Encyclopaedia Biblica/David (city of)-Destruction (city of)

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(IH l^i;), 2 Sam. 57 i K.2io, See JERUSALEM.


1. Ancient reckoning.[edit]

Among the ancients the day was reckoned in a great variety of ways. ' The Babylonians reckoned from sunrise to sunrise, the Athenians from sunset to sunset, the Umbrians from noon to noon, the common people everywhere from dawn to dark, the Roman priests and those by whom the civil day has been defined, as also the Egyptians and Hipparchus, from midnight to midnight ' (Plin. //.V 279, 188). ' From dawn to dark' {ab luce ad tenebras) was the ancient and ordinary meaning of a day (ci") among the Israelites ; night, as being the time 'when no man can work' (Jn. 94), might, it was considered, be left out of account altogether, or, at all events, as being the evident complement of the ' day and involved in it, did not rccjuire explicit mention. Thus the word ' day ' came to have a twofold meaning : at one time signifying the period from sunrise to sunset ; at another including day's inseparable accompaniment, the night, and embracing the whole period from one sunrise to the ne.\t. Only in ca.ses where the contrast had to be brought out, or there was risk of ambiguity, was it necessary to name the night (.n'^'S) expressly, as, for example, in Gen. 7412 31 39. Apart from dv and the combination of or and Th\ the Hebrews pos- sessed no expression for the civil day as including day and night ; for the designation n^^ anj;, ' evening morning,' which makes its first appearance in the second century B.C. (Dan. 814), equivalent to the Greek vvxOr)fxepoi> (2 Cor. 11 25), is but a combination precisely similar to the older ov and r\h'^.

The Israelites regarded the morning as the beginning of the day ; in the evening the day ' declined ' or ' went down,' and until the new day (ina, 'morning') broke it was necessary to ' tarry all night ' (cp Judg. 196-9 and the series in Nu. II32, 'all that day and all the night and all the next day '). Not till post-exilic times do we find traces of a new mode of reckoning which makes day begin at sunset and continue till the sunset follow- ing. In P, it is true, the expression 'day and night' {e.g. , Lev. 835 Nu. 9 21) is unhesitatingly used, not ' night and day,' and the evening following the fourteenth day of the first month is regarded as the evening of that day (Ex. 12 i8) ; but Lev. 2332 certainly reckons the day as extending from evening to evening, and the same mode of reckoning seems to have been in the mind of the writer (P) when, after describing the work of each day, he invariably adds, ' So there was evening and there was morning, a first [second, third, etc.] day' (Gen. I58 13, etc., ^v'^V, ':. nnx c'v "li^a-.Ti a'lJT'n-i). The later mode of reckoning is shown also in the above-mentioned expression in Dan. 814 (ipia y^rp), in the order of the words ' evening, morning, noon' in Ps. 55 17 [18], and in the ' night and day,' ' night or day,' of the late passages Is. 273 34 10 Esth. 4i6.^ In connection with this later Jewish custom one has to remember the importance which the new moon (visible only in the evening) had for the Israelites in the determination of their feasts, and it nmst not be forgotten that other ancient peoples who observed lunar divisions of time (Athenians, Gauls, Germans) also began their day with evening. All the same, it is undeniably a somewhat unnatural mode of reckoning, and as far as Israel is concerned can have come into use only when it was desired to fix times with legal and uniform precision for the nation at large.

1 In Dt. 2866 Jer. 14 17 the original text had 'day and night ' (see (S) ; a late transcriber substituted ' night .-ind day ' in accord- ance with the mode of expression current in his own time.

2. Its sub-division among the Israelites.[edit]

The ancient Israelites had no precise subdivision of the day for accurate measurement of time. They designated the various periods of the day by the natural changes which marked its successive stages, or by the successive occupations in ordinary daily routine. Thus it was in the nature of things that morning (ij^i), midday (cnns), and evening (a-iy) should be distinguished, and equally so that morning should be spoken of as the rising of the morning, the breaking of the day (Gen. 19 15 3224 [25]), or the rising of the sun (Gen. 19 23 3231 [32]) ; midday, the heat of the day (Gen. 18 1 i S. 11 n) or the height of the day [EV the perfect day] (Prov. 4 18) ; afternoon, the time of the day's decline (Judg. 198) ; and evening, the time of the goin;:^ down of the sun (Gen. 15 12 17) or of ' the wind of the day ' or evening breeze (Gen. 38 Cant. 2 17 [when the day is cool] 46). Specially noticeable is the expression D'aij;,"! pa, ' between the two evenings, ' met with only in P (Ex.l26 16ia 293941 308 Lev.235 Nu.935" 2848), which can mean only 'towards evening,' 'about the evoninR time," since it is used to indicate the same period tha( is called in Dt. 166 the time of the going down of the sun (cp Kx. 1'26 Nu. 93511). Whether the form ought to be taken as a dual, and ' the two evenings ' understood as meaning ' the evening of the sun and the evening of its still visible light,' may be left an open ciuestion ; but it is important to note that the evening sacrifice prescribed by the law to be made D'SiyJl J"3 ' > towards evening (Ex.293941 Nu. 2848) was offered in the first century of our era in the afternoon between half-past two and half-past three (cp Jos. An/, xiv. 43 and .Mishna, Pcujhimbi ; also Acts 3 1 10 3 30, where the prayer associated with the evening sacrifice also is made at the ninth hour), and that only the Samaritans and Karaites maintain the old correct interpretation. The change possibly may not have taken place till after the Maccabean [)eri(xi ; for in Daniel (9 21) the daily offering is still spoken of as siy nms. 'the evening oblation,' and no place in the OT gives any hint of a change (cp on the other hand, the reminiscences of psalmody by night in the temple : i Ch. 933 2830 Ps. 9223 [34] 134 i; cp 119 62). Ry reference to functions of daily recurrence, morning is called 'the time of incense ' (Lk. 1 10) ; the middle of the afternoon, the time of the offering of the Minha (i K. I82936) ; and the evening, ' the time that women go out to draw water' (Gen. 24ii), or ' the time of the evening oblation ' (Dan. 921 ; cp Kzra94/. ). Cpalso ' cock-crowing ' as denoting early morning (Mk. 14 30 72).

3 The term 'hour'[edit]

The OT affords no evidence that the Israelites divided their day into twelve hours as the Babylonians did. The sundial (?) of Ahaz (2 K.2O9-11 Is. 888), whatever it was (see DIAL), did not lead to a more accurate measurement of time on the part of the people, and even at so late a date as that of Daniel (4 16 65) the Aramaic word nyr ( 'hour') does not mean any e.xact portion of time. Reckoning by hours is met with first in the NT, where the day consists of twelve hours (Jn. 11 9) or twelfths simply designated as first [second, etc.] of the day, reckoned as beginning at sunrise (cp.\cts2 IS Mt. 2O3 56 2745 46 etc. ). The hour was ilius with the Jews a variable quantity, as it was also with the Babylonians, the twelfth part of the day ranging fiom forty-nine to seventy-one minutes according to the season of the year. The division of the day into twelve parts and the further development of the sexa- gesimal system as a whole had commended itself to the ftibylonians from their observation that, at the vernal equinox, the time between the api>earance of the first direct ray of the sun and that of visibility of the entire disk above the horizon amounted to a 360th of the whole time during which the sun was visible in the heavens, or the 720th part of a full day reckoned from one sunrise to another.

4. Night watches[edit]

Equal divisions of the night were of older date than equal divisions of the day. Three night-watches were recognised : the first (ni"CK B*kn ; Lam. 2:19) the middle (r^:\ym'npv^:^^, Judg. 7:19; within which, of course, midnight fell, Ex. 11 4) and the last (-ij^in rrpvK ; Kx. 14 24 i S. 11 n). From the NT we learn that, in the first century of our era at le.ist, the Roman division into four watches had in common use superseded the old division into three (Mk. 1835 6\f/i, fuaovvKTiov, dXfKTopo^w'/o[i] and irpwi ; Mt. I425 Mk. 648 Lk. I238, cp Actsl24). From the division of the day into twelve hours the step to a similar division of the night was easy (so, certainly, in Acts 28 23 ; cp also Acts 16 33 Lk. 12 39 and, for the last-cited passage, see the parallel in Mt. 2443 which speaks of ' watch," not ' hour").

' Day ' is sometimes used in a half-metaphorical sense. Thus in Hos. 2157511 means ' high day ' ; in lob 3 t ' birth-day ' ; in Jer. 5O27 Job 18 20 15 23 Ps. 37 13, etc., 'day of doom ' ; in Is. 3 [4I ' day of battle.' On the expression ' day of Yahwe ' (Joel 1 ij F.zck. 135 Is. 212) and 'day of Judgment' (2 Pel. 87 rfiiifxi. itpt<re(i*t) see KsciiA loi.fx.v, i. Paul u*c the exprcksion ai^pwiricij i9fi'pa (i Cor. 4 1) in coiurait to mi^pa tou jcv/mou (Lk, 17 24 I Cor. 1 H (see Var. llib. J ; it) nvpitunt ruitpa, Rev. 1 10 ; see I.okd's Day) to mean an ordinary 'day of trial' ((irimm(>) compares Landtag, Keichtlag;). See an. ' Tag ' in Winer's Miyii, as also in /'RK, and Richm's HlVlf; Itrn/inKcr, HA aoa/; Nowack, //-'M214/; Hcrzfcld, 67 7 ('57) 2 184/ and SchOrer, Gy/'i-2T,i 3rd cd. 2290. k. y^


(DV -SQ^ NU.II3, ; hmPAC oAoc. Lk. 244)- See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. For ' sabbath day's journey,' see Sabbath, 4, n.


(n^SID), Job 933 EV ; EV""!:- Umpire (see Murray under ' daysman ' ; Davidson quotes Spenser, FtrrieQuten, ii. 8 28). (S"**"* renders by fuairijt Kol iX^yx^y- See Law anu Justice, 10.

DAY STAR[edit]

I. ("p!?*?! ; coC(t)Opoc). Is. 14 la RV ; 2. ((})60Cct)Opoc). 2 I'et. 1 19. See LUCIFER.


(Aiakonoc)- 1. yV;.' Won/. We may consider first the use of the word and of its cognates.

1. Usage in Gospels[edit]

In the Gospels the word iiaxovot is used (i) literally, of a servant who prepares or serves a meal, Mt. 2213 Jn. 259; (2) metaphorically (Mk. 935 10 43 |1 Mt. 23 11 2026, Jn. 1226). it is never used by Lk. who, in what seems a parallel to sayings in Mk., prefers the participle 6 i<uco><ui' (22 2ty.) ; in one place (10 40), however, he uses Siaxofia of the preparation of a meal. The verb {SiaKoveiy) is likewise used (i) literally, of preparing or supplying food (Mk. 4 13 II Mt. 4 1 1 of the angels) ; 1 31 (ij Mt. Lk.), Lk. 10 40 1237 17 8 Jn. 12 2 Mt. 2.-44 (rather more widely); and auain somewhat more widely (Mk. IS 41 \, Mt. 2755 Lk. 83) of the women who ministered to Jesus in his journeyings in Galilee; (2) metaphorically (Lk. '2236/.; Jn. 12 26).

The ordinary word for a servant in the Clospels is Sov\oi, a bond -servant or slave; but a 5oOAo? may be calKd upaii to SiaKovtlf (l.k. 177/.), and in discliarj;c of this function may be termed Siclkovoi; (Mt. 22 8 10 12). AoOAof emphasises relation to a master ; itoKOfOV, performance of service. The latter word is free from the .Lssoci.uiDns of slavery which belong to the firmer. It wxs thus titled for adoption as the description of any form of Christian service rendered to Christ or to his Church.

2. In Acts[edit]

Accordingly in Acts we find &tajeovia frequently in this sense : Acts 1 17 25, as in the SioKot'Ca of apostleship ; 6 1, the daily jtaxofia by which the needs of the poorer brethren weresupplied ; and, in contrast to this, the Siajtovia of the word (64). In 11 29 and 12 25 itaxoi-ta is used of the help in the famine rendered by .Antioch to the brethren in J udaia (a sense which recurs in Paul's epistles). In '20 24 Paul sjjeaks more generally of fulliilinj; the Siaxofia. which he liiLs received of the Lord Jesus; and in 21 19 he decl.ires what (lod has wrousht among the (lentiles through his jiojcoi'ta. The word 5taxoi'o does not occur at all in .\cts (as it d<.s not in Lk.) ; but Sieucofetf is used in a literal sense in 2 of serving the tables ; and met.iphorically of Timothy and Erastus, who ' ministered ' to Paul (li' 22).

3. In Epistles[edit]

In the first of the four chronological groups of the Pauline epistles, the only instance of the word or its cognates is 1 Thess. 3 2, where Timothy is called 'the Siokovo^ (or ervyfpyo^, AV^* arm.] of God in the gospel of Christ.' In the second group the words are freely used. Paul and .\pollos are ' diaxovoi ilirough whom ye believed ' (i Cor. 3 5). ' Differences of JiaxoWat ' are spoken of in 12 5 ; and of the household of tStephanas the remarkable phrase is used, ' they appointed (or set ') themselves unto iioKovia to the saints ' (10 15). This passage alone wouM show that the words were not yet limited to an official use. In 2 Cor. the most noteworthy passages are 84 19 20 9 i 12 13, where the words are applied to the collection in the Greek cliurches for the poor saints in Jerusalem, a service on which Paul laid the greatest stress as being a means of cementing the union between the Jewish and the Gentile portions of the Church. The Epistle to the Romans (162531) shows us his anxiety on this matter, and his fixed resolve to carry out his project in person at any risk to liberty or life. Here again, then, Siojcovtlv and Siaxovia are used of the mini.stration to temporal needs. In the same epistle (11 13) occur the notable words ' I glorify my {toxofia* (as apostle of the Gentiles) ; and the wide range with which he uses the term is seen when he speaks of the temporal ruler as 'the Sidxovoi of God' (13 4). 1 he application of the word to PIiicIh; of Cenchreae (16 i) will be considered presently (i 4).

In the third group Paul himself is twice styled a ' iidjcovot of the gospel ' (Eph. 87 Col. 1 23), and once 'a JiaxofOf of t('e church (Col. 1 24 yi). Tychicus is twice described as 'the beloved brother and faithful Jioxoiw in the Lord ' (Eph. 6 21 CoL 47; in the latter place the description ' fellow-servant ' also is inserted); similarly, 'Epaphras, who isa faitliful SiaKovoi, on our behalf, of Christ' (Col. 1 7). "Ihe work of 6taoWa is referred to in the widest sense in Eph. 4 12 ; and in Col. 417 Archippus receives the message : ' Look to the SiaxovCa which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou mayest fullil it.' In Philemon Paul says of Onesimus the runaway slave, ' that on thy behalf he may minister to me ' (Sianoirf, v. 13). In Philip, pians the only instance is of special importance ; for the epistle is addressed ' to all the saints ... in Philippi, together with CTTiVieoTrot and hiaKOVoi * (1 i).

The fourth group consists of the Pastoral Epistles ; and here the general sense of the words is still the most frequent. The apostle thanks (Jod (i Tim. 1 12) for having appointed him unto tioKovia.. Timothy is to be a good t.6.Kovo<i of Christ Jesus (4 6), and is charged to fulfil his fiiaitoi'ia (2 Tim. 4 5). Of Onesiphorus the apostle recalls how he ' ministered ' in Kphesus (1 is); and of ALirk he s.iys, 'he is useful to me for hiaKovia.' (4 ii). On the other hand, the passage of most importance for our purpose is the code of regulations laid down in i Tim. 38-13 for a class of persons who are definitely designated iioKOfoi.

4. Case of Phoebe.[edit]

Before considering these regulations we may return to Rom. 16:1, ' I commend to you Ph(jcbe our sister, who is [also] fiaxofot of the church which is in Cenchrea;.' It is possible to interpret the word here either in the general sense in which Paul uses it so often, or in the official sense which we find in the later epistles to the Philippians and to Timothy. It is no objection to the official sense that the person so designated is a woman ; for we shall presently see that at Ephesus the Order included deacons of either sex.

On the other hand, since there is not in the two earlier groups of Paul's epistles any other indication that inaKOvia. is a special office in the Church, this, which occurs in the second group, would be a solitary and somewhat puzzling exception. More- over, as Cenchreae was the E. port of Corinth, this case practi- cally belongs to the Ciirinthian church. In that church special mention is made of the fiiaicoi'ia of .Stephanas and his household, the word hiaKovia. being used in its broadest sense. There also Chloe and her household were of note. It may be, therefore, that Phcebe was another woman of influence who held a corre- sponding pre-eminence of service in the neighbouring port, a pre-eminence that earned for her at the apostle's hands the honourable title of StotKoeof of the church ; for she had been a helper (perhaps we should render it 'a patroness,' np6<nam^) of many and of the apostle himself. If we could assume that the diaconate was formally established in the Corinthian church at this time, we should certainly conclude that Phoebe was one of the wonien who served it ; but this assumption is in sharp contrast with the silence of Paul's epistles as to any kind of definite ecclesiastical organisation at Corinth.

Of Phcebe, then, we may say with security that she is a witness to the important services rendered by women in the primitive Church ; but in tracing the history- of the diaconate It will not be wise to assume that the word &i6.Kovo<i is used of her in the strictly official sense. As a matter of historical evidence this passage miist be left out of the count as being, at any rate, uncertain testimony. For a technical diaconate in Paul's writings we are thus reduced to two passages, Phil. 1 i and I Tim. 88-13.

5 Origin of Diaconate.[edit]

II. Origin and functions of the Diaconate. The first recognition of any need of organisation in the Christian community occurs in connection with the daily meal in Jerusalem (see Church. 11). The word deacon is not applied in .Acts to the seven men who were on this occasion appointed to the service of the poor ; ^ we have already noted that Siolkovo^ does nor occur in Lk. or Acts. Nevertheless, by the later Church tradition, they were constantly regarded as the earliest deacons ; and so strong was this feeling that the number of deacons in some churches was limited to seven. Names apart, they truly represented the essential feature of the diaconate, as the Church's organ for service to her poorer members. In other communities, especially in the Greek world, this service was destined to take a different form ; but the deacons of the Pauline epistles at Philippi and Ephesus had a similar function, though the circumstances in which they discharged it were very dissimilar. The definite title is met with first in the Greek churches, and here the order from its commence- ment is found to include the services of men and women alike. The admission of women to the diaconate could scarcely have arisen in the Jewish communities ; but it was probably felt to be natural in places where women were in general accorded a larger liberty. WTiilst then we recognise the germ of the institution in the appointment of the Seven in Jerusalem, we must look to the Greek churches for the development of the definite and permanent order.

I Cp Hatch, Early Christian Churches, 49. 1039

As the personal ministry of Paul drew to a close, and as it became evident that the ' return ' of Christ was indefinitely postponed, it was natural that ecclesiastical organisation should assume a new and increasing im- portance. It is in harmony with this that we find the apostle in a later epistle recognising expressly ' the bishops and deacons ' at F'hilippi, very much as he had recognised the ' episcopate ' of the presbyters of liphesus. when he thought that he should see them again no more (Acts 2O28). 'Those who ruled,' and ' those who served ' under them, were coming to form definite classes, to which the natural designations of overseers (^ir/<TK07roi) and servants (SidAcocot) were beginning to be formally appropriated.

6. Functions[edit]

Accordingly, in the first epistle to Timothy the apostle lays down regulations for the two classes under these titles. The differences in the regulations help to show us the nature of the functions to be discharged in the two cases (i Tim. 81-13). The rules which should govern the choice of deacons must be cited in full :

' De.-icons in like manner must be grave, not double-tongued, not given to much wine, not eager for petty gains, holding the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. And they too are first to be tested, and then to minister, if they be irreproach- able. Women in like manner must be grave, not slanderers, sober, faithful in all things. Deacons are to be husbands of one wife, ruling well their children and their own houses ; for they that have ministered well acquire a good standing for themselves and much boldness in the faith which is in Christ Jesus.'

The essence of these regulations is that deacons, whether men or women, must be persons of character, who can rule their tongues and are temperate in the use of wine. Trustworthiness is demanded of the woman, as strict honesty is of the man : this doubtless points to the fact that Church moneys would pass through their hands. Deacons are to know what they believe, and to live in accordance with it ; but no aptitude for teaching is demanded of them, nor any qualifications for exercising discipline. The service of the deacons is the house to house service, which deals primarily with temporal wants.

In the AV the women spoken of here are represented as the wives of the deacons. This interpretation puts a serious strain on the original Greek, and it is now generally abandoned. It finds no parallel in any demand for special qualifications in the w ives of bishops. It belongs to a period when the diaconate of women had been wholly lost sight of ; and it cannot be main- tained in face of the fact that women were undoubtedly admitted to this office in the early ages of the Church's history.

For the later confusion between deaconesses and widows see Widow ; and for a full historical account of the female dia- conate see The Ministry 0/ Deaconesses by Deaconess Cecilia Kobinson (98). j. a. R.

DEAD, THE, and DEATH[edit]

1. Disposal of the dead.[edit]

The preliminaries may first be briefly considered. To kiss the dead (Gen. 50:1) and to close their eyes (Gen 46:4) and mouth (Mishna, Shab.lZ^) immediately after death was looked upon as a deed of natural piety. In NT times the body was washed (Acts 937), anointed with sweet -smelling ointments (Mk. I61 Lk. 24i Jn. I27), and wrapped in linen cloth (Mt. 27s9 Mk. 1646 Lk. 2853), or the hands and feet were bound with grave-clothes and the head covered with a napkin (Jn. II44). The age of these customs must remain uncertain, as they are not alluded to in OT ; but the old belief that in SheOl the dead would lie known by their dress, the king by his diadem, the soldier by his sword, the prophet by his mantle ( i S. 2814 Kzek. 3227), leads to the inference that the dead were buried dressed as in life. In later times, delicate foods, ornaments, gold and silver, and all kinds of valuables were placed with the body in the graves of princes and nobles ' (Jos. Ant. xv. 84). If what we read (Jos. Ant. xiii. 84 xvi. 7 1) as to the plundering of Davids grave by Hyrcanus and Herod is to be accepted, this custom also is very old. Kmbalming [</.i'. ] was not in use. On sacrifices to the dead, cp KscjiATouxiV, 3.

The usual method of dis|X)sing of the dead was by burial (Gen. 23 19 259 358 Judg. -29 831 etc. ). In i S. 31 8-13, wiiere we n-ad of the burning of the Ixxly of Saul, the text is corrupt (see Klost. ad loc.), as is also the case with Am. 610.^ Burning was looked upt)n as something abominable, as an injury to the dead (Am. 2i) ; it was used, by priestly law and old custom, only in a few cases, to render the death sentence more severe (Josh. 725 l-ev. 2O14 219) ; cp Law and Ju.stick, 12. The aversion to the burning of the lx)dy was con- nected with the belief that the soul even after death was bound to the body. Not to Ix; buried was a terrible disgrace which one could hardly wish even to one's greatest enemy (Am. 2i i K. I322 14 n I64 21 24 2 K. 9io ls.33i2 Jer.732 82 922 [21] 14i6 I64 E/.ek.295). The spirits of the unburied dead wander restlessly about, and in ShCol are condemned to lie in the corners (lizek. 3223 Is. 14 15 etc.). Burial alone so bound the spirit to the body that it had rest and could harm no one. It was therefore the sacred duty of every one who found a corpse in the open field to give it burial (i K. 14ii I64 21 24 Jer. 7 33 2 S. 21 10, and especially Tob. 1 18 28). In c;irsfs of death by stoning the pile of stones took the place of a regular grave (Josh. 726). Cp the Greek idea as given, for example, in the Antigone of Sophocles.

Rapid interment wa.s necessary on account of the hot climate, and even without express biblical authority we may assume that then, as now, in the East, it usually took place on the day of death (cp Dt. 21 23). The body was carried to the grave on a bier (2 S. 831 [nao] ; Lk. 7 14 [aopos]). Coffins were not used by the Israelites (2 K. 1321); Joseph's bones were placed in a cortin (p-ix; (jop6%) in conformity with the custom of the Egyptians (Gen. 5O26).* The stone coffin (sarcophagus) was adopted by the Jews (as also by the Phoenicians) from the p:gyptians long after the e.xile, but only by the wealthy. The procession of friends, who would of course often be mourners,^ was accompanied by hired mourners singing lamentations (2 S. 331 ; cp Mourni.ng Customs).** The place of burial was determined by the txjlief that the unity of the family and trilx; continued after death. The Ixsdies of those who wished to be reunited with their parents and family in ShCol had to be buried in the family sepulchre (see To.MBS, Esciiatoi.(k;v).

See BenzinRer, Arch. ('94), 23; Nowack, If A ('94), g 32; and Bender in JQK, 18947; 1. B.

' On Jobs 15, where some pl.-iusibly find an allusion to the treasures in royal tombs, see Tomhs.

2 See, however, the ingenious suggestions of WRS Rel. Sem.-> 372. Wellh. is fully conscious of the difficulty of Am. 610 (Die AV. Pn)ph.(i) 87); also Schwally, Dm Ltben nach dem Tode, 48.

5 In Job"Jl32 tropof (bier, coffin) is used in 0a to render Cfnji 'tomb' or 'sepulchral mound"; but vioputv [BC] or <rupu [K] is the better reading. See To.mbs.

  • Cp Bed, 8 3.

3 Cp Lk.7i2. Whether we may compare Job2l33^ is un- certain. Di. denies, Duhm affirms this. The whole passage is obscure and not very coherent.

6 On the mourning-women in primitive Babylonia see Maspero, DaivH of Civ. 684. They also washed, prepared, and arranged the dead body.

2. Biblical references.[edit]

'Death' (010. G&NATOc) can mean, not only the process or state of death, but also the realm of the dead, 'Death-land.' See Is. 28:15 Hos. 13:24 Ps. 65 [9] 9:13[14] 22:15 [16] 68:20 [21] 89:48 [49] 107:18 Prov. 218 727 Job 28 22 38 .7 Rev. I18 (58 20 13/ In Rev. 68 RV prints Death, to correspond to Hades. Both are personifications ; cp the later Jewish representations of Ab.vudon ['/.f. ] and Maivcth ( ' Death ' ) as two of God's chief angels (cp Dkstkovkr). 'The dead' in AV corresponds not only to cnti.i (often) but also to c"kbi.t (Ps. 8810 [11] Prov. 2i8 9i8 21 16 Is. 149 261419; inconsistently Job 26 5, ' dead things ' ). R V sometimes has ' they that are deceased' (e.g.. Job 265); in mg. always 'the shades; Heb. Rephaim.'

We will examine the alxjve passages, beginning with : (a) Job'JOs, of which Schultens remarks, ' Subita nox diem solemquc adiniit.' KV, and virtually Davidson, render thus

They that are deceased tremble
Beneath the waters and the inhabitants thereof.

Davidson comments, ' This atxxle of deceased persons lies deep down under the waters of the sea and all the inhabitants uf these waters, for the sea belongs to the upper world. Yet the power of Ood is felt even at this immeasurable distance from his abode on high.' To us this may appear natur.-il ; but to those who l>c- lievcd that the ' shades ' were ' forgotten by God ' (Ps. 88 5 (6]), it would .scarcely appear so. The Hebrew of '.'ti 5 is also not worthy of the context. Probably we should read (/i>/. Timet, 10 383 tMay '99]) :

He makes the sea and its billows to start (in alarm).
He terrifies the waters and the floods thereof*

(i^) In Ps. 88 10 [11] the shades are represented as incapable of 'arising and praisin)^ (lod.' In 'arise' Kirkpatrick sees a refer- ence to the re^urrecttoIl, an idea which the psalmist finds incon- ceivable, (c) Prov. '2 m/., no return from the shades, {d) Prov. 9 18. Those who frequent the house of .Madam Folly (v. I3)are, as it were, shades already (anticipating Dante). (<) Prov. "Jl 16. Folly leads surely to the shades. (_/")Is. I49. When the over- thrown king of Babylon appears in .SheOl, the shades themselves, especially the royal shades, are in excitement. Some tidings of his greatness have reached them, and they marvel to sec one who had claimed to sit with the gods reduced to their own miserable state. The poet takes some liberty with the popular belief, or else revives an earlier form of it. In the legend of 15tar, /. 19, we read, ' I will raise up the dead to cat the living. '2 {g) Is. 'Hy 1419. ' The shades will not rise ... to life sh.ill the earth bring the shades' {SBOT). The resurrection hope. See ESCHATOLOGY, 28^

3. Origin of term Repha'im[edit]

Bottcher (De inferis, wi ff.) derives the word .^^//!i:'/'/(Q'KB-i) from ^Jritr^, projicere. The giants are 'hurled' to Sheol, and then, as the chief inhabitants of Sheol give their name to the whole population. Duhm (on Is. 149 " and Job2(>5) holds the same view as to the transference of the title Repha'im from the giants to all other inhabitants of Deathland. This theory mis- takes the meaning of the Repha'lm of Gene-sis, Numbers, Deuteronomy, and gives a doubtful meaning to y^'.-rc")- It also assumes as correct a passage (Job 265) which is certainly corrupt. It is an old view revived (see Schultens on Job, 1737, p. 705). Most critics, however, hold that Rcphd'im'\^c flaccid, weak,' a natural development of y^nST (cp Jer. 624 etc.). ' .\rt thou also become weak [r\'Sn) as we?' ask the shades (Is. 14 10, RV). But this is far too easy, and the Hebrews would hardly have spoken of the spirits of the dead as 'the weak ones.' ' I see a god coming up out of the earth,' says the wise woman to -Saul (iS. 2813 R\'). The word ought to mean 'the terrible,' or 'the wise,' or the like. In the later OT books the condition of those in .Sheol is por- trayed in very gloomy colours ; but these books do not express the primitive jxjpular belief. No doubt Repha'im is a mutilated or modified form of some primitive religious term. A sister-form is most probably TERAPHIM [q.v.]. Cp Sayce, Hibbert l^cts. 450, n. 5.

I I. B., 2/ T. K. C.

1 on'Sapi c;o nnnp vVji d;,t pan.

> Jastrow, Rel. o/Bab^andAss. 569.


the usual designation of the lake in which the course of the Jordan terminates, occurs nowhere in the OT or NT though it was not uncommon in antiquity (0(iXa<r<ra'6fpd ; Paus. v. 73; Galen 420; Justin xxxvi. 36; Eus. C>.S' 261 32), and is found in Vg. of Josh. 3 i6t [mare solitudinis quod nunc vacatur mortuum).

1. Names[edit]

In the OT this lake is occa-sionally called simply 'the sea' (0^, four times, and in the e.vpression 'from sea to sea'): also ' the Salt sea ' (17^1 C^, nine times ; ^ SaAacro-a tmi- aAut> [oAof , 17 oAi/nj], mare satis, m. salsissimuni) \ 'the sea of the plain,' RV 'sea of the Arahah' ('"^^T^ri C^ five times; \i\\ 0dXauT<ra. [r^] 'Xpafia; mare satitudinis, m. deserti ; in the three places where both designations are employed 'Salt sea' is used to explain the expression 'sea of the Arabah ') ; and, in three places, ' the eastern least, former] sea ' ('P"l|3ri D'H : 17 $dXa<T<Ta ri irpbs afaroAo? oivKcivo?, rj 6. r] irpu>TH ', mare ortentaU).^ In Diod. Sic. (-'4'i 1998) and in Josephus (often; see especially BJ'w.^Ai) it is "ACTi^Tiri? Ai>cr) ; so also in I'liny {lacus As- phaltitfs; /I.Vv. IS 15). josephus also has 17 SoSo/uLiTts KifLin) (Ant. V. 1 22); cp the Sodfonntish sea' (///arjr Sodoiniticuni) of Esd. 5 7. This name occurs also in Edrisi (3 5, transl. Jaubert, 1 338), who calls it the sea of Sodom and Gomorrah and the sea of Za'rah (Zoar). lis name in Arabic (at least since the eleventh century) is Bukriar Buheirat) Lut ; but this does not prove the name of Lot to h.ive remained attached to the sea in local tradition for four thousand years. It arises simply from the fact that Lot and the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah are men- tioned in the Koran.

From the biblical point of view the Dead Sea is not very important. The references to it in the OT occur generally in topographical connections, especially in deliniiions of the eastern frontier of the land of Israel. There are two notable exceptions : (a) where it conies into the story of the Cities of the Plain, and [b) where it is referred to in the prophetic descriptions of Kzek. 47 and Zech. 148. The NT does not refer to it at all.

2. Geographical interest.[edit]

From the geographical point of view it is otherwise : the interest of this lake is quite extraordinary. The Jordan valley, running from N. to S. begins to sink below sea-level as far N. as a little below Lake Haleh ; the Lake of Galilee is some 680 feet lower, and thence the 'Arabah or Ghor continues to fall till the surface of the Dead Sea is reached at a distance below the sea of some i30o'-* feet. At the opposite extremity of this lake ends another valley, coming from the S. , formerly called the ARABAH [/.r'.]. Thus the lake constitutes the deepest portion of what is the most strongly marked depression (unconnected with the sea) on the surface of the globe.' It has no effluent. Should the question be asked, whether in former times the Jordan, after passing through the Dead Sea, may not have flowed on southward falling at last into the Red Sea (Elanite Gulf or Gulf of 'Akabah), it may suffice to point out how much below sea-level the Dead Sea is, and further, that the valley to the S. of the Dead Sea is really two valleys, One runs N. , the other S. , and the intersection or watershed is at a height of 650 feet above the level of the Red Sea and of the Mediterranean (according to the PEF survey).-* Thus the two basins are hydrographically distinct, which is confirmed by a stratigraphical study of the sedimentary deposits on the valley floor (Lartet).

3. Geological investigation[edit]

The geological investigation of Palestine and of the Dead Sea, carried on mainly by Fraas, Lartet, Hull, and Blanckenhorn, has proved, contrary to previous ideas, that the Dead Sea cannot possibly date from the historical epoch, and that it must have presented, at any rate from the beginning of the quaternary epoch, practically the same aspect and configuration as at present. Traces can still be seen, however, of a past time when the water stood as much as 1180 feet above its present level, as well as of another phase in which the difference was only 348 feet ; in short, the waters have gradually subsided to their present position.

1 Notwithstanding the continued advocacy of the wrong view in PEFQ, 1898, 112-13, ' is certain that jiinN.T D'H in Dt. 34 2 (AV 'the utmost sea'; RV 'the hinder .sea,' mg. 'the western sea') is not the Dead Sea but the Mcditerr.inean ; cp Dt. 11 24.

2 The (not very wide) variations from this figure can for the most part be explained by differences between one se.-ison and another, which can cause the level of the lake to rise or fall some 10 or 15' feet. It is at its highest in April and May.

3 The discovery of the great depth of the suriace of the Dead Sea below sea-level belongs to modern times ; it was made in- dependently and almost simultaneously by Schubert on the one hand, and Moore and Heek on the other, in 1837 ; and afterwards confirmed by Russegger and by Symonds. , ^ . ,

  • Ihe distance from the watershed to the Red Sea is about

46 ra., and to the Dead Sea over 73 m.


The actual level is that at which the evaporation exactly counterbalances the daily influx of water from the Jordan and the other affluents. Of these List, the chief, includint; cert.im winter torrents, are : (a) on the eastern side, reckoning from N. to S., the Wady Ghuweir, the Wadys Zerka-Ma'in (Callirrhoe)- MOjib (Arnon), Heni-Hamad, ed-Deraa (Kerak), Numfireh, el- Ahsa (or es-afiyeh) ; '(b) on the S., the Wadys Tufileh, el-Jeib, el-Fikreh (these three traverse a marshy plain, the Sebkhah, whicli stretches immediately southwards from the Dead Sea and is bordered by gigantic thickets of reed.s) ; (c) on the western side, going from S. to N., the Wady el-.\luhauivat, the Wady Seyal (to the S. of which lies .Sebbeh, the ancient fortress of Ma.sada), the spring of "Ain-Jedy (Engedi), the Wady cn-Nar (Kedron), and the -spring of 'Ain el-Feshkhah (cp Beth-Akabah), to the S. of which is the headland known as Ras el-Feshkhah.

The amount of daily evaporation ^ has been estimated at i3i millimetres, and the daily contribution of the Jordan alone at 6,000,000 tons (the volume of the Rhone at its infiux into the Lake of Geneva is 22,000,000 tons). Another feature of it is its great density, which arises from its salinity (the mean is 1. 166). At a depth of 1000 feet the solid matters contained in the water represent 27 per cent of the total weight. These sub- stances are mainly chlorides of sodium, magnesium, and calcium, also certain derivatives of bromium. The chloride of magnesium gives the water a very dis- agreeable taste ; the chloride of calcium gives it its slightly oily consistency. The eyes, and some assert also the skin, are powerfully affected by contact with it. Garments receive from the evaporating water a saline deposit, with indelible spots of an oily appearance. The salt encrusts also the many trees and pieces of wood which lie stranded on the shore ; so much so that they form a characteristic feature of the landscape, and recall the striking antithesis in Jer. 175-8.

4. Characteristic features.[edit]

A bath in the Dead Sea at once proves its difference in density from other seas or from fresh-water lakes. Eggs float on it. The human body being lighter than the water, swimming becomes difficult, the head alone of the swimmer tending to sink. The boiling point of the water is 221" F. It is remarkably limpid, and has a beautiful colour, now blue, now green. To think of this lake as sombre and sad is quite an illusion ; its intense colouring, its varied effects of light, its scarped overhanging slojx-'s broken by deep gorges, produce a picture of wild and sublime beauty. ' The scenery round the sea is very fine,' says Conder ; ' it is compared, by those who have seen both, to that of the Lake of Geneva ' The present writer, whose home is in Geneva, agrees with this com- parison, it being understood that it is between the northern portion of the Dead Sea and the eastern end of the Lake of Geneva towards the embouchure of the Rhone. Another common error about the De.id Sea is that its waters have no motion ; on the contrary, it is constantly agitated by the winds, and storms sometimes drive huge billows to the shore. It does not owe its name to this imagined immobility, but rather to the fact that no sort of living creature fish, crustacean, mollusc, etc. can subsist in its waters, the only exceptions being certain inferior organisms and microties, as shown by the investigations of P^hrenbcrg and of the zoologist Lortet (not to be confused with the geologist Lartet). This fact which is conclusively proved by the death not only of the fish carried down into it by the Jordan (their bodies serve as food for numerous birds which frequent the neighbourhood), but also of salt-water fishes has given rise to various incorrect ideas. Thus it has been said that birds attempting to fly over it drop down dead ; this is a mere imagination a fable which, like a host of earlier witnesses, the present writer is able to contradict from ocular testimony or perhaps it may be the result of a confusion with some other lake (see Reland, 244/:). It is equally false to say that the shores of the Dead Sea derive their barrenness from the pernicious action of its waters. What hinders the growth of plants in its vicinity is not the presence of the lake itself, but the absence of fresh water whether from affluents or by precipitation. Wherever there is fresh running water, as at Engedi, where there is a thermal spring (79 K. ), vegetation nourishes (cp Cant. 1 14) and, as elsewhere throughout the Ghor, exhibits a com- bination of tropieal plants with others belonging to the Mediterranean region. Finally, the scant [wpulation of its shores is to be accounted for more by llie torrid temperature (above icx>^ V. in the shade) than by any infertility or positive insalubrity.

1 The evaporation produces whitish or bluish clouds which float above the water. Hence ' a smoking waste ' (Wisd. 10 7).

In fact, the lake has not always been so deserted : witness, for example, the town of TAMAR at the SW. extremity. Even the shores of the Sea uf Galilee have gradually conic to be wholly abandoned except in three or four localities. The shores of the Dead Sea too had once a very different aspect. Hoth in antiquity (we learn this from Tac. Hist. 56 and also from the Madeba mosaic) and so recently as the time of the Crusades when Kerak and other fortresses had such an important position, the waters of the Dead Sea were enlivened with passing vessels. Nor were the curative qualities of the water of the Dead Sea unknown in the Roman period. Julius Africanus speaks of these baths as wholesome (Reland, 253 /."), as also does Galen (iV'. 34iy.), who (wrongly) adds that an artificial substitute could be obtained by the simple expedient of saturating ordinary sea water with added salt. Mention is often made of the mcphitic odour exhaled by the Dead Soa (see Nibshan); but it has not been shown that the lake itself is the cause of this. It may be occasioned either by the marshy lagoons by which the lake is liorilcred, or by the mineral springs of the neighbourhood. The sulphurous odour, which reminds one of that of rotten eggs, is particularly noticeable near 'Ain cl-h'cshkhah.

5. Dimensions[edit]

The lake, as we have seen, lies N. and S. , with a maximum length of 47^ m. , a maximum breadth of 10 (Josephus gives 66 and 17 m. respectively) and a superficial area of 360 sq. m. (the Lake of Geneva being 224 sq. m. ).

It is divided into two unequal portions by a peninsula, 11-12 m. in length and about 40-80 ft. above the level of the lake, flat for the most part, but with a range of hills rising 300 ft. This peninsula, formed of white calcareous marl, with deposits of salt and gypsum, projects from the E. shore ; it is separated from the W. shore by a channel about 3 m. in breadth. The name of the fieninsula is el-Mczra'ah or el-Lisan ; the last designation, meaning 'the tongue," has been brought into connection with the mention of the prV (EV 'the bay [mg. : ' Heb. tongue'] that looketh southward ') in Josh. 1.^(25; but whilst the modern Arabic term is applied to the land in the middle of the lake, the two biblical pass;iges refer to the water at the two ends of the lake (cp Is. 11 15 ; ' the tongue of the Egyptian sea ').

The N. promontory of the Lisan has been named Cape Costigan and the .S. Cape Molyneux in honour of two bold explorers who navigated the Dead Sea in 1835 and 1847 respec- tively. We ought also to mention the expeditions of Moore and Ueek in 1837 and of Symonds in 1841, and especially that of Lieut. Lynch of the U.S. navy in 1848 and that of the Due de Luynes in 1864, both of which were of great importance.!

The portion of the Dead Sea to the N. of the Eisan is much the larger, and reaches a great depth ( 1278 ft. ). The S. smaller pt^rtion is quite shallow (10-18 ft.), and in parts even fordable. Possibly this portion is of less ancient date than the rest of the lake, and may have arisen within historic times in consetjuence of some sub- sidence of the land. The shores immediately bordering on this section are the most saline of the whole country. There are salt marshes in the neighbourhood, and it is there that, running parallel with the W. shore, the curious ridge of rock salt, a veritable hors d'auvre as l^rtet (p. 87) picturesc)ucly calls it, occurs. It is called Jebel Usduni or I.iajar- Usdum or Khasm- Usdum, thus echoing the name of Sodom, and rises to a height of 600 ft., with a length of 3 J m. and a breadth of over half a mile. In its immediate vicinity can lie seen, occasionally at least, detiiched pillars of salt, suggesting some resemblance to a rudimentary colossal statue.

1 Since 1893 rowine boats, sailing boats, and, more recently, even steam launches have occasionally been at the service of travellers.

6. Its asphalt.[edit]

Another peculiarity is the presence of asphalt in the Dead Sea basin (see Bitltmen), whence the Greek name of Asphaltitis (cp Tac. Hist. 56 ; Sir. I62 42 ; Dioscor. I99 ; Died. Sic. 19a8). Near the lake are found beds of a whitish chalky marl, and also of bituminous marl. It is not, however, from these deposits on its shores that the water of the Dead Sea derives its bituminous constituents, but rather, no doubt, from deep subatjueous beds ; there 1 a been observed a marked coincidence between the appearance of considerable bituminous masses floating on the surface and the occurrence of the earthquakes which at intervals desolate the whole of that region. When these take place quantities of bitumen are broken loose and come to the surface ; the natives are diligent in collecting them, but hitherto no methodical exploitation of these mineral resources on a commercial basis has been atlempted. The existence of bituminous constituents in small (juantity in the water can always lie shown.

Notwithstanding the presence of this bitumen, of sulphur springs, and of m;ujses of sulphur which are met with here and there, as also of certain igneous formations, the region of the Dead Sea must not Ije included in the category of volcanic territories properly so called. On the contrary, in opposition to the asser- tions of certain travellers too richly endowed with imagination [e.g., Russegger and van de Velde), the very competent geologists already named agree in doubting whether any large part in the formation of this region ought to be attributed to igneous forces.'

The cretaceous beds rise in regular stages on the W. bank from the margin of the lake. On the other shore the arr.inge- ment is no less regular ; but under the cretaceous beds there arc carboniferous strata and beneath there are other formations still more ancient. At the must it may Ije admitted that certain volcanic agitations have made themselves felt in the depths of the lake. Klanckcnhurn (/.DI'V, i8(,A, p. 59) recalls and attaches importance to an observation made by >Iolyneux and quoted by Hitter (706 yl) relating to a whitish belt of foam stretching from the NW. of the lake towards the Lisan and following on the whole the mcdi.in line of the lake, above which a whitish vapour lingered in the air. From this phenomenon, supported by certain other indications, he concludes the existence of a fault in the fl or of the lake which is prolonged in the ch.-innel skirting the Lisan and terminates in the S. portion of the lake near the embouchure of the W. Muliauwat. On lotli- I2th .^L-lrch of this year (1899) the author of this article witnessed the same phenomenon as that seen by Molyneux in 1B47.

7. The story in Gen. 19.[edit]

In a general way we might describe the geological formation of the Jordan valley and Dead Sea basin by the technical expression effondrement. The phenomenon occurred at the time of the transition from the tertiary to the quaternary epoch. It is not pxsssible, therefore, to establish any relation between the formation of the Dead Sea as a whole and the catastrophe described in Gen. 19. At most that narrative might possibly admit of being connected with certain events of a more local character and of secondary iniport.ince, which might have occurred within historic times (see LOT, SIDDIM, SODOM).

As we have not to deal with the historical side of the question, but with the geographical only, it will suffice to say

  • (a) that the text of Genesis speaks of a rain of fire and brimstone and a

pillar of smoke rising to heaven, but neither of an earthquake, nor of an igneous eruption, nor of an inundation ;

  • (b) that there is nothing to show that the cities of the Pentapolis were in the

plain of Siddim ;

  • (c) that the remark in Gtn. I43 'the plain of Siddim which is the Salt Sea' may be a conjecture of the narrator or even the gloss of a copyist or late reader ;
  • (d) that account must be taken of the mention of ihe kikkar of Jordan (Gen. 13 10-12 19 17 25 28 29) ;
  • (e) that possibly a distmction must be made between the actual position of the Pentapniis and the

position assigned to it by later writers, in as much as these entertained perhaps divergent opinions as to this point;

  • (f) that the position of Zoar is as problematical as that of the other four cities ; finally
  • {g) that scholars are divided into two camps those who place I the Pentapolis in the N. of the Dead Sea, and those who place it in the S.

In complete contrast with its sombre narratives regarding these doomed cities, the OT, in two propheti- cal passages of Ezekiel and Zechariah already cited, describes the transformation of the waste and barren regions of the Dead Sea by a life-giving stream issuing from the temple, fertilising all that it touches so that fish and fruit-bearing trees abound.

1 The well-known geologist Hoffmann has adopted this view.

8. Literature[edit]

Reland, Paltrstina, 238-258 ; Seetzen, Reisen, 1 405-430 2217-274 293-385 37-16 4352-365 367-389401-403; V. Schubert, Keise in das Morgcnlafui, 884-94 ! Robinson, Bihl. Res. 201-253 463-501 601-608 ; Phys. Geogr. oj the Holy Land, 187-216 {'65) ; Ritter, I'ergl. Erdkunde der Sinai- Halbinsel, von Paliestina, etc. ii. 1553-780; Der Jordan und die lieschiffung des Todten Afeeres ($0); Tobler, Topographie van Jerusalem, 2906-952; de Saulcy, Voyage autour de la Mer Morte (^^-i); Rey, Voyage dans te Haouran et aux bords de la Mer Morte, 215-306; Fraas, Aus dem Orient : Geologisclu Betrachtungen ('67), 62-67 73-78 ; Das Todte Meer ('67) ; Tuch, Ueber den Ursprung des Todten Meeres nach dem A T ('63) ; Lynch, Narrative 0/ the US Expedition to . . . the Dead Sea ('49) ; Official Report 0/ the US Expedition, eic. ('52) ; Due de Luynes, Voyage d' Ex- ploration a la Mer Morte ('75, seq.), see especially vol. iii., Geologic, par M. Loui-i Lartet ; A. Stoppani, // Mare Morto ('75) ; E. Falcucci, // Mar Morto e la Pentapoli del Giordano ('81); Hull, Mount Seir ('89), chap. IS/; Memoir on the Geology and Geography of A rabia Petrcea, Palestine, etc. ('89) ; Gu6rin, Description de la Palestine ('74): Samarie, 1 60-96; Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui ('84), 389-442 ; Tristram, The Land 0/ Israel (^Zz), 255-360; G. A. Sm., Hist. Geog. 0/ the Holy Land (^in), 497-516; Blanckenhorn, ' Entsteh. u. Gesch. d. Todten Meeres,' ZDPV, li) 1-59 ('96); ' Noch einmal Sodom u. Gomorrha," ib. 21 65-83 (98) ; ' Das Tote Meer u. der Unter- gang von Sodom u. Gomorrha' ('98); Diener, 'Die Katastrophe von Sodom u. Gomorrha im Lichte geologischer Forschung,' Mitth. derK.-K. Geogr. Ges. in IVein, 1897, pp. 1-22). LU. G.


(pt/T), Lev. 14 10. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.


(Ganatoc), see Dead, The.


(-l^n^ ; AABeiN [B*], -p [AL], AABeiN [B^]), king of Eglon, defeated and slain by Joshua (Josh. IO3 cp 23)-


(T2^ ; AaBgip [B.\L]). (i) A place in the S. of Judah (Josh. IO38/. etc.) ; see Kirjath-sepher.

2. In Josh. 107, mnT is by AV taken as a place-name on the N. boundary of Judah ; it has been identified by some with the present Thoghret ed Debr near Tal'at ed-Dam (Adummim) on the way from Jerusalem to Jericho.

The text, however, is uncertain and the word may not be a place- name. <B renders : ' to the fourth part (n'^m) of the vale of Achor.' Di. suggests the translation 'backwards' i.e., 'west- wards' |'3i meaning 'behind' ; but there is no other instance of its geographical application.!

3. Josh. 1326; RVnig. LiUEBlR. G. A. S.


RV Deborah (AeBBcopA [BN], Ae/wBcopA [A], the grandmother of Tobit (Tob. 1 8).


(nnU"!, 'a bee,' 68; cp WRS in Journ. Phil. 14 ['85] 120/; AeBBcORA [BAL]).

i. A heroine who, with the aid of Barak, delivered the Israelites from their Canaanite oppressors.

1. Occasion of her leadership[edit]

The victory is celebrated in the triumphal ode, Judg. 5. The Israelites, particularly the tribes which had settled about the plain of Jezreel, had been reduced to great straits by the Canaanites, who, holding the fortified cities along the plain (Judg. 1 27), blockaded the main roads and cut off communication, while from their strongholds they harried the country so that the unwalled villages were deserted (56/.). Incited by Deborah, the Israelites at last took up arms against their oppressors. Under Barak as their leader, Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manasseh united with Issachar, Zebulun, and Naphtali, and gave battle to Sisera and the confederate Canaanite kings in the plain not far from Taanach and Megiddo. The Canaanites, notwithstanding their formidable iron chariots, were put to rout ; the waters of the Kishoii completed their ruin. Sisera, seeking refuge in flight at a nomad's tent, was killed by a woman, Jael.

1 Read m31D, 'to the wilderness' i.e., of Judah. Beth- arabah (cp 156) was one of its cities (156i^).

2 On the relation of chaps. 4 and 5 in general, see Judges, 7.

The history of the struggle is related somewhat differently in chap. 4,'-' according to which Barak, at the summons of Deborah, raised ten thousand men of the tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali, occupied Mt. Tabor, and from that position attacked Sisera as the latter was advancmg against him. A more serious difference is that in chap. 4 the oppressor of Israel, from whom it is delivered by Deborah, is Jabin king of Hazor, acityin UpperGalilee; whilst Sisera is only Jabin's general. In the action, how- ever, Jabin plays no part ; and we can only surmise that the story of Sisera has, by mistake, been connected with a tradition of a conflict between some of the northern tribes and the king of Hazor (cp also Josh. II).

From chap. 4 we learn that Deborah was a prophetess an inspired woman ; that her husband's name was Lappidoth ; and that her home was between Bethel and Ramah, whither the Israelites resorted to her for judg- ment. Chap. 5 15, however, seems to prove that she was of the tribe of Issachar ; and other considerations would incline us to think that she lived in or near the plain of Jezreel. (For a conjecture on this subject see Daberath. ) That her home was in Mt. Ephraim may have been inferred by the author of 45 (an editorial addition to the narrative) from the existence of a tomb of Deborah under a tree below Bethel, where, according to the patriarchal legend (see below, no. 2), the nurse of Rebekah was buried (Gen. 358).

2. Barak[edit]

Barak, who shares with Deborah the glory of the victory, was from Kedesh in Naphtali (46). This city is somewhat remote, and in the account of Sisera's flight seems impossible. It has been conjectured by Wellhausen (CH 221) that the name of the more famous Kedesh in Galilee has here supplanted an obscure Kedesh {q.v., 2) in Issachar (i Ch. 672 [57] mentioned with Daberath not far from Mt. Tabor) ; a suggestion which is the more plausible that 5 15, if the text be sound, connects Barak also with Issachar (cp Bezaanannim, Kishio.v). It is possible that Kedesh in Naphtali, in the immediate vicinity of Hazor, comes in some way from the story of Jabin.

3. Song of Deborah[edit]

The Song of Deborah bears in itself the evidence that it is the work of one who had lived through the great struggle which it celebrates, and is for that reason of inestimable value as an historical monument. It is also not only one of the oldest Hebrew poems which have come down to us, but one of the greatest. On its date cp Sisera and Poetical Literature, 4 (iv. ). See also Historical Literature, 2.

Few odes in the world's literature, indeed, can be compared with this triumphal Te Deum. Unfortunately, the text, especially in z.'z^. 8-15, has suffered grievously from the injuries of time.

Until very recent times, Deborah has been universally believed to be the author. It is ascribed to her in the title ; and this testimony was thought to be conclusively confirmed by v. 7, ' Until I, Deborah, arose.' The form of the Hebrew verbs in this verse, however, is ambiguous, and the clause might equally well be interpreted, ' Until thou didst arise, Deborah ' (cp v. 12) ; whilst and Vg. render in the third person (cp v. 15). On the other hand, the natural inference from v. 15, and especially from V. 12, is that the heroine is not the poet.

On the subjects of this article see, further, Moore, Judges ('95), and cp Jael. On the Song of Deborah, cp Hadrach, Kadesh (2), Kishon, Meroz, and see A. Miiller, Das Lied der Deborah ('87) ; G. A. Cooke, The History and Song of Deborah ('92) ; additional literature in Moore, op. cii., 127, 136.

More recent studies, chiefly in the text, are : Grimme, ZDMG, '96, sj^ffi; Marquart, Fundamentc isr. u. jUd. Gesch. ('96) ; Budde, Actes d. X"" Congrcs d. Orientalistes, 2 noff. ('96) ; Ruben, /O/^, '98, Si,^ff-: Rie.ss, Preuss. Jahrb. 91295^; D. H. Mailer, Actes d. f Xlme Congres d. Orientalistes, 4 261^?: ('98). G. F. M.

2. Rebekah's nurse who, according to J, died and was buried below Bethel under the oak known as Allon-bacuth (Gen. 35 8, pfPfiiopa [E], Sefioppa [L]). She is alluded to, but unnamed, in 24 59, where she accompanies Rebekah on her departure from Bethuel [J]. To connect these two traditions would make her about 150 years old at the time of her death. [For a radical emendation of the text which removes this difficulty, see DINAH.]

See, further, Deborah (1).


For debt (*L"3, 2 K. 47 ; Aanion. Mt. I827). and debtor (3in ? Kzck. 18 7 : xpeo<t>i\eTHC. l>k. 741). See LAW AND JUSTICE, 16, and TRADE AND COMMERCE.


(h AeKAAoroc, sc. BiBAoc ; deca- /,>!;its, sc. lih-r), a term adopted from Patristic Greek and Latin, and meaning what we commonly call the ten commandments.

1. Meaning of the term.[edit]

Ultimately, the name comes from the LXX which in this case adheres closely to the original Hebrew and speaks, not of ten commandments, but of ten words (*^*'* ^'^'" " P'JMa^o, Ex. .3428 Ut. 4i3 10 4). The decalogue, according to the biblical narrative, was uttered by God from Horeb and written by him on two tables of stone which he had prepared. Afterwards, when Moses had broken the tables in indignation at the idolatry of the people, he was bidden to hew other tables on which God again wrote the ten words. They were the foutidation of a covenant {hi'ri/h) lx;tween Vahwe and his people (Dt. 413) and were placed in the ark as the ' testimony' ('i\iuth) or revelation of Yahwe's will (E.\. 25i6); see a)VK.\A.NT, 6 (ii. ).

2. The two texts[edit]

The two parallel texts of the decalogue, one in E.x. 20 the other in Dt. 5, present striking points of difference. In Exodus the sabbath is to be kept, because Yahwe made all things in six days and rested the seventh ; in Deuteronomy, because the slave as well as his master needs rest. Here, too, as in the command to honour parents, there are amplifications of language peculiar to the recension in Deuteronomy. In Exodus the Israelite is forbidden to covet his neighbour's house, and then wife, slave, and cattle are specified as possessions included within the Hebrew idea of house or household. In Deuteronomy the commandment is adapted to a later and more humane view. First, the Israelite is not to 'covet' his neigh- bour's wife. Next, he is not to ' desire ' his neighbour's house, land, slaves, etc. The separation of the wife from mere property is very significant (see Family, 6).

How comes it that the parallel texts vary so seriously ? The answer now generally given is that' originally the decalogue was composed of concise precepts, which were expanded in different ways by later editors. The deca- logue was incorporated in his work by the Elohist ; it was repeated by the Deuterononnst and lastly by the Priestly Writer. Xo wonder then that, in the final redaction of the Pentateuch, each text of the decalogue offers clear marks of the Deuteronomical style, whilst in Ex. 208-11 the Deuteronomic motive of humanity has Jjeen supplanted by the example of God's rest after the week of creation evidence of a super- redaction in the spirit of P (cp Ex. 31 17/, Gen. 22/-). Commandments 6-9 preserve their primitive form. We mav therefore on that analogy restore the decalogue to its original form thus :

Decalogue of Exodus 20

  • 1. Thou shalt have no other gods beside me.
  • 2. Thou shalt not make unto thee any (graven) image.
  • 3.Thou shalt not take the name of Yahwe thy God for a vain


  • 4. Remember the sabbath day to hallow it.
  • 5. Honour thy father and thy mother.
  • 6. Thou shalt do no murder.
  • 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery.
  • 8. Thou shalt not steal.
  • 9. Thou shalt not hear false witness against thy neighbour.
  • 10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house.

1 Perhaps for purposes of sorcery.

3. Arrangement[edit]

(a) In their arrangement the commandments fall into two pentads, or sets of five each, corresponding to the tables. The first table sets forth the law of piety in the pure worship of Yahwe and in reverence to parents, the second table exhibits the law of probity or duty to fellow Israelites, conceived, however, in an exclusively negative form. This is the scheme known to Philo (De Decalogo, 12) and Josephus (v4/. iii. 55). adopted by the Greek and Anglican churches, as also by the Scottish and other churches of the Calvinistic type, and approved, among recent scholars, by Dillmann.

Another arrangement (adopted by Knobel and, in 1869, by Kuencn) is to count the opening statement, * 1 am Yahw6 thy God,' etc.. iis the first 'word,' and bind the commandments against foreign gods and image wor- ship into one. This is the Talmudic division, which is still in force among the Jews, and is also of greater antitjuity in the (ireek church than some have suppose*!.* Augustine, too (and he is followed by Roman Catholics and Lutherans), treats the prohibition of serving other gods and worshipping images as one commandment. He makes this the first, however, not, like the modern Jews, the second ' word. ' Hence he has to divide the pro- hibition of coveting into two commandments, viz. : one against covetinga neighbours wife, theother against covet- ing his goods. The objection to the Talmudic scheme is the awkwardness of a law which makes up the number ten from one statement of fact and nine precepts. The.Augus- tinian scheme cannot Ije fitted to the text in Exodus and can scarcely have lx;en intended even by the Deuteronomist. The order given by the Vatican text of the L.XX in Exodus is ' Thou shalt not commit adultery. Thou shalt not steal. Thou shalt not murder,' and in Deutero- nomy ' Th(iu shalt not commit adultery. Thou shalt not murder. Thou shalt not steal.' Probably the variation arose from the feeling that the prohibition of adultery, as the destruction of family life, should be immediately connected with the injunction to honour parents.

4. Date[edit]

We come next to the question of date. The Elohist document (perhaps a later edition of it) is our earliest external witness, and that does not carry us back beyond the middle of the eighth century B.C. Nor does internal evidence point to a much earlier time. The character of the decalogue, which is not ritual but almost purely moral ; the prohibition of images, apparently unknown to Elijah and Elisha ; the refine- ment which forbids thoughts of covetousness (the Hebrew cannot fairly be taken otherwise); all lend support to the view that the decalogue is grounded on the teaching of the great prophets of whose discourses we have written records. It has been compared with the loftier teaching in Micah66-8, and may belong to the same age, i.e., at earliest that of Manasseh (see, further, MosEs).

6. Second and older Decalogue.[edit]

The reasons against a date very much earlier are clinched by the modern discovery that there was another decalogue older in character. True, we cannot say for certain how each particular precept of this older decalogue ran. We do know, however, that reference is made to it by the Yahwist in Ex. 34 28, and further, that the decalogue itself is imbedded in 10-26, and there is, therefore, no doubt about its general character. Wellhausen's reconstruction is as follows:^

Decalogue of Exodus 34

  • 1. "Thou shalt worship no other god.
  • 2. Thou shalt make thee no molten gods.
  • 3. The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep.
  • 4. Every firstling is mine.
  • 5. Thou shalt observe the feast of weeks.
  • 6. And the feast of ingathering at the year's end.
  • 7. Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leaven.
  • 8. The fat of my feast shall not be left over till the morning.3
  • 9. The best of the firstfruits of thy land shall thou bring to the house of Yahwe thy God.
  • 10. Thou shalt not seethe a kid in its mother's milk.*

The Yahwistic legend which encloses this decalogue is simpler and more natural, for here it is Moses, not Yahwe, who hews the tables and writes the words. The decalogue represents that ritual of outward worship which was essential to the early stages of national religion, but was subordinated to ethical monotheism by Amos and his successors. Yet even this decalogue must be put long after the time of Moses. The feasts mentioned imply an agricultural life, and nmst have been adopted by the Israelites after their settlement.

1 GefTken (EinthtiluHg (Ui Pekalogs, 1838) found it to occur firstmSyncellus(<r/>ra79oA.u.)and Cedrenus (1130) ; but Nestle has shown that it is to be met with in the Codex Vaticanus and the Ambrosianus. See Nestle, /.>/. '//>, S 426/: (J"'y '^7)1 and cp Redpath, 'Codex Zittaviensis,' Exp. Times, 8383 (May 97).

2 C//331/; cp Stade, CF/lsio; Staerk, Deuteronomium, 3/

3. Accordmg to the more original text in Ex. 23 18.

4 The number ten is gained by omitting the command of the seventh-day rest (which is out of place in the cycle of annual feasts), and the command that all males should appear before Yahwe thrice in the year (which is merely a recapitulation of the three preceding laws).

6. Literature.[edit]

See ( )ehler, O/d lestament Theology, 1 267^ (gi 85, 86) ; and, for the later criticism, Kuenen, iJex. 244 ; Smend, A TRel. 273/^. 2787^ ; Rothstein, Das Bundcshuch, ('8'8) ; Hudde in ZA ty ('qI), pp. 99/, Bantsch, Das Buniiesbuch ('92) ; Meissner, Der Dekalog ('93) ; Montetiore, JQR 3 286^ ; Addis, The Docuiiunts o/the Hexatcuch, 1 136^ Robertson Smith (A^C) art. ' I )ec.-ilogue ') in 1876 held that the decalogue, as a system of ' ten words, was as old as Moses, though the original fourth commandment must have had a much simpler form. He also re- jected the hypothesis of a second decalogue. How largely he had modified his views in later years on both pnjnts may he gathered from OrjC(-) 22>^ff- See also Exouus, li. g 4. \v. E. K.


(AeKAnoAic [Ti. WH]) is the name given in the gospels (.Ml. 4 25 .Mk. 5 20) to a territory in Bashan and Gilead covered, or affected, by the power of a league of ten or more Greek cities (called in Mk. 7:31, ^,,.^^.^ ^^^^^^ ^^,^^j ^^ ^j^ -^^ ^^ ^^^^ AfKaTroXews. by Pliny HN v. 15. Decapolitana rei^o). Josephus calls the league itself both AcKciTroXts [BJ\\\.^^) and at iv rg ^vpi<f 5^Ka TToXeij ( KiVrt, 65 74). Other early instances of the name are Ptolemy v. 1522, and C/(J, no. 450, of the time of Hadrian. Eusebius describes the Decapolis of the Gospels as a region (see below, 2).

1. Greek cities and confederations[edit]

The first Greek cities in Syria were founded by the veterans of Alexander, and from his time their numbers were rapidly increased by the immigration of Greeks under the patronage of the Seleucids and Ptolemies. On the west the Greeks settled in ultimately Hellenised Phoenician and Philistine towns ; but beyond Jordan many of their settlements were upon fresh sites. Among the oldest were Pella, Dion, Philadelphia (on the site of Rabbath-Ammon), Gadara, and Abila all strong fortresses by 218 B.C. (Polyb. 571; 10 39; ]os. Ant. .\ii. 'i 3 ; Stark, Gaza, 381). Bosra had become largely Greek in the time of the Maccabees (i Mace. 024^). Gerasa and Hippus are not mentioned till the first century B.C. (Jos. Ant. xiii. 15 3.4 ; BJ \. 4. 8).

As the Hellenic world came under Roman sway, various confederacies of Cireek cities were formed, both for purposes of trade, like the Hanseatic League, and for defence against alien races (Mommsen, Prm>. of the Rom. E;np., Eng. ed. 1 264/.). Such confederation was nowhere more necessary than in .Syria, where, after the success of the Maccabees, and especially under the Jewish king Alexander Jannasus (104-78 B.C.), the Greek cities must needs have combined against the common danger of overthrow and absorption by their Semitic neighbours. Such combinations, however, if they were formed, proved a failure till the Roman legions led by Pompey reached Syria in 65. Then the Greek cities took a new lease of life. Several called themselves after Pomp)ey, and several dated their eras from the year of his Sjrian campaign, 64-63 B.C. Among these were Gadara, Hippos, Pella, Dion, Abila, Kanata, Kanatha, and Philadelphia. Pompey gave them, or after this time they gradually received, municipal free- dom, the rights of coinage, asylum, property in the surrounding districts, and association with one anotlier. They were, however, put under the Roman Province of Syria (Ant. xiv. 4 4 BJ i. 7 7). and taxed for imperial pur- poses ; their coins bore ' the image of Caesar ' ; and they were liable to military service (B/ ii. 18 19). Some of them, certainly with the reservation of their rights, were afterwards transferred from the Governor of Syria to the direct authority of Herod.

From Pompey's time to Hadrian's (106 A.D. ), Rome's grasp of Eastern Palestine was neither constant nor effective. It was during this time, and in this region of unsettlement, that the League of the Decapolis arose. The precise year we are unable to fix ; it may not have been till after Herod's death in 4 B.C., but probably was soon after Pompey's campaign.

2 The Decapolitan league.[edit]

At first, as the name implies, the League comprised ten cities. Only one lay W. of Jordan Scythopolis, the ancient Bethshean. Commanding the approach to the others, by Esdraelon, from the Greek cities of the coast and the Levant, Scythopolis remained the capital of the league. All the other nine lay either ujxjn the three great roads which, crossing Jordan, traversed E. Palestine, or on the trunk road which these ultimately joined : Pella, Gadara, and Hippos on the E. edge of the Jordan valley, and the Lake of Galilee; Dion, Gerasa (modern Jerash), and Philadelphia on or near the S. road ; Raphana, somewhere near the central road ; Kanatha (now Kanawat, see Kenath). where the central road joins the great trunk road from N. to S. at the foot of the Jebel Hauran ; and Damascus, at the junction of this road with the northernmost of the three roads. All the sites are certain except those of Raphana and of Dion. These form the earliest list that we have Pliny's in //A'5i6[i8]. Other cities were added. Ptolemy gives eighteen, omitting Raphana, and adding other nine, mostly towards Damascus, Abila, on a branch of the Yarmuk 12 m. E. of Gadara ; Kanata, either the modern Kerak or el-Kuneiyeh in en-Nukra ; Kapitolias, probably the modern Beit er-Ras, near Irbid ; and some of the Semitic towns incorfxjrated in the extension of the Empire in 106, such as Edrei and Bosra. Each of these cities held sway over the territory in its neighbourhood. Round Hippos was Hippene (B/ iii. 3 1 ) ; round Gadara the country of the Gadarenes (Mk. 5 1 according to one reading), which, if we can judge from the trireme on some Gadarene coins, extended to the Lake of Galilee. In the fourth century Jerome calls all Gilead the ' region of Gerasa.' These suburban properties or spheres of influence nmst have touched one another, and the remains of the long aqueduct from the centre of Hauran by Edrei to (jadana is one proof of how far they extended. The ' Decapolitan region ' (coasts of Decapolis) was, therefore, a wide and solid, if loosely defined, territory lying on the E. of the Lake of Galilee and stretching across a large part of Gilead. Eusebius (OS) defines the Decapolis of the Gospels as lying in Pera;a round Hippos, Pella, and Gadara. Pliny, however, describes it as interpenetrated by the Jewish Tetrarchies (/7A'5i6); and in particular the territories of Herod .Antipas in Galilee and Pera;a were probably so joined across Jordan as to cut off, from the E. Decapolis, the suburban territory of Scythopolis.

3. Civilization.[edit]

Within this region of Decapolis Hellenism was predominant in the time of the ministry of Jesus, and thence it flowed out upon Galilee. This is proved by a trace or two in the Gospels themselves (e.jf. , the presence of a large herd of swine in Gadara), by the ample ruins, still extant, of Greek architecture (the most glorious period of which, however, was not till the time of the Antonines), and especially by the constant communication between the Decapolis and the Mediterranean ports and Greece, and by the flourishing state of Greek literatiu-e in the Ten Cities. The Decapolis had, in each city, temples to purely Hellenic deities, theatres, amphitheatres, and various athletic institutions. Yearly were the vayKpAria celebrated games in which every form of physical strength was exhibited. There was a vigorous municipal life of democratic constitution. Gadara w.as the birthplace or home of Philodemus the Epicurean (a contemporary of Cicero), Meleager the epigrammatist, Mdnippus the satirist, Theodorus the rhetorician (the tutor of Tiberius), and others. The Greek writers of Damascus are still better known. Gerftsa had a school famous for its teachers. Besides, the League, being largely a commercial union, pushed the Greek methods of trade across W. Palestine ; the result is seen in the many commercial and travellers' terms and names for objects of trade and human consumption which, in the centuries immediately before and after Christ, passed from Greek into Hebrew. See TRADE AND COMMERCE.

4. Literature[edit]

Besides the ancicnt aulhuritics already cited, see Kpiphaniti!i, Utrrii. .1)7; Dt Mens, ft I'otui. 15; .Stcphaiius Kyzaiit. De Vrbihus (HaNil., 1568, ed. Diiidorf, Leps 1825), especially the art. Vt(m.aa. \ Kcland, raltrstina 108, 303, 506 ; E. dc Saulcy, Nmiiisniatique lU la Terrr Sainte, Paris, 1874; SchOr. //m/. 894/1^. ; CJASm. HG chap.JH ; andvariousworksof Iravclin E. Palestine. g. A. S.


(EH,-?). Ezck.276 RV'k- ; EV Bknciies. See Ship.


(H'!'. oftenest AaiAan [BNADEQ]). a son of Raamah (see Ge(x;raphv, 23). son of (t.'SH. Gen. IO7 (F), or of Jokshan, son of Keturah, Gen. 263 (J). I Ch. 1 3".

taU [ADF.QL], . [KL], U^tap. [B/JQl, Upiav [L i Ch. I33], jatja. [D], lav 11], xat hav K>-'], M^^'o^ |EJ, iovha.ha.v [HJ.

As the name of a peopli; it also occurs in Is. 21 13 ('caravans of Dkd.vm ri;s ' [so KV ; AV DkdanimJ, in connection with the ' land of 1 cina' ; 5at6a' [HNAC^)]. but in Aq. and Syin. iwSan/i ; and in 'Iheod. ..nd Orig. ha.i.h. [Qk]), Jer. 2523 (with Tenia and Buz). 498 (where it is thought of as adjoining Hdoni). Ezek. 2;')i3 (where BAO reads huaKoiuvoi ; cp "a'l for mi in Eev. 2617 ; Pesh. yf>), Ezek. 27 20 (with Arabia, Kedar, Sheba, and Raamah, as trading with Tyre), .3813 (with Sheba), but not 27 15 (see Rodanim). These passages (to which add Gen. 2f)3 i Ch. 1 32) all point to Arabia, but some to the southern, some to the northern region.

OT occurs in Min. and .Sab. inscriptions (see es[)ecially laser, Skisze'ly)^). Probably Dedan was a tribe with jx^rmancnt seats in S. or central Arabia (Glaser, I.e., locates N. of Medina) and trading settlements in the NW. F. B.


For t'-^p, kiJdes (lit. ' to separate,' more usually rendered ' to consecrate,' hallow,' or 'sanctify') sec Ci.kan and Unclean, 1/. For Din, hdram, see Ban.

^jn, hdnak, efKAiNizeiN, nieans prop. ' to initiate'; see Catechise, and cp HDH, s.v. Various dedication ceremonials are described, mostly in late documents.

There is the dedication of the temple in i K. 8 1-63 (see v. 63 : ivtKa.iv\.<Ttv) II 2 Ch. 52-7 5 (75 : kv(Ka.i.vi.ijfv), .1 'dedication ' of the altar l)ein>; separately referred to in 2 Ch.79 {ivKaivia^ov) \ thatof the altar of the tabernacle is descril)ed in Nu. 7 \off. (P.j yicaii/i<r/noi); that of the walls of Jerusalem as rebuilt by Nehemiah in Neh. VliTff. (iv iyKiuv\.oi% ni\o\)%). No special rite is prcscrilxd for the dedication of a new house referred to in Dt. 20 5 (ivtKa.ivi<T<iy). On the dedication of temple and altar in the Maccabean period, see the following article. The dedication or ratification of a covenant with blood, and the dedication or inauguration of a new and vital wav of access to God are alluded to in Heb. ; 18 (see Covknant) and Heb. 10 20.


On the 15th of Chislev of the year 145 of the Seleucid era ( = Dec. 168 B.C.), during the religious persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, a pagan altar was set up on the altar of burnt offering at Jerusalem, and on the 25th of the same month sacrirtce was for the first time offered upon it (i Mace. 1 41-64 2Macc. 61-11; Jos. Ant. xii. 54). Three years afterwards (165 B.C.), Judas the Maccabee had recovered Jerusalem and the temple. The temple was then cleansed, the altar of burnt offering displaced by one entirely new, new- sacred vessels made, and the temple reconsecrated with great festivities. These histcd for eight d.iys, beginning on 2Sth Chislev 148 of the Seleucid era (Dec. 165 B.C.), that is, on the very day on which, three years Ixjfore, the alur had been desecrated (i Mace. 4 36-39).

In commemoration of these events, the feast of the iledication (n3:n [Megilla, iii. 46; Bikkurim, 16; Rosh hashana, I3, etc.]; tA ^Kolfia, Jn. IO22 ; al r}n4pai iyKfuvKTixov Tov OvffiaffTifplov, I Mace. 4 59 : KaOapiafibs ToO Upov 2 Mace. 1 18), lasting eight days from the asth of Chislev, was celebrated ' with mirth and joy ' (fier einppoavvTjt Kal xa/>a) annually. According to 2 Mace. 106 it was observed after the manner of the feast of Tabernacles, and in another passage it is even called the feast of tabernacles of the month Chislev {ijfi^pai rijt aKrjDoiniyiai tov xafffXei-, 2 Mace. 1 9). The special and distinguishing jieculiarity in its celebration was the illunnnation of synagogues and hou.ses.

At the door of each house one light, at least- in the case of those who could afford the expense, as many lights ax there were persons in the house had to l>e displayed ; on the second diiy the number of lights must lje doubled, on theihiid trebled, and soon.

Jewish tradition explains the eight-days' duration of the feast, and the custom of displaying lights, by the a.sscrtion that ludas found only one small cruse of consecrated oil, but that it Luted for eight days instead of only tor one.

The proljability is that the illumination, like the dura- tion and other features of the feast, was taken over from the feast of tabernacles and referred to the relighting of the golden candlestick (i Mace. 450). See C'ANDi.tsricK.

No mention of this custom of illumination is made in the books of M.iccaliees or by Josephiis ; the tiescription of the feast by Josephus a.s 'the feast of lights ' ((^Ta), however, doubtless h.-is reference to them (Ant. xii. 7 7), ,-uid his explanation of the name as coming from the unexjwctedness of the restoration of religious freedom 10 the nation (f toO Trap' c'AntJof olfiat touttji' rfixlv ^vi]va.L frtv i^ovaiav [sc. ttv 9pi)(ricttav]) also may l)e safely taken as h.iving the same reference. In both of the letters pre- fixed to 2 Mace, the observance of this least is urgently pressed on the Jews in Kgypt (2 -Mace. 1 9 i8 2 16); it is natural to pre- sume that when, in the second of these (on the text of " hich see Hall in I ar. AfHKryfha), the story of Nehemiah 's miraculous discovery of the sacred fire is referred to, the writer saw a parallel to it in the relighting of the altar-fire by Judas, and desired to associate the commemoration of both events with one feast. From the time of year and the employment of lights and green branches in the celebration, NS'ellhausen (//C210 [ jrd e<l. 256I) conjectures that the feast originally had relerence to the winter .solstice, and onjy afterwards came to be associated with the events recorded in Maccabees.

The projjer psalm for the Feast of the Dedication is Ps. 30 ; hence its inscription, r'2n rzivrrv, rl^aXfibi i^drjs TOV (yKaivia/j.oO too oIkov, ' Dedication-song of the house (temple).'

See the commentaries on i Mace. 459 and Jn. 10 22; also A. (1. Wahner, t/e n3Ijn f"'^ /fs/i' Kncaenioy^m judaico, origine nativitatis Chnsti, 1715 ; Oehler, in /'K Hf^) A $^1,/. {3rd ed. 7i5J; Che. OJ's. 17/, 32/, 247; Nowack, J/ A (94) -'jooyT ; Schiirer, CJ I' 1 162 n., with its references to literature on the post-talmudic fe.ists. Cp also articles by Krauss and Levi in A'/.'/ 31 24-43, 204-219, 220-231 ('94). I. B.

DEEP, THE[edit]

(Dinn, rhom; always without art. except in Is. tiljijl's. IO69 ; .Ass. tiainlu, iamtu, tdrnJu, 'the sea'; afivaaos. in Jo1j383o corruptly dcffioOs [gen.]; in Prov. 8 27 iir' aviixojv [?] ; Prov. 8 28 t^j i^ir' ovpavdv. Ecclus. 4;J23 ,n3T [a^vaaov ; in b Heb. gives cmna. avTifv ; but the clause is corrupt]).

Originally t'hom w.ts feminine : note the phrase HS'I CiriB, Gen. 7 II ; Is. 51 10 Am. 74 Ps. 3t>7 and the plur. ending fth. See al.so Gen. 4925 (yrj? <;(ou<n)s itavra) Dt. 33 13 Ezek. 31 4 15. But, at first apparently with the plur. form, the original view came to be disregarded, and fhont treated as a sym)nym of D' (plur. : Ex. I.')5(>rdi/To18[itufio] Ps. 77 17 10726. Sing. ; Ezek. 8I4 Jn. 26 H.ib. 3 10 Ps. 428 [not 1046, but cp Ba.j, Job 'ii4. On Dt. 87 see Kon. Syn. 467).

See ABYSS. Dragon, end.


CWOn:), Dt. 14s 1K.423 [513] AV ; see Roi:, 4.


(XOa). Lev. I824/. See COMMON. and cp Ci.i.an, 14.


occurs in a passage of some interest with reference to early church offices. What is the ' good degree' (AV) or rather, ' good standing ' (RV) which is assured to those who have ' served well as deacons ' ? /3otf/xdj KaKb% is the phrase. According to Hort ( Chr. Eccl. 202) it means the vantage-ground of influence and moral authority won by theexcellent dischargeofdiaconal duties. Theodoret, de W'ette, etc., however, find a reference to a divine reward at the great judgment ; whilst Jerome anil other Fathers. Baur. Holtzmann, and von Soden think it is promotion to the episcopate that is intended. Observe that the qualities required of an HrlaKorot in rt'. a-7 are analogous to those required of a deacon.

On '.songs of degrees' (a purely conventional rendering) see PsALMS ; on the ' degrees ' of 2 K. 2O9 ( = Is. 3S 8), see DIAL


RV Dehaites (NIHl, Kt., but N^ni, l>r. ; Aay*^i<'I I^'^^' "^lOl [I^]. l^ut A omits ' Elamites'), generally regarded as one of the peoples represented in Samaria among the colonists of Asnappek (Ezra 49). They stand apparently between the Susanchites (Susi- anians) and the Klamites. No plausible identification has yet been offered (see Schr. A. I T'C-' 376, 616).

The reason is plain, as soon as it is mentioned. If we point, with G. Hoffmann (Z^ 2 54), Nirrn, and take this with the follow- ing word tt'D^y, we shall get the phrase ' that is, Elamites ' (B already has o'i elaiv r)\atJialoi) : which is an explanatory gloss on the preceding word ' Susanchites.' So Marti, Gram, der bib. .-irain. S/>r. 40*.


(1i5"n.), I K. 49 AV ; RV Ben-deker, AV">e- Ben-dkkar ('/.J'.).


(-in^^-n, x^'hx perhaps 'God hath drawn out,' 30; AaAaia [NA], -AC [liQL]. some compare Ae\MACTApTOC in Jos. c. Ap. 1 18, which is more correctly given by Niese as AeACTARTOc)-

1. Son of Shemaiah, a prince of Jehoiakims court; Jer. 36 ( 43) 12, ioAias [N], -Aeas [A]); 25 (-Aat<ra [Ncc mg. sup.]_ yo6oAias [HA?]).

2. Head of one of the priestly courses; iCh. '24i8 (SoAaia [L], afiaAAai V. 17 [H]).

3. (AV Dalaiah), a descendant of Zerubbabel (-Aaaia [B], -AfalLJ), I Ch. 324.

4. The 15'ne Delaiah were a post-exilic family who were un- able to prove their pedigree; Ezra 2 60 (\a.\ia. [I?], SaAaia [L]) = Neh. 7 62(-Afa[H])=DALAN, i Esd. 637 {a.<ra.v [H], ioAai/ [A]).

5. Father of 'shemaiah (-Aea [B], -AAaias [L]), Neh. (5 10.


{jhh\ 'delicate?' 67; AA\[e]iAA [BAL] ; IL-!^?, >./A/i.^.'/), Judg. I64-20. Whether the name has, like SAMSON \_q.v.\ any mythological connection we cannot at present say. Delilah dwelt in the vale of SOKEK [q.v. ), and we may presume that the tradition regarded her as a Philistine. Her temporary relation to the Philistine princes hardly warrants us in calling her a 'political agent' (Smith's Z)Z?C-' s.v.). See Samson.


(o pyoMeNOC [Ti. WH]) Rom. 11 26 Ills. 5920 ('?Xi5); see GOEL.


1. Babylonian flood story[edit]

Postponing the various interesting questions, as well of comparative folk-lore ( 18-20) as of biblical theology ( 10 ff. 17), which are connected with the title of this article, let us confine ourselves at present to the relation between the Hebrew Flood-story and that of Babylonia. Of all the parallel traditions of a deluge the Babylonian is undeniably the most important, because the points of contact between it and the Hebrew story are so striking that the view of the dependence of one of the two on the other is directly suggested even to the most cautious of students. The account in the Berossian excerpts will be referred to below (see 16) ; but we may state here that the genuine Babylonian character of the Berossian story has, since 1872, been raised above all doubt by George Smith's discovery, in the remains of the library of Asur-bani-pal, of a copy of a very ancient cuneiform Deluge -story derived, it would seem, from the city of Surippak in Babylonia, and by a more recent discovery by Scheil (see 6).

1 [The exploits of this hero are celebrated in the twelve chants or lays of the epic. The text of the Deluge-story was published in 4 R (ist ed. ^o/., 2nd ed. 43^^) and most recently by Haupt, Das Bab. Nitnrodepos, 95-150 ('91)].

2. Epic of Gilgamesh[edit]

The former story fills the first four columns of the eleventh tablet of the epic of Gilgamesh^ a cycle of legends to which, in studying the early narratives of Genesis, we have so freciuently to refer (see, e.g., CAINITES, 6).

A paraphrase of its contents is all that we can give here : translations of recent date and critical in character will be found in KA T<-^ 55^ (by Paul Haupt) ; Jensen's Kosm. 367 ff. ; A. Jeremias's Izdubar-Nimrod, 32 ff. ; Muss-Arnolt's essay in Bibl. World, Zxogff. ('94); and Gunkel's Schopf. 423^ (by H. Zimmern).! The gods, more especially Bel, wroth at the sins of men, determine to bring upon them a judgment consisting in a great all-destroying flood. One of the gods, however, namely Ea, selects a favoured man, named Par(?)- napisti,'- of the city of Surippak, for deliverance. This is the Xisuthrus of Berossus, and be it observed that the name Xisuthrus is found, in all probability, by transpos- ing the two component parts of Atra-hasis i.e., 'the very wise,' or, still better perhaps (so Haupt), ' the very pious' one designation of the hero of the cuneiform account. Par(?)-napisti is in a dream acquainted by Ea with the purpose of the gods, and commanded to build a ship {elippu, cp Aram, ns'jn), the form of which is prescribed, as a means of saving his life, and to take with him into it 'seeds of life of all kinds' (/. 25). Accordingly, the ship is built ; its dimensions ^ are given with great precision by the poet, who mentions that it was coated within and without with bitumen (kiipru), and that cells were made in it. Into this vessel Par(?)-napisti brings gold and silver and ' seeds of life of all kinds,' besides his family and servants, beasts of the field, and wild beasts of the field (//. 84/.). Shortly before the Flood, the beginning of which is made known to him by a special sign, Par(?)-napisti himself enters the ship and bars the door, while his steersman, named Puzur-Bel, takes over the direction of the vessel (/. 94). Upon this the deluge begins : it is thought of as an unloosing of all the elemental powers, torrents of rain, storm and tempest, together with thick darkness. The waters rise higher and higher, till the whole land be- comes a sea ; all men and animals, except those in the ship, perish. Six days and nights the flood rages ; on the seventh day a calm sets in. Then Par(?)-napisti opens the air-hole (/. 136; nappasu = nanpasu, cp c'E3)i and sees the widespread ruin. At the same time land emerges, and the ship grounds on the mountain of Nisir (/. 141).'* After seven days more Par(?)-napisti sends out successively a dove, a swallow, and a raven. The dove and the swallow, finding no place of rest, return to the ship ; but the raven is seen no more. Upon this Par(?)-napisti clears the ship and offers a sacrifice on the summit of the mountain. ' The gods smelt the savour, the gods smelt the sweet savour. The gods gathered like flies about the sacrificer ' (//. 160- 162). As for Bel, however, he is at first displeased at the deliverance of Par(?)-napisti and his household ; but on the representations of Ea,^ who points out the rash- ness of his act in causing a universal deluge, and recommends the sending of wild animals, famine, and pestilence, as a more fitting mode of punishing human sins, Bel becomes reconciled to the escape of Par(?)- napisti, and even gives him and his wife a share of the divine nature, and causes them to dwell ' afar off, at the mouth of the rivers ' (//. 199-205).

1 The references here ^iven to lines of the Deluge-story accord with Zimmern's numeration.

2 [Cp 15 (/. The reading of the first part of the name is uncertain ; Par-napisti (' sprout, or offspring, of life '), Sit- napiSti (' the escaped one '), SamaS-napisti (' sun of life '), Cm- napiSti ('day of life'), and Nuh-napisti (see Noah) have found their respective supporters.]

3 [See Haupt, Amer. Joum. of Phil.^ i,\^ff.\

4 On the land and mountains of Nisir, cp Annals of Aiur- ndsir-pal, 2 33-39 ( A" /"(^l 2 150/). They were situated between the Tigris and the Lower Zab, between 35 and 36 N. lat. (Del. Par. 105).

6 [Jastrow sees here traces of a collision between the cultus of Bel and that of Ea.] 6 [See below 15 (end), and, for a legendary parallel 14.

Before attempting to explain this Deluge-story, and comparing it with the corresponding Hebrew account, we must consider the position which it occupies in Baby- lonian literature. It stands at present, as we have seen, in close connection with other traditional stories, and particularly with the cycle of Gilgames-legends. The hero, Gilgames, who, after his various adventures, is visited with a sore disease, sets out on the way to his ancestor Par(?)-napisti, whose dwelling is remote from that of all other men, beyond the river of death (cp CAINITES, 6, ENOCH, 2). From this fortunate possessor of eternal life, Gilgames hopes to learn how to obtain, not only the cure of his disease, but also the same supreme felicity. Par(?)-napisii answers by a detailed description of the Deluge, in which he was himself so prominent a figure, and at the end of which he was admitted to the life of the gods. Obviously, the present connection of the Deluge-story with the Gilgames-tradi- tion is secondary in character, and it becomes all the more reasonable to maintain that the Hebrew Deluge- story too has only an artificial connection with the frame- work in which it now stands. Noah may originally have had no more connection with Nimrod than Par(?)- napisti with Gilgames (see NiMKon, Noah).

3. Hint from Berossus.[edit]

The secondary character of the present connection of the Babylonian Deluge- story being granted, can we venture to indicate a more original connection? According to Berossus.i Xisuthrus (the hero of the Deluge) was the last of the ten primitive Babylonian kings, whose innnensely long lives so forcibly remind us of those ascribed to the antediluvian patriarchs in Genesis, and, as has l)een repeatedly pointed out,- are closely related to the theory of an artificially-calculated cosmic year. The Berossian cosmic year had the enormous duration of 518,400 ordinary years, and each of its twelve months consisted of 12 sari i.e., (12x3600), 43,200 ordinary years. -According to this system, ten cosmic months are equiva- lent to 432,000 years, and this is exactly the number of the years assigned by Berossus to the ten antediluvian Babylonian kings (cp Chro.\oi,(k:y, 4, end). The theory of the Babylonians appears to have been that these ten primitive kings reigned during the first ten cosmic months of the great cosmic year (each king for a cosmic month), and that the Deluge fell at the end of the tenth month. Now, the eleventh month was for the Babylonians (who began the year with the vernal ecjuinox) the time from the middle of January to the middle of February in other words, the middle of the rainy or winter season.

4. Confirmed by epic[edit]

It is also to the winter season that the position of the Deluge- narrative in the Giigame.s-epic points more particularly to the eleventh month Sehat (Jan.-Feb. ). For, as Sir Henry Day Raxvlinion saw, the twelve tablets of the adventures of Gilgames stand in relation to the passage of the sun-god through the twelve months of the year, and the principal event on every tablet has its analogue in the corresponding one of the twelve signs of the zodiac, which, as is now certainly known, had their origin in Babylonia. Now, it is the eleventh tablet that contains the Deluge - story, and the eleventh zodiacal sign is Aquarius. The conclusion is obvious. Lastly, it is also probable that the Assyrian name of the eleventh month, Sabalu (probably 'destruction'), and its ideographic designation as ' (month of the) curse of rain,' both have reference to the Deluge. Clearly the connection of the Deluge-story with the story of the ten primitive kings is much more close and original than its present connection w'ith the Gilgames -legends. The fixing of the great catastrophe in the eleventh month is a fact of importance with reference to the question, which will shortly ( 8) claim to be answered : Has the Deluge- story a historical kernel, or is it simply and entirely a nature-myth ?

1 For the Berossian story, see below, $ 16.

2 See especially Marcus v. Niebuhr, Gesch. Assurs und Baheh ('57), 237^

5. 3rd Babylonian Document (Peiser)[edit]

The elaborate account in the Gilgamesh-epic is not the only cuneiform record of the B;ibylonian Deluge-story. Peiser has published [ZA \T,(x)f. a mythological text, with a map, giving a primitive picture of Babylonia at the time of the Deluge under Par(?)-napisti. The text is very fragmentary ; but as far as it can, with the help of the map, be under- stood, this is the notion of the Flood which it suggests. The Persian Cjulf was conceived of as encompassing Babylonia, and round alxjut this ocean lay seven islands. The mountain of the Deluge was due north of Babylon, but still within the tract enclosed by the ocean. It is noteworthy that the time of the Deluge is apparently designated in this text 'the year of the great serpent.'

6. Scheil's fragment[edit]

[Further, among the tablets in the Constantinople museum Scheil has recently discovered a mutilated fragment of a new Deluge-story, containing part of colunms 1f. 7f. In the twelfth line occurs the word ^ibil ('effaced'), which, according to Scheil, suggests that our tablet is but a copy of a much older original which had been injured. The date of the tablet itself, however, is sufficiently ancient: 'month of .Sebat, day 28, the year in which Ammi-zaduga built the fortress of Ammi-zaduga at the mouth of the Euphrates' not much later than 2140 B.C. By whom the story is told, is not evident. The complaints of mankind are spoken of first : the god Ramman appears to \)c angry with them. Thereupon a god pronounces sentence upon mankind ; reference is made to a destroying rain-storm. In the seventh column the god Ea speaks. He expostulates with the other god for wishing to destroy men. Some men at least, Ea will save ; 'let them come into [the vessel . . .], . . the oar (?)... let him come . . . let him bring . . . let him . . . .' That the great Deluge is re- ferred to is now clear : the occurrence of the word ahubu must dispel all doubt. In the eighth colunm only two lines are complete ; but these contain a refer- ence to Atra-hasis (Xisuthrus), who is introduced speaking ' to his lord ' i.e. , to the god who has proved himself a friend to the human race. The name of the scribe suggests to Scheil that this version of the Deluge- story is that which was current in the city of Sippar ^ (see 16).]

7. Other references.[edit]

We have also a list of royal names which bears the inscription, ' These are the postdiluvian kings of Babylon," thus implicitly confirming the Berossian distinction between kings before and kings after the Deluge (cp COT I61). The word here used for Deluge is abubu (cp lx.-low, 13), which elsewhere is of fre<iuent occurrence,- the Deluge being referred to as an event of hoary antiquity e.g., when it is said of old inscriptions that they go back to the time before the Deluge {abiibu). See TEL-ABIB.

1 The reason is that one element in the name of the scribe is Aya (.-Va). ' Now it was chiefly at Sippar that the goddess Aya was honoured in conjunction with Sama^ (the sun-god); her name was borne by the inhabitants.' Scheil, 'Notes d'ipigraphie et d'arche'ologie assyriennes. Tirage a part du Rccueil de travaux,' etc., vol. XX. ('97).

2 [Abiilm, ' Storm,' is also used as a title for the god Marduk's weapon in the Creation-story, Tab. iv. 49, and King Hammu-rabi calls h\mx\( abiU) tukumatiiu, ' tempest of battles," KB 3a 115.]

8. Origin of Deluge-story.[edit]

We have now to take up the question. What was probably the true origin of this Babylonian Deluge-story, looking at it by itself, without comparing the Hebrew records? The first thing that strikes us is the harmony between the narrative and the local conditions of Babylonia, which justifies us in regarding that country as the native place of the story. It is more diflScult to determine whether any real historical event lies at the foundation of the narrative, or w hether we have to do with a mere myth. In itself it would, of course, not be inconceivable that in days of yore an unusually extensive flood from the Persian (julf, combined with continuous rain, burst upon the Babylonian lowlands, and destroyed countless human lives ; that a dim tradition of this event was preserved ; and that the Babylonian Deluge-story was a last deposit produced by this genuine occurrence. Judging, however, from what is known of the growth of myths and legends, especially among the Babylonians, we think that this is far from probable. The entire character of the narrative, and the connection with other myths indicated above, are much more favourable to the view that we have to do, not with a legend b;ised upon facts, but with a myth which has assumed the form of a history (cp below, col. 1063, note 3). The colouring may have been partly supplied by the cyclones which, in an alluvial country like Babylonia, frequently make their appearance from the sea ; but the origin of this myth will have to be sought in cjuite another direction. We noticed above that the great catastrophe is placed by the Babylonians in the middle of the winter season, in the eleventh month' (Sebat = Jan. -Feb. ), which was regarded as sp)ecially the time of storms, and had for its patron the rain-god and storm-god Ramman. To the present writer it seems most probable that the Deluge- story was originally a nature-myth, representing the phenomena of winter, which in Babylonia especially is a time of rain. The hero rescued in the ship must originally have Vjeen the sun-god. '-^ Thus, the Deluge and the deliverance of lMr(?)-napisti are ultimately but a variant to the Babylonian Creation-myth (see Creation, 2 y; ). Now we can understand the very peculiar designation of the Deluge-period mentioned already. The ' great serpent ' is no other than the personified ocean, which on the old Babylonian map (see above, 5) encircles Babylonia, just as ' leviathan the wreathed serjjent' (Is. 27 1) is the world-encircling ocean personified as a serpent : ^ it is the same monster that is a central figure in the Creation-story.

9. Of Hebrew story.[edit]

The question as to the relation of the Babylonian to the Hebrew Deluge-story can now be satisfactorily answered. If, as we believe, the former had its origin in Babylonia, and is fundamentally a myth of winter and the sun-god, the Hebrew story must have been borrowed from the Babylonian. In this case, Dillmann's theory of a common Semitic tradition, which developed among the Hebrews in one way, and among the Babylonians in another, is once more put out of court (see Cre.\tion, 4). h. z.

10. P dependent on J2.[edit]

The Israelitish story of the submergence of the earth (i.e., of the part known to the narrators) by a Deluge is found in the Book of Genesis (65-919) in two forms, belonging respectively to J,, and to P, which have been welded together (see Genesis, 8). There are also allusions to the story (all late) in Ezek. 14 14 20 Is. 549 Ps. 29 10 Is. 245 18 Job 22 is/. (?). It remains to be seen, however, whether the two forms of the tradition in Genesis are really independent ; it may be that, as in the case of the Creation- story (see Creatio.v, 12), P has only given a somewhat different setting to data which he has derived from J2. It is no objection to this view that P's account is longer and in some respects less fragmentary than that of J2. The editor (or editors) naturally preferred the former, because P's work was systematically adopted as the framework of the combined historical narrative. The three principal points in which P is fuller than J2 are

  • (i) the announcement of the coming deluge to Noah, and the command to build an ark (or chest), the measurements of which are prescribed ;
  • (2) the notice of the place where the ark grounded ; and
  • (3) the appointment of the rainbow as the sign of the covenant between God and man.

1 The fragments of Berossus mention Daisiu.s (May-June) as the month of the Deluge. This notice is suspicious on several grounds. The writer who e.xcerpteU BcrOssus probably identified the eighth Babylonian month Arah-samna = Marhes wan ( = Oct.-Nov.) with the eighth Syro-Maced'onian month Daisius. The biblical recension alsomakes the Deluge begin in Marheswan. On this view, both Berossus and the OT placed the beginning of the Deluge early in the winter, instead of in the middle of that season an easily intelligible \'ariant.

2 [The .same view is given in Che.'s art. 'Deluge,' BW. See below.]

3 Gunkel, Schef-f. 46. See Behemoth and Leviathan, S 3 OCX Serpent, 3 (/).

On all these points, we may safely presume, information was given in the original J2 To suppose that the latter began with the words, ' And Yahwc said to Noah, Go thou with all thy house into the ark," would be absurd, and Budde seems to be right in supposing that the measurements of the ark in Gen. 7 15 come from J2, who on his side may have derived them from some form of the Babylonian myth (cp GOPHER-WOOD). Budde has also made it probable that J2 gave a statement as to the resting-place of the ark, which he placed among the mountains E. of Ur-Kasdim. P knew that there were higher mountains than these in the N. , and transferred the locality to Ararat {q.v., 3) ; though it is probable that he had the support of the later Babylonian tradition (cp Berossus).

11. Rainbow episode.[edit]

Nor need we doubt that the episode of the rainbow also was told by J2, to whose delicate imagination it would be in a high degree congenial. It is true, there is nothing like it in the Deluge-story given in the Gilgames-epic ; but we do not know all the variants of the Babylonian myth. Most probably, however, J2, may claim the honour of having invented this exquisite sign of the covenant. The covenant is distinctly Israelitish, and the sign should be Israelitish too. A probable point of contact for the rainbow episode is suggested by these words of the Babylonian poet (//. 92-102, Jensen) : ' A dark cloud came up from the foundation of heaven ; Ramman (the storm-god) thundered therein. . . . The noise of Ramman penetrated to heaven ; it turned all brightness into obscurity.' The flashes of lightning are the storm -god's arrows (Ps. 763 [4] 7848 Hab. 3 11), and when the storm ceases, the god lays aside his bow (this is said, e.g., of the god Indra, after his battle with the demons). If the Hebrew story in its original form referred to the thundering of Yahwc, we can well believe that when J, appended the account of the covenant he said to him.self that the bow which Yahwe had laid aside could be no other than the rainbow. There is, at any rate, no exact mythic parallel elsewhere to the use made of the rainbow in Gen. 912-17.

12. P's deviations[edit]

There are also other points of difference between J2 and P.

  • (a) The latter is without the vivid details of the sending out of the birds (Gen. 8:6-12, J2) : such a prosaic writer would probably think these superfluous.
  • (b) A more important point is P's non-recognition of the distinction between clean and unclean animals (Gen. 728 Jg), and his not mentioning the sacrifice which, according to J2(Gen. 820), Noah offered after leaving the ark. The cause of these deviations of P is obvious. His historical

theory of the origin of the cultus imposed on him the necessity of harmonising the tradition with it.

  • (c) Not less remarkable is the difference between J2 and P as to the duration of the Deluge. According to J2, seven days elapsed after the command to Noah to enter the ark ; then the rain-storm^ came, and it lasted forty days and forty nights ; then in three times seven days the waters disappeared. The computation of P gives more occasion to debate.

It is stated in MT (7 11) that the deluge began on the seventeenth of the second month, and that on the twenty-seventh of the second month in the following year the earth was drj" (8 14). If this is correct, the flood lasted i year 11 days; i.e., if the lunar year forms the basis of the computation, 354 -f- 11 daj-s which make a solar year. This looks very much like an editorial correction ; the flood really lasted a lunar year. , however, reads in 7 11 ' twenty-seventh '(adel) instead of 'seventeenth.' In this case the solar year would be mcant,2 and the duration of the deluge (365 days) would be the same as that of the life of Enoch (365 years). We also learn that ' the waters prevailed on the earth 1 50 days ' (7 24 cp 8 3). This ought to be equal to five months (7 ii 84X But 150 day* are more than five lunar months ; it Is clear that solar months must be meant (see, however, I)i. Cen. \i<)y.. and his dLssertation on the Calendar, Monatihtr. <Ur Hetl. Akati., 1881, pp. 930 /I ; Bacon, 'Chronology of the Account of the KIockI in P," 79-88; Nowack, HA 2220).

1 Cp Ps. 29 10. P (7 11) ascribes the deluge partly to rain, partly to the breaking up of the ' fountains of the great deep ' {i.e., of the waters under the earth, cp Gen. 41)25). This approaches more nearly to the Babylonian account, which speaks of the sea as being driven on the land by a hurricane. Possibly Ja, in its original form, made some reference to the sea or to the subterranean waters.

2 On P's year cp also 'Vear.

13. J2's narrative.[edit]

We are thus enabled to some extent to reconstruct the Deluge-story of J,. No doubt some archaic incidents have been lost, but P has preserved three of the most important details which were found in the earlier narrative, though he has moved the Mountain of the Ark northwards. He has also retained S^ao (/ifaTacXi/<r/x6s), J2's term for the Deluge:^ outside of J2 and P in the Deluge-story, the term occurs only in Ps. 29 10 (post-exilic), and in Gen. 6 17 7 6 an editor has glossed it by the word c;a ' waters' ; also "'3n, 'chest '2 (/ct/3arr6j, Vg. area), used elsewhere only of Moses' ark of Nile-reeds (l'",x. 235. ^[e|t/!is [B.\F] 0-t\i^y\ [I-]). <ii"l we may presume that the words -lEJ (see GoiMiKR-woou) and ibs' 'bitumen,' both occurring in 6 14 and nowhere else, were retained from the lost narrative of ]^.

14. J1 had no Deluge-story.[edit]

But what of J1? Did his narrative of the origin of man contain any Deluge-story ? No at any rate, if the theory ably propounded by Budde be accepted. J1's narrative contained Gen. '24^-3 412^16^-24 61/4 920-27 (but on V. 27 sec JAPHETH ) 1 1 1-8 : it included no Deluge- story. In this record Noah appears as the first agriculturist, and the inventor of wine. A corruption of the text, and perhaps editorial convenience, led to his identification with the hero of the Deluge, who (it is held) had originally the name of Enoch, but had now to take that of Noah in exchange (see Noah). We need not, however, suppose that the Deluge-myth was unknown to the Israelites before J2 wrote. It is in reality a pendant to the Creation-story : we should naturally have expected both stories to reach the Israelites at the same time. We have, indeed, no direct evidence of this ; but the expression Sis^n has a very archaic appearance. At one time ^20 must have had a meaning in Hebrew, and that time must have been long anterior to J2. But the Deluge-myth, like the companion-story which underlies Gen. I, did not, it seems, take a firm hold on the Israelitish people : when J2, or (more prob- ably) the earlier writer from whom he draws, shaped his story, the Deluge-myth had passed out of mind, and needwl to te revived by the hclj) of some one acquainted with cuneiform documents (cp Crkation, 11/.). [a)

1 Siac, 'destruction' : hence 'deluge' from Uab.-ass. nabdlu. ' to destroy ' ; cp C'^'BJ. C'SeJi a softened form of C'Saj. Cien. ft 4 Nu.i;{33. "The word was chosen probably as a synonym for Kab.-ass. al'iibu (deluge), on account of the as.sonance, when the Bab. Oelune-nivth first became naturalised in Canaan. On the etym. cp Frd. Del Par. 156; Haupt, in KATd^) 66; Chcyne, /'sa/msi'^i, 380, He/>mica, 8175; Jensen, Ex/>. Times, 9 (98) 284 (derives from S13, 'to r.iin' (.icainst which see Del. Genesis \'iy] 172, and cp K5nig, Lehrgkiti-i). On the form of the Syri.ic loan-word mduiiil, cp KOnig, 1 495. Such a notable mythological word as ahuhu was certain to be naturalised in Canaan m some form (cp Belial).

2 ,nan may be of Egj-ptian, but can scarcely be of Bab. origin, as Jensrn {ZA 4 273^^) represents. The word iehitim in the phrase ina eli^i tebititm us most naturally connected with \/j?3D.

3 Cp kvpri in the parallel passage in the GilgameS-epic.

  • De Dea Syra, chap. 12/; ; cp Jos. Ant. i. 3 6.

Gruppe's opposite view {/.ATirV 135 JT. [T " " is unsatisfactor^-.

15. Other Semitic Deluge stories lost.[edit]

Of the earliest Israelitish Deluge-myth and of its Canaanitish original we know nothing, [b) Lucinn (160 A. D. ), laughing in his sleeve, gives the Syrian Flood- story of his day ; * but it has been partly Hellenised, and prolxibly Judaised (a 'great box or chest,' \6.pva%, is spoken of), and we can lay no stress upon it. Its origin was no doubt Babylonian. ' Most people,' says Lucian, ' relate that the founder of the temple (of Hierapolis) was Deucalion-Sisythes. ' (f) The Phoenician version of the myth, if there ever was one, has perished. (</) The Arabs, like the Egyptians,* certainly never had any, though the legendary el-Hidr (see col. 1064, n. 1), who in the AlexandiT-legend conducts the hero to the waters of life, and in the Koran, .acc<jrding to the commentators (Sur. 18 59), is found by Moses 'at the conHucnce of two seas (rivers ?),' may be a reflection of PSr-napiiti, or rather Hasis-atra (from a shortened form of which el- Hidr may be derived).

Outside of Babylonia, therefore, the only extant Semitic tradition is that of J2 and P. This is obviously based on the B;\bylonian niyth, for the suljstitution of a ' chest ' for a ' ship ' is due either to reflection or to a confusion between two Babylonian words, and in any case not to independent tradition. J2's account is the typical one ; P's statements as to the length of Enoch's life and the duration of the Deluge seem to rest on Jewish Aggada.

16. Berossian variant[edit]

The typical Babylonian myth is that in the Gilgames- epic (see above), which appears to be the local tradition of the city of Surippak (see Frd. Del. Far. 224 ; Jensen, A'osmo/. 387) ; but the v.iriant discovered by Peiser ( 5), and the much fuller one transmitted by lierOssus,"* also are valuable. The Babylonian king, Xisuthrus, is the hero of the Berossian Deluge-story ; in this way Berossus disguised the name of .Atra-hasis, transposing the two parts of the name or title.'* Xisuthrus, he says, was accompanied on board the ship {ffKdipos, irXotov. pavi) by wife, children, friends, and steersman, and took with him quadrupeds and birds. He w.as ordered to turn the course of his vessel ' towards the gods." How long the flood lasted we are not told. When it went down, he sent out birds three times ; the third time the birds did not return. Then he discovered that the ship had grounded 'on a certain mountain.' With wife, daughter, and steersman, he disembarked, erected an altar, sacrificed, and then passed out of sight with his companions. Those who remained heard a voice which announced that Xisuthrus had been t.iken to be with the gods as a reward for his piety ; also that the land in which they were w:is Armenia (cp Gen. 84 P). They were, further, commanded to dig up the s.acred books which Xisuthrus, before embarking, had buried at Sis- para to transmit them to mankind. This form of the story was, therefore, the local tradition of the ancient city of Sippar, on the left bank of the Euphrates (the Aiu Hahba of to-day). We may plausibly assume that the fragment discovered by Scheil (see 6) also belonged to the story current at Sippar. Here, however, we find, only Atra- basis as the name of the hero of the Deluge. This name, however, is perhaps to be regarded rather as a title than as a jjersonal name.

1 There is no Eg>TJtian Flood-myth. It is hardly allowable to quote the myth of the Destruction of Man (see Maspcro, Daum 0/ Civ. 164-168) as a ' dry deluge-m>th,' for the storj' has a ritual purpose.

2 Cp Jeremias, Is/ivhar-NitMrod, yb/.

3 See'Miiller, Frafpu. Histor. Grirc. 2 501 (Eu.s. Ckron., ed. Schone, 1 19/), and cp Eus. Pnr^. Er>. 9 12 (.\bydenu.s^ where the hero's name is Sisithrus. Lucian (see above, 15 (^)) had he.-ird the name Sisythes.

  • Probably, according to Haupt, the adverbial accusative atra

was affixed m the later period of the language (Proc. of Amtr. Or. Soc., March 1894).

17. The epic, J2 and Gen 5:23[edit]

The epic narrative fills up the lacuna in the Berossian story. It presupposes a division of the period of the Deluge into an (at present) uncertain number of weeks. The same predilection for the number seven is visible in J2's account (see Gen. 724 8 [6] 1012). Similarly the epic agrees more definitely than Berossus with J2 in its notice respecting the birds. Seven days after the calming of the waters, Par-napisti sends out first a dove, then a swallow, then a raven. J2 less naturally puts the raven before the dove : probably he did not draw directly from a Babylonian source (see above, 11. end; 14, end). The other details of the Deluge hiive been simplified by J2 (or his prede- cesser). The rather grotesque polytheistic setting has disappeared : P, who retained the plural form (' Let us make man') in Gen. 1 26, found nothing corresponding to this in the old Deluge-story. In Gen. 821 ('.And Yahwe smelled the sweet savour ') we find a reminiscence of the mythic description in the epic (see above, 2) ; but the most startling part of the description has vanished. The cause assigned to the Deluge is nobler in J2 (P) than in the epic. In the latter (//. 168-175) Ea reproaches Bel with having punished the innocent with the guilty : the offence consisted, it appears, in the neglect of the accustomed sacrifices to the gods.^ In J2 (P), on the other hand, no special stress is laid on sacrifices, and no limitation is made to the sweeping declaration that ' the earth is filled with violence ' (Gen. 613), whilst the injunction laid upon the survivors after the Deluge is not that they should be ' reverent ' in a ritual sense, but that they should not deface the image of God by shedding man's blood (Gen. 96). The close of the epic narrative, however, redeems the character of the poet, and irresistibly suggests the theory, supported elsewhere, that ' Noah ' should rather l^e ' Enoch.' It was for the children of the Hebrew Xisuthrus to re-found a human race of finer quality than that which had perished. Xisuthrus himself was too great and good a man to encounter once more the ordinary trials of humanity. Atra-hasis was transported to the earthly Paradise, ' afar off at the mouth of the rivers'-^ (the Euphrates and the Tigris).' The Hebrew Xisuthrus, like his model in the Berossian account, 'was not ( = disappeared), for God had taken him ' (Gen. 524).

18. Primitive aether-myth.[edit]

Both Berossus and the priestly writer represent a period later than Asur-bani-pal's epic. The earthly Paradise was no doubt the original home of the translated Xisuthrus, though we cannot suppose that it was always placed ' at the mouth of the rivers ' : mythic geography is notoriously fluctuating. The earliest location of Paradise was on the slopes of the mysterious mythic mountain which reached upward to the sky (cp Chkrub, i. 7). When the idea of an earthly Paradise had worn out, men thought of Xisuthrus as in heaven, and this is really more in accord with the earliest form of the myth. For, though the theory offered above by Zimmern ( 8) probably does embody the interpretation of the most cultured Babylonian priests, we can hardly regard it as a complete explanation. It is more like the after- thought of a semi-philosophic age than like the sponta- neous imagination of primitive men. There would be more plausibility in the notion that some definite his- torical catastrophe lies at the root of the story, if we could only believe that tradition could preserve so remote an occurrence. The truth is that a definite occurrence does lie at the root of the story : only, it is an im.aginary, not a historical occurrence.

The Deluge-myth in Babylonia and elsewhere seems to have grown out of an archaic ether-myth, akin to that prev.alent in Egypt. Originally the sun was im- agined as a man voyaging on a boat in the heavenly ocean. When this story had been told and retold a long time, rationalism suggested that the sea was not in heaven but on earth, and observation of the damage wrought in winter by incessant rains and the inundations of great rivers suggested the introduction of correspond- ing details into the new earthly Deluge-myth. This theory is supported by the Polynesian Deluge-myths collected by Gerland,' the origin of which is still plainly visible. In these, the sun and the moon were imagined sometimes as peaks emerging out of a flood, sometimes as canoes, sometimes as a man and his wife ; the stars, sometimes as ships, sometimes as human beings the children of the sun and moon ; the clouds too were descril)ed as ships the 'ships of Tangaloa' (the heaven- and air-god). The flood itself was called sometimes 'flood of the moon' (so at Hawaii), some- times ' flood of day's eye,' i.e., the sun (so at Tahiti). This accounts for the strongly mythological characters of Par-napisti in Babylonia and of Maui in New Zealand, who are, in fact, solar personages. Enoch too must be classed in this category ; his perfect righteousness and superhuman wisdom ^ now first become intelligible. More- over, we now comprehend how the goddess Sabitu (the guardian of the entrance to the sea) can say to GilgameS (himself a solar personage) ' Samas the niighty {i.e., the sun-god) crossed the sea ; Ijesides (?) Sam;is, who can cross it ? ' '^ For, though the ' sea ' in the epic is no doubt the earth -circling ocean, it was hardly this in the myth from which the words were taken.

1 Throughout the epic -story the .sacrificial interest is pro- minent. Berossus, too, relates that a voice from heaven bade the friends whom Xisuthrus left behind be reverent towards the gods (9(0(Tffiei<;) i.e., punctual in sacrifices.

- Probably an island in the Persian Gulf is meant (Jensen, /Cosmo/. 213).

3 Waitz-Gerland, Anthropolo^ie der NaturvSlker, 6 296-373. See also Schirren, Wanderungen der Neuseeldnder ('56), p. J93-


The transference of the Deluge from heaven to earth had two effects. First, it produced a virtual duplication of the Creation -myth.* This points the way to a probable explanation of the appearance of the raven, the swallow, and the dove in the Babylonian account, and of the dove and the raven in the Hebrew account. An authentic and striking Polynesian parallel to the description in Gen. I2 ('. . . brooding over the face of the waters') has been given already (see CREATION, 10). N. American tribes, too, frequently connect the emergence of the earth from the primordial ocean with the descent of a raven, and their flood-myths, according to Brinton, connect the rebuilding of the earth with the agency of birds.* In the Algonkin account, however, the musk- rat succeeds, when the raven fails, in finding a portion of the submerged earth. ^ In the primitive Babylonian myths of Creation and Deluge a bird (whether r.aven or dove), or birds, probably had a share in the process of creation and re-creation.

1 Enoch, like Pfir-napisti, might be called Atra.Jiasls, ' the very wise.' Omniscience is an attribute of the sun-god. The same title appears to be given to the young eagle in the myth of Etana (see Ethan) a supernatural bird (Beitr. zur. Ass. 2^4,). Notice, too, that the old eagle in the Etana-myth and Par- napiSti are both mentioned in connection with magical plants. The legendary el-Hidr of the Moslems, whom Guyard and Lenormant (Les on^i'nes, 2 12/.) identify with Hasls-atra, was also the wisest of beings. Cp above, 15. On this interesting parallel, cp Lidzb.irski, ZAtio^jf., H263 J^., and DjtoA; ZA 7 310^ ; .also Clermont Ganneau, Jtev. Arckeol. 32 388^ See also Elijah, g 5.

2 See M.-ispero, J)a7vn 0/ Cri'. 584; Jercm'tasi, /zd.-JVi'nrrod, 31. Sabitu, It has been remarked, has some slight affinity to Circe.

3 Was the Akitu- festival at Babylon a commemoration of the Deluge? It is referred to in the epic narrative, /. 71. From an inscription of Nebuchadrezzar we learn that it was ' in Zakmuk ' (Jensen, Kosmol. 85). Now Zakmuk, the New Year's festival, commemorated Creation. See col. 941, n. i.

  • Brinton, Myths 0/ the New World, 204 ; cp Macdonell,

JRA.S, 1895, p. 189.

6 Brinton {o/>. cit. loqff.') gives the 'authentic form' on the authority of Father Le Jeune (1634). It appears that the Algonkins supposed all mankind to have perished in the Deluge. This is against deriving this Deluge-myth from a previous ether- myth. The Algonkin view, however, is not largely represented.

6 Riville, Religions 0/ Mexico and Pcni, 114.

The second effect of the transference spoken of was a new speculative theory. It occurred to the early men that the idea of a second construction of the world lightened the problem of the origin of things. How the primeval world arose might be difficult to explain satis- factorily : various mythic stories were current ; but it was not so hard to conceive of a world once destroyed being reconstructed. Thus, in course of time, sys- tematisers devised schemes bearing some resemblance to the cycles of the Stoics. It seemed to them as if the Creator were constantly being baffled in his experiments by physical or moral perversity in the materials. Thus the priests of the Aztecs spoke of four antecedent ages, separated by universal cataclysms, the present being the fifth and last,*" and a similar belief, in rudimentary forms, is still prevalent throughout the American-Indian tribes. The Zoroastrians believed in six ages of the world, with a final catastrophe issuing in a renovation. The six ages are of late origin (see Crkation, 9) ; but the renovation, as Darniestetcr admits, goes back to the Ach^nienian period. Not without stimulus from Zoro- astrianism, the Jews in later times advanced to the same belief.' They were assured that the present world would be destroyed and that a new heaven and earth would take its place (Is. 24 ^18-20, 516- 6517 662a Mt. 1928 2 Pet. 312/ Enoch 45^/. Apoc. Bar. 326) ; in harmony with Gen. 9 15 fire was to be the destroying agency (2 Pet. I.e.). These beliefs were naturally fostered by the moral idealism of the best men, as we see, not only from the biblical writings {f.g., Gen. 6 5 11 2 Pet. 25 Kofffxos d<rfiCi)i>, 87), and from the Babylonian story, but also from an .American (Quiche?) story, which says, They did not think or s[K;ak of the Creator who had created them,- and who had caused their birth. '^ The intense moral fervour of the ancient Zoroastrian hope of world-renovation is well known (see PiCKSi.v).

20. Other deluge-myths[edit]

If it were possible to believe in a primitive tradition respecting early human history, and to accept all narratives as independent traditions, we should have a weary waste of Deluge-stories still to plod through. There are, however, only three more such accounts which have any sjiecial interest from our present point of view. (ii) The Indian Deluge-story is the first.* This can hardly be a genuine Aryan myth, for there is no clear reference to it in the Rig Veda.

The Satal>atlia Brahniana, where it first occurs, was written (Weber) not long before the Christian era. Another version, in which the lacuna of the earlier one are filled up, is given in the Mahabharata ; but this poem, though it existed in part before the Chritian era, did not assume its present form till long afterwards. A third version, still more decidedly Indian in character, but with some suspicious resemblances to the Semitic accounts, is given in the Bhagavnta. Purana ; but the earliest possilile date of this work is the twelfth century a.d., which deprives its account of the deluge of all claim to originality.

The principal characteristic of the older Flood-story is the part assigned to the fish which warns Manu of the Deluge, and ultimately saves him by drawing his ship to a northern mountain. This is surely out of character with .Aryan mythology. The horned fish, in which Brahma ajipears, reminds us strongly of the Babylonian fish-god \J^.. It was Ea who gave notice of the coming Deluge to Par-napisti. Zimmer [AUindisches Lt'ben, loi), Jensen [Koimol. 497) and Oldenberg (AV/. des I'eda, 276) consider the Babylonian origin of the Indian Flood-story to be certain ; but on the other hand cp Usener, Untersttch. 8240-244.

{b) The second account is a Zoroastrian myth in the Avesta (Vendidad 2:46+). In its present form (even after the prosaic additions have been removed ; see Geldner, in Usener, 3:209+) it seems to have been influenced by the Hebrew Deluge-story.

The Var, a square enclosure constructed by Yima ( = Yama, the Vedic god of the dead), had a door and perhaps a window,' like Noah's Ark, and it w.as designed to preserve men, women, and animals. Apart from this, it reminds us of the biblical Kden, and the calamity which was to be averted was, not a flood, but a terrible winter's frost, connected, however, with the end of the world. 8 The myth seems to be a recast of elements from more than one source.

1 Che. OPi. \o4,ff.

2 Is. 51 16 is a late mosaic of phrases, and irrelevant (see Du. ad loc.\

3 Brinton, op. cit. 207 y: This is of course a later addition, as in one of the forms of the Tahitian myth (Waitz-Gerland, 6 271).

.See Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 1 196-201 ; Burnouf, Bhagivata PurAna, 2 191 ; Welwr, Indisclte StuJUn, 1 161-232.

  • The Zend word rendered 'window,' however, is said to be as

obscure as the Hebrew ("ni". Gen. 6 16 ; see Lattice).

8 Cp. Kohut, JQK, 1890, pp. 225.227. 1065

(c) The third is a Phrygian myth. Possibly there was a primitive native Deluge-story ; but, if so, it was vitalised from a Jewish source, some time during the third or the second century, B.C., when (as Ramsay has pointed out) many thousands of Jews from Babylonia were settled as colonists in the cities which the .Seleucid kings had built. This was the pcrifxl of the inter- mingling of religions, when Judaism too madecotK)uests, esfjecially in .Asia Minor. Even those who were not otherwise Judaized were influenced by Jewish legends (cp SoDo.M A.\i) GoMtJRRAii). Important cities ex- hibited on their coins biblical .symbols, and harmonised their old traditions with biblical narratives.*

Thus Apamea (formerly Kelainai) adopted the Noah-legend ; Iconium, that of Enoch, whose name was connected with the Phrygian name of Savvaico^ or Kwaxo^. This king (for such tradition made him) was s;iid to have lived more than 300 years, to have announced the coming Deluge, and to have prayed for his people. The mountain hard by Apamea w.-is siiid to be that on which Noah's ark grounded ; the city therefore assumed the title xi^uitos (Ark).

21. Appendix on Lenormant.[edit]

The references already given are almost suflficient (they may be supplemented from Dillmann's Genesis) ; but at least a brief mention is due to Lenormant's study in Les origines de l'histoire, 1382^ The conclusion arrived at is that of Franz Delitzsch and Dillmann, that the Deluge is no 'myth,' but a historical fact. Lenormant, at any rate, holds that the three great civilised races of the ancient world preserved a dim recollection of it. This implies a self-propagating power in tradition which the researches of exjx-rts in popular traditions do not justify. Lenormant died, a martyr of patriotism, in 1884. Would he have changed his mind had he lived? At any rate, he would have respected the honesty of those who regard the Deluge-story as a precious record of the myth-forming imagination which has been made subservient to a high moral idealism. .See ADAM AND EVE.

22. And on Jastrow's theory[edit]

Lastly, the writer would call attention to Jastrow's two articles on Scheil's Deluge-story ( 6) in the New York Independent, 10th and 17th Feb. 1898 (cp his Rel. of Bab. and Ass. 502 ., 506). It is here maintained that a local tradition of a rain-storm which submerged a single city has been combined in the Gilgames-epic with a myth of the destruction of mankind based upon the annual phenomenon of the overflow of the Euphrates. Pir-napisti or Par-napisti (as Haupt in KA Tl- and Jastrow prefer to read the name) is the hero of the local tradition, while Hasis-adra ( = c"Cn p"^s. Gen. 69, according to Jastrow) is the hero of the larger nature- myth. The present writer admits that the version in the epic is of composite origin, and that the names Pir-napisti and Hasis-adra may perhaps come from different sources ; but he holds that all the Babylonian deluge-stories, whether simple or composite, have a mythic basis. Moreover, he does not recognise that the simplicity of the oldest Hebrew version of the Deluge- story heightens the probability that the Hebrews carried that story with them when they left their Euphratean settlements. The account given above of the origin and development of the Hebrew story has surely not lost any of its probability in consequence of Scheil's discovery.

[See, in addition to works already cited, Noldeke, ' Der Mythus von der Siindfluth," Im neuen Reich ['72], pp. 247-259 ; R. Andree, Die Flutsagen ; ethno- graphisch betrachtel ('91) ; H. Usener, Rel.-gesck. Untersuchungen, pt. 3 ('99), especially 7, ' Ergebnisse" ; M. Jastrow, ' Adrahasis and Parnapistum," /.A 1899, pp. 288-301. On the chief questions arising out of the Babylonian Deluge-story, cp Jastrow, Kel. of Bab. and Ass. ('98), pp. 493-508, which, as also Usener's work, appeared after this article had been written. ] H. Z. 1-5, 7-9 ; T. K. C. 6, 10-22.

1 See Babelon, ' La Trad, phrjg. du Diluge,' Rev. de tkitt. des rel. (91), pp. 174^.; Usener, ot. cit., 48-50; and, on Apamea-Kelainaj, Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics 0/ Pkrygiat chaps. 11, 12.


RV Delos (AhAoc [ANV], Delus), the smallest of the Cyclades, regarded by the ancients as the centre of the group a confusion of the geographical and religious points of view (cp Str. 485). Delos was both a shrine and a commercial centre, and ' her whole destiny is explained by her religious traditions and her geographical situation.* Though nominally free, the island was really subject to the dominant power for the time being in the Aegean. It was a free port as early as 168 B.C., and attracted a great part of the Rhotlian trade (Folyb. 31 7). After 146 B.C. it entered upon the heritage of Corinth (Str. 486). The acquisition of the province of Asia by the Romans in 133 B.C. added greatly to the wealth and importance of Dclos. Now began the most brilliant epoch of its history : the inscriptions show that its commercial relations were with the Levant, chiefly Syria and Egypt. So Pausanias calls the island t6 KOLvbv 'XKr}vwv i/xTTopiov (viii. SSz). For long it was the chief emporium of merchandise from the E. to the W. , so that the fine bronze or copper wares of Greece were called indiffer- ently Corinthian, or Delian, from the place of export (PI. iA^ xxxiv. 29 ; Cic. />rr. ii. 2S3). The island became especially a great slave mart, where the Asiatic slave dealers disposed of their human cargoes to Italian Sfjeculators ; as many as ten thousand were landed and sold in a day (Str. 668). Naturally such a spot attracted large numbers of Jews (Jos. Ant xiv. 108 ; Philo, I.ej^. ad Cai. 36 ; cp i Mace. 1023). According to a Greek inscription, a company of Tyrian merchants was settled there as early as the second century B.C. {C/G 2271). At the altar of Uelos Antiochus Epiphanes set up statues (Polyb. 26 1), and an inscription to Herod Antipas has been discovered in the island (cp Schur. f;7Vl358). In 88 B.C. 20,000 men, mostly Italians, were massacred in the island by Archelaos, admiral of the Pontic fleet of Mithridates, a blow from which it partially recovered, only to lie finally ruined about twenty years later by the systematic and wholesale destruction wrought by the pirate Athenodorus. The resurrection of the island was rendered impossible by the rapid growth of Puteoli and the revival of Corinth (for its decay, cp Pans. viii. 332 ix. 346).

See the articles by M. Homolle in the Bull, de Corr. Hell., especially /.ci-A^iJWrt/Mi- a I >i-los, op. cit. 875/; A good account in Diehl's E.xcursions in Greece, KT, \iZf. w. J. W.


(Ahmac [Ti. WH]) is enumerated by the apostle Paul as among his ' fellow-workers ' at the time of his (first) Roman captivity (Philem. 24 ; see also Col. 414). In 2 Tim. 4 10 he is thus alluded to: ' Demas forsook me, having loved this present world, and went to Thessalonica.' Nothing is known of him beyond what may be inferred or conjectured from these allusions.

He is enumerated in the 'list of the seventy disciples of our Lord' compiled by the Pseudo-Dorotheus of Tyre(C/:r. Pasch., Bonn ed., 2 121) and is stated to have become a priest of idols in Thessalonica. Along with Herraogenes, he figures prominently in the apocryphal Acts 0/ Paul ami T/iecla as a hypocritical companion of the former, and to Hermogenes and Demas is assigned the particular heresy about the resurrection which in 2 Tim. 2 17 is attributed to Hymena^us and Philetus.

1 He received this honorary designation on account of his delivering the Babylonians from the satrap Heraclides.


(Ahmhtrioc [.\NV] z.^., of, or belonging to, Demeter, a proper name of very common occurrence among the Greeks).

I. Demetrius I., surnamed Soter.^ king of Syria, son of Seleucus IV. Philopator, was sent in his early youth to Rome as a hostage, the throne mean- while being occupied by his uncle Antiochus Epi- phanes (see Antiochus, 2). After some time he effected his escape to Tripolis (chiefly through the aid of the historian Polybius), and thence proceeded to Antioch where he proclaimed himself king, securing his position by putting to death his cousin Antiochus Eupator (.Antiochus, 3), and Lysias (i Mace. 7 ; 162 B.C.). He lost no time in pleasing the Hellenizing party by sending Bacchides to instal Alcimus as highpriest (see Bacchides, Alcimus). The disturbances caused by the latter need not here be descriljed ; the Syrian general NICANOR [jj.v.'\ was defeated at Capharsalama (726/:), and at Adasa (739^). A warning was sent from Rome to Demetrius not to interfere with the Jews ; but it was too late. Less than two months after the fall of Nicanor a fresh invasion under Bacchides took place ; the Judaean power was seriously crippled (chap. 9, 160 B.C. ; see further Bacchides). Seven years later Demetrius, disputing the sovereignty with Alexander Balas, endeavoured, though in vain, to secure the support of the Maccal)ean party (chap. 10), and after some hostilities died fighting his rival ^ (w. 49/. ; 150 B.C.). See Maccahkes, 5.

2. Demetrius II., Nicator, son of the above, who had been living in exile in Crete, came over to Cilicia to avenge his father's ill success in 147 B.C., and secured a powerful follower in the jjerson of Apoei.onius [q.v., 2). An engagement took place at Ashdod, and Apollonius was decisively beaten (i Mace. 1067^). Shortly afterwards, however, his hands were unexpectedly strengthened by the secession of Ptolemy VI. Philomctor (see Ptolemy, i), who transferred to him his daughter Cleopatra, the wife of Alexander Balas (see Alexander, 2). Alexander was put to flight and Demetrius became king in 145 B.C. (11 19). A treaty by which Jonathan obtained favourable concessions was concluded (Maccabees, 5), and Demetrius, believing his position secure, took the un- wise step of discharging his regular troops, who at once went over to Tryphon, the guardian of the young son of Alexander Balas (1138^; see Tryphon). Profiting by the approach of a disturbance, Jonathan obtained fresh concessions from Demetrius on the undersianding that Tryphon's rebellion in Antioch should be put down. This was successfully accom- plished ; but when Jonathan saw that Demetrius showed no signs of carrying out his promises he was easily persuaded to transfer his allegiance to Tryphon. Demetrius' princes entered Judaea and after a temporary success were routed in the neighbourhood of Hazor (1163^). Another invasion was meditated in B.C. 144, but was successfully warded off by Jonathan's skilful generalship {Vl^^ff.). The scene suddenly changed when Tryphon usurped the throne of Syria, and endeavoured, with some success, to reduce Judoea. Jonathan was dead and Simon busied himself in strengthening the defences. An embassy was sent to Demetrius II., who, to obtain Simon's support, readily granted all the Jewish demands including even a complete immunity from taxation ^ (133r_^). Trusting Simon to continue the struggle against Tryphon, Demetrius marched to Persia, partly for conquest, partly to acquire auxiliaries ; but he was captured by Mithridates I. (see Persi.\) and imprisoned, his place in Syria being taken by his younger brother Antiochus Sidetes ( I Mace. 14 1^ ; see Antiochus, 5). From non-biblical sources we know that, at the expira- tion of ten years, he resumed the throne (128 B.C.), quarrelled with Ptolemy Physkon and his proUgi Alexander Zabinas, and was finally conquered at Damascus, after fleeing from which place he was murdered at Tyre in 125 B.C. (cp Jos. Ant. xiii.93).

3. A silversmith of Ephesus, who was the chief instigator of the tumult in the interests of his craft which brought Paul's mission in that city to a close (.\cts X^^^ff.). See Diana, 2, Ephesus. The conjecture that he figures again in 3jn. 12 as a convert to Christianity, precarious at Ijest, becomes singularly so when the commonness of the name is considered.

4. A Christian mentioned with commendation in 3 Jn. (r/. 12). That he was the bearer of the epistle is sometimes inferred ; but the inference has no more strinuency than that mcnli(?ni in no, 3. S. A. C.

1 If we follow RV (after AN, etc.) and read 'the army of Alexander fled,' it would seem that v. 49 and v. 50 must belong to two different accounts. See more fully Jos. Ant. xiii. 24 and cp Cainbr. Bible, ad loc.

2 This independence gained by the Jews was marked by the introduction of a new era; cp Chronologv, i.


1. General survey.[edit]

Demons are a survival from an earlier faith ; continued belief in them is due to the conservative instincts of the ordinary religious mind, and is thus particularly characteristic of the popular religion. For this reason references to demons scarcely occur in the earlier OT literature, which is so largely prophetic. Such references increase in frequency, however, in the later Jewish writings, and are numerous in NT; this is due partly to the foreign influences (Babyloniiin, Persian, and Greek) under which the Jews came in exilic and post-exilic times, and partly to the fact that the earlier beliefs, after being transformed, lent themselves as explanations of some of the religious problems that were arising.

2. Terms in OT[edit]

For the Gk. (Hellenistic) term Saifidviov or Salfiuv (sec below, 6), whence the English term 'demon' is derived, Hebrew possesses no clear equivalent. Aat/i6;'toi' occurs in the LXX only in Dt. 32.7 I's. 906 905 IO637 Is. 1321 34 14 66311 [BA] and in Tobit ; yet it represents no fewer than five Hebrew, words, viz., ' nil, gad, Jd'lr, siyyi. and K-d (Dt. 32i7 Ps. IO637, cp 916, where reads nv] for -pv^). Of these the first is a general term for false gods ; details as to the second and the third will be found in the articles FORTUNE and SATYR, and as to the fourth in WILD BEASTS; only the last is translated ' demon ' in RV.

Similar objects of popular superstition are LILITH, AZAZEL, ASMODEL'S (in Tobit), and probably the 'horse-leech' of Prov. 30 15 (see HORSE-LEECH). For details of these also reference must be made to the separate articles. Closely connected with the present subject is the practice of consulting the dcad,^ to which we have reference in the earliest narrative literature (i S. 28). See DiViN.\TiON, 4.

3. Primitive survivals.[edit]

Jewish demonology, then, is the result of the survival of primitive Hebrew (Semitic) beliefs, which, having been neither suppressed by, nor wholly assimilated to, the prophetic religion, were quickened by contact with Babylonia, Pi^Tsia, and Greece (cp 's use of dai/xdviov, as above, 2). The chief primitive survivals in the Jewish belief are the quasi-divine character of these beings as shown by the sacrifices offered to them (Dt. 32 17, cp Bar. 47 iCor. IO20 Ps. IO637 Lev. 177; cp further, in , Is. 653 II, and the sacrifice to Azazel [^.i'.] described in Lev. 16), their undefined yet local character shown by their association with waste places ( Is. 13 21 34 14, cp Rev. I82 Bar. 43s, and [\'g.] Tob. 83), and their connection with animals, indicated by their sharing the waste places with wild beasts (foregoing references, and Mk. 1 13), and the meaning of such a term as Siinm (hairy ones, goats); on the similar character of the Arabian yV, see Robertson Smith's AV/. S<m.<r) 120^.

1 [In the age of the Gosjjels and of Josephus the spirits of the (wicked) dead were certainly described as Soufio^et or &axii.6vi.a = lfdlm. While the worship of dead ancestors was at its height, however, the wicked dead were disregarded, and the spirits of the good were honoured as eMiim (1 .S. 2S 13 ; cp. Is. 10 3 (S). It IS best therefore to treat necromancy separately ; see Divina- tion, i 4.1

4. Shedim.[edit]

The term that is most generic in character is certainly Shedim. Unfortunately the etymology of the word is doubtful, for the view that it signifies 'lord' (Millhau and Volck's Gesenius) cannot be said to be well supported. The cognate word in Assyrian (sidu) denotes the gods or genii who, in the form of huge winged bulls, guard the entrances of the temples {COT 1 40). In both passages (exilic or post-exilic) where Shedim occurs in OT it is used quite generally of illegitimate objects of worship (Dt. 32 17 Ps. 106 37), and in the Pesh. Sldd is the equivalent of baiixbviov. In the later Jewish writings the K-diin are frequently referred to as noxious spirits (see Buxtorf, Lex., s.v.) ; this they have not definitely become in the OT (on the Kdim sec further Dr. and Di. on Dt. 32 17 ; Hi., Now. on Hos. 12i2 (read D~!rS for cTttr) ; Che. Psitlms, 258 ; O/'s. 334 ; G. Hoffmann, Ueber einige phonikische Inschriften, 55, n. 1). See StlADDAI, 2, and cp SiDDiM, Vai.E ok.

5. Demons and angels[edit]

When angels came to be differentiated as helpful and harmful, and, later, .as good and bad (see ANGELS, 5), the harmful or bad angels resembled demons ; the difference between the two became, in consequence, less and less. Speculations on the difference may be found in Enoch ; the same uncertainty prevails in Mohammedan theology, where, e.g. , it is disputed whether Iblis was an angel or a demon. G. B. G.

The classical inferiority of Salfiuv (and dai/jUtifioy) to OeSi finds its lowest depth in the Old and the New Testaments, most plainly so in the New.

6. NT usage[edit]

Even as early as Homer the general equivalence of the two words (Od. J.I ig$ 201) was varied by the frequent distinction between 0t6^ as the pfrsonality (deus), and haiy.u>v as the more abstract, less maleable influence (nuiiten), and by the sense of lucklessness in the adjective 6aifidi/to (t></. 18 406), as well as by such epithets for &a.i.t/.m> as KitK6<; and (TTvyf/xiv. In post-Homeric Greek the inferiority grew in distinctness and degree, and gathered round itself more and more a sense of evil ; and, while iai'/xuf (fla-)tioit) never altogether ceased in profane Greek to be a vox media, the tendency to degradation overwhelmingly prevailed. Thus the word that stood to Hcsiod (('//. 121) for the benignant souls of heroes of the golden age, served Plato (^Lys. 223) for an evil apparition, .ind the lrat;c(lians(/Ksch. Ag. 1569, Soph. O r 1 194) and the Attic orators (Lys. 1 7H) for gloomy genii of misfortune, often att.^ched to families or to individuals ; and finally I'lutarch (probably under the influence of K.xstern and Alexandrian dualism) included in its category the at/xot^c (^.lOAot, to whom he attributed all that wxs barbarous and cruel {De di'/tctu orac. 14).

The sense of rAl spirit for 5aLfj.(jviov is in the NT quite unmistakable.

AatV.u"' does not occur in the LXX, except once in k> and, according to the best authorities, appears but twice in the NT, viz. in Mt. and Mk.'s accounts of the C.erasene demoni.ic (Mt. 8 31 Ml<. '> ij ; 1. 't ill Ti. WH in the second passage). Perhaps Sai/oLOtioi- IK lu. il ,ulj. 5ai^o>'io9 (cp to 6(lov) supplanted &aiit.uiv as r. |)i :-.. niin- even more frtly the abstract and unnanie- able. Cp iia.i|l6^^a. Ko-ivd, Plat. Af-ot. 26 B and feVa Sat^bfia, Acts 17 18.

The word Sai/xouiov (used in the NT about sixty times), best reproduced as 'dasmon.' is almost entirely confined to genii in the worst form, evil spirits possess- ing human beings, though it is used occasionally of evil spirits in general (Ja. 219), and once (as above, Acts 17 iS) of heathen gods of an inferior order, as well as three times in one passage (i Cor. 10 20/ ) of evil spirits working in the background of idolatry. (See TAe Thiiiktr, May 1895.I)

The identity of dtfiiion and n'il spirit is obvious froin such passages as Lk. 8 2 and i Tim. 4 i, ami from the comparison of such passages as ilk. 1 26 and Lk. 4 35, Mk. 3 30 and Jn. 10 20, Rev. It>i3 and 14.

The accounts of evil spirits as possessing are confined to the Synoptists and .\cts, though the idea crops up also in Jn., only however in 720 848/". 52, .and 1020/". (daifiovli^o/iai and ^x^"* Saifidviov, said of Jesus himself), and never as actually posited by the writer.

1 An article by the present writer on St. Pauls view of Greek Gods.'

7. Contemporary belief[edit]

The period immediately embracing the Christian era saw a vast development of the idea of daemons or genii, which may be traced to the survival of early animistic conceptions in a higher stage of culture (see Tylor, Prim. Cult.. chap. 14/. ). For our present purpose it is most important to refer to the Persian, the Hellenistic-Jewish, and the Talmudic beliefs. We shall, however, here limit ourselves to the second of these classes of evidence, which appeals most to ordinary educated readers (see also below, 11, and cp Pkksi.\).

On the philosophic basis of the Platonic Idfiti or Forms, and the Stoic Logoi or Reasons, combined with the Hebrew conception of angels, Philo had bridged over his dualistic gulf between God and the world with intermediate beings, some ' blessed ' and others ' profane ' ; the incorporeal souls being pure and hovering in the air, which was full of them, some of them, however, descending into bodies and so becoming impure. These 'souls' are identilied by him with the 'anRels' of Moses and the 'diemons' of' other philosophers' 'yde Con/. Lint;. 35 ; deCigant. 2-4). A kindred lilief in da:mons as gooti and evil media of divine action pervaded the cosmology of the Pytha- goreans and Neo-Platoiiists towards the close of the first century a.d. (Hatch, Utbh. Lect. 2:6 /f: ; Zeller, Die Pliil. der Grieck. iii. 1(^)291); and Epictetus, alxjut the same date, held that 'all things were full of pods and daemons' {/.ellcr, iii. IO745). Josephus also (sceknig, like Philo, to conciliate Jewish and heathen views) testifies to the prevalence of a similar belief among his countrymen, but in his description makes the demons exclusively Ttovi\aiiv avOpuimov irvtvuara^ {Ant. viii. 2 5 ; B/vn.iij). On the Talmudic evidence for the contemporary Jewish acceptance (doubtless developed under Parsee influence) of a countless number of spirits, good and bad, and legions of daemons lying in wait for men, see Kdersheim, Li/e 0/ Jesus, Ap. xiii., and cp Weber, Altsyn. Thcol. -2^2 ff.

The number, prominence, and activity, therefore, of evil spirits in tiie NT is in general harmony with the views of the times.

8. Posession[edit]

Germinal ideas of possession are to be found even in Homer (O^/. 6396, where a 8alfj.wtf ffTxr/epbs causes a wasting sickness). The verb Saifiovav represents insanity in A'.i,c\\y\\is(Choepk. 566), Euripides (Fhan. 888), Aristophanes (Thesin. 1054) and Plutarch ( I'il. Marcell. 20) ; whilst Herodotus {479), Euripides [Bacch. 298^), and other writers attri- bute to divine possession the frenzy of the Bacchantes and Corybantes. To a sense of the same mysterious power may be traced Herodotus's name tprj vo\)co% for epilepsy (Hippocrates, 400 B.C., attributed the disease to natural causes), and the phrase of the Greek physician .-Xretteus (ist century, .v.u. ), Saifiovos ei's t6v dvOpwrrov etaoSos. That the nations with whom the Jews in later times were brought into contact held similar views in systematised forms has often been shown (see below, 11), and we cannot doubt that, though not originating in any one of these forms, the popular belief of the Jews was largely influenced by the beliefs of their neighbours. That belief, as reflected in the NT, regards the d.emons (which are spirits entirely evil) as a definite class of beings, injuriously affecting, mostly internally and by possession, the human, and (in the case of the (ierasene swine) the animal person- ality, the subjects being usually described as daifxovi- ^6/j.fvoi, ' ditmonised ' (all the Gospels, though only once each in Lk. and Jn. ) the less classical form of dai/jLovdj/ievoi, and the equivalent of Josephus's ol virb tCov dai/jiot>lwi> Xafx^avofievoi, by which phrase is justified the rendering 'possessed.' The moral conne.vion of dremons in the NT is subordinate. Without doubt they are regarded as diametrically (though by no means with dualistic equality) opposed to the work of Christ, and their subjugation is looked upon (especially by Lk. ) as his primary healing function and as the sign above all others that the kingdom of God had come (Lk. 1832 11 20). Their moral and spiritual influence is recognised in Jesus" parable of the unclean spirit (Mt. 1243 Lk. 11 24) ; in what Paul says of the ' table of daemons ' ( i Cor. 1 20/ ) ; in the ' doctrines of dasmons ' of I Tim. 4 1, and in Rev. 920, where the worshipping of dcemons (cp Dt. 32i7 65) is another expression for idolatry. This moral and spiritual evil in the daemonic world is also certainly kept in view whenever the NT writers speak of the opposition of God and the devil (Ja.47); of the subjugation thenceforth by Christ of the kingdom of evil (Lk.lOiS/. ijn.38 Rom. 16 20) ; and of the final destruction (Mk. I24 Mt. 829) of the devil and his angels in the lake of fire ([iev. 20 10), after a period of relative independence which finds its counterpart in the moral and spiritual freedom of man.

^ [On this second theory relative to the demons, viz., that they are the spirits of the (wicked) dead, see Schwally, Das Leben nach dem Tode, \^\/., where, on the ground of their residence in the tombs and of the passage from Josephus referred to above, it is maintained that the twodemoniacs in Mt. 8 28 were (thought themselves) possessed by spirits of the dead.]

9. Common effects.[edit]

The effects of daemonic possession which are constantly prominent in the Synoptists, however, appearing occasionlly in Jn. and in Acts (87 16.6 19.6), are physical and psychical, and must be distinguished from Satanic influence such as that upon David in i Ch. 21 1, or upon Judas in Jn. 13 227. It is not a mere influence : it is a besetting internal malady. This form of possession, which presupposes a large development of the belief in daemons, is distinctive of late Jewish times, as we see not only from the Gospels, but also from the references of Josephus (especi- ally Ant. viii. 25), and from the quasi-professional status of Jewish ^ (as previously of Egyptian and Persian) e.vorcists (Actsl9i3 [7re/)tfpx<'M^w] ^"*- 93^ Mt. 1227 ; Justin. Apol. 26 Tryplw, 311 ; Pliny, //A^302). as well as from the many methods of expulsion recorded in the Talnmdic writings (Edersheim, Life of Jesus, Ap. xvi. ; cp Jos. Ant. viii. 2s BJ vii. 63 ; Solomon's ring and the root baaras)."^

One point to be carefully noted is that, whilst at times disease is attributed to dasmons, possession is not a comprehensive word for disease in general. The practice of the Synoptists in this respect is not quite uniform.

They all, in their stimiiiary records of healings, agree in distinguishing the dsmonised from the sick (.Mt. 108 Alk. 1 32 Lk. 6 ij y.), while Mt. (424) expressly distinguishes them also from the lunatic (o-eAiji/iafd^iei'ot). _ They all likewise, in the mention of individual cases, agree in speaking of maladies without making any reference to possession (.Sit. 927-3. Ll^- 17.1-19 Mk." 32-37). Out of twelve individual cases which Mk. records, eight are so presented ; and, in the six of these recorded by Mt. and Lk., as well as in cases peculiar to them, reference to possession is also absent. Mk., in the four remain- ing cases, confines possession to psychical maladies, such as insanity and epilepsy ; Mt. and Lk. add cases in which posses- sion takes the form of purely bodily disease dumbness, Lk. 11 14 Mt. 9 32_/^ ; dumbness and blindness, Mt. 1:^22; curvature of the spine, Lk. 13 .0-17. The comparison of these agreements and differences suggests that the tendency to account for purely bodily disease by possession was a tendency, not of Mt. and Lk. themselves, but of a source or sources used by them but unknown to .Mk. (see Schur. //>/", vol. xviii., .892).

The drift of the evidence seems to carry us to the conclusion that the idea of possession was associated, in the main, with psychical disease (cp also Mk. 5.5 Lk. 733 Jn. 720), and this is confirmed by the hints thrown out here and there that this affliction was of all afflictions the direst and most impracticable. The peculiar em- phasis laid by Jesus upon the power given to the missionary disciples to expel demons (Mt. 10. and parallels) ; the special exultation of the Seventy upon their return, ' Even the dasmons are subject unto us ' (Lk. IO17); the intense amazement at the ease with which Jesus cast out the spirits (e.g., Lk. 436), dispens- ing with the more elaborate incantations and manipula- tions of the professional exorcist ; ^ the helplessness of will in the possessed ; their identification of themselves with the djemon, their aversion to deliverance (Lk. 939), and the wrench with which the deliverance was some- times effected (Mk. I24); the fact that Jesus never in these cases called for faith, but seems to have felt that only some external force, acting in spite of the subjects of the disease, could free them from it ; all these con- siderations point to psychical, nervous disorder, which could, of course, manifest itself in various forms.

1 Gebhardt and Hamack, Texte, viii., last part, 107.

2 The plant which gave rise to the fable of Baaras was prob- ably a strange-looking crucifer described by Tristram, Land 0/ Moab, who found it near Callirrhoe.

3 In one instance, that of the Gerasene demoniac, Jesus appears to have found it advisable to follow the precedent of Jewish exorcists (Jos. -4/. viii. 25) and give the demoniac a visible proof of his deliverance,^ though in a way not suggested by them. It may be observed, in passing, that the word exor- cism is never applied to Jesus' method of expulsion, though the Jews in Acts 19 13 are called exorcists.

10. Attitude of jesus.[edit]

There is no sign on the part of Jesus any more than on the part of the evangelists, of mere accommodation to the current belief. It is true that Satan is used metaphorically in the rebuke of Peter (.Mt. I623) and that 'unclean spirit' {nvevna aKadaprov) is figurative in Mt. 1243. Accommodation is just admissible in the commission to the disciples (Mt. 108). in jcsus' exulta- tion at their success (Lk. IO17/), and his reproof of their failure (Mt. 17jo); or the phraseology may pos- sibly have been coloured by the belief of the writers (as also in Mk. 1 n, where the knowle<lge of the tl.i-mons is dcscrilx-tl as suix-'rlninian). Acccjitance of the current belief is clearly at the basis of Jesus' argument with the Pharisees in I.k. 11 16^, however, and this is quoted by Keiin as irrefragable evidence. On the other hand, the indefinite nuilliplication of spirits, and the grotescjue functions ascrilx-d to them in contemjxjrary and later Jewish literature, and the wholesale belief in possession in the second century A.I)., find no favour with Jesus or his biographers or in NT literature generally. While the existence of Satan's ministers is recognised, the tendency is rather to concentrate the inlluences for evil in .Satan himself. P'inally, that Jesus believed in the power of others besides himself and his disciples to e-x-jx-l d.xMuons in some sense, at any rate, seems clear in the presence of such passages as Mt. 12 27 Lk. 11 19. where he attributes the |x>wer to the disciples of the Pharisees ; he recognises also the fact tht.i similar suc- cess was attained by some who used his name without actually following him (Mk. 938). or without being more than profcssctl disciples (Mt. 722). J. M.

11. Other nations.[edit]

The chief foreign influence on Jewish demonology was no doubt Babylonian. It was partly direct, partly indirect. For though Iranian superstition had an internal principle of development, it was early fertilised from Babylonia. For instance, the seven devas or arch-demons of Zoroastrianism .are a reflection of the seven evil or destructive spirits who play such a part in Babylonian mythoUsgy (see Maspero. Dawn of Civ. 634. 776), and who in a famous incantation are called ' the Seven ' (see Zimmern's translation of the te.xt. Witer, Sohn 11. l-'iirsprec/icr, j f. ['96]), and the supjxjsed capacity of the formula of the .\luma-vairya to drive away the devas is but a sub- limated form of the Babylonian belief in the recitation of the hymns to the gods. Hence, even when a Jewish belief, such as the grouping of seven demons, char- acteristic of Jewish popular superstition (Ml. 1245 I-k. 11 26 Mk. I69 Lk. 82). appears to Ix; shai^cd by Persian influences (for names of demons of Persian origin besides A.smodkls [q.v.'\ see Hamburger. A*/:' ii. 1 281). it is very jjossible that Rabylonia gave the first impulse to Persia. The doctrine of ' disease-jKjssession ' among the Jews may very well have been taught in pre- exilic times ; ^ but it is probable that it was when the Jews were conscious of the displeasure of their God, and when they Ixjcame more and more e.\[X)sed to foreign influences, tint this doctrine attained its full dimensions, as we see it in the NT. It is not so much from Persia as from F.gvjit and Babylon that the stimulus for its development was derived. The Egyptian view descrilx;d in Orig. c. Cels.9,si (Schurer). that the human body was divided into thirty-six members, and that with each of these was connected a separate demon, by rebuking whom a member could Ije curetl of disease, is but a more specialised form of the doctrine of the Book of the Dead."^ The doctrine of disease among the ancient Babylonians was that the swarming demons could enter a man's Ixxly and cause sickness. On a fragment of a tablet Budge has found six evil spirits mentioned by name. The first attacked the head ; the second, the lips ; the third, the forehead ; the fourth, the breast ; the fifth, the viscera ; the sixth, the hand.^

1 [The sacrifices to the ie'lrfin [2K. 238, as emended by G. HofTmann, ZAT]^'2i-!$ ('82); Lev. 17 7] may h.ive Vwen in part desicned to avert diseases (cp the .Arabi.in Iwlief in //> described by We. Ar. HfU. 138, 2nd ed. 154 ; WR.S Rel. Sem.9) 120). Cp also the rite of Azazki..]

2 For the ancient Egyptian belief, cp Maspero, Daivn o/Civ.


3 TSBA 422 ['78] ; cp Maspero, Daum o/Crv. 83, 780.

It was the duty of the exorcist to expel these demons by incantations, and the Zoroastrians believed that Zarathustra, by reciting the formula calle<l the Ahuna-vairya, ' caused all the dev.as to vanish in the ground who aforetime flew alx)ut the earth in human shajx.'. ' * The Zoroastrian religion, therefore, gave its adherents some rest from this baleful Ix-'lief. Fidelity to its law could avert the danger which arose from the existence of the devas created by Angra-mainyu. That was also a part of the mission of the I^aw as consolidated by Kzra. and alxjvo all of a greater than either Moses or ICzra. The ' authority and [X)wi;r ' with which Jesus Christ ' conmianded the unclean spirits ' ( Lk. 4 36) astonished his contemporaries, and contrasts even with the comparative facility ascriljcd to Zarathustra. It is hardly necess;iry to add that similar phenomena to those descrilx;d in the Gospels are still to be met with, not only in savage districts, but also in countries of an ancient civilisation such as India and China.

On this subject see J. L. Nevins, Demon Possfssion and allieii I'htiiics ; being an intiucth'e Stuiiy 0/ I'lunonicna 0/ our 07vn 'J'lincs (Chicago, New York, and 'I'orjnto, itc,5). Of Babylonian demonology we still lack an a(ic<iuatc presentation. Among the older b<X)ks Lenormaiit's /, mat; it' diez Ifs Cluttdi'dts (ist ed., 1874) Ixrars most directly on llie subject. For evidence of the long-continued influence of I'.ibyh.nian on Jewi>h super- stition, see .Stiibe, Jii lisch Itahytonisihe /.atthettixte ('95). On Zoroastrian beliefs, see the translation of the Zendavesta in SHE. The reduction of the heathen gixis to mere hdifiavia, which we find accomplished in the Liter biblical writings, finds its parallel in the conver>ii)n of the ' bright ' Ixjings of the old Aryan mythology into the evil demotis of the Persian (see 1'kksia); see further the articles 'ficister,' ' Magie,' ' Zau- berei,' ' .M>erglaubc ' in Hamburger's Kl-'.. also F. C. Cony- beare, ' The Demonology of the NT' in/^'A", 1894-1897; W. K. Newbold, ' Demiiii I'ossession and .-Mlied Iheme;.,' .^Vra/ U\rlJ, Sept. 1897, pp. 4997?:

G. . G. g 1-5 ; J. M. 6-10 ; T. K. C. II.


(AHMO(t)a)N rA\l), one of the commandants (aTi-'aTrjyoi) of a district in Palestine in the time (if Jutias the Maccabee (2 .\Iacc. Ui2).


The OT law of deposit is laid down in E (I-2x. 227-13 [6-12]; cp the paraphrase in los. ArU. iv. 8 33).

With the exception of v. 9 [8] the law is clear. Two kinds of deposit are specified : (a) money (r-;i, or goods (c'Sl n^xScj.Ki^) ass. ox, sheep, or any beast. {^) To take the second group of cases first : if the deposit be stolen the depositary must make restitution (12 [11]). Should it be torn by wild beasts the production of a piece is sufficient witness, and a man cannot be called upon to make good that which was torn ( 13 [12]. cp C.\tti.k, g 9). Where culpability cannot be made out the dejxasitary swears that he is innocent and the depositor is bound to accept his word (10/ [9/]). (c) In cases of the first description, should the deposit be stolen, the thief, if found, must restore twofold 7 [6], cp v. 4 [3]) ; if the culprit be not found the depositary nmst come before the IClOhim and swear that he has not put his hand to his neighlx)ur's property (8 [7]}. The result must have been as alwve in v. iib that the depositor was bound to accept his word. Verse 9 [8] alone remains and is not easily reconciled with the foregoing ; it may be a later law added to cover general cases (both a and b) involv- ing alleged gross carelessness, false accusations, and libel. '-^

The later law of Lev. O2-7 (.'iai-261 applies the law of thft 'guilt offering ' to sin and trespass in 'a matter of deposit' (so RV ; jilf^S ; >rapaOj<t>), iie/>ositum). The only case here con- templated, however, is that in which volimtary confession is made ; the penitent depositary is to make restitution in full, add the fifth part more thereto, and ofTer a ram to Vahwi. Cp LAW AND JUSTICE, 8 17.

The use of the words Tropa^m), iropartSffai, iroiiaxaTatftjici), and jrapaitaTOTiSfVoi in (Lev. (5 2 4 Tot). 10 13 [12] ['I commit my daughter unto thee in special trust ') 2 Mace. 3 10 15 825 Jer. 40/ 41 to) sufficiently expl.iins the expressions in i Tim. 6 20 2 Tim. 1 12 14 (RViuk. ' deposit ' in all three cases). At Jerus.ilem (as at Rome, 01>-mpia, Delphi, and elsewhere) a large amount of wealth (' which did not pertain to the account of the sacrifices,' but was in fact private propc-rty) was consigned to the safe custody of the temple (st;e the story of Heliodorus in 2 Mace. 8, where in t. 15 express reference is made to the ' law concerning deposits'). See Kaknest, Pledge, Cp Diana, 3

1 VasnaO 15, in Mills' translation {Zemiav. 3 235).

2 c'nSjn in ' 89(7 8], as in F,x. 21 6 i S. 2 25, means the divinity as represented by the priestly exponents of the law at the sanctuary.


I- 130. sd^dn. Ass. laknu,^ lit. 'one appointed," 'set over' (CKacl HreMCON. etc.), the official title (a) of a certain officer of hi<^h grade under the Babylonian empire ( Jer. 51 23 28 57 ICzek. 23 6 12 23 ; see also Is. 41 25!; AV usu:illy 'rult-r' or [Dan. 82 etc. r::3, n'JJs] 'governor,' KV or RV'"*.'- 'deputy'; (5^7 virarovi), frequently mentioned in conjunction with 'governors' (pa/iJth). (b) Of certain administrative officers in Jud;i;a in the time of lizra and Nehemiah {Ezra92 N'eh. 'J 16 4i4 19 [8 13]. 5? 17 75 I240 13ii); menti(}ned sometimes in conjunction with ' princes (idrim). See tJoviCRNMENT, 26.

2. nrS, //(/ (Esth. 89 93 AV). See GovERNOK, I.

3. :S3, nisfab, i K. 2247 [48] [li>2"c (pm] (eo-njAiojiei/ov [A] vaolflcVini'l). See Koom, 7.

4. orJiin-aro?, Acts lU 7 etc. RV PuocONSUL [j.v.]. Cp CYPRUS, 4.


AepBH [Ti. WII ; Str.], AepB&i [Hier. Synec. 675]). Paul visited Dcrbe at least twice (Acts 1420 I61). and probably once again, in his third journey (Acts IS 23 ' went over all the country of Galatia and Phrygia in order'). From the fact that the name docs not occur in the list of places in which he had suffered persecution (2 'lim. 3ii), it may perhaps be inferred that the work of evangelisation encountered no obstacle there. That success attended the apostles at Derbe we learn from Acts 14 21. (iaius, one of Pauls companions from Corinth to Asia, was a native of the town (Acts'204).

1. Site[edit]

From Steph. Byz. we learn that the town was called also Ae\/3eia, ' which in the Lycaonian tongue signifies a juniper-bush.' The site was appro.xi- mately discovered by Sterrett, who put it between Bossola and Zosta (or Losta), villages two miles apart ( IVol/e Expcd. 23). Ramsay, however, says that the ruins at Bossola are merely those of a Seljuk khan, whilst those at Zosta have all been trans- ported thither from some other site. The great site of the district is the mound of Gudelissin in the plain about 3 m. NW. of Zosta, and 45 m. S. of Konia, (Iconium) at the foot of the Masallah Dagh. The mound is of the class called by Strabo (537) ' mounds of Scmiramis,' which are largely artificial, and of Oriental origin. It contains numerous traces of Roman occupation. The earliest city of Derbe must be sought in the mountains to the south.

This situation agrees with the notices in Strabo. After describing the ten Strategiai of Cappadocia, he adds that in the first century n.c. there was an eleventh Strategia, consisting of part of Lycaonia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia (53s, ij irepl Kaora/SaAa re ical Ku^io-rpa (Oie'^pt n^s 'Avriirarpou ToO At/o-toO Aep/Sr)?). He refers to the same district (537) as the additional (7ri<Ti)Tos) Strategia. Derbe is furtlier described as lying on the frontier of lEauria (Str. 569, -n^sS' lo-auptictj? ecmi'ei' irAeupai? Ti\ Sep^r)) ; the words which immediately follow (jLtoAio-Ta Tfl Kairn-aJoKi'ij e7ri7re<^uKb? toO 'Ai'TiTrarpou Tvpavuelou) refer to the fact that it was also on the frontier of the eleventh Strategia, an external addition to Cappadocia as above described. It is clear that Strabo's eleventh Strategia is identical with Ptolemy's ' Strategia Antiochiane,' in which he enumerates Derbe (Ptol. 5 6).

1 Whence Or. fuyan|s (Ges. Lex.O^)). On its relation to )3b see Treasurer, 2.

2. History[edit]

Derbe was the stronghold of the brigand chief Antipater (Cic. /^/>. ad Fam. 13 73; Str. 535, 569, 6 Tj. . Aep^rjT-qs). When, however, KingAmyntas ^ ^^' slew Antipater, he added the town to his" own Lycaonian and Galatian dominions (29-27 B.C.).

On the death of Amyntas himself in 25 n.c. the larger part of his kingdom was made by the Romans into the province Galatia ; but apparently Derbe, along with Cilicia Tracheia (i.e., the eleventh Strategia), was given to Archelaos, king of Cappa- docia {circa 20 B.C.). When Archelaos died in 17 A.n. the Cappadocian part of his kingdom was t.aken over by the Komans ; but the Lycaonian part was left to his son Archelaos II., who was still reigning in 36 a.d. (cpTac. Ann. 242 641). Two years later the region described by Strabo as the eleventh Strategia, and by Ptolemy as the Strategia Antiochiane, was assigned by Caligtda to Antiochus IV. and lotape Philadelphos. Soon afterwards Antiochus lost favour, and was deprived of his kingdom. In 41 a.d. Claudius restored the territory to Antiochus and lotape, who ruled until 72 a.d. It appears, however, that on this restoration the Lycaonian section of the realm of Antiochus was detached and permanently assigned to Galatia. Derlje therefore became part of that province. The transference was due to the importance of the town as a frontier post in the SK. of the Roman province. Claudius remixielled Its constitution and honoured the place with the title Claudio- Derlw (see Rains. JlUt. Geog. 0/ AM, 336, y]i/., and Church in Kom. JCinfi. 54).

Thus we can understand how at the time of Paul's visit (46 or 48 A.D. ) Derbe could t)e correctly described as a city of Lycaonia (Acts 146), for so it was from the point of view of geography or ethnography. Politically, however, Derl>c lx:longed to the province of Galatia, and it is argued by Ramsay that in the language of polite address its inhabitants must have been dvdpa VaXdrai (Gal. 3i), not AvKaove^, which latter term signified the population of the non- Roman part of Lycaonia (see, however, Galatia). w. j. w.


The English word ' desert ' ordinarily means a sterile sandy plain without vegetation and water a 'sea of sand,' such as, e._if., parts of the Sahara.

1. General meaning.[edit]

This is not the meaning of ^^^ Hebrew words. No desert of this kind was known to Israel either before or after the occupation of Canaan. The districts to which the term 'desert' is ajjplied in EV are, at the present day, frequently covered with vegetation, and were probably even more prosperous in the past (see more fully the articles on the place-names enumerated in 3). ' Wilderness,' by which the Hebrew terms are sometimes translated, is a somewhat Ijetter rendering ; but it is not always adequate.

2. Hebrew terms.[edit]

It will be convenient here to record the Hebrew words, and to indicate other terms of analogous meaning.

(1) 12ir;, horbdh (from 3-)n ' to lay waste," epijfio? ; also ipyt/jiia, I>ck.3.'>4,ep^H(oo-is, Jer. 734 [R.\Q1 225; oiKOTrefof Ps. 1026(7], 'desert,' RV 'waste places'; .so KV 'waste,' Lev. 20 31 Is. (il 4 ; or ' desolation,' Jer. 44 2 ; cp Ezek. 38 12 AV only), used of cities and regions formerly inhabited but now lying waste or in ruins from war or neglect ; cp Jer. 44 2, ' the cities are a desola- tion and no man dwelleth therein' ; hence in threats {e.g., Lev. /.c), or in promises (with ri^S, CCip) once with reference to the wilderness of wanderings (Is. 48 21).

(2) p3"'f'?, y'hmdn (\^cr". '^^ desolate'; for cognates see below, 7), [yij] avu&po^, used of a district riverless and un- inhabited (Is. 43 19, EV 'desert,' || laic), of the wilderness of wanderings (Dt. 32 10, EV 'wilderness'; Ps.7840, EV 'de.sert,' II 13ia) ; otherwise, a geographical designation ; cp 3, 2, 3, and see Be I H-jESHi.MOTH, Jeshimon.

(3) "lino, viiJbdr (Iprj/ios, etc.; once [Is. 41 19] awipoi y^ ; AV ' desert,' RV ' wilderness'; but in Gen. 14 6, etc., EV 'wilder- ness'; once, Ps. 75 6 (7], EV 'south' [RViuK- 'wilderness of the mountains '1]). The idea of 'desert' is totally foreign to this word (on its derivation see Cattle, 5). Midbar is a district pos.sessing pastures (Joel 222, Ps. 65 12 [13]) and cities (Is. 42 11), but occupied by nomads, not by settled tillers of the soil (cp esp. Nu. 1433). It is commonly employed to denote the wilderness of wanderings, which itself is a mountainous region, not without pasture grounds, and so devoid of sand that the one tract which forms an exception has the ch.aracter- istic name Debbct er-Raikh, ' plain of sand ' ; see below, 3, i.

(4) n^nj?, 'ilrilbiih (apa^a [i) Trpbs Sva-iiali, Josh. 11 16, etc.]), in poetical literature often occurs in parallelism with midbdr (Is. S.'ii [eprj/iio?] 40 3 41 19, EV 'desert'). In Jer. 50 12 it approximates more closely to the modern idea of ' desert ' (cp Is. 35 I Jer. 61 4 3 ; |1 n^) ;. but in historical w ritings (early and late) it is a geographical term (see 3, 2, Ijelow).

(5) n;^'. fhyi^ ('dry land' [so Ps. 63 i (2), EV], Job 30 3, AV RVnig. ' wilderness,' RV ' dry ground ' ; cp J'VS, ' dry place,' Is. 255 322), used of the wilderness of wanderings, Ps. 7S 17 (.\V 'wilderness,' RV 'desert,' RVnig. 'dry land '). For C"S, dwellers of the 'desert' (Is. 13 21 34 14, EV ; also 23 13, AV ; referring to wild beasts) or ' wilderness ' (Ps. 72 9 "4 '4. EV ; referring to human beings), see Cat, Wild Beasts.

1 The pa.ssage is obscure(see Ba. , Del.), and, according to Che , deeply corrupt.

A still more forcible term is: (6) \r,h, taha (I's. 10740 Job 12 84; EV 'wilderness*), used of the wilderness of wandering, Dt. 32 10 (with pOC'| 77|, ' howl- inR waste '). The word (cp et-T}k) sucRests the idea of waste- nc"*s and confusion (Jcr. 4 at Job 2ll 7 Is. 24 10; cp l-.ccliis. 41 10 (Heb.)), such as existed before the creation ((Icn. 1 i, see C'kkation, I 7). For the sake of completeness mention may be made also of :

(7) ncc*, Ummdh (Is. 59 Jer. 42 18), TOCC'ds. 1 7 11), rCCB' (Krck. 357), all of which involve the idea of a devastation, not a natural state (v^cCt? : cp no. 3).

(8) a'lr', hirdb. Is. 357 (n awpo), RV 'glowing sand,' RViiiL'- MlKAGE (?.!'.). AV 'parched ground' is preferable; cp Aram, 'i^raf', 'to be burnt or dried up,' and .see Che. Intr. Is. 269. The NT terms to ! mentioned arc :

(9) tprttLM (e.g.. Heb. 11 38, KV 'desert,' Mt. 1^33, 'wilder- ness,' RV 'desert place') and ipyfino^ U-S-t ^'t- l^^'Ji ^-V ' desert ').

3. Geographical applications.[edit]

The chief districts and regions to which the above terms are applied may be here enunifratcd.

1. The most prominent is that which was the scene of the wanderings of Israel. It is commonly called ham-_ .. , tm't/fi.i r Dt. 1:1.etc. ); but other geographical terms(.Shur. Sinai, etc. ; see GEOGRAPHY, 7) are added to indicate more particularly the region intended. On the character of this tract, which stretches from the S. border of Palestine to lUath and forms the W. bouiuLiry of Ildom, see SiNAl. The only part which can fairly be dfscril>ed as a desert is the bare and parched district of ct-Tih, and it is here that U and (more elaborately) 1' place the forty years' wanderings (see Wandkki.ngs, 10/". n>), and with this agrees the circumstance that it is only in the later writings that the horror and lone- someness of the 'wilderness' is referred to (I'-i;., Dt. 8.5).

2. The great crack or depression which includes the Jordan valley, and extends N. to Antioch and S. to the gulf of Akiibah, is the second great 'desert.' To the N. lay the viidbar A'iblah (Ezek. 614), midbar Damiiscus{\ K. I95); cj) i)erhaps the ^pTj/ii'a of Mt. 1533. The well-known geographical term 'Anlbah (see above, '2, 4) is confined chiefiy to the lower half (cp iniJbor Moab, Dt. "JS Nu. '21ii; viidbar Kedcmoth, Dt. 226; midbar Beser, Dt. 443), sc-e Ak.\B.\II.i To the NE. of the Dead Sea is applied also the term 'JCshimon' (see Jk.shimon). Allusions to the .Arabnh on the W. side of the Jordan are found in 2 S. 102328 17 16, and in it we should jx-'rhaps include the midbar lU-th-Aven (Josh. 18 12), midbar Gibeon (2 S. 224 ; but .see CiiniiDN), mid- bar Jericho (Jos. 16 1), and the references in Judg. 2042^^ I S. 13i8. Here, too, was probably the ^/mj/uos of the niurative of the Temptation ( Mt. 4 i ). See further Dk.\u Si: .\, 2.

3. The third tract is the midbar Judah (Josh, l.'iai, Judg. 1 1 6), the E. part of which, along the IX-ad Sea, is called Jt5shiini3n (18.281924 2613); special limita- tions are the midbar Maon ('in the Aralxih ' i S. 23 24/), midbar Ziph (ib. 23 14), aiul midbar En-i^edi (1 S. 24 2[i]). To the N. it approached the .Arab.ih. Here are found the midbar Tfkoa (2 Ch. 202o; cp viidbar Jc-ruel, ib. 16), and probably the midbar of 1K.234 (Ikthlehem? cp 2.S. 232, and see Atroth- kkth-jo.ak). To the S. lay Tamar 'in the midbar' (t K.9i8, jnN2 is a gloss), probably forming part of the great midbar in no. i alxjve. On the ' desert ' (fpTjfio^) of .Acts 826, see Gaza. See, further. Dead Ska, Juuah, Palestink, 11.

4. For the desert -like tracts to the E. of Jordan (stretching to the Euphrates, 1 Ch. 69) see BASHAN, PALESTINE, 12. s. A. c.

1 On Am. 6 14 see Arabah, Brook op.


(n:inN), EccI. 125 AV, RV"-; RV Caper-Hkrky (y.i'.j.


RV Lessau (Aeec&oy [V vid.], AeccAoy [.\]), a village (in Judasa) where NiCANOR {^.v. ) appears to have fought with Judas (2 Mace. 14 16). Possibly Adasa is meant (Ew. //is/. 4 331) ; but the Greek text is here not free from corruption.


(*:), Is. 65 n RV. See FORTUNE AND DESTINY


(H^nU^n. Ex.1223, ton oAeO- peyoNTA. cp Heb. 11 28; o oAoGrcyoon. Wisd. ISas ; O oAoGpeYTHC. I Cor. 10 10).

In his account of the last plague, J implies that the death of the first-born was the work of the Destroyer. In the light of 2 S. 24 16, where the angel of Vahwe is descrilx;d as ' the angel that destroyc-d the people ' (ci'3 nrtr-cn), and of 2 K. 193s= Is. 37.16, where the de- struction of the As.syrian army is attributed to the ' angel of Yahw^, ' we should be ready to infer that the ' Destroyer* of the firstborn is not a being distinct from Yahwe, but rather ' the angel of Yhimself; i.e., the term denotes a self- manifestation of Vahw6 in destructive activity (cp Tiik(JI'IIANV, 4). This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that the narrative speaks of ' The Destroyer' or Vahwe (v. zg) indifferently, just as other narratives use the terms ' angel of Vahwe ' and ' Y.Uiwe ' interchangeably. Cp also E.x. I227 (Rd). The 'de- stroyer ' is clearly identified with Vahwe by the author of the Wisdom of Solomon, who attributes the death of the firstborn to the word of God (W'isd. 18 14-16). The meaning attributed to the term by the author of the epistle to the Hebrews (11 28) is less clear.

The death of the Israelites in the plague recorded in Nu. I641-50 [I76-15] is attributed directly to CJod. In Wisd. 1825 it is said that these [icople jKrished by the 'Destroyer' ; but here, again, the IXstroycr seems to be identified by the writer with God (cp (jrimm on the passage. zi: 20-25) ; and the same identification is possibly intended by Paul (i Cor. lOio). On the other hand, in 4 Mace. 7 11 the executor of death a[)fx;ars as a distinct angel ; and generally ^ in later Jewish literature the angel of death (xniCT KrKSc) has a well-marked and distinct individuality (cp \\'elx.'r, Altsyn. 77/a/.<-) 247^) and is identified with Satan or the Devil (cp in N'T Heb. 214/ i Pet. 58). All this is quite foreign to the belief underlying I".x. 12 23.

It is f|uite in accordance with the general character of the Priestly Code, which avoids reference to angels or to the theophanic 'angel of Valiwe' (cp .Angkl, 6), that n'ntrc, which is used in the [K-rsonal sense of 'destroyer' by J .(Ex.1223), is used as an abstract term destruction by P (12 13 [R\'"'C- ' a destroyer'] ; cp Ezek. 5 16 2l36[3i] 25 15). A plurality of beings who accomplish the death of men is referred to in Job 3322 by the temi cntD ('slayers'), which is rendereti in RV 'destroyers.' According to some commentators, such angelic ministers of death form the unnamed subject of the plural verb in Lk. 12 20.

G. B. G.

1 In Targ. Jon. to Hab. 3 5, however, where |ni2 ^K^; s parallel to .TTO'O (. " *T KTD*c) the distinction is not so manifest 1078


(aBaAAcon). Rev. On ; RV Abaddon ('/.f. ).


(Dnnn Tl'), Is.l9i8; see HERES, CITY OF.