were either of consular or of pra-torian rank, in either case the oflicial title lx,'ing proconsul). In the case of Cyprus, authors, inscriptions, and coins have preserved the names of some twenty of her propraitorian governors with the ' brevet ' rank of proconsul. Lucius Sergius I'aulus (governor at the time of Paul's visit, about 47 .\.i). ) is knov. n to us from an inscription from the site of Soli (see Hogarth, Devia Cypria, 114/! and Appendi.x).

_ See P. Gardner, Xeiv cha/>s. in Gr. Hist. 153 / For cvcava- tions in the island J/l.S pass. Pcrrot and Chipiez, Ari in I'ltun. and Cyprus. For the archii-'ology Max Ohnefalsch- Richter, Kypros, die Hil<i-l u. Hoiin-r is esjiecially valuable. For Christian times the most recent work is Hackett's Ilistoiy of the CIturch in Cyprus, 1899. W. j. w.


(kyPHNH [Ti. WW]), a city on the N. coast of Africa.

1. Position and history[edit]

It was the capital of that part of LIBYA [q.v.] between the Egyptian and Carthaginian territories, which bore the name of ' Cyrenaica or Pentapolis ; the phrase in Acts 2 10, 'the parts of Libya about Cyrene, 'rd /ifpi; r7]% Ai/ii'Tjs TTjy /v-ard Y^vp-i]vr)v , is e<iuivalont to the \i'^i"r) ij irepi K. of Dio Cass. (,')3i2) and r; Trpos Kvprjvri Aifi. of Jos. .'hit. xvi. 61. The city was thoroughly Greek in character, and won a high reputation as the mother of physicians (Herod. 8131; temple of Asklepios, Paus. ii. 2G9 ; Tac. A/in. 14 18), philosophers, and poets. Calli- machus, Carneades, Eratosthenes, Aristippus (Strabo, 837), and Synesius, bishop of Ptolemais, are only a few of the many famous men who were sprung from the Cyre- naica. After the death of Alexander the Great, Cyrene with its territory was absorbed by Egypt. Though so thoroughly Hellenic, it had, since the time of Ptolemy son of Lagos (Jos. c. Ap. 2 4, end of 4th centurj' B. c. ), a large Jewish poi)ulation. Stralx), quoted by Jos. Ant. xiv. 72, says that the Jews formed one of the four classes of the inhabitants. The privileges granted to the Jews by Ptolemy were continued and augmented by the Romans (Jos. Ant. xvi. 65), who received the Cyrenaica, under the will of the childless Ptolemy Apion, in 96 B.C., though for twenty years they shirked the responsibility of the legacy. In 74 B.C. the territory was made a province, which was combined with Crete when that island was subjugated in 67 B.C. (see Cki.tk). In 27 B.C. the Cyrenaica and Crete were definitely united to form a single province, under the title Cri-tti Cyrenu-, or Creta et Cyrente (but either name might lie used to denote the dual province: cp Tac. Ann. 83870). The province was senatorial i.e., governed by proconsuls of prajtorian rank, and so remained to the time of Diocletian. The subsec]uent history of Cyrene is con- nected with its Jewish inhabitants, the chief event being their terrible massacre of the Greek and Roman citizens in the reign of Trajan (Dio Cass. 68 32).

The modern province of v^rtrra, on the E. of the gulf of .V/Vrm represents the ancient Cyrenaica, and in this province Grennah marks the exact site of C>Tene, which was placed on the edce of a plateau 1800 feet above the sea-level, overlooking the Mediterranean at a distance of ten miles (Str. 837 ; iroAeus ^ryoAr)? (r Tfta-nt^ntitti -nftiitii (tfififiTft, a) fic toO jrfAa-you? tcopw^fi' ai')T>;i). The port w.is called ApoIIonia. The sur- rounding district was, and is, of remarkable fertility (Str. I.e., 'i.inroTp6<t>o^ dpt'o-Tij, KoAAtKopTrot ; Herod. 4 is8_/;). The pros- perity of Cyrene wa.s based upon its export of the drug silphium, derived from an umbelliferous plant, not yet certainly identified, growing in the S. desert (see Mon. d. Inst., PI. 47 : a va!e repre- senting King ArcesilaussuiJcrintending the weighing of f/////;Kw/; cp the coins ; Aristoph. I'tut. 925, to Barrov ait^^i.ov).

2 Jewish connection.[edit]

That the Jews of Cyrene were largely Hellenised is beyond question. Jason of Cyrene is mentioned as an author in 2 Mace. 224 (see MACCABEES, SECOND, 2). In the NT we hear of Simon of Cyrene who bore the cross of Jesus (.\lk. 1521 Lk. 2826, ' S. a Cyrenian ' AV ; cp Matt. 2732. 'a man of C ; RV, 'of Cyrene' in all three passages : the adj. K vprjvaios is used in each case). Jews from the Cyrenaica were in the Pentecostal audience of Peter (.Vets 2 10 ; see atxne on the phrase used). Cyrena-ans Joined with the Alexandrian and Asiatic Jews to attack .Stephen (.Acts 69), and Cyrenaan converts hel[x-(l to found the first (ionthe church at .\ntioch (eXdXoi'V Kai irphs Toi's'EWrji'ai (-ncrrds W'Hj ; Acts 1 1 20). One of their first missionaries may have been the ' Lucius of Cyrene' of Acts 13 1, one of the ' prophets and teachers ' who ' ministered to the Lord ' in .Antioch. He is said to have been the first bishop of Cyrene. Other traditions connect Mark with the foundation of the Cyrenaic church.

Plan and Description of the site in Annual of the Brit. Sch, at Athens, 1' 1 \ if. ; cp Studiiiczka, Kyrene. \\. j. \\\




1 Origin.[edit]

(L*ni3 ; kyroc [BAL]), the founder of the old-Persian emijire, belonged to the ancient princely race of the Achaemenidae, so called after their ancestor Achai-nienes (Hakhamanish). He was the second ^ of his name, his grandfather having been called Cyrus [Kiirush, in the Habylonian inscriptions Kii-ra-as, Kur-rns, K u-ur-ra-hi\." Cyrus was thus, without a doubt, an Aryan and Persian by de- scent not an 1 '.lamite, as has recently l)een conjectured. I'"or Darius Hysta.s])is speaks of Cambyses the son of Cyrus as being one ' of our race ' [ainakhani taiivniyd [Bekist. i. 11]), and calls himself a Persian, son of a Persian, an Aryan of Aryan descent (N'aks-i- Rustam, a. 2 ; Suez c. 3). At first Cyrus w.as king only of Persia and of Ansan, or Anzan, an Elamite province probably with Susa (Shushan) for capital which, after the fall of the Elamite kingdom, and certainly as early as the time of his ancestor Teispes (( i.'pis), had come under the dominion of the Achanienid.-i'.^ In Baby- lonia Cyrus calls himself by preference king of Ansan ; but once, in the annals of Nabu-nil'id (Naboimedus), col. 2, 15, he is spoken of as ' king of Persia.' Neither state, however, was then of much importance in comparison with the great Median andChaldean enjpires ; both states, too, were tributary to Media. Nabu-na'id mentions Cyrus as the ' petty vassal ' of Astyages, w ho had only a very small army at his disposal (5 R 64, i. 28^). The career of this vas.sal-king, who rose till he brought under his sw.ay the whole of Western Asia, so struck the popular imagination that a legend of world-wide diffusion resix-cting the foundling prince who was brought up among poor jx?o|)Ie and afterwards became a famous monarch was applied to him as it had already been applied to others ; and this Persian tradition is the source from which Herodotus (1107^), and the authority u[X)n whom Justinus depends (i. 48-13), may be supposed to have drawn. From Cjtus's own in- scriptions, however, it appears that at least three of his ancestors had the same kingdom before him. It is possible, but not certain, that Cyrus in his youth may have attended the Median court, and that either he himself or liis father was son-in-law of Astyages.'

t In Herod. 5 11 from which Noldeke {Au/sdtze zur pers. Gesch. 15) seeks to show that Cyrus w.is the third of the name Herodotus simply places the genealogies of Cambyses and of Xerxes one above the other.

2 According to Herod. 1 113^^, Gyrus had previously borne another name, and Strabo (l.*) 729) sa>-s that he was originally called .Agradates, and that he did not assume the name of Cvrus till his accession to the throne. On this point cp R. Schubert, Herodot's Darstellung der Cyrussaee, (mJF. (Rrcslau, 'o").

8 See C. P. Tiele, ' Het Land Anshan-Anzan ' in Feestbundel voor P. J. I'eth, 195^ (Leyden, '94).

2. Career.[edit]

Astyages {/shfuvegu on the inscriptions of Nabu-nil'id) is called at one time king of Media, at another king of the U mmdn-manda,- by which, it has been conjectured, are meant the Scythians. On this assumption, Astyages might with some reason be regarded as a Scythian usurper. In the third year of Nabu-na'id (553 B.C. ) there seems to have arisen within the Median kingdom a revolt against the foreign domination. At least, at that date the Umman-manda who were in occupation of Harran were recalled (5 Kawl. 64, i. 28^) Some time had still to elapse, however, before Cyrus contrived, by treachery in the Median camp, to liecome master of Astyages and at the same time of the throne of Media. This happened probably in the si.xth, or at all events before the seventh, year of Nabu-na'id (before 550 H.C. ), Ann. col. 1 I. \ ff. The two te.vts cited can hardly otherwise be brought into agreement with each other. In the following years Cyrus extended his dominion over the whole Median empire, and after subjugating Lydia he directed his energies against Babylon. By the fall of Croesus the alliance between that monarch, Nabu-na'id, and .-\masis of Egypt (Herod. \ ^^ ff.) was broken up, and each one had to look out for himself. In 538 the end came. I-"or several years the king of Babylon had withdrawn himself from Babylon, and alienated priests and people alike by neglect of the sacretl feasts and of the worship of Marduk, as well as by other arbitrary proceedings. When, in his seventeeiiih year, he returned to his capital, it was already too late. Cyrus with his victorious bands had been steadily advancing upon the northern frontier of Accad, which the king's son, probably the BC-l-sar-usur who (in i R 69, col. 2, 26 ; 59 and 68, n. I, col. 2, 24/) is called his first-born, was guard- ing with the army. The brave prince did what he could ; but after his army had l)een defeated first near the city of Opis (Upc), and again as often as he rallied it and after 'the Accadians or North Babylonians had revolted against the Chaldajan king, Sippar opened its gates to the enemy, and Babylon also fell into his hands without further resistance. After Gobryas ( Ug- baru or Gubaru), governor of Gutium, had taken possession with the vanguard, Cyrus himself made his entry into the city with the main body of his troops on the third day of the eighth month, 539-38, being received (so at least his inscriptions tell us) by all classes, and especially by the priesthood and nobles, as a lilierator, with every manifestation of joy. Some days afterwards Gobryas seems to h.ave pursued BC4-sar-u.sur and put him to death; but the place where decipherers think this ought to be read [Ann. col. 3, 22/) is very much injured. Nabu-na'id had already been captured. Cyrus reigned about nine years from this time. In his last ye.ir he handed over the sovereignity of Babylon to his son Cambyses (see Strassmaier, In.'^chriften von Camhvses, Leipsic, 1890, Pref. ). Cp B.\liVi,o.\i.\, 69.

1 See Schubert, I.e. ti ff., and the works of Evers and Bauer there referred to.

2 Del. Ass. HIVB, writes : ' Ummdn mandu, horde of peoples, a eeneral designation of the northern peoples, hostile to Assyria, subject at anyone time to Media e.g., the Cimirrai, the Mannai, the Scythians.' Cp Sayce, PSBA, Oct. 1896.

3. Judah's hopes.[edit]

Under the name of Koresh (see above, 1 ), this Cyrus is repeatedly referred to in the OT, usually as ' king of the Persians' (2 Ch.3622/. Kzral 1/887 43 Dan. 10 I ), once as 'the Persian' (Dan. 629), once as ' king of Babylon ' (Ezra,*"! 13). Great expectations were cherished of him by the Jews. When, after his defeat of Croesus, he advanced to the concjuest of the whole of Asia Minor, there arose one of the exiles in Babylon, who pointed him out as the king rai.sed up by Yahw6 to be Israel's redeemer. From his pen comes Is. 40-48 (so much wnll be admitted by all critics), where Cyrus is represented as e-xpressly called to accomplish the divine judgment upon Babylon, to set the captives free, and to restore Jerusalem and the temple (4814/ 44 28 45 13). It was for this end, we are told, that Yahw6 had given Cyrus victory upon victory, and would still lead him on to fresh triumphs (41 25 45 1-8). Whether he received recompense for his services or not is left uncertain (cp 483/ with 45 13) ; but at any rate he was no mere p.-issive tool in Yahwes hand. He did not, indeed, know Yahw6 Ixifore he was called (453/) ; but, once called, he fulfilled his mission invoking Yahwe's name (41 25) and received the honour- able titles of ' Yahwe's friend ' and ' Yahwe's anointed ' (4428 45i).

4. Transformation.[edit]

Bitter must have been the disappointment of the Jews ; for, whatever else Cyrus may have done for them, he did not realise the high-pitched expetations of the Exile prophet. Hence a younger prophet, living in Palestine (see ISAIAH, ii. 21), announces that, for the deliverance of Israel, Yahw6 alone will judge the nations, without any allies from among ' the peoples ' (Is. 63 1-6, cp 51)16^), thus reversing the old expectation respecting Cyrus. The later Jews, however, found it difficult to believe that the deliverance which Yahw^ was to have wrought through the instrumentality of the great Persian king had never been accomplished. The prophecy must somehow or other have come to pass. Cjtus was not regarded, it is true, as the man who had finally delivered Israel^the deliverance was still one of the hopes of the future but the Jews desired to recognise in him, at least, the initiator of the restoration of Israel. Such is the reflection inevitably suggested by a strictly critical reading of the work of the Chronicler (see EzRA, ii. 7). '

5. Building of the Temple : three versions[edit]

The restoration of Israel might be considered to have begun with the rebuilding of the temple, and the problem now arose, how to bring this event into connection with Cyrus. A difficulty instantly presented itself.

{a) According to the evidence of Haggai, of Zech. 1-8 and of Ezra5i-io, the building was first Begun under Darius, in whose reign it was also completed. This made it necessary to give another account of the origin and course of the building, if the work was to be attributed to Cyrus. More than one way of effecting this was found,

(b) According to the author of Ezra5 13-17 63-5, Cyrus committed the task of rebuilding the temple to his governor Sheshbazzar, and the work thus begun by him was carried on without interruption till the reign of Darius,

(c) The Chronicler, however, from whose hand we have Ezra 1 81-4524, gives another version. He too has it that Cjtus ordered the restoration. The work was not taken in hand by the king himself; but permission was given by him to the exiles to return to Jerusalem for the piu-pose. Immediately on their arrival in the holy city they set up the altar and laid the foundations of the temple ; but while Cyrus was still on the throne they were compelled to stop the work by order of the king himself, who had been stirred up by the adversaries of the Jews. Not till the second year of Darius could the building be resumed.

However widely these accounts may differ from one another in detail, they agree in stating that the restora- tion of the temple was originated by Cyrus, and in representing him as a worshipper of Yahw^, whom he recognised as the one true God. Yahw6 is the God of heaven, who has bestowed universal empire upon Cyrus in order that he may restore the true worship in Jerusalem ; the temple there is for Cjtus no mere ordinary temple, of which there were so many, but the veritable House of God.

At the same time, the discrepancies which we find in the narratives b and c are by no means unimportant. According to the older (b), the building of the temple was entirely the work of Cyrus, which he caused to be carried on uninterruptedly, defraying the entire cost out of the royal treasury. According to the other {c), it was carried out at the instance of Cyrus; not by himself, liowever, but only by returned exiles, who, along with their comrades left behind in Babylon, contributed the expenses of the undertaking (146 268/! 87). So far, indeed, is the restoration of the temple from being, according to this account, the work of Cyrus, that it is actually represented as broken off during his reign at his command. Probably the Jews in the long run found the idea unbearable, that the sanctuary should have been built by a foreigner, even though the foreigner was Cyrus, and therefore his share in the Wf)rk was reduced by the Chronicler to more modest dimensions.

The importance of Cyrus for Israel lies less in anything he actually did for them than in the great exjiectations that he exciteti, exixxtations which in their turn exercised a great influence on the ideas ultimately formed by the Jews as to the earlier stages of their restoration after the misfortunes of the 'exile.' cp ISRAEL, 50 ; DISPERSION, 5.

In the OT Cyrus is mentioned also in Dan. 628 [29] 10 1 ; in the first -cited passage as the successor of Darius, that is, of ' Darius the Mede ' (Dan. 631 [(JiJ). See D.VKii.s, i.

6. Policy of the victorious Cyrus.[edit]

The preceding sketch of the result of a critical examination of the passages of the OT relating to Cyrus is not contradicted by anything contained in the inscriptions of Cyrus himself discovered some years ago.

It is certainly worthy of note how closely, even down to details, the representation of the Persian con(|ueror in these inscriptions agrees with that which is found in Is. 44 28 and4r>i. Evidently the second Isaiah had a correct idea of w hat a Persian king, as opposed to a Babylonian, would be likely to do. In the cylinder inscription (5 R 35; cp Hagen, ' C)tus- texte' in /id/r. z. Assyriol. 2 205 _^, and A'li Zb 120 ff. ) C_\TUS is the deliverer of oppressed peoples, chosen by Marduk himself, and hailed by all Sunier and Accad as a saviour, exactly as with the Israelite prophet he is the called, the anointed, of Yahwe. A difference there is between the joyous hope which the Jewish exiles cherished and the official statements which Babylonian scribes at royal command had to chronicle on their cylinders ; but the coincidences referred to are too close to tx; entirely accidental. Moreover, priests and people alike had reason enough to tx; dissatisfied with the arbitrariness and misgovernment of their former sovereign, and Cyrus, with fine political tact, knew how to utilise this temper and win hearts by deference towards the national religion, restraint of robbery and violence, and rctiress of grievances. No wonder that the Jewish exiles also hoped for enlargement at his hands. That he fulfilled this expectation does not appear at least from his inscriptions.

The passage in which some scholars have thought that this may be read demands another interpretation. In Cyl. /. 1 1 the words irt,ih' taaira kullat luatdta were taken together and tran.slated, 'he (Mjirduk) decreed return from all lands'; but it is certain that, with Hagen and Del., we must connect the words irtaii | taaira with those which precede, and kullat matdta with those which follow, so that the meaning is : ' [after that Mnrduk, in his wrath, had brought all sorttt of miseries upon the land) he changed [his disposition Ij and had compassion. Round all lands he looked ; lie sought [and so found as the right prince, the fulfiller of his gracious decrees, Cyrus, etc. ]' In this passage nothing is said of any restoration of exiles to their native land.

More interest attaches to the pa.ssage /. 30^, where, however, the names on which the <|uestion chiefly turns are, unfortunately, obliterated. Here Cyrus says that he returned to their places the gods of a great many towns, brought together the inhabitants, and restored Ixjth temples and dwelling-houses. The towns referred to were all named, and it was added that they lay on the banks of the Tigris,'- and that their territory extended from [lacuna in the text] to Assur and ."^usan (according to the correct interpretation of Delit/.sch and Hagen), by which exjires-sions are in- tended not the cities of the name but the countries of Assyria and West IClam (the city of Asur lay on the right bank of the river). The obliterated names (or name) can have denoted only the western and southern boundaries of the district referred to probably Suiner and Accad, which are separately mentioned immediately afterwards. Accordingly, there can be no doubt that reference is here made to Cyrus's care for the restoration of neglected worships and for the return of the in- habitants of certain cities to their former habitations ; this, however, only in the immediate neight)ourhood of Babylon. At the same time, although in these inscrip- tions, which doubtless belong to the earlier period of Cyrus's rule over Babylon, no mention is made of any general measure extending also to exiles from the West, there remains the possibility that the Persian confjueror may have taken up this work of restoration at a later time.^ At all events the conciliatory policy of which he had already given positive evidence can very well have aroused among the Jews the hojje and expectation that they also would one day benefit by it.

The tomb of Cyrus 'the king, the Achrrmenid,' at Afuri^hab (Pasargada; ?) is now assigned by Weissbach (ZDMG 48653/) to the younger Cyrias. At any rate the EgA-ptian head-dress of the king on the monument shows that it can have been erected only after the conquest of Egypt by Cambjses.

C. V. T. VV. H. K.

1 Probably the words iisahhir ka . . . should be completed so as to read either ka[/>ittaiu] or ka\ah-/>a-as-su]. (So 1 lele.)

2 The words sa I's/u apnama ruulii luhatsun are not clear. Schr. translates : ' whose place from of okl lay in ruins '; Hagen, Del., 'founded in the most ancient time.' But does nadu ever mean this? In our present inquiry the question is of sub- ordinate import.ince.

3 [Cp the very interesting inscription in the last section of Brugsch's Hist. 0/ Ef:ypt (' the Persians in Eg>pt "), which describes the religious patriotism of an Egvptian Nchemiah. The deceased is represented on his statue (now in the Vatican) as telling the events of the Persian period of his life. Being in high favour as a physician with C'ambyses, he was able to induce that monarch to give orders for the restoration of the temple of Neith at .'^ais, and of the religious services. He was physician also to Darius, who, when he \v.as in Elam, sent him to Eg\-pt to restore the arrangements for the .scribes of the temples. This last mission appears to synchronise with the erection of the (second) temple at Jerusalem. Cp. Meyer, EntU. 71 ; Che. Jew. ReL Lt/e. T K C ]


(nin^), Josh. 21 28 AV; RV Dabkrath.


RV Dabbesheth (n'C'2'^. 99; BaiBapaSa [15]. AABAceAi [A], -ee [L] ; 'a hum]),' i.e., 'a liiU ' ; cp Jos. B/ iv. li), a place on the W. border of Zebuluii (Josh. 19ii). Conder identities it with A'/i. Dabsheh, on the left bank of the W. el Karn {i.e., according to hin' the Valley of Jiphtah-ki., mentioned in v. 14) ; bui inis spot is too high up in the hills, and is scarcely on the boundary line, in addition to which the name is not a probable one.

5* reads 'ncm I " .nanj;n'3- AH the readings may be reconciled by reading I^n'nT'a- The initial 3 was lost, owing to the preposition 3 which precedes ; 71' ("n) was transferred to the end of the name, thus producing 'riCOT \ ' was lost, and so MT's reading was produced : ,^31J (tS'O 's simply a conjecture for z'1-\- T. K. c:.


[T\~\y\ or n-!n"^^ ; AaBraO [AL] ; Josh. 19 12, dalieipud [B], l^i [Pesh.]; Josh. 21 28, 5e/3,3a [B], de^pad [A], fc^i [Pesh.], AV Dabareii; I Ch. 672 [57], SelSepei and Sajiwp [B a doublet], yaSep [A], Sa^rjpwd [L], loiS? [Pesh.]), a Levitical city (Josh. 21 2S) on the border of Zebulun (Josh. 19i2), but belonging to Issachar (Josh. 21 28 i Ch. 672[57]), is the SajiapLTTO. of Jos. [Vil. 62), the Dai im (oa/ieipa) of Eus. and Jer. (OS 115 20 250 54), the modern Dabunyeh, a small and unimportant village, ' lying on the side of a ledge of rocks at the W. ba.se of Mount Tabor' (Rob. BR 8210). It occupies a strategic position above the great plain at the mouth of the pass leading northwards between Tabor and the Nazareth hills. Apparently it was here that the Israelite forces mustered under Barak (GASni. HG 394) ; and it is possible to trace a connection between the name of the village and that of Deborah, without rushing to the extreme represented by C. Niebuhr [Reconstellation dcs Debjrdliedes, 11 /. ). May not the home of the prophetess have been at Daberath ? (so Moore, Judges, 113/). We learn from Jos. BJ \\. 21 3 that there was a Jewish garrison here in the Roman war, ' to keep watch on the Great Plain. '


(n.iBKr.t), 4 Esd. 14 24, ascribe: cp perhaps the name Dibri [q.v.).


RV Dacubi (AAKoyBi [A]), i Esd. 528t = Ezra242, .Vkkub (i/.r. , 2).


RV Loddk us (\oAaioc [B]), i Esd. 8 46 = Ezra 8 17, Inix) (i.).


occurs as a rendering of :

1. 3^ri, hcrebh, Judg. 816217: (/Liaxaipa ; Vg. hzsgladium in IT'. 16 22, but sicam in v. 21). RV 'sword.' See Weatons.

2. eyxetpi'Sioi/, l?ar. i5[i4l. This word represents a^ri four times in , but in Jer. .0042 it represents pi'S. Bel's 'dagger' wa~, on mythological grounds, a javelin. See Weatons, and cp Javelin.


(pj"! ; Aapcon [BAL]), a god of the Philistines, who had temples at Gaza (Judg. 16:21-22) and Ashdod ( i S. 5 i Mace. IO82-85 11 4).

1 The temple of Dagon in iCh. lOio is an error for Beth-shan, I S.31 10, and in Is. 46 i (NAQ) Dagon is a mistake for Nebo. AayiuK in Ezek. '.'046 (21 2) [B.\] is cornipt.

2 Jerome s knowledge is doubtless derived solely from the OT.

1. The name[edit]

It appears from the passages cited, especially from the story of Samson, that the worship of Dagon was general among the Philistines (Jerome on Is. 46i),^ though it would perhaps be a mistake to regard him as a national god. Places bearing the name Beth-dagon {].-.) are found in the Judncan Lowlands and on the boundary of .Asher ; in Christian times there was a Caferdago between Diospolis and Jamnia (Jerome).^ All these places lie within a region which had been for a time in the possession of the Philis- tines, and it is conceivable that they received the name from them. This can hardly \x. the case, however, with Beit Dojan, SE. of Nabulus, which also seems to re- present an ancient Beth-dagon ; and it is at least equally possible that the worship of Dagon to which these names bear witness preceded the Philistine invasion in other words, that Dagon was a god of the older Canaanite inhabitants. Philo Byblius gives Dagon a place in his Phoenician theogony, making him a son of Ouranos and Ge, and brother of Elos (El) or Kronos, Baitulos. and Atlas ;"^ but we should hesitate to conclude, on this testimony alone, that Dagon was worshipped among the Ph(finicians. A cylindrical seal now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, attributed by Sayce to the seventh century B.C., is inscribed with the words ' Baal Dagon ' in Phoenician characters (Sayce, Higher Criticism, 32J). Of the character of the god we know nothing definite. Philo Byblius, deriving the name from ddgdii, corn, interprets (t'ltwv, and makes Dagon a god of husbandry, Zei'/s dporpios. Others derived the name Dagon from dag, fish (cp Shimshon [S.\.\iso.\], from shemcsh, sun).^ It w.as natural, therefore, to imagine that the god was represented in the form of a fish (so Rashi). From 1 S. 54 we learn, however, that the idol of Dagon at .Ashdod had a head, and hands which projected from the botly ; by its fall these were broken off, leaving only the trunk of the image. The Hebrew text, by some corruption, reads, ' only Dagon was left on him,' which David Kimhi (ob. circa 1235 A.D. ) ingeniously interprets, only the form of a fish was left, adding, ' It is said that I)agon, from his navel down, had the form of a fish (whence his name, Dagon), and from his navel up, the form of a man, as it is said, his two hands were cut off.'* It is not impossible that this theory, for which there does not seem to he any older Jewish authority,* merely transfers to Dagon, by the help of etymology, the description given by Lucian and others of the goddess DercOto, who was worshipped on the same coast.* Not a few more modern scholars have identified her with Dagon. The prevailing opinion that Dagon was

sea monster - upward man
and downward fish,

has no other foundation than these very doubtful etymological and mythological combinations.

1 OS 235 14 (Ktirap aSayiav) 104 15. In the inscription of Eshmunazar, king of Sidon, in connection with Dor and Joppi, occur the word.' pt ns-ix> which Schlottmann interpreted, ' land of Dagon,' others, 'cornlands.' Aayuii/ near Jericho (Jos. Anf. xiii. Si = B/ i.2 2 1 = Swk, i Mace. 10 15I) has nothing to do with the name of the god (>ee Docus).

2 Miiller, /"'r. Hist. Gr. %^b-j /. ; cp Etyin. Afagn.s.7'. BTjToycoi' 6 Kpdfot iiTTO ^oiviKiov.

3 Jer., piscis tristitia (px, cp Sidon, venatio iristitier). Other interpretations : fl^o% tx^uos x) Avrnj. Ae'ytToi &i KaX Bwpov i<rTiv ayia r) 6 Zcii? o dpovpaios ((\? ]!<! 14).

  • Thenius would put this explanation into the text, emending

vSy nxcj )1JT i-\ pi ; similarly We. (iKr: Ml pi). WRS ; cp Dr.

  • It is unknown to the Targum, Josephus, and the Talmud.

Other Jewish commentators represent Dagon with the head of a fish ; see a I>yra, Abarb.

" See Atargatis.

7 First attested on coins of Hadrian. See Jer. E/. 10" 2, yit. S. Hilar.U'iQ; esp. Marc. Diac, /':"/. i". Porphyrii, passim.

What relation there is between Dagon and Marnas, the principal god of Gaza in the early centuries of our era,' whom the writers of the time identify with Zfi'j Kpr)Tayet>Tlit, is not certain. Marnas is the Aramaic marna, our Lord, and it is not impossible that the god worshipped under this appellation was, by his proper name, the old Dagon.

2. Relation to other deities.[edit]

In the fragments of Berossus, one of the mythical monsters, part fish, part man, who at long intervals came up from the Persian Gulf to repeat to the Chaldaans the original revelation ofOannes, is named Odacon {ilbcLKuiv) ; ' and as, since Kimhi, a like form was generally attributed to Dagon, it was natural to combine the two names (Selden and many others). Layard published a figure of a merman from Khorsabad, and in a note suggested that it might represent Odacon-Dagon (Xim-eh, 1840, 2466/.). Some Inter Assyriologists reproduce Layard's cut with the legend ' the fish-god Dagon. ' "^

There was a Babylonian god Dagan, whose name appears in conjunction with Anu and often with ' Xinib ' : he was, therelore, probably a god of heaven (Sayce, Jensen).* As Sir Henry Kawlinson perceived, there is no connection whatever between this god and ROrossus" sea-monster, Odacon. Whether the Philistine Dagon is originally the same as the Babylonian Dagan caimot, with our present knowledge, Ixi determined. The long and profound influence of Babylonia in Palestine in early times, which is attested by the Amarna tablets, makes it (|uite possible that Dagon, like Anath, came thence.* Dagon, however, does not seem to have occupied a I^lace of much importance in the Babylonian religion, and is much less often mentioned than the other great gods. The Assyrians did not recognise the name of the god Dagan in the town Beth-dagon, Bit-daganna (Semiacherib, Prism Inscr. 265), and possibly the similarity of the names may be accidental.

3. Worship of Dagon[edit]

Of the worship of Dagon we know nothing, According to I S. 55 the priests and others entering his temple at Aslidod were careful not to set foot on the sill (Zeph 1:9) ; cp Marc. Diac. 76. What we learn from the last-named author about the worship of Marnas at Gaza for example, that the god was invoked to send rain ; that he gave oracles ; that there were certain iiiannora in the temple which were peculiarly sacred, and guarded from the approach (especially) of women ; that there were wells in the temple precincts is not distinctive. Whether human sacrifices were offered there in the writer's day may be dOubted ; the indictment in 66 6S may refer to an earlier time.

See Selden, De dis Syrls, 73 with Reyer's Adiiitaiiicnta ; Th. Roser, Dc J)agone fhilistuvruiit iif,ilo, m Ugulini, Tliesaurus, 23955-961 : .Stark, Gaza u. die fhilistiiische Ki'iste (52), 248-250, cp 576-580 ; Scholz, Getzcndienst ('77), 238-244 ; Baudissin, art. 'Dagon 'in P l\ hK* ; .Menani, ' Le mythe de D.igon,' Kn>. de niisf. d,s K,-l. 11 {'85) 295 ^ ; Jensen, Vie Kosiiiologie der /><ji*j/i)/ir ('90), pp. 449-456. (;. i'. M.

1 M Oiler, Fr. Hist. Gr. 2500.

2 Schrader in Richm, HUB^'^S (cp A'W rW 182); Fr. Del. in Caliiier Iiil>. lex^% .See esp. .Menant, ' I.e Mythe de D.-igon,' Ri-t'. de t Hist, des Rel. ('8;) 11 295^, where a great variety of Assyrian fish-men may be found.

According to the Heb. version of Tobit, Sennacherib was killed in the temple of his god Dagon (ed. Ncubauer, p. 2U, 1. 4) ; but this is a mere blun<ler.

  • Cp the name D.tgantakala in the Am. Tab., and see Ash-

DOD (col. 326, n. 2).


(Aaican [R]) 1 Esd. 6:35 = Ezra 248, REZIN 2


in-'?-^ 1 Ch. 824 A\' ; RV DELAIAH, 3.


(AaAan [A]), i Esd. .'.37 kV=Ezra26o, DELAIAH, 4.


(t& mcrh AaAmanoyGa [Ti. WHJ) takes the place in Mk. 810 of the Mac.vd.xn (q.v.) of li Mt. l.")39. It was 'into the parts of Dal- manutha,' we are told (Mk. 810), that Jesus came in ' the boat ' with his disciples after he had ' sent away about four thousand ' whom he had fed. Since in v. 13 he 'departed to the other side' (tit ri itipav), it has seemed natural to look for Dahnanutha on the W. co.x;t of the lake. No such place, however, is knf)wn. The name does not appear in Eus. or Jer. ; nor is there any tr.ace of an analogy to it in any of the ancient itineraries or mediaeval travels.

Lightfoot (DecasChorocr.' in Of-era, 1^\-^/. \ cpOf-ft. Posth. 71) suggested that it miuht be an Aramaic form of Salmrin, J1d'?S. several times mentioned in Talniudic writings (.Slishna, Veliamoth, 1B6; Kelaini. 49; Orlah, \i\ Talm. Ral<a liathr. 821*.) as if in the neighlxjurhood of 'lilierias; and similarly Kwald ('list., KT, <l34H, n. 4) interprets it .-is the (jalilean pronunciation of Salmon. Keim (Jrsus, ET, 4238) lakes it for Salmfinfit /.I-.,' ' Sh.idy Place.' .Schwarz (Das lleil. Land, 189) suggests th.it Talnianutha, as another name fur Magdal.1. may l)c derived from the cave of "Teliman j{D?B ( I'alm. Jcrus. Deiiiai. 1i\ for which he proposes the caves on the cliff behind Mejdel. Neubaucr, however (i'.coi:. Titliii. 268), says that this c ive should be in the neighbourhood of Herod s Ca.-sare.T. Recently two other derivations fr^m Aramaic have been pr.j- piised. W<tx/.(E.vp. 7.8 563 [Sept. '97]) suggests that Dalmanuth is a translileralion of nn";C*'n. 'he emphatic form of ,n:"cS, 'he Talmudic name for harbour i.e., the bay or harlxiur in which Magdala stood a designation 'one might expect of the evan- gelist whose gospel is founded on the preacbing of Peter the fisherman.' Then Nestle (//'. 'J45 [Oct. '97J), a:'ler pronouncing Herz's xn'jC?'! ;>" impossible form for the emphatic of nycS suggests Nni;cS(7) = *is Ttt /i.e'p/, ' into the parts' /.?., of Mag- dala. Herz replies (///. O95 (Nov. '57]) that Kn':C'Vl 's possible in the ba.xity of 1 .dinudic transliteration and points out that in Nestle's suggestion the -\ remains unaccounted for, as well as the intrusion of a needles^ Syri.ic e<]uivalent of the Greek. 'I'hose who place M.igiiala on the SK. shore of the lake have sought there for traces of the name, and Thomson (LB 393) suggests a ruined site half a mile up the Yarmfik from the Jordan, called Dalhamia or Dalmamia (Rob. BR 8264 Delhemiyeh) ; but this is some distance from the I-ike. None of these derivations and identifications seems perfectly satis- factory. G. A. S.


(AaXmatia [Ti. WH], Tac. , Dio Cass. . Di'hnalia: Inscr. Dclnuitia m\(.\ IMlmatia. The name docs not occur in early (ireek writers). The Dalmatians were an Illyrian tribe, or ])erhaps rather a confederation of tribes, round the town Delmion or Delminium, from which their name was derived (Straljo, 315). They had fifty settlements {Ka.TOi.Kio.% dftoXoYois ; but cp Cic. ad Fain, f) lofl), of which some ranked as cities <'.,^'. , Salome or Salona (mod. Saloiia near Spalato). These tribes had in earlier times been loosely de[)endent upon the rulers of .Scodra (mod. Skutari), and had therefore suffered from the Roman expeditions directed against Queen Teuta (229 B.C.) and Demetrios of Pharos (219 B.C. ). On the accession of (Jenthius they revolted, and thus escaped the fate of southern lUyricum, which, on the subjugation of Macedonia, became permanently dependent upon Rome (see Il.l.VKlciM). Brigandage and piracy were the only native trades (.Str. 317). In 155 B.C. Publius Scipio Nasica took the capital, and the Dalmatians prof<-ssed subjection. A series of almost endless wars had to be waged before this central p.art of lUyricum was finally reduced by Octavian (33 B.C.). In the partition of provinces in 27 B.C. so peaceful was lUyricum (t6 XaXuaTtKov, Dio Cass. 53 12) that it was made senatorial ; but sixteen ye.ars later the Emperor was compelled to take charge of its two main sections, Dalm.atia and P.annonia [id. 5434). A final struggle for freedom (6-9 A.I). ; cp Suet. lib. 16, who compares the crisis with that of the Punic Wars) was crushed by Tiberius. The co.astland from Lissus to the .-Vrsia was thereafter organised as an independent province (for its imjx)rtance, see Tac. Ami. 4s). The title of the province was ' Superior Provincia Illyricum' (C/^ 3, 1741), or ' maritima pars Illyrici ' (Veil. ii. 125 5). .After .Augustus ' Dalmatia ' is apparently the more usual title (cp Jos. i^/ii. I64). Its northern Ixiund.ary towards Pannonia is not clearly marked ; in the S. it extended to the province of Macedonia. The mention of Dalmatia in the NT is confined to a single instance ('Titus is gone to Dalmatia,' perhaps from Nicopolis : 2 Tim. 4 10).

The connection may be illustrated from Tac. .4. 253: konorem (consulatus) Germanicus iniit apud urbttn Achaia Nicopolim, quo venerat per Illyricam oram, visofratre Druso in Dalmaiia agente.

It is unnecessary to suppose that the term ' Dalmatia ' is used by Paul in a ' vague and general sense' (Cony- beare and Howson, 2 155).

See ("oils, L.i Prcn'ince Kotii. de Dalmatic: Evans, Anti- quarian Kiscarc/us in Illyricum. w. J. \V.


(psj'^. ; AeA(t)coN [BALfl]. ton \. [S^-]. (\Ae\4)a>N [N*], ton &^eA(|)ON AyToy [L"*]). a son of Hanian, Ksth. 97. Cp EsTHKK, 3.


(Aamaric [Ti. WH], a woman, appar- ently of some importance, named in Acts 1734 fis one of those who were converted by Pauls ]5reaching at Athens. Chrysostom {de Saa-rd. 4?) makes her the wife of DioNYSius the Areopagite ; so Lat. of cod. E [cum iixore sua), whilst its Greek has only ^vvt]. Wetzstein (XT Gr. 2573) quotes a gloss, Aa/tap, yvvf), ya/jLtr^. X^ytrai Kal Aafxapis.


The English Damascus is the Greek A&MACKOC- The Heb. is usually pw'tS'^, Dammesek ; but twice (i Ch. 18 5 2 Ch. 28 s ; cp 2 K. ^^^^ pbD-H) pi^D-ll, Darmesek.

[picture: Environs of DAMASCUS.]

1. Name.[edit]

The origin and meaning of the name are unknown.

Both forms occur in the Targums. The Aramaic form is Darmesek, later Syri.ac Darmcsuk ; Talmud, Durmaskln. Both forms occur in the Egyptian lists : Ti-mas-ku in the sixteenth century B.C., and Sa-ra-maski for Ti-ra-mas-ki inthe thirteenth (W.MM, As. u. .Eur.). In Assyrian the town is Dimaski or pimaska; the kingdom (in Heb., Aram of Damascus) Mat Sa imerisu, a phrase of uncertain meaning. The Arabic is Dimask, or Dimisk e5 Sam i.e., Damascus of Syria usually contracted to e5-S;1m. The instances of the form with rm in OT are later than those with double ;; but, if the Egyptian transliieration be correct, r> is as old as the thirteenth century B.C. Whether mm arose by assimil.ation (see below, 6) from rjii, or rm by dissimilation from mm, is not clear.

2. Geography[edit]

Damascus has occupied its preeent site certainly since Greek times, probably from the remotest antiquity. The city lies in the NW. corner of the fertile plain to the E. of Hermon. To the E. of the city this is known as el-Merj, the Ager Damascenus.

The Gula is some 30 m. by 8 or 10, and 2300 ft. above sea-level. It is bounded on the W. by Hermon, on the N. by a long barren offshoot of Antilibanus, on the E. by a long line of volcanic hills, the Tellfll, which shut out the great desert, and on the S. by the Jebcl '.\swad, beyond which lies Hauran. It is traversed on the N. by the seven streams of the Baradd and on the S. by the Barl>ar and A'luaj {%ec Abana, Phakpak). The fertility is very great. There are many fields of corn and maize ; but groves of poplar and walnut, orchards of apricot, pomegranate, pistachio, and almond, with hedges and underwood, so abound (.see below, 10), that the distant view of the Gfija is as of an almost unbroken sea of verdure. From this the white, smokeless city rises like an island, near the barren limestone hills on the north of it.

3. The city[edit]

The bulk of the city is set along the main stream of the Barada, 2 m. from where the latter breaks upon the plain. It sjireads about a mile from E. to W. and half a mile from N. to S.; but from the southern gate a suburb, the Meidan, consisting almost wholly of one street, stretches for another mile. The city is thus mallet-shapxjd, the head lying N. totheBarada, the shaft .S. along the Meccanroad. Between the Baradil and the hills there is another suburb, Salihiyeh ; but it is scattered and half hidden in trees.

The position is almost absolutely level, and commanded by the hills. There is no real citadel ; a castle surrounded by a moat lies a little to the .south of the river. The wall, ]>ierced by seven gates, runs straight along the river and then round the bulk of the city, the mallet head. The upper part of it is Arab or Turkish work ; but much of the lower half may date from NT times (.\cts 1'25; cp 2 Cor. 11 32^;). Through the .southern part of the city and parallel to the river ran (as through every other Creek town in Cocle.syria) a long colonnaded street, generally identified with that 'called Straight ' (.\cts 9 11). The ba.ses of some columns are still standing. E. of the castle, the Great Mosque (partly burned in 1894) occupies the site and contains some of the structure of the Cathedral of St. John, built by Arcadius in the beginning of the fifth century on the ruins of a Greek temple, which again was probably the successor of the house of Rimmon (2 K. 618; cp 10 10-16). The rest of Damascus is occupied by bazaars, mosques, a few open places, and streets of private houses. On its approach to the walls, the J.iradn. has much of its water drawn off through channels, by which it is con- veyed to every corner of thecity. The chief gardens lie along the N. bank of the river ; but others, interspersed with cemeteries, stretch all round the wall. Despite various drawbacks, her rich .stre.ams, bursting, as they do, on the very edge of the desert, and creating a delicious verdure, have won for Damascens the name of the earthly Paradise of the Arab world.

4. Secret of prosperity[edit]

That a site so defenceless and so shut off by fty mountains from most of Syria should yet have held in perennial vigour one of the most ancient of cities, the real capital of Syria, and enabled it to survive wars and changes of empire which have overthrown or reduced to poverty every other great city of that part of the world, is due to the combination of so rich a fertility with a position so forward on the desert and so central to Western Asia. Damascus is an indispensable harbour of refuge on the desert ; the market of the nomads ; the outpost of the Mediterranean world towards farther Asia ; central to Eg}'pt, the Levant, Arabia. Me.sopotamia, and Khurdistan. Her great roads lead to N. Syria, the upper Euphrates by Palmyra to Baghdad and the Persian Gulf ; by the Gulf of "Akaba to Mecca ; through Sjria to Cairo ; and by the upper Jordan and Galilee to Acre, which is her natural ijort on the Mediterranean though at times political exigencies have connected her more closely with Tyre, Sidon, or Tripoli, and to-day the great French road and railway across the Lebanons carry her western trade to Berfit. She thus lay on the commercial lines of traffic between Western Europe and India by the Persian Gulf : between the valleys of the Euphrates and the Nile ; between Arabia and Asia Minor. So inevitable an emporium. Damascus was only less favourable a seat of empire. She has always been the natural capiUil of Lebanon and I-Lastcrn Palestine. As onR as an Mistern jKJWcr ruled, she remained the capital also of Syria ; but during the Greek and Roman dominion (330 n.c 634 A.u.) she yielded her supre- macy to .Antioch.

The Arabs first made for Dsunasciis, and then used her as the base of their Syrian conquests. Under the Omayyad Khalifs she was the capital of the Moslem empire from Spain to India.

5. Arts.[edit]

With so many communications Damascus has always been the home of a motley crowd - Syrians, Arabs, Greeks, and Kurds, with Turks and Jews. Yet it has preserved, apparently through all ages, a very distinctive character for skill in handicrafts. Damascus, though it has never been a great schwjl of letters, has always been a school of arts ; even more a manufactory than a market or a garden. The Knglish terms. Damask (originally any figured or patterned te.\tile)> and Damascene blade ; the German Damast and 1 )amascieren and Damascener ; the French Damas- quinerie and Damasquinure (emlxjssing on steel) are proofs of the inventiveness and technical skill of the peoi)le. %\ hich seem to reach back to a very remote tiiue. In the middle ages Damascus was famous for its patterned and brocaded cloths, esijccially silks and wools (' an inimitable i)erfection of work" according to Idrisi). its glass, sword-blades, and embossed and enamelled metal-work. In the beginning of the Christian era, to ' carry wool to Damascus' was, accord- ing to the Talmud, a proverb, eciuivalent to our ' carry- ing coals to Newcastle.' Ezekiel (ii" 18) sjieaks of the city's exportation of wine and wool for the manufactures of I'hcenicia (cp Toy, SHOT, but see Cornill, ad lor.) ; 2 K. 89 mentions the 'goods of Damascus.' Ahaz made a copy of its richly decor.tted altar (2 K. \&ioff.).

6. Early History[edit]

The extreme antiquity of Damascus (Jos. Ant. i. 6472) was a not unnatural inference from its perennial vigour throughout historical times. Down to theeleventh century B.C., however, the references to it are few and uncertain. A local tradition (found also in Nicolaus Dam. />. 30, a;>. Jos. Ant. i. 72) connects Damascus with Abraham ; and there is twice mention of it in the JE narrative of the patriarch'slife(Gen. His 15 2; seeHoB.XH, Eliezkk, i ). In the sixteenth century Ti-mas-ku occurs as the thir- teenth in the list of the Syrian conquests of Thotnies 111. ( AV'-T) 44) ; Timas-gi. Dimas-ka are read in the .Amarna tablets (15th cent.) (1:^63 142 21). These tablets describe the invasion of N. Syria by the Hittites, before whom the I'.gyptian outposts had to give way, and for the next iliree centuries Damascus lay upon the vacillating frontier lielween the two powers. In the fourteenth century, Rameses 11. extended his conquests to IJeiriit and probably included Damascus. At the close of the thirteenth century, in lists of the con(|uests of Rameses III., Sa-ra-maski for Ti-ra-m.is-ki (WMM As. u. Eur. 227) is mentioned. The addition of r to the name is taken {ib. 234) as proof that the regions of Damascus had meanwhile come under Aranuvan influence (but see Ak.\m). and so when at last they appear in the OT historical books, in the campaigns of David toward the end of the eleventh century, we find them possessed by a nunilx;r of Arama-an states, for the rise of which room had been made by the over- throw of the Hittites nearly a hundred years previously by Tiglath-pileser 1. {circa 1106).

1 It is not at all probable that Damascus had acquired a reputation for the manufacture of damask as early as the time of Amos, thouRh RV of Am. 8 121* assumes this ; ' Damask ' and ' Damascus 'may have noconnection. In Ar. the forms are different rt'///f(>frj for the stuff, and DiuiaiHor the city. Proliably (as Frankel. FrctmhvSrtcr, 40, referred to by Driver, ad loc., is of opinion) Himaks comes by metathesis from midaks. On Am. I.C., see Amos, | '5 n. ; Bed, S S-

The chief of these Aramaean states was Sobah (see David, 8 ^) under king Hadadezer, to whose help against David came Aram of Danmiesek (2 S. 8s ; cp 1 Ch.lSs). David. after his victory, is said to have planted garrisons in the territory of Damascus ; but that these had no per- manence is plain from what we hear of keson l>en Kliadii the freelxx)ter, who 'came to Damascus, and dwelt there, and reigned in Damascus, and was a foo to Israel all the days of Solomon ' (i K. 11 23-25)-

7. Ben-hadad.[edit]

We have now reached the point at which Damascus becomes chief of the Aramaean confederacy, and enters her first great period of political supremacy (nna 1000-733 n.f\ ). Her history is articulate, and we have a pretty full, though not complete, list of her kings. Who ResOn b. Eliada (i K. 11 23) was is disputed; probably (see. however, HEZION) he was the same as Hezion. father of Tab-rimmon. father of the Ben-hadad (I'.ir-idri. known as Ben-hadad I.) who about 925 ):.c:. helix-d Asa {,/.i:) against IJaasha (i K. If. 18/:). It was perhaps the same 15en-hadad who. some twenty years later, defeated Omri and won the right of ' establishing quarters' (see Tkadk and Com.mkkc k) in Samaria (i K. 2O34; Nic Dam. />. 31). The son of Hen-hadad I. (or Ben-hadad himself? See Bkn-iiadad, 2), whom also the OT calls Ben-hadad, but a contemporary inscription of Shalmancser II. of Assyria (854 n.c. ) calls Hadadezer (see, however, Ben-hadad. 2), besieged Ahab (q.v.) in Samaria, but was repulsed there and again at Aphek. on which .Ahab received the right to 'establish quarters for himself in Damascus. In 854 the com- bined forces of N. Israel. Damascus, and other states were defeated at Karkar (see AliAB) by Shalmaneser II.. who again, in 850 and in 847. overthrew Ben- hadad. The .Assyrian empire was thus steadily advancing on Damascus ; but the latter was still the terror of Israel (2 K. f);. the story of Naaman). tuade regular raids over Jordan, and even besieged Samaria (2 K. 6 7 ; see Jkiioka.m, i) till Ben-hadad was drawn off by rumours of northern war.

8. Hazael.[edit]

Disgraced by defeats so numerous, he was slain by Hazael (q.v.), at least if the text of 2 K. 8:15 is correct. Hazael then became king, and warred with Jehoram {ib. 28/), also with Shalmaneser II., by whom he was defeated in 843 and in 840, the second time with the loss of four cities and much spoil out of Damascus. Still, he succeeded in depriving Jehu of all Israel's territory E. of Jordan, and in extending the dominion of Damascus southwards to the Anion (2 K. IO32; cp Am. I3). He al.so took Gath. and was bought off from an invasion of Judah only by large tribute from Jehoash {Vlij [18]/). Hazael and his son Ben-hadad III. (or II.) were able to oppress Israel through the reigns of Jehu's successors Jehoahaz and Joash (2 K. 13325), for under Samii-ramman the Assyrian armies did not cross the Euphrates (.\ssvRiA, 32), and Damascus was free for the time from the Northern terror.

9. Mari.[edit]

By 805 Assyria was again pressing towards Palestine, and in 803 King Mari* (Ben Hadad II. ?) of Damascus (see BEN-HADAD, 3) was successfully besieged by Ramman-nirari III. This disaster to Damascus permitted Jeroboam II. (i/.v.) to recover the territory that Hazael had taken from Israel, and for a time Israel held part of the territory of Damascus (2 K. 14 28; not necessarily the city). In 773 Damascus again suffered from the Assyrians, who invade*! the country also in 772, 767, 755, and 754 (Assyria. 32).

10. Rezin[edit]

It was the beginning of the end. In 743-740 Tiglath-pileser III. made his first Syrian campaign, and his annals (A'//23o) contain the name Ra-sun-nu {mat) Gar-imeri-su {i.e., of Damascus) as paying tribute. This Ra-sun-nu is the Rezin of the Syro-Israelitish war (see AHAZ. TABEEL). whose invasion of Judah brought about an .Assyrian intervention (2 K. 167^). Perhaps the danger which now threatened Damascus was the occasion of the allusions to the city in Is. 17 1. In 733 Tiglath-pileser - whether before or after his subjection of N. Israel and the Philistine cities is not quite clear - defeated Rezin, shut him up in Damascus, cut down the plantations (see above, 2) round the city (he numbers the trees at 13,520), took the city, executed Rezin, and carried the people into captivity (Schr. COTl 252^; cp 2 K. I69). It was after this, in 732. that Ahaz visited Damascus, and obtained the pattern of the altar which he saw there (id. 10).

11. Decline[edit]

Up to this time Damascus had possessed great political influence : her confidence in herself, her power of recuperation, and her military skill are amply proved by her restless energy in Syrian politics, even while she was bleeding from the reiterated attacks of Assyria. The blow which Tiglath-pileser inflicted, however, absolutely destroyed her political power. She seems to have been reduced to the same position as Samaria.

Shalmaneser IV., Sargon, and .Sennacherib mention no king of Damascus in all their Syrian lists ; and the only notice of the town for a century is in the Khorsabad inscription of .Sargon, where (about the year 713) Damascus is said to have joined Arpad, Simirra (see ZEMARITE), and Samaria in a league formed by Hamath against .Assyria. The allied forces were crushed by Assyria at Karkar (A'/V 2 57). Next century Damascus is omitted from '!ie list of twenty-two kingdoms given by Esarhaddon.

She is not mentioned by the prophets, except in a doubtful passage of the Book of Jeremiah (4923-27) \vhei-e she is given over to fear and flight, and by Ezekiel who names her, only in passing, as a customer of Tyre (27 iS), and a point of measurement for the Holy Land (17i6J^). If then important, she would be certainly occupied by Pharaoh Xecho in 610 and Nebuchadrezzar in 604^

Under the Persians Damascus was a scat of authority, and very prosperous (Strabo xvi. 220).

Cambyses died there (Jos. A>tt xi. 2 2), and there Darius deposited his family and treasures before the battle of Issus, after which they were .surrendered to Alexander's general I'ar- menio (Quint. Curt. 3 13). .After an unsuccessful revolt the Greek supremacy was established (//'. 4 i), and there are extant coins of Alexander issued from the city.

12. Supplanted by Antioch.[edit]

At the death of Alexander, Syria with Phoenicia fell to LaornedOn, the capital being Damascus (Id. 10 10). The western people, however, to whom Syria was now subject, required a centre near the Levant, and Damascus became second in Syria to Antioch, the upstart capital of the Seleucids.

The diminished impoitance of Damascus is well illustrated by the small part it plays, as contrasted with Antioch, in those books of the Antiquities of Josephus (xii. yC) which deal with the third and second centuries n.c. Its more natural connection with N. Syria than with S. kept Damascus in the hands of the Seleucida:, even when Palestine and Phoenicia were held by the Ptolemies; but several times it fell to the latter: e.g.., in 320 under Ptolemy I. (regained by Antigonus in 314); in 2S0 when Ptolemy II. probably occupied it (regained by Anti- ochus I. 280-262); in 246 when, however, it was only be^ieued by Ptolemy III. and relieved by Seleucus II. in 242 (cp Schurer, Hist. 3 95).

In the Books of the Maccabees Damascus is men- tioned only as being twice visited by Jonathan (cina 144 B.C.: I Mace. 11 62 I232 ; Jos. Ani. xiii. 0510).

The kingdom of the Seleucidie was divided in iii B.C., and Damascus must have fallen with the .southern part to .\ntiochus IX. or Kyzikenus (cp Eus. C/iron. ed. Schoene. in .Schiir. o/>. cit. 97, and Jos. Ant. xiii. 184). It was retained by Antiochus' son, and then fell to Demetrius Euk<erus, and after his over- throw {circa 86 n.c.) to .Antiochus XII. or Diony.sus, from whom it was transferred (though only for a short time) by Milesius, the governor of the citadel, and the populace, to his brother Philip (Jos. ib. 15 1).

13. Roman times[edit]

Antiochus XII. was defeated by ARETAS (q.v.), the Nabataean, and with Coelesyria Damascus continued in Arabian hands (though pressed hard by Alex. Jannasus [in. 103], and Ptolemy Menneus, against whom Queen Alexandra of Judea [78-69 B.C.] sent her son Aristobulus [ib. 16 3 ; B/ i. 53]) till the occupation in 65 by the Roman legions under Lollius and Metellus (.4A xiv. 2$ ; BJ i. 62), who were followed in 64 by Pompey.

After this the exact political position of Damascus is difficult to define.

Though Josephus does not know Damascus as a member of the Decapolis (he calls Scythopolis the greatest town of the latter), the name is in Pliny's list (HNb 16). Under Ca.ssius (44-43 B.C.) there w.is a Roman commandant, Fabius, in D.-ima.scus (Jos. Ant. xiv. 11 7 12 i ; lij i. 12 i f.\ and the Nabatajans appear to have been driven to the E. and to the S. of Hauran. Somewhere alxjut 38 n.c. Mark Antony gave Cleopatra 'Ccelesyria' and parts of the Iuda;an and Ar.abian territories (Jos. Ant. xv. 3 8 4 i/.; lij i. 8 5) ; she visited Damas- cus, and we have coins of 37, 36, and 32 that were struck in her honour, though other coins of about the same d.ite do not bear any mark of her (De Saulcy, Numisin. de la Terre itainte.

In 31 B.C. occurred the battle of Actium, and the Damascene coins bear till 33 .\.D. the names of Augustus and Tiberius, under the latter of whom the Damascenes had a dispute with the .Sidonians about their boundaries (Jos. Ant. xviii. 63), <a fact which shows how extensive their territory must have been (.Schiirer, 98). There are, however, no coins of Caligula nor of Claudius, nor any of Nero till his ninth year in 63. It was during this time that the apostle Paul tells us (.see Arktas) that not the Romans but ' an ethnarch under Aretas the king held the city of the Dama.scenes ' (a form of exjires- sion which betrays the fact that it was usual to think of Damascus as an independent city); see Ethn.-vrch.

We do not know to what degree power in Damascus passed from the Romans to the Nabataian king. Nor, indeed, whether Rome actually held it then (cp Schiir. /// 2 356^ 3 98 ; M'difTert, A/>ost. .-\ge. 164 n. 2). .At any rate, the city again came under Rome in Nero's reign (53-68 a.d.); but the N.-ibata;ans continued to hold the neighbourhood to_ the E. till 106, when Trajan brought their whole kingdom into the Empire. Under H.idrian and his successors Damascus bore the title fterpon-oAcs (De Saulcy, 37^), under Alexander Severus, colonia {ih. 43).

14. Under Islam.[edit]

Under both Romans and Byzantines the city continued to flourish ; yet so long as these Westerns ruled Syria she was only second to Antioch ; and it was not till the Moslem invasion - they took Damascus in 654, Antioch in 635 - that the city in the desert resumed the first rank, and the city on the Levant began to decline. For a century, 650-750, Damascus had the Khalifate under the Omayyads ; she was never taken by the Crusaders, whose pivot was Antioch ; she was the capital of Saladin, and being bound to Mecca by the Hajj, which starts from her gates, she has kept her place in the regard of Islam, while her fertility and her unique position have enabled her to survive the depopulations to which she has been subjected by conquerors like Timur, and the awful pestilences with which she has again and again been infected by her annual connection with Mecca.

15. Literature.[edit]

Besides the works mentioned above and general treatises on the history and geography of Syria, see Noris, Annus et K/>i>chie Syroi;iiict\/<>nu>it,cXc., Leipsic, 1696; MciunAxaXX'^Journcy to Damascus; .Arnold's art. in P/<:/A^\ and Noldeke's art. in Schenkel's j5/; ; Rob. /,/>./?, 3442-468 ; Porter, Ccgr. Jourttal, '2C,2, ' Five Years in D.imascus' ; Kingl.ake'siiy ///<; Thomson, Land ami Book; GASm. //C, chap. 30. G. A. S.

DAN (people)[edit]

(|"=1 see below, i ; Aan [B.\L] ; gentilic Danite, 3'in ; Aangi [H], Aan [B.\L], AanLgIitai [BX.\ I Ch. 1235]), eponymous head of the tribe of the same name.

1. Name.[edit]

The name, like many other tribal names, is obscure. It appears, however, to bear the same relation to the personal names Daniel and Abidan as the clan name Ram does to Jehoram and Abiram, or on the other hand Jacob and Joseph to two ancient town names ending in -el (see Jacob, Joseph, i). It is therefore no doubt a divine title, 'judge' [i.e., 'deliverer'?). Cp the Assyrian repeatedly recurring royal name Asur-dan 'Asur is judge' (cp Xabudan) and the name of Shalmaneser Il.'s general Dayan-.Asur, as also the epithet ddnit (daicinu) applied to the sun-god (cp Samson, i) and the moon-god.

Dan is apparently etymologically related to the name of another Israelitish tribe of whose history still less is known (see Dinah) ; but it would be less safe to assume any etymological connection with Midian. That the meaning of the name was not quite forgotten appears, e.g., from the popular derivation in Gen. 30 6 (E) and the paronomasia in Gen. 49 16 (J), although the latter passage applies the epithet to the tribe itself, not to its god.

The verb dan is used quite freely, not only in the earlier literature (JE, lien. 1& 14 ; Is. 3 13) hut also (especially) from the 'exile' onwards (Jcr. Pss.etc); so also the derivatives ; but, as in the case of other old trilic names, the root does not seem to have been used in the forniatioii (if proper names in later limes (see Aui-tJAN, Emk H, y i), its place Iwing apparently taken by the synonymous shaf>luit (see iKHosHArHAj), which on the whole prevailed in Hebrew and Phoenician, while less used in Assyrian and not certainly used at all in the southern Semitic dialects where ddn continued to prevail,

2. Relations to other tribes[edit]

Dan evidently belonged to the N. (Joseph) group of Israelitish clans. Not. however, in the same sense as Benjamin. Dan was a Bilhah clan and may, not impossibly, have been older than Joseph, as the patriarch stories represent (see BILHAH). If so, the onward pressure of Joseph, though probably not hostile, may have co-operated with the other influences that prevented it from settling permanently in central Palestine though the apparent southwarii movement of the Danites from Zorah-Kshtaol to Kirjath-jearim (Judg. 1812) could not well \yG (|UOted in support of such a possibility (see Mahankii-Ua.n). Whilst Dinah, if it was a pre- historic clan of the same or a kindred stock (it is called indeed daughter of Leah ; but Dan took as its priest a Levite of Judah), suffered the fate of absorption (see Dinah), Dan, though it may have allied itself with Joseph for a time, was eventually compelled by its own energy and the force of circumstances to emigrate, just as [x*rhaps the older Leah tribes emigrated in the opposite direction. If Dan was not older than Joseph, it must Ije regarded as an unsuccessful precursor of Bknja.min {q.v., i/. ; so Stade).

3. Contemporary references to Dan.[edit]

The earliest mention of the tribe is in the ' Song of Deborah." The poet upbraids Dan for seeking protection of (or living heedlessly by) the ships, instead of coming forward manfully like the brother Bilhah tribe to fight on the heights of the open field' (see NAPHTALI). This reference to ships is obscure. It has been interpreted of the southern seat of the tribe ; ' but its proximity and resemblance to the phrase about .Asher seems to suggest that the tribe is thought of as in its northern seat (so Moore and Bu., ad loc. ).

The expression used of Dan is quite unique. One shrinks from drawing any definite conclusion from the passage. If the text is sound,'- it may mean that Dan was, like Asher, though no doubt to a less extent (IS 7c), under the sway of Phoenician influence. It is much more likely, however, to have been involved with the Aramaeans than with the Phoenicians ; for although Tell el-Kadi is fully 40 m. distant from Damascus and not 3c from Tyre, the latter w:ls not in historic times .so energetic in extending its influence in the Palestine hinterland as Damascus was (cp Damascus, 4). Although we do not know when the Arama;ans l>egan to press southwards, there is no rea.son to suppose that the ."Vramajan element represented by such places as Heth-M;iacah appeared only after the times of the Song of Delxjrah. However that may be, in time at lea.st the Aramajans made their influence felt very decidedly. We are still far from understanding fully the history of their relations with Israel ; but it may well \xt doubted whether there ever was a stable or even a definite line between their respective domains. The population of the border region seems to have been largely Arania;an. Hcnhadad I. had no difficulty in seizing Dan and other places in its neighlxjurhood, and it does not appear whether Israel was ever able politically to assert a serious, or at least a lasting, claim to them. The fact that the operations of Tiglath-pileser II I. (180 years later), in suppression of the plot of Rezon and his accomplice Pekah, were confined to this same di.strict, would Ije accounted for if it were more unequivocally connected with Damascus than the rest of Israel was (so Winckler).

t NOldeke suggests (in a private communication) that it is not inconceivable that members of the tribe may have taken to fishing.

^ nt'J.K niight easily ari.se by transposition from vmw (the suggestion was made also by Bu. Ki. Sa. 16, n. 2, followed by Marq. Fund. 7; cp Ki. Gesch. i. 265, n. 1. Hu. has since abandoned it : KlfC, ad ioc.). riK:i however, occurs oftenest in the phrase l^np.T piKJ, and Nuldeke argues that neither of the districts in which Dan was settird contained .such pasture- land. Perhaps jninj need not lie quite so definite in meaning ; but if we accept VnK3> 'his would presuppose the Song's having been committed to writing some time before the Hles.sing of Jacob was brought into its present form (cp Gen. 49 13).

When J wrote, Dan was still indeed honoured (a S. 20 18 (5), but possibly somewhat as a survival of a time gone by ; it was not felt to l>e a living force in Israel Bilhah was but a concubine ((Jen. 3622). It ntust not, however, Ije inferretl, from the fact that the 'Blessing of Jacob' says Dan judges its pet^ple like an Israelitish tribe (v. 16), that, when the lilessing took shape, Dan was felt to be hardly in reality a part of genuine Israel at all. It is cle;ir, from the early authority referreti to alxjve (2 S. '20 18 (5), that the city of Dan was proverbial as a well-known home of genuine old Israelitish ideas and practices, which is the more credible that we are told that its priests traced their origin to Moses' himself (Judg. 18 30). We need not wonder, then, if the importance of this sanctuary was formally acknowledged in some way or other (see (JAI.F, (Joi.UKN, I) by Jeroboanj I. ['/.i-J- The N. settle- ment of Dan, however, perhaps did not amount to much more than the town of that name. Nor in_-ed the repeated mention of the town in the standing phrase 'from Dan to Beersheba," which not unnaturally sug- gests that it had some importance, have really had any political significance. Both places may have owed their celebrity to their ancient sanctuaries.

This may perhaps help us to understand the preservation of such an unrivalled collection of popular legend as we find in the latter part of Judges, unless indeed the stories of the .Samson cycle are quite as much connected with the geographical ilistrict about Zorah, etc. (cp the mention of a place called .Sa-ma-5:i-na in that neighbourh<X)d at least as early as Kameses II.; Lepsius, Denkiii. 1441.; cp Hkth-she.mesh, i; Samson) as with any particular Israelitish trilw ; they involve Hebron, if in^n ill Judg. 10 3 is correct, and may be thought to have some relation to the stories of .Sha.m.mah and Sha.mgar (qq.v.').

In Amos's time the northern Dan still ranked with Bethel (? so We. ad loc. ) and Beersheba as a represent- ative sanctuary (Am. 8 14 ; on the reading cp A.MOS, 20) ; but, whatever it was then, the troublous time which ended with the AiU of the N. kingdom (2 K. 1 5 29) and the changed conditions which resulted must have profoundly modified the position even of an ancient sanctuary town. This would perhaps account for the absence of all mention of it from P's geographical scheme. Still, even in the days of Jeremiah, although the phrase 'Dan to Beersheba' had given place to 'Geba to Beersheba' (2 K. '23 8), an invasion was felt to be begun when the enemy passed Dan (Jer. 4 15 816).

4. Traditions.[edit]

If any legends ever gathered round the name of the eponymous head of Dan, they have entirely perished. All the more noteworthy is the abundance of traditions about the tribe. These are of two kinds. First there are the stories which, after circulating orally for many generations, were eventually committed to writing, and afterwards given so large a place in the latter portion of our present Book of Judges \q.v., 16). These are among the best-known of the traditions of Israel. Then there are the most valuable fragmentary notices in Josh, lit 47- Judg. 1 34 /. mere scraps rescued from what the pre-exilic histories had to tell of the fortunes of this tribe (on the * Blessings ' see below, 8). All these traditions, however, both those that may fairly be treated as historical in their nature, and those that are mainly legendary deal with two closely related [xjints, the struggles which the tribe had with its non- Israelite neighbours, and its migration northwards.

1 On the true reading, see Manasseh.

2 This phrase really occurs only seven times (all between Judg. 'JO and i K. 4 25 \b 5]), and in certain of these p.issages it may be suspected of being late. The Chronicler (jjerhaps naturally) prefers the reverse order (Beersheba to Dan: 1 Cn. 'JI2 [ = 2S.-242 'Dan to Beersheba), 2Ch. SOst). See Ex- positor, Dec. '98, pp. 4II-42' ('.'*="! 'o Beersheba: the literarj' history of the phrase and the historical problems it raises').

3 n has lovha. for hav in v. 47 (/.<., 47 ba. of -MT), lou having been dittographed from the preceding viou.

5. Attempts to settle[edit]

Dan, it would seem, made the attempt to push its way down from the highlands of Ephraim (see above, 2) into the territory still completely dominated by the Canaanites. Whether it at first succeeded (Josh. 1 9 47a ; if we read J' ' ' cp ;"^f,^'^ and 2 K. 6:1) and then was driven back (Judg. 13:4) by the Philistines (cp Bu. J^i. Sa. 18. n. i) or since it is dirticult to see how ' Philistines ' could be changed, editorially or by a gloss, to Amorites by the Canaanites (Judg. 1 34/ ), or whether it never really established itself at all satisfactorily to the SW. of Ephraim, l>eing forced back before it had really settled, we can hardly say. On some grounds it would perhaps seem probable either that it separated quite late from Ephraim or that it settled for some considerable time. Otherwise we should perhaps hardly have such clear traditions of the incidents of the subsequent migration (contrast the legendary character of the Samson stories) ; although it is not at all clear what the history of these traditions is (see above, 4). In any case, it seems pretty clear that the main strength of the clan (,^58*0) migrated northwards ; but did not some remain ? Prob- ably.

Not so much because the MT represents the 600 fighting men as being soi/ie 0/ the clan (Judg. ISii ; 'clans,' hi^Luiv) of Dan (for the partitive preposition D, which here has the same letter not only after it but also before it, might very well be due to dittography), nor perhaps because the existence of a remnant is needed to explain the copious traditions of the early fortunes of the tribe already referred to (see also below), but because it is difficult otherwise to account for the priestly writer assigning it solely to the southern territory.

Those who remained, however, seem hardly to have been able to make good a separate tribal e.xistence ; for it was, according to J, not Dan, but the house of Joseph, that finally gained the upper hand over the Canaanites (Judg. 1 35) whatever that may refer to (see Bu. Ri. Sa. 18, n. 2).

6. Migration.[edit]

According to Josh. 19 47 (emended text), the border of the children of Dan was too narrow for them, and so they went up and fought against Leshem (Lesham?) and took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and possessed it, and dwelt therein, and called it Dan. It is possibly the same writer who explains in Judg. 1 34 that the overcrowding of Dan was because ' the Amorite ' forced them into the hill country. This Dan (see next article) became, as we have seen, if it was not already, a famous sanctuary, and it is not surprising that the story of its incorporation into Israel was a favourite with those who put into literary form the traditions of Israel's early days.

Many as are the obscurities of the narrative as we now have it in judg. 17 y;, one thing is clear: several hands have worked at it (see Judges, 3 12). A deputation of Danites, after consulting a priest in Mount Ephraim, find a roomy district, easy of attack, in the far north, and return to Zorah to conduct their tribesmen thither. On the route they manage in one way or another to get the priest they had con- sulted to accompany them with the image he tended, which, having settled in their new home, they constitute their national palladium.

7. Cycle of legends[edit]

The main points in this story must be facts. How long the sanctuary maintained itself we do not know exactly (see the two independent representations in Judg. 18 30/, and cp SHILOH, Jonathan, i). Of a very different character are the stories that have gathered round the name of Samson ; but they are more naturally treated elsewhere, the more so that we cannot be quite sure how far they are really to be regarded as Israelite in any ordinary sense, not to say Danite. See Samson.

8. Later writings[edit]

Whether the metaphors of the serpent (Gen. 4917) and the lion's whelp (Dt. 8822) in the several ' Blessings' are simply later echoes perpetuating the memory of the famous raid on Leshem, or whether they point to a repetition of such raids by this lion-city itself (Stade, Gr/li68), we do not know ; the latter is not perhaps unlikely.^

1 The metaphor of the serpent on the way, biting the horse's heels and throwing the rider backwards, has been .supposed to refer to embarrassment of the Aramaans in their wars with Israel.

At a later date, indeed, these references came to be interpreted of the southern Dan ( Targ. Onk.) and of Samson in particular ( Targ. Jon. and Jerus.). The fact, however, that P has nothing whatever to tell us of the territory of the N. Danites perhaps shows how this might come about. 1 On the other hand, the eulogistic sense in which the words are explained is remark- able in view of the ill odour that attached to the name of Dan in later times (see below, 9).

What the outlines of the district assigned by P to Dan were, P nowhere states ; perhaps he was himself unable to formulate any (cj) the case of Simeon, Josh. 19 1-9). That he meant them to be inferred from his account of the adjacent tribes (Benjamin, Judah. Ephraim) is possible ; but he is not usually afraid of repetition. Of the sixteen (in MT seventeen) places which P assigns to Dan, eight may be regarded as identified beyond reasonable doubt (see ZORAH, ESHTAOL, IR-SHEMESH, Aijalon, Timnah, Ekkon, JEHUD, BENE-BERAK), while ME-JARKON [q.v., and see Rakkon, Makaz) must probably be sought in the neighbourhood of Rds el- Ain. In Josh. 15 the same writer assigns not only Timnah [v. 57) and Ekron {v. 45), which are historically best known as Philistine cities, but also Zorah and Eshtaol, where if anywhere the Danites were settled, to Judah.'^

Still less to be trusted is the account of Josephus {Ant. V. I22, end), which, likewise ignoring altogether the N. Dan, actually makes S. Dan extend as far X. as Dor and as far .S. as Ashdod. Although P re- presents Dan as, next to Judah, the largest tribe at the end of the nomadic period (Nu. 2643), both P and the Chronicler^ tend otherwise to give the tribe the scantiest possible consideration. In Joshua it is the last to have its lot assigned it (1940^). The Dan fragment is the last of those collected in Judg. 1 { 34/ ) The tribe stands last in the list in i Ch. 27 16-22. In Rev. (chap. 7) it is omitted altogether (see below, 9), and the same fate seems to have befallen it in the genealogical lists in i Ch. 1j/.^ In the form of the list now appearing in Gen. 46 23 = Nu. 2t5 42/.5 (both P), indeed, Dan is credited with one family ; but one cannot be quite sure that the statement may not be a very late addition founded on the notion (propounded in modern times by Bertheau, ad loc. ) that Aher (=' another') in ' HusHiM, the sons of Aher ' (i Ch. 7 i2i5), was a circumlocution for Dan rather than a corruption of Ahihor or some other name (see Benjamin, 9, ii. a). At all events, the omission of a D.n list from his lists by the Chronicler would be no stranger than his omission of Zebulun, which has three families assigned it by 1' in (jcri. 16 14= Nu. '2) 36.

1 It might indeed be argued from four of P's lists of tribes the twocensus lists(Nu. 1 20^ 2(i), and the two camp lists(2 1 /'C 10)--that Dan is regarded as a northern tribe, being grouped in a triplet with Asher and Naphtali. But (i) it is immediately preceded by Benjamin, and (2) in the list of tribal retjresenta- tives who took part in the census Gad is not, as in the census and camp lists, oddly classed with Reuben and Simeon, but with the triplet in question : that is to .say, the four concubine tribes are taken together.

^ On the other h.and, the Chronicler probably did not really mean to make Gath-rimmon Ephraimite (i Ch. (5 69 [54]) : see next note but one.

3 A peculiar fact is that P makes the associate of Bezaleel of Judah in the construction of the tabernacle a Danite (Ex. 31 6), whilst the Chronicler makes Huram-abi, who had the same position in the work of Solomon's temple, a man of Tyre whose mother was of Dan (but see 1 K. 7 14, with Klo.'s note, and cp HtJKAM-ABi). P makes the mother of the man who ' blasphemed the Name ' son of a woman of Dan by an Egyptian (Lev. 24 loy;).

4 In the Chronicler's list of tribes in which Levitical cities were appointed (i Ch.C54 1391./!'^) Dan appears to be omitted; but 7'. 61 [46] is obviously corrupt. A comparison with its source in Josh. 21 20-26 [P] shows that the name of Dan has dropped out, whilst the fact that Ephraim also, though preserved by L in i Ch. tiet (46], is dropped in MT shows that the omis- sion IS not intentional. It has accordingly been restored by Kau. in ns and Ki. in SBOT. In the enumeration of the towns by n.ime farther down (w. 67 [52]-8i [66]) Dan is again omitted (this time without the company of Ephraim) ; but the probable ex- planation of this omission of Dan is that either the Chronic'cr or .some cop);ist has accidentallY omitted Josh. 21 23; for the con.sequence is th.it 7'. 24 is copied as if it belonged to r-. 22, Aijalon and (jath-riminon being assigned to Ephraim, and the Kohathite cities becoming eight, instead often, as suted above in I Ch.Gei [4s].

5 Hushim(HSM) = Shuham(HM).

9. Apocalyptic notions.[edit]

It is a fact, however, that in later times Dan was in disrepute. In the Targums, indeed, as we have seen, the tribe is held in high esteem ; but in Talmudic times this is changed. Thus Midr. Rab. on Numb. declares that when Jeroboam went from tribe to tribe none joined him so readily as Dan. In the Talmud (Shabhath 66), accordingly, Dan represents idolatry. Further, out of the very same passages so favourably interpreted in the Targunis, there was evolved, in connection with Icr. S16, the remarkable notion (appearing in Test. xii. fair/) th.-it Hcliar is in some peculiar way connected with the trilie, which, it is declared, will transgress against Levi and ludah, 'for in the Book of Enoch it is said that their ruler is Satan ; but the salvation of the Lord will arise out of Judah and Levi, and he will fight against Beliar." With this is connected the tradition that the Antichrist is to come of the tritje of Dan. Already in Ircii. (v. 3O2) we find the fancy it may be more than a fancy tli.it this is the explanation of the omission of Dan from the list uf those that are sealed (Kev. "5-8). n. w. H.