Encyclopaedia Biblica/Haggiah-Hazel

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(n3n, my feast is Yahwe, 72), a Merarite (iCh. 6 30 [15], ApriA [A], AMA [B a ], AN&IA. [L]). In @ the Merarite names cannot always be identified with those in MT.


(JVin, 72, perhaps born on the feast day, 99, &fp[e]i0 [BAL]), wife of David and mother of ADONIJAH [?.., i]-. 28. 3 4 (4>errei9[B], (}>eNn6 [A] ; i K. Is, A[-l9 C A ]> L, substitutes A&yi^ 1 " 2 13. A[~ei0 [ A om - B], J Ch- ^ 2 )- Perhaps rnn is an early corruption from nwrii 'the Gittite' ; the mention of a wife from Gath after those from GESHUR (2), Caleb, and Jezreel, would be quite suitable ; see DAVID, ii (</), col. 1032. S. A. C.


(AH* [BA]), lEsd. 5 34 AV = Ezra2 S 7, HATTIL [g.v.].


AV Haggeri C 1 ")}!!, a Hagrite ; Ar-&pei [BK], arapcu [A], <ry>)pi [L]), an incorrect reading for the Gadite, ijn) in i Ch. 11 38!, where Mibhar son of Hagri should rather be ... of Zobah, Bani the Gadite as in 2 S. 23 36 (see Dr. ad loc.~).

1 Generally connected with EJ 33 ; see CRYSTAL. Most probably, however, we should read iP O^n ; see FLINT, and cp Crit. Bih.

2 Read answered him with hail and flint-stones (see Heb. text).


(;i>n), Gen. 13 3 AV ; RV Ai (q.v., i).


(T^2, cp Ar. barada, to be [become] cold ; X&AAZA; Bfa^ 1 [Ezek. 13 ii 13 (Aieoyc) nerpo- BoAoyc, i.e., Bfrpjn? 8822 X&A&Z&]). Hailstones were devoutly regarded as proofs of God s might (Ecclus. 43 15 and @); he kept them in his store chambers (Job 3822, cp SNOW); they served as his weapons (Josh. 10n, cp Ecclus. 46s/ 2 Wisd. 622). Naturally, therefore, hail forms a feature in descriptions of judgment (e.g.. Is. 28 17 [not ] 30 30 32 19 Ezek. 13ni3 8822 ), and once in a description of a theophany (Ps. 18i2[i3]), where, as often elsewhere, it is coupled with fire (lightning) ; cp Ps. 7848 (see below) 10532 1488 Ecclus. 392 9 Rev. 87 cp 11 19.

Hail is also mentioned with voices (thunder) in Ex. 92328/1 33/. , and in Ps. 1488 is not far off from storm wind. This too is perfectly natural. The most destructive hailstones are those which accompany a tornado or a violent thunderstorm. Perhaps we may assume such a combination for the great overthrow of the Canaanite kings at Beth-horon (Josh. 10 n ; cpjudg. 620), when more died by the hailstones than by the sword of Israel. Hail frequently accompanies the thunderstorms of winter and spring in Palestine * (GASm. HG 64). Certainly such a combination is presupposed in the two, or strictly speaking, three, notices of the plague of hail in Egypt (Ex. 913-35 Ps. 7847^), to which we now turn. The former, which is the only original one, is conflate i.e., it has been produced by the fusion of two distinct accounts, 2 one of which does not know of a plague of locusts, and makes the crops to be destroyed by the hail, while the other says nothing of a plague of murrain, and makes the hail- stones fall upon man and beast. Hence the cattle, though destroyed in Ex. 9 6, are still presupposed in 9 22. The poetic version of the plagues in Ps. 78 devotes one distich to the locusts, and two to the hail, if MT is correct. Sym. , however, reads pestilence, murrain, where MT gives -na hail in v. ^Sa. This is most probably correct. 3 If so, the psalmist transposes the plague of hail and the plague of murrain.

It is remarkable that he says nothing of the destruction of human life caused by the hail ; also that (if the text is correct) he uses the very unusual word j-in ( to kill ) in speaking of the destruction of the vines, and, as a parallel to hail, in ^.47, an otherwise unknown and perfectly inexplicable word (7Djn, EV frost ; mg. great hailstones ; n-a\/j7, rime ; Aq. Kpvos ; but Sym. <TKcoAi) , worm ; and Tg. wainj, locust, as if reading QOJn). Both these words appear to be corrupt. Adopt ing the most probable emendations we obtain this quatrain :

He wasted their vines with hail,
And their fig-trees with hot coals ;
He gave their cattle over to the murrain,
And their flocks to burning sickness. 4

The narrative represents the hailstorm as occurring at the end of January (Ex. 931), a month during which hailstorms may very well occur. In summer they are rare; according to Pruner (Di.-Rys. Ex. Lev. 98) in twelve summers hail only fell thrice, and then not very much. Prof. Macalister (Hastings DB2z&i) mentions stones which fell in a brief hail -shower in Egypt on i3th Aug. 1832, which weighed several ounces. In Rev. 1621 we read of hailstones of the i weight of a talent z. e. , about two cubic feet in bulk. This is the weight ascribed to the stones cast at the Jews by the Romans at the siege of Jerusalem (Jos. BJ v. 63). T. K. C.

1 The reference to hail as destructive to crops in Hag. 2 17 (an interpolation from Am. 4 9) is due to corruption. Read Timnrti I destroyed (as We. in Am. I.e.).

" See Bacon, Trip. Trad. i$f.

3 In the parallel line (v. 48^) we find D BBn 1 ?. which is gener ally rendered to the lightning flashes ; but rt?-|by itself does not mean lightning ("63 [4]^ is corrupt), and the strong expression 130"! ( he gave over, as if to a supernatural power) favours Sym. s reading "l^?. Perhaps we should read F $~g (sing.) ; cp Hab. 85 where ~\yi and f]B ! n are parallel. Thus we gain an allusion to Ex. 93 (H T). For D StPlh Sym. has oiw^ois, based on a well-attested but quite erroneous interpretation of r.tjn (cp Ecclus. 43 17, Heb. and Gk.).

4 For aim read anrvi ; for SojH, D %l ?rn ; for "raS, la^ (so also Dyserinck, Bi.( 2 t Gra.), and for D BEnJ?, p |Bh!j, with Che. (Ps.(2i).


(irb* ; 6pi5).

1. Colour.[edit]

The question of the origin of the Israelitish race and the variations of the Israelitish type is too uncertain to be referred to in this connection. We can therefore only state, with regard to the colour of the hair, that in Canticles, which represents the conventionalised type of a Jew and a Jewess in the country districts in the latter part of the OT period, the hair that receives poetic eulogy is black. Neglecting the opening words of Cant. 5 it, which describe the head of the bridegroom as the most fine gold an unintelligible and doubtless corrupt phrase, 1 we find in the next line that his locks are bushy, and black as a raven. Elsewhere no doubt the hair of the bride is said to be like purple (Cant. 7s [6]), and with a little ingenuity this might be plausibly explained (see Del. ad loc. ), if we could venture to believe that the passage was correctly read in the received text. We must take care, however, not to commit such an offence against the ideal bride as to make her red- haired. 2 In Cant. 4i (65) the song- writer says, Thy hair is like a flock of goats, that lie along the side of Gilead ; it is plain that the goats of Palestine could by no caprice of language be called purple. Thus in post- exilic times the Jews considered dark hair as beautiful. Clear evidence of a similar estimate in pre-exilic times is wanting. We may reasonably assume, however, that David s hair was dark, for it is represented in Michal s stratagem by a net of goat s hair (i S. 19 13), and when the youthful David is called *yy\* (i S. 16 12 1742), this means, not that he was red-haired 3 like Esau (-\yty JOTM, Gen. 2625), but that he had not yet become browned by exposure to the sun. Kitto 4 thinks that Eccles. 12s contains a reference to the striking contrast in a mixed assembly between the snow-white head of an old man and the jet black heads of the younger men.

There is certainly no better explanation to propose for j N3 " P^ i! 1 (cp ALMOND); but the reading is uncertain, and the object of the little poem to which the phrase belongs is disputed.

It would accord well with the ordinary view if the same writer used the expression black hair 5 as a synonym for youth (Eccles. 11 10) ; but no stress can safely be laid upon this. Kitto s remark is at any rate illustrative of Prov. 1631 2629 (cp 2 Mace. 623), where 1 gray hairs (ru b>) are represented as the ornament of old men, no doubt because the wicked were supposed not to reach old age. It must have shocked Jewish senti ment (cp Mt. 636) when Herod (if the story is true) dyed his hair black, to conceal his advanced age (Jos. Ant. xvi. 8 1 ). Of wigs we hear nothing in the Bible, though such toilet articles were common in ancient Egypt (Erman, Anc. Eg. 219-223).

2. Growth.[edit]

Quite incidentally the prophet Ezekiel (83) shows us how well rooted the bushy locks of the Israelites were (cp LOCKS). This native vigour is one of the presuppositions of the story of Samson. Beguile him, said the Philistine princes to Delilah, and see how it comes that he is so strong (Judg. 16s) ; and Samson replies at last, If I be shaven, then my strength will go from me, and I shall become weak, and be like any other man (v. 17). It is true, Samson s strength was held to be due to his consecrated character ; but this is not the whole of the secret. His hair was the symbol of that natural strength which the Nazirite vow placed under the divine protection.

The true origin of Samson s hair is a matter of conjecture. It is probable enough that the hair of the solar one (ptycuO originally meant the rays of the sun. In Job 89 41 18 [10] the eyelids or eyelashes of the dawn (or rather, of the sun ; see LUCIFER) were the rays of the sun 6 (see Schultens, Comm, in Jobinn, 1 61).

Hence too in Ps. 6821 [22], if MT is correct, we read:

Yea, God smites asunder the head of his foes,
The hairy crown that stalks on in his sins. 1

He who placed his long hair and his corresponding physical strength at the service of his sins challenged God to interpose and crush him. Hair and strength are here once more related. To a Jew it must therefore have seemed a striking paradoxical expression, when, in the picture of an anthropomorphic God, it was said, The hair of his head was like pure wool (Dan. 7 9). The colour indicated that he was ancient in days ; but the fiery stream which was before him proved that his white hair was no symbol of weakness. Com pare Rev. 1 14.

1 Read His head is like Carmel.

2 Gra. renders Thy head upon thee is like crimson (S D GJ = SDIDD) ; but cp Del. ad loc.

j So Kitto (Bib. Cycl.), Sayce (Races of the OT 74), Then.,

Klo. The Qj; which follows JOIN is not a corruption of lj?[t; ], hair (KIo. s view), but a prematurely written nt yljJ.

  • Kitto, Bib. Cycl., art. Hair. The passage gives striking

expression to the still prevalent view.

5 Wins is so explained by Del. and Wildeboer following Tar<j. and Rab. interpretation.

6 For more distant parallels (Greek, Latin, American) see Goldziher, Heb. Mythology, 137. See especially Wilken, De Simsonsage, De Gids, 2303 ( 88).

3. Consecration of the hair.[edit]

On the Nazirite vow see NAZIRITE. Analogous to it is the consecration of their hair by warriors, supposed to be referred to in the words jtnea ? n ^ (Judg " 5:2)l which Robertson Smith rendered, 2 'for that flowing locks were worn in Israel'. 3 We must not suppose, however, that Israelites, in time of peace, wore their hair short. To be sure, there were barbers (Ezek. 5t; see BEA-RD) ; but the popular sentiment or superstition about hair justifies us in assuming that an Israelite s hair was only trimmed, especially in front, not cut close ; and it is not probable that the author of 2 S. 1425-27 would have wished to make us laugh at Absalom s vanity. Cp, however, ABSALOM.

That Absalom employed the barber only once a year is told us in order to explain how it was that his hair (and also his strength?) was so abundant. Probably it is not a whit more historical than the story in Josephus (Ant. viii. 7 3) of the horse guards of Solomon, who had gold dust sprinkled every day on their long hair. The writer may be of the post-exilic age (Bu.) ; certainly his sole aim is to glorify Absalom.

On the other hand, to express contempt for a man, it was enough to call him a bald head (2 K. 223 ; cp Is. 81724), and the object of plucking out (Ezra 9s) and shaving (Job 1 20) or disfiguring the hair of the head by throwing dust upon it (Job 2 12), and extending similar treatment to the beard, was to express the mourner s sense that he was cut off from all the pleasures and honours of ordinary life. See MOURNING CUSTOMS.

In this connection we may refer to a limitation placed by P on the high priest. He was neither to rend his clothes as a mourner, nor to let the hair of his head go loose (Lev. 21 10, cp 106). His hair was at all times to be tended in such a way as to enhance the popular respect for so exalted a personage. Ezekiel, too, gives this precept to the priests, They shall not shave their heads, nor suffer their locks to grow long ; they shall only poll their heads ( Ezek. 44 20). They were to strike the mean between the practice of the Nazirites (Nu. 65) and the heathenish asceticism referred to in Lev. 19 27 21s Dt. 14 1 Am. 8 10 (see CUTTINGS, 3).

1 So De Witt renders. Duhm even supposes an allusion to the Nazirites among the Pharisees. ~\y\y hair, however, should no doubt be J/Bh wicked one (Gra., Che. etc.).

2 J. S. Black, Judges, 39 ( 92).

3 Probably, however, v. 2 and v. 9 are duplicates (Marq., Ruben), and i>. 9 should be used to correct v. 2. In this case the long hair disappears, and, if Cheyne s emendation (/QR, July 99) be adopted, the verse will run : Bless Yahwe, O ye marshals of Israel, who displayed (such) zeal among the people. ijns ar| d J,T3 in ? 2, and ^ 3*7 in v. o, both came from a 13-13 (which was in fact inserted at the end of v. 2 as a correction).

4. Women's head-dress.[edit]

That long hair was admired in women, is plain from Canticles (see above, i). One might almost infer from Jer. 7 29 that scissors were hardly applied to women s hair (on Dt. 21 12 see 5SB Driver s note), for the word rendered hair (nn) is the same which is applied elsewhere to the inviolable hair of the Nazirite (TIJ). Certainly, as Kamphausen remarks, the goats, with whose black hair the hair of the ideal bride is compared (Cant. 4 1 65), were not shorn goats. Of the artful curls (Is. 824, SBOT) of the ladies of Jerusalem in Isaiah's time, we have no information. The Talmud, how ever, presents us with a word for the women s hair dresser (^:p, cp MARY MAGDALENE), and the verb from which it comes means to plait. Judith, one remembers, braided her hair (Sdra^e [ddi-ave, N] ras rpixas, 10 3) before entering the camp of Holo- fernes ; and NT writers dissuade strongly from using irX^y/JLara (i Tim. 2 9) and e/iTrXo/o; rpixuv (i Pet. 83), and from adorning the hair with pearls and jewels. On i Cor. 114-15 see VEIL.

5. Illustrations from the monuments.[edit]

Illustrations from the Egyptian monuments are, as far as men's hair is concerned, of less importance than those from the Assyrian. Great pains were taken by Assyrians of high rank in the arrangement of their hair. As we see from the monuments, it was carefully combed down and parted into several braids or plaits, and was allowed to spread out upon the neck in a mass of curls. This, together with the similar use of braids or plaits among the Arabs, 1 illus trates the seven braids (mahliphdth, niB^no) of Sam son s hair mentioned in Judg. 1613 19. Cp BEARD.

T. K. c.


(nnn il). iCh. 4i8 RVg- ; AV JEHUDIJAH (q.v. ).


(|Bi9n, the small one, 66 ; AK[K]A-TAN [BAL]), father of JOHANAN ( 15) of the b ne Azgad, a family in Ezra s caravan (see EZRA i. , 2 ; ii. , 15 [i]rf), Ezra8i2=i Esd. SsSf RV m e-, but AVACATAN ; RV AKATAN.


(f lpn, as if, the briar ; A,K[K]COC [BNAL]) RV; AV always Koz except in (3) where it has HAKKOZ; in i Ch. 48 RV even has HAKKOZ for Heb. pp. Coz.

1. The b'ne Hakkoz were a post-exilic family who were unable to prove their pedigree ; Ezra 26i (oxovs [B], O.K.K.. [AL])=Neh. 763 (<"** [L]) = i Esd. 5 sst, AV Accoz, RV AKKOS, mg. HAKKOZ (cuc/Sus [B], cuocovs [L]).

2. Grandfather of MEREMOTH (i), Neh. 8421 (auap, v. 21 [B]).

3. According to i Ch. 24 10 the seventh of the priestly courses fell to HAKKOZ (fipnS, *o> [B]).


(KQ-1pn, crooked (?) ; Ax[e]i(J)A[BA]), a family of NETHINIM in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA, ii. 9), Ezra 251 (a</>eta [B], aKOv<f>a [AL])=Neh. 7 53 (a<cei(/>a [N], om. L)=iEsd. 631 (ax*ij3a [B], a.Kov<j>a. [L], ACIPHA [AV], ACHIPHA [RV], and possibly ACUB [see BAKBUK] is really a duplicate of the same name).


(r6p ; A A[Ake [BA], eAA^e [L] ; in 2 K. 176 18n HALA ; in I Ch. 626 )(&&X [ B l X<5^A L A ] &AAAN [I ] LAHELA ; Pesh. always U^A), a city or district, mentioned with Habor, the river of Gozan, and the cities (?) of Media, as one of the places colonised with Israelites from Samaria (2 K. 176 18 n ; cp i Ch. 626). Schrader (KGF 167, n. ; CO7 l268) combines it with a city called Halahhu mentioned in a geographical list (2 R. 5836^) between Arrapachitis and Reseph, and Winckler (A OF 292) gives references (K. 10922 etc. ) for a land called Halahha connected obscurely with Harran. BAL in 2K.176 and (S L in 2 K. 18n treat Halah as one of the rivers of Gozan ; but see GOZAN (end).

T. K. c.

1 We. Ar. Heid.C*} 197. Tabari reports of a certain Ribi that he wore four braided locks which were as stiff as the horns of a wild goat. It is still said by the Bedouin in praise of a good-looking young man, He has great and long horns (Doughty, Ar. Des. 1469).


(p^HH inn ; A.[A.]AAK [AFL]). The smooth (or bare) mountain that goeth up to Seir (i.e. , in this passage, to the mountain district W. of the Araba, bounded on the N. by the IVddy el-Marreh, the Wddy Madarah, and the Wddy el-Fikreh], is opposed as the limit of Canaan (or, more precisely, of Joshua s conquests) in the S. to Baal-gad, under Mt. Hermon, in the N. , Josh. 11 17 (ax.eX [B]), 12; (xe\xa [B]). aAo/c [AL]). Elsewhere the S. frontier of Judah towards Edom is the ascent of AKRABBIM (q.v. ), which is the long winding pass on the route from Petra to Hebron fitly called the Nakb es-Safd, or Pass of the Bare Rock. This pass indeed could hardly be said to go up to Seir ; but not very far to the SW. , in a wady of the same name (the continuation of the Wel- Fikreli], stands the Jebel Aladarah a conical limestone hill or mountain, which no one descending to Edom could fail to notice, rising in isolation like a lofty citadel (Rob. BR 2589 ; Palmer, Desert of Exodus, 415, 418). This has been identified by Trumbull with Mt. Hor (see HOR, MOUNT, i) ; it is at any rate safer to regard it as the bare mountain that goeth up to Seir. T. K. c.


( UTpn ; perhaps full of hollows ; cp HOLON ; A AOYA [B], -yA [A], -ye [L]), in the hill- country of Judah, grouped with Beth-zur and Gedor (Josh. 15s8); Jerome (OS 119?) speaks of a village Alula near Hebron. No doubt it is the mod. Halhul, about 4 m. N. of Hebron, a village beautifully situated between Beit Sur (BETH-ZUR) and Beit Ainun (BETH- ANOTH) ; Jedur (GEDOR, i) lies to the N.

A village Alurus, where an Idumaean army assembled, is mentioned in Josephus (BJ iv. 96); it is plausible to identify this name with Halhul (Buhl, Geogr. 158). The CHELLUS of Judith 1 9, however, lies elsewhere.


( vH), if the text is right, an unidentified city of Asher; Josh. 192 5 f (&Ae<|> [B], ooAei [A], AX ei [L]). Corruption, however, is not unfrequent in these place-names, and we may possibly read (fOa^Mi cp K ; see HELBAH. To connect Hali with Alia (Guerin, Gal. 262 , cp Buhl, 231) is hardly plausible. s. A. C.


(A.AIK&PN&CCOC [ANV]; mod. Budrun], a Carian city, on S. shore of the promontory which, with that of Cnidus to the S. , encloses the Ceramic gulf, the mouth of which is occupied by the island of Cos. It is celebrated as the birthplace of Herodotus and the seat of Mausolus (inscrr. and coins, Maussollos) whose tomb, built by his widow Artemisia, who was also his sister, was one of the seven wonders of the world (Strabo, 656). The town is mentioned inci dentally in i Mace. 1623 (referring to 139 B.C.) as con taining a Jewish colony, like all the cities on this coast. The coinage seems to indicate that Halicarnassus did not share in the trade with Egypt in the fifth century B. c. to any great extent.

From Jos. Ant. xiv. 1023 we learn that a decree of the city, passed under Roman influence (46 B.C. ?), guaranteed that the Jews of Halicarnassus should be allowed, in addition to other privileges, to make their proseuchae at the seaside, according to the customs of their forefathers (Tas Tr/poo-eu^os 7roiet<r0at Trpbs rfj OaAaTTT) Kara TO Trdrpiov eOos), which illustrates Acts 16 13 without the gate by a river side, where we supposed there was a place of prayer (e <o rijs jrvX>)s napa TTOTafibv of eyo/aifei-o 7rpo<rei>xi) [ivo(tfojtl irpocrfvxnv WH] eii/at, sc. at Philippi).

The town never recovered from its siege and capture by Alexander (334 B.C.). It was rebuilt in the third century B.C. Cicero, writing to his brother in 60 B.C., calls it diruta ac psene deserta (Ad Q. Fr. i. 125); but he is magnifying his brother s services towards the town during his governorship in the previous year.

See Newton, Hist, of Discov. at Hal. , etc. ; Travels and Discoveries in the Levant (views and plans). Frag ments of the Mausoleum are in the British Museum. On the form of the name see Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. of A.M., 405. w. j. w.


P?n), a Mishnic Hebrew derivative from 77n, hillel, to praise, is a term in synagogal liturgy, (i) for Pss. 113-118, specifically called nyr2H hhr\, hallel hammisrl, the Egyptian Hallel, and recited during the Paschal meal on the night of the Passover, and also on eighteen other festal days of the year ( Tadnith, 286) ; and (2) for Ps. 136 (according to some Pss. 120-136 or 1354-136; Pes. n8a; Sophfrim, 182), called b'nan H, 'hallel haggddol', the great Hallel.

1. Origin and extent.[edit]

Rabban Gamaliel's words (M. Ptsdhim, 10s) suggest that the reciting of the Hallel originated in the desire to amplify the passover celebration by rendering of special praise for Israel's deliverance from Egypt (hence its name the Egyptian Hallel ) ; and that the custom was in his time (Gamaliel was the teacher of Paul 1 ) only just in its inception. Some years later the extent of the Hallel was still in dispute ; the school of Shammai favoured Ps. 113 ; the school of Hillel, Pss. 1 13 and 114 (Pes. , ibid. ). It should be observed that the connection in which the passage cited is found in the present arrangement of the Mishna suggests that this difference of opinion relates only to what became, by later additions, the first part of the Hallel. The compilation of the Mishna, however, is over a century later, and the injunction to close with a blessing for the deliverance indicates that here at some time was the end. During the first half of the second century the Hallel received considerable additions, and it probably reached then its present proportions. R. Tarphon and R. Akiba " (110-135 A. u. ) supplied it with the closing blessing ; after this, the second part, Pss. 115-118, was added, to be recited after the pouring out of the fourth cup ; later, to this also was added a closing blessing, which was made to cover the entire song (M. Pes. 106). The Mishna no longer gives us the form of this blessing ; it does not seem to have been determined at the time of its compilation. According to the Gemara (Pes. 118 6), R. Jehuda and R. Johanan (130-160 A.D., cp Strack, Einl. in J. Talm. 83 f. ) suggested different forms.

The opinion of Samuel (died 254 A.D. ; cp Strack, 88) that the prophets among them instituted it in Israel to the end that they should recite the Hallel when they were threatened with perse cution, to avert it, and when delivered, in thanksgiving, indicates a twofold tendency, first, to extend the reciting of the Hallel to other occasions, leading to its incorporation into the liturgy of other festivals, and second, to regard it as a custom which was followed in Israel as far back as the time of Moses {Pes. 117 a). R. Jehuda s statement (M. Pes. 67) that the Hallel was recited in the temple during the slaughtering of the passover sacrifices, is evidently only a similar piece of ideal history.

Allusions to the Exodus and appropriate national sentiment determined the selection of the Psalms that were to constitute the liturgical thanksgiving for the passover ; the great Hallel, on the other hand, was to serve the wider purpose of a general thanksgiving. R. Johanan says it is called the great Hallel because (allud ing to Ps. 13625) the Holy One sits in heaven, and thence deals out food to all his creatures (Pes. u8a). With this sentiment accords its use in thanksgiving for the blessing of rain ( To. an. 19 a).

2. Not intended in Mt. 26:30. Mk. 14:26.[edit]

We may now attempt to answer the question of the relation of the Hallel to the hymn referred to in the phrase when they had sung a hymn ( l^f^ fWTet ) in Mt - 26 3 and Mk - 1426 - The answer commonly given is that the hymn was tne Hallel, and the statement is followed by a description of the Hallel in its most developed form ; but in tracing its history it has appeared that there is no evidence that the Hallel was in the time of Christ more than in its inceptive stage, consisting of Ps. 113, or at the most also of Ps. 114.

Cp Del. on Ps. 113 ; Gra. MClVf, 1879, p. 203 /.. 241 f., Psalmen, 56 f. ; and especially Biichler, ZA TW1Q 114-135 (190)- I. J. P.

1 He belongs to the first generation of Tanna Im (50-90 A.D.); cp Strack, Einl. in d. Talmud, n f. ; Schur. GJV^ 1 36 4 /

2 Schiir. op. cit., yi*,ff.

3 So Ginsb. ; Ba. *?9rr.


(IT ; ! l ? t ?n, 3 v.l. Pin^H ; once i [Ps. 104 3 s; ? ./. RJI^n], praise Jah ), or (as @ [&AAH\OYIA] an d Vg. always, and AV in Tobit and in Rev. ) ALLELUIA, a Jewish doxological formula, which obtained an Aramaic colouring, and under the form a\\i)\ovia was adopted (like Osanna see HOSANNA) by the Gentile Christian congregations; cp Tob. 13 18 Rev. 191346. In 3 Macc. "13, a\\r)\ovia, we find it treated as a substantive. Its original use was to summon the congregation to join the cantor in reciting a psalm, or in responding by a united acclamation of praise. This view assumes that it was in use only in the liturgy of the synagogue, not in the temple, where a choir of Levites sang the appointed psalms. It seems to have been originally inserted (in collections of psalms for synagogue use) at the beginning of psalms, and here we still find it, both in MT and in @, in Pss. 106 111-113 135 146-150, and in @ also in 104 [105] 106 [107] 113 [114-115] 114 [116i- 9 ] 115 [116io-i 9 ] 116-118 [117-119] 135 [136] 147 [147 12-20]. The fashion seems, however, to have varied. In Pss. 104 105 115-117, the MT gives Hallelujah at the end of each psalm, and in the MT of Pss. 135 and 146-150, as well as in @ of Ps. 150, the doxology occurs both at the beginning and at the end of a psalm. Two apparent in accuracies of < may also be mentioned ; it includes Ps. 119, which is a purely didactic psalm, among the Hallelujah psalms, and excludes from their number Pss. 103-104, which ceHainly ought to have been Halle lujah psalms (or rather a Hallelujah psalm in two parts) if we can judge on this point from the contents. As to the characteristics of this class of psalms (to which the HALLEL psalms belong), see the comment aries, and cp PSALMS, BOOK OF. Cp Gratz, MGWJ, (79), 193^ ; Psalmen ( 82), 6 3 /, gi/


RV Hallohesh (WT&ri, see below, A.AA6GHC [AL]), a name occurring twice in post-exilic lists.

1. Father of Shallum in the list of wall builders (see NEHE- MIAH, i/ ; EZRA ii., g 16 [i], 15 d), Neh. 3 12 (r,teia [BX]).

2. Signatory to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7); Neh. 10 24 [25] (oAojrjs [BN], aSta [A]).

According to Meyer (Ent. 143; cp 157), an appellative, [the family] of magicians (cp NAMES, 70); but the number of miswritten names in Ezra-Neh. suggests caution. That both COL-HOZEH [^.z/.] and Hallohesh are miswritten appears certain ; the name which underlies both words seems to be n/B rt, ffas- Xilhi. See SHILHI. T. K. C.


(DP! ; X&M [BAL]), according to P, second son of Noah (Gen. 632, x&4> C A ] as m 610 7 13), and ancestor of the peoples of the south, especially Cush, Mizraim, Put, and Canaan (Gen. 106 /. 20). Jj also gives him the second place among the brothers, and though in Gen. 9 24 he appears as Noah's youngest or rather (see JAPHETH) younger son, this arises from a manipulation of the text of J2 Originally it was Canaan who was so designated, and also Canaan who was represented as having treated his father Noah with irreverence ; Ham, father of, in v. 22, is a redactional insertion (see SBOT).

The origin and meaning of the name are disputed. In Pss. 1052327 10622 we read of the land of Ham, where Ham clearly means Egypt, just as stock of Jesse in Is. 11 1 = stock of David. It was natural, therefore, to connect Ham with the old native name of Egypt, keme or chemi, black, with reference to the black colour of the Egyptian soil (see EGYPT, i) a connection supported by Ebers (^Egypten, 1 55) but disputed by Lepsius (PRE, s.v. ^Egypten ), who would explain the name as a general term for the hot south (on, hot, Josh. 9 12). Probably Lepsius lays too much stress on the difference of vocalisation between chemi and cham. Since cham had a meaning in Hebrew, and chem had not, the Hebrews might have substituted the one form for the other. Lef6bure x at any rate is unconvinced by Lepsius.

Still, the (probable) analogy of Shem suggests an other explanation. Ham, which seems originally to have meant the land and people of Canaan, may be a shortening of such a form as Hammu-rabi, the name of an early Babylonian king (see AMRAPHEL) ; cp Zur for Zuriel (?). Possibly there was an early tradition (of which Gen. 14 may give us a late modification) that Hammu-rabi conquered Canaan, and the name mien may thus have become known to an early narrator, who wanted a symbol for Canaan, and explained the name, on the analogy of ABIRAM (q.v. ), the (divine) kinsman is a great one. 1 Glaser s identification 2 of Ham with Amu, the Egyptian name for the Bedouin races of the Semitic countries adjoining Egypt, appears less plaus ible. In i Ch. 440 the phrase from Ham (crrp, K rCiv vlwv x&/". , but Pesh. reads one) is very improb able ; for there was neither a place nor a tribe called Ham. Read [7tc]Dn[v]-|D, and see MEUNIM.

T. K. C.

1 TSBA 9 170 suggests comparison with Chem, the name of an Egyptian god imported from the land of Punt (see PUT).


(DPI ; 7 MSS of Sam. DH ; cp Jer. Qucestt.}, the land of the ZUZIM (q.v. ), Gen. 14s- Since the Zuzim seem to be the same as the ZAMZUMMIM, Ham must be a corruption either of Ammon (if we read nn ; n and y confounded) or of Rabba or Rabbath (so Ball). Cp Dt. 220.

<S (a/uo. ayrois [AEL]), Pesh., Vg. express D^3, among (or with) them ; Tg. Onk. and Jerus. give NnDm- T. K. C.


(JOn, a name of Elamite origin; see ESTHER, 71 AMAN [BNAL], but ANAM, MAN [A, Esth. 3i* 7(16) 17]), called AMAN in (Apoc.) Esth. 10?, etc.; son of ADMATHA or HAMMEDATHA [<?</. v.] ; one of the chief characters in Esther, where he appears as the inveterate enemy of the Jews (Esth. 3i ff. etc., Apoc. Esth. 126). He is accordingly represented as an AGAGITE [q.v.] (so Jos. Ant. xi. 65, and Targg. call him an Amalekite ) or Macedonian (see ESTHER, i). The first Targum (with much probability) identifies with him the import ant but otherwise obscure MEMUCAN [q.v. ]. On the fate of Haman see HANGING [i.], and on the combina tion of Haman with one of two mythological dragons, see DRAGON, 3.

1 It is just possible (so Gray, HPN 56) that the Babylonian king s name was really compounded with nn, though 5 R 44 a 6 21 explains it as kijnta rapastum, wide family.

2 In Hommel, AffT 4 &.

3 Nu. 24 24. Alas ! who will survive of Sham al (Vxjpato), or come forth from the city of Hamath (HDH TJTO KS. .l)? DDPI and Q<m confounded, as in Is. 11 n (see below).


(non. enclosed or guarded place [WRS Rel. Sem.W, 150]; HMA9 [BAL] ; other common forms in the uncial MSS. are AIMA9 or e/V\A9), a royal city of the Hittites on the Orontes, to the territory of which the boundary of Israel is said to have reached under David, Solomon, and Jeroboam II. (2 S. 89 i K. 865, &IMA9 [A], 2 K. 1425, &IMA9 TEA], eMA9 [L]. cp Nu. 1822 [21], ecj)AA9 [B], e.A9 [F] 348). The Chronicler states that Solomon built store -cities in (the land of) Hamath (2 Ch. 84) ; but this stands in connection with the statement (based on a mis understanding) that he also built Tadmor in the desert. The Table of Nations (Gen. 10 18) mentions the Hamathite ( nenn ; 6 a/j.a.6i [AEL]) in the last place among the eleven descendants of Canaan ; but vv. i6-i8a are due to R. The bulk of the population of Hamath was certainly Semitic (note the Semitic names of the kings in the time of Tiglath-pileser III. ). See HITTITES, 11 ff.

The fall of Hamath deeply impressed the people of Judah. Is not Hamath as Arpad ? asks the Assyrian king in Isaiah s prophecy (Is. 10g ; not ). A similar question (suggested by Is. 10 9) is put into the mouth of the Rab-shakeh (2 K. 18 34 = Is. 86x9, afiap [N*], cu/uap [Ar], ffefj.a.p [Q]) and the king of Assyria (2 K. 19 13, M*0 [B], cutfayu [A] = Is. 37 13, a/xap [NAQ*], ai/aap [Q a ]). Balaam, too, if a recent critical con jecture may be accepted, becomes the mouthpiece of Jewish consternation at the downfall of so ancient a state as Hamath. 3 According to tradition, some of the colonists transported by the king of Assyria to the land of N. Israel were Hamathites (2 K. 172430), and it is further stated that the men of Hamath made images of ASHIMA. The problem of the origin of this name can no longer be called un solved. The other divine names in 2 K. 17 y> f- being Assyrian (see special articles), Ashima, or better Ashi- math (see (5 1!AL ), must be Assyrian too. Tasmitu, the consort of Nebo, is not great enough. The original name was irtB N = ~\T\wy, Ishtar. 1 Ishtar was the second of the five planetary deities, four of whom are mentioned besides in 2 K. 17 30 f. The notice in 2 K. 172430, however, needs a close examination. To understand it is one thing ; to accept it as quite historical is another. Hamath and Avva (or rather Gaza., rny) have no right of existence in this passage, the context of which requires well-known Babylonian cities. No As syrian king would ever have placed Hamathite colonists in Samaria ; the object of such transferences of popula tions was to remove restless elements to a distance from their home. 2 The cause of the insertion of the wrong names can easily be surmised (see SEPHARVAIM). Al most equally improbable is it that a prophetic writer, in a list of the countries from which Israelitish captives should, by a mighty divine act, be brought back, would write and from Elam, and from Shinar, and from Hamath, and from the isles of the sea (Is. 11 n). Not improbably non, Hamath, should be D ro, Kittim (Cyprus); 3 reads otherwise (see Isaiah, SBOT [Heb.]),

To assume with Millar (Hastings, DB\ 166) that, as Hamath was occupied by the Hittites the name (Ashima) may very possibly be Hittite, is opposed to the facts suggested above, and mentioned by Jensen (H ittiter u. Annenier, 164). Below is given a list of the divine names in 2 K. 17 y>f. with their prob able identifications :

  • Succoth-benoth = Sakkuth-Kaiwan (N inib) = Saturn
  • Nergal = Mars
  • Ashima = Ishtar = Venus
  • Nibhaz (Nibhan) = Marduk = Jupiter
  • Adrammelech = " "
  • Anammelech = " "
  • Tartak or Tartah = the lance-star = Antares.

The references to Hamath in Ezck. 47 i6_/. have not come down to us quite accurately. In v. 16 XU? should go with f"j!?j ZEDAD (tj.v.) being an interpolation, and in v. 17 rj 71331, and the region of Hamath, is a gloss (Cornill). [The names in the first time are corrupt ; later in v. 16 there occurs rj/xaflei [BJ ; in v. 17 B omits Hamath.] T. K. C.

Ch. 83, B<MCtoB<\ [B], AiMA9ccoBA[A], 6M&9COYBA [L])- See ARAM, 6, HAMATH, SOLOMON.


(Kt. ^pPI), 2 K. 24 18 RV"*. EV HAMUTAL.


(J~IE>n i.e., hot spring ), one of the fenced cities of Naphtali (Josh. 19 35 ; 60MA0A [AAK60] [B], AMA9 [A]_, &MMA9 [L]), probably =HAMMOTH-

DOR nxi nfon ; Ne/v\/v\&e [B], e/v\A9Aa>p [A],

AM&GAoop [L]). reckoned among the Levitical cities in Naphtali (Josh. 2132, P), and called m the parallel passage, i Ch. 676 [61], HAMMON [2] (p^PI; x&/v\oo9 [BL], -CON [A]). It is perhaps to be connected with el- Hammeh, the hot springs to the S. of Tiberias. josephus (Ant. xviii. 2 3; U/iv.ls) calls it Emmaus (cp EMMAUS). Wilson took the temperature of seven distinct springs, three of which have been enclosed (Recovery of Jerus. 362). Cp GASmith, HG 450.

1 See Che. Gleanings in the Books of Kings, Exp. T,, 10429 (June 99).

2 Winckler, A T Unters. 101.

3 By transposition and confusion of 3 and n (Che. SBOT, Isaiah, Heb.). Cp last col., n. 3.


(JWI), i Ch. 2 5 s, RV, AV HEMATH [?.., i].


(HS SH), Neh. 3i, RV, AV MEAH, in Tower of Hammeah ( 7-02). HNDn s evidently a corruption of nNJDrt (see v. 3), which in turn is a corruption of rtfB","T, <tne Old (city). See COLLEGE, HASSENAAH, HULDAH, and cp HANANEEL. T. K. C.


(KlTTOn ; AMAAAOoy [BNL], aiJ.affa.Sov [A]), the father of Haman (cp the name /noSaraj in Xenophon,C j r. v. 841 ; and see Be-Ryss.), Esth. 3 i (ava^adaSov [A], v. 10 om. BNAL) 8 5 (only in N- a m - as above) 9 10 (a/xa- va.Sa.0ov [{<*)) 24 (anayaeovv .In*])-. His name appears as AMA- DATHUS in 126 (a/oiapaSaOoi/ni vid., see Swete], i/afxacaS. [K b ]) and 10 10 17 RV, where AV AMADATHA (cyxatfou [A] in z>. 10, om. L0 in ;>. 17).


("Sj^B) appears in AV and RVe- as the name of the fathers of JERAHMEEL and MALCHIJAH, 2 (Jer. 36 26 38 6). In RV and AV m s- each of these persons is called the king s son (so ). Probably, however, -jSs.i is a corruption of an imperfectly written ^NOfiT. Jerahmeel. Men of Jerahmeelite origin would naturally be called sons of JERAHMEEL (q.v. ). Cp JOASH i. , 4. T. K. c.


OV^ri), Dan. In, RV "K-, AV MEL/AR (q.v. ).


is not always an accurate rendering of the word in MT.

1. n3j3D, tnakkdbdh, (<r<f>vpa, jualleus, but in Is. 44 12 rfpt- rpov) a tool used by the stone mason (i K. 6 7), the smith (Is. 44 12 ; MThasplur., (5 sing.), and the woodcarver (Jer. 104). The word (n2!3) is also applied to the (wooden) mallet with which tent- pins were driven (Judg. 4 21). It was therefore smaller than the pattls (no. 3, below).

2. D ;i?J{ n 0??, halmuth Antelim, afyvpav KOiritovriav [B ; really Aq. ?], aTroro/nas KaraKomav [A], a. KaraKOirTiav [L] ; Vg. malleosfabrorum, a name given to the implement with which Jael slew Sisera (Judg. 5 26). The phrase is, however, highly suspicious (see Moore). Che. emends J, ?D B"O7n, a flint of the rock." Cp Dt. 32 13, and see JAEL.

3. t^ ES, pattis, <T<j>vpa [Tre Auf in Jer. 23 29], malleus, a heavy tool used in image-making and in quarrying (Is. 41 7 Jer. 2829). Nebuchadrezzar is called by this term (Jer. 50 23), which gives no support to the explanation of Maccabasus as Hammerer (see MACCABEES i., i).

4. From niB^ Dl i" P S - 746fa noun IS? ?, kelappah, Aaeu- TJjpioi , ascia, has been inferred ; but in the light of the Tg. we should doubtless emend to n VJJ Vj?3, two-edged (Herz), and render, not with axes and hammers, but with two-edged axes.

5. cr<t>vpa, Ecclus. 8828 (blacksmith s hammer).


pi?SBn), Neh. 831, RV, AV MIPHKAU, in the gate of Hammiphkad ; cp Ezek. 432i, the appointed place (miphkad) of the temple (following (@, T<f> aTTO/cexwptcryU^y).

The sense, however, is not good ; read perhaps the burning- place (itidked) of the temple (Konig, Lehrgcb. 2 a, 93 n.). The gate would be that which adjoined the burning-place. See JERUSALEM, 24.


or (RV) HAMMOLECHETH (nDpfon, as if she who reigns, sister of MACHIR ; i Ch. 7 i8f (H MAAexeG [BA], Me\x<*6 M : REGINA [Vg.])-

Close by we find ZELOPHEHAD, GILEAD (ij.v. i, 8), ISHOD (see, however, the article), MAHLAH, each of which is a corrup tion of Salecah or Salhad. The older view that Hammolecheth is a divine title requires too much confidence in MT ; we should have expected Beth-Milcah(cp Gray, HPN 116) ; but Milcah itself is a corruption of Salecah (see MILCAH, 2).


(|V3n, glowing, perhaps a divine title, cp Baal-Hamman i.e., the Baal of the solar glow; but see [2]).

i. A place on the border of Asher, apparently near the sea, Josh. 1928 (e^enauv [B], afj.uv [AL]). Identified by Robinson with the ruins at the head of the W. Hamul, which he saw from the high hill of Belat (see RAM AH [6]), and believed to bear the name of Hamul. Since, however, the existence of a locality of that name is very doubtful (see GueYin, Galilee, 2147), it would be better to connect Hammon with A in Hamul, near the point where the wady reaches the sea, and where there are the remains of an ancient fortress. This Dillmann admits as a possibility.

But the fortress was certainly in connection with a town, the striking ruins of which still exist, now called Umm el- A mud (or Aivdmid). It was there that Renan found an inscription dedicated to El ( = Baal) Hamman (see Baethg. Beitr. 27 ; also G. Hoffmann, Ueber einige phon. Inschr. 21 f. [ 89]). These ruins are possibly on the site of the ancient Hammon (GueYin, I.e. ).

2. A Levitical city in Naphtali, i Ch. 676[6i] (xa.ii.ia9 [BL], v [A]). Probably identical with HAMMATH (i.). Josh. 1S 35, and HAMMOTH-DOR, Josh. 21 32. The name in this case has refer ence to hot springs. T. K. C.


fl SH), Josh. 21 32. See HAMMATH i. .


(jtiSTl. 46), i Ch. 426, RV, a mistake of MT for HAMUEL [AV] (q.v.).


(rmon. Ezek. 39i6 TTOAy&NApiON J [BAQT], and Hamon-Gog (JirflOn, Gog s multitude, Ezek. 39 n 15, TO TToAyAN. joy l~k>r [BAQF]). The latter is the name which, in Ezekiel s prophecy, is given to the valley, or rather ravine ( p ; see VALE, 3), where GOG {q.v. ] and his multitude are buried, and which is more precisely described as a ravine of (the mountains of) the Abarim, east of the (Dead) Sea. This is intelligible. But what is to be said of HAMONAH? Is there really to be a city with this name? So AV and RV lead us to suppose ; and Tg. may have found an allusion to the city of Bethshean, deriving its name Scythopolis from the Scythian invasion in the yth cent. B.C. Gog, however, as has been pointed out elsewhere, is a corrupt fragment of Mig(a)don, a title of the enemy of God derived from Babylonia ; Hamon-Gog is either a corruption of the same name, or perhaps of Har-mig(a)don (ARMAGEDDON). We may then continue p-uD pun 1DJ1, and Mig(a)don shall disappear from the land, after which read and the land shall become clean (so (5, Co.).

T. K. c.


(Iran, ass, 68; eMMCOR [ADEL]), the father of SHECHEM [q.v. ]. Gen. 881934 Josh. 2432 Judg. 9 28 Acts 7 16 ( AV EMMOR ) etc. There is a current view that Hamor is the name of a totem-clan. In the abstract there is no objection to a belief in early totem clans, as stated by Gray (HPN, 115). It is more probable, however, that man p in 342 is analogous to nn :3, sons of Heth ( = Hittites), and simply means Hamorite ; ^n, which follows, should perhaps be read nbn, Hamorite, and be regarded as a gloss (see, however, HIVITES, 2). In this case Hamorite prob ably = Amorite ; in fact Gen. 4822 (E) represents Shechem as won from noNn, the Amorite. The Assyr. name of the kingdom of Damascus (mat fa-imere-su) has similarly been derived from imeru ass ; but the real name was probably related to Amorite (cp Del. Par. 280 f. ). The Assyrians made a pun on the name. T. K. C.

1 This word represents the Heb. frj in Jer. 2 23 19 2 6 as also in Ezek. 39 n a ; cp 2 Mace. 94144 Mace. 15 20.


(HPf). i Ch. 1 41 RV=Gen. 8626, HEMDAN.


This group of Hebrew names is small ; it may perhaps comprise only HAMUEL (q.v. ) and one other (see HAMUTAL ; but cp HEMDAN). Renan (REJ 6175), Wellhausen (De Gent. 22, n. i), and Hommel (AHT 322) derive these and similar Semitic names (e.g. , nnnyon in Himyaritic) from hama, to protect. That such a root was used in forming proper names seems clear (see JAHMAI) ; but the analogy of the names compounded with Abi-, Ahi-, etc. is in favour of taking Hamu as a term of kindred.

That en means father-in-law, rfen mother-in-law, is certain ; the instances may be few, but they range from early documents in Gen. and Sam. to a possibly late passage of Micah (76) and the late book of Ruth. The cognate Ass. word Imu (emu) also means father- in-law * ; Winckler s definition, the head of a family from which a man gets a wife, illustrates the anticipative use of the term in two of the letters of Dusratta to Amen-hotep III. (Am. Tab. 17s, 182). Like similar words (e.g. , jnn), its precise usage varied in different Semitic languages. Thus in biblical Hebrew it seems to denote a woman s, in Ass. a man s father-in-law. We cannot be certain, however, that even in ancient Hebrew it was never used in a wider sense, as e.g. , it sometimes is in Arabic, and as nx and oy certainly are in Hebrew. Thus perhaps all the men of a group might be called ah by the husband and ham by the wife, or vice versa, and so Hamu-el might be practically synonymous with Ahi-el, or, for that matter, with Abi-el (see ABI, NAMES WITH). H. w. H.


RV Hammuel (pMBn, 46, om. B, AMOyHA [AL]), a Simeonite (i Ch. 426). The form with double m (MT and RV) was explained asstus Dei by Ges. , but should no doubt be read, as in AV and <B, Hamuel 2 (VmCQ) as in the case of HAMUL (see below). The meaning will then be, The head of my kindred is God. Set HAMU, NAMES IN.


(SlDH i.e., Vl.OH or ^DTJ, possibly a corruption of TWOn ; see above, HAMUEL ; but the name rv jDrr has been found on an Israelite seal, which makes Gesenius s interpretation clementiam expertus, just possible [cp GAMUL] ; see also We. De Gent. 22 ; and cp Ki. on i Ch. 2s ; more probably, however, like MAHOL, the name is a corruption of JERAHMEEL \_q.v. 4] : Hezron, Hamul s brother, appears in i Ch. 2g as Jerahmeel s father), a grandson of Judah 3 (Gen. 46 12, le/touijX [ADL], ^{cuSa-

i Ch. 2s, te/xo.i^X [BA], a/t. [L] V.OSa*. ; Nu. 2621, uinovv [B], ia/j.ovt]\ [AFL], "^asa**), whence arises the patronymic Hamulite ( ^cnn, Nu. I.e. ; ta/jiovvei [B], iafjiovr]\i [AL], te/j.. 4 [F]).


("PP-IDH Kt. ^DTI, my husband's father is the dew [see NAMES, 46] ; but the second element in the name is very suspicious [see ABITAL] ; read rather HAMUTUB, the head of my kindred ( = my God) is goodness ; <\MIT<\A [ALQ]), the mother of Jehoahaz and Zedekiah, 2 K. 2831 (A.MeiT<M [B]), 24i8 (MITAT [B], AMITAS [A]), Jer. 52 1 (AM[e]iT<\&A [BNA]) and in B AL o f 2 Ch. 8623 (^BeiT&A [B]).

T. K. C.


or (RV) Hanamel (^N!p3n, God is kind ? [see below] ; ANAM6HA [BXAQ]), b. Shallum, a cousin of Jeremiah, from whom, in the first part of thesiege of Jerusalem, Jeremiah purchased, for seventeen shekels, a property at Anathoth, thus demonstrating his faith, vic torious over doubts, in the ultimate restoration of Israel (Jer. 32 [< 39] 7-12, cp 44). The account is evidently authentic, though it received its present shape only after the fall of Jerusalem (see Giesebrecht). The details of the purchase are interesting. The deed of purchase was subscribed and sealed (with clay ; see CLAY), and together with a second unsealed copy was deposited in an earthen vessel, which may have been like the earthen jars which contain the Babylonian contract-tablets. The name much exercised the old interpreters. 'Grace of God', 'Grace of God's people' (or 'of circumcision' ), are the explanations given in OS 162 25 (cp 186 20), and the former appears as a note on the name in <B<J " g- of v. 7. We should probably read 7N Jjn = T N iin, God is pity. HANMEL [g.v.} occurs twice. Gray s remark (HPN, 307, n. 2) goes too far. The support of the versions could only prove the comparative antiquity of the reading ^NDJIT D s ver y frequently miswritten for <>

T. K. C.

1 Muss-Arnolt connects it with a root emit [ = rtcnl> to pro tect, surround, inferred from a proper name.

- 1 he altered form may he a mistake under the influence of Ammiel, or an intentional alteration.

3 Names common to Judah and Simeon occur not un- frequently : see GENEALOGIES i., 5, 7 [> .]

4 The forms with initial t seem to have arisen from a ditto- graphy ; KCU ie/uovr)A is for icai ejiovrjA. [Jos. (Ant. ii. 74) has Movpos, also the form lafiovoos (see Niese).]


(|jn, 50, an abbreviated name ; cp ELHANAN, HANANIAH ; AN&N [BNAL]).

1. A name occurring twice {v. 23 and v. 38, avvav [L] = 944)in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (g.v., 9, ii. /3) in i Ch. 8.

2. b. MAACAH (g.v., ii. 9), one of David s heroes (i Ch. 1143, avvav [ ]).

3. The b ne Hanan, a post-exilic family of the NETHINIM in the great post-exilic list [see EZRA ii., 9], Ezra 246= Neh. 749 (in latter, yavav [N])=I Esd. 630, ANAN, 2.

4. A Levite, present at the reading of the Law under Ezra (Neh. 87 om. BA = i Esd. 948, avvias [B], avavias [AL], ANANIAS, 5); probablythe signatory to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7) Neh. 10 10 [ii] (om. B, avav [n c - aln K-A], avavi. [L]).

5. The name borne by two signatories to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7), Neh. 1022 [23] ai/ai/c [L], 1026 [27] aivav [BA], a.iva [N v d.], fvav [L]).

6. b. Zaccur, a keeper of the storehouses, appointed by Nehemiah, Neh. 1813 (aavav [jj], avaviov [L]).

7. The sons of Hanan b. IGUALIAH (g.v.\ were a family which had a chamber in the temple (Jer. 864 ... viiiv Itavav vioO avaviov [BAQ], avvav vl. avvavtov [N, avav. K c - a , but j< omits tiiou yoSoAiov]).


AV, RV Hananel (^N^H), in Tower of Hananeel, Neh. 3i 12 39 Jer. 31 38 Zech. 14 10 ; see JERUSALEM, 24.

In Neh., both times, the tower of Hananeel is coupled with that of HAMMEAH (y.z 1 .). When we consider that HAMMEAH is probably a corruption of 'hayelanah' - 'the old' (city) - it seems very possible that the name of the tower of the old (city) was Hananeel. Observe in this connection that in Neh. 1239 I! does not recognise the town of Hammeah. T. K. C.


( <I MP| 1 52, shortened from HANANIAH ; A.N<Msi[e]i [BNAL]).

1. P ather of the prophet JEHU [y.v., 2], i K. 16 i (in v. 7 ai/as [Ba rag.], avavia [A]), 2 Ch. 16 7 (aca/uei [B], 19 2 2034).

2. A temple musician, a son of Heman (i Ch. 25 4 [om. B] 25 avav(.a<i [B] ; L has avai/ujA in both verses which points to a form ^ttun).

3. One of the b ne IMMER (^.7 ., ii. i) among the sons of the priests in the list of those with foreign wives (see EZR A i. , 5 end), Ezra 10 20 (avavia [A] -<; [L])= i Esd. 9 21 ANANIAS [2] (avavias [BAL]).

4. One of the brethren of NEHEMIAH (Neh. 1 2, avav [L], avavfis [N ;? avav etv as in L], 7 2, avavia [BXAL]).

5. A priest in the procession at the dedication of the wall (see EZRA ii., 13^-), Neh. 1236 (avavias [L], avavi Kc.amg. inf.], O m. BN*A).


(PP^n, -irPMn i.e., Yahwe is gracious, 1 28, 52/84 ; ANANIA(C) [BNAQFL, 87]).

1. One of Daniel s companions, also called Shadrach (Dan. 16 etc). See DANIEL, 14.

2. Son of Azzur ; a prophet who opposed Jeremiah (Jer. 28i.#).

3. Ancestor of the captain of the guard who arrested Jeremiah (Jer. 37 13).

4. A son of Zerubbabel (i Ch. 3 1921).

5. b. Shashak in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (g.v. 9, ii. ff), i Ch. 8 24.

6. One of the fourteen sons of Heman (i Ch. 25 4 23).

7. One of the Bene Bebai in the list of those with foreign wives (see EZRA i., 5 end); Ezra 1028 (viava [B], aveia [*], avavfia [N am E-]) =I Esd. 9 29, ANANIAS, 3.

8. An apothecary in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH, i/ EZRA ii., 16 [i], 15^), Neh. 8 8. Perhaps the same person is intended in Neh. 3 30 (same list).

9. Neh. 3 30. See no. 8.

10. Governor of the castle, under Nehemiah, who describes him as a faithful man, and one who feared God above many (Neh. 72). Cp nos. ii, 13.

11. Signatory to the covenant (see EZRA!., 7); Neh. 10 23 [24], tvav [L] ; perhaps the same as no. 10.

12. Head of a priestly house in the days of Joiakim (see EZRA it., 6 l>, n), Jeshua s successor (Neh. 12 12 ; BN* om.).

13. A priest in the procession at the dedication of the wall (Neh. 1241 [om. BN*A]) ; perhaps the same as no. 10.


("V, xeip)- Many of the uses of the hand in Hebrew phraseology are too plain to need special explanation. There are some, however, which are not devoid of strangeness, and some of the passages in which T hand occurs, need brief consideration from the point of view of textual criticism. Not that mere critical puzzles are worth mentioning here, but when exegesis is distinctly affected by textual criticism, it would seem to be a fault of method not to refer to this. Ydd, T, the hand, sometimes with reference solely to the wrist (Gen. 2422, etc.) or finger, sometimes including even the arm (zerffa. , yiij), is to be kept distinct from kaph, pj, 1 the palm of the hand (or the sole of the foot, paw, etc., cp Lev. 11 27). The hollowed hand is the so ill, ^yy (i K. 20 10, etc.), or h&phcn, Jfin (Prov. 304, etc.). For parts of the hand the Hebrew terms are esbd dh, nyai N, finger 2 (Ex. 31 18, etc.), bohen, pa, thumb (Judg. 1 6, etc.), koten, p p, little finger (i K. 12 10), and sippbren, pbi, nail. 3 The span of the hand is tophah, n3b (Ex. 25 25, etc., nstp, i K. 725), used as a unit of measurement (cp the similar use ot finger in Jer. 52 21); see WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. It should be noted that the full phrase for right hand is yad ydinin, pa T (e.g., Ps. 7825); ydinin, po is properly right side." Left-handed is expressed by itter \yad ydinin} [J D "1 ] IBM, Judg. 3 15 20 16.

a. In two important passages (i S. 15 12 Is. 56s) RV" - records the fact that where English idiom requires monument, or memorial, the Hebrew has hand (T). Saul came to Carmel, and, behold, he set him up a monument ; this trophy of Saul the Hebrew text calls a hand. The reading, however, is not free from doubt. 4 At any rate, this use of hand is certainly found in 2 S. 18 18 (Absalom s monument ) and in Is. 56s (the memorial promised to God-fearing eunuchs). On many Phoenician votive steles an out stretched hand is represented, probably to symbolize the action which accompanied the vow. 5 The monu ments referred to in the OT passages may be regarded as votive steles.

b. Similarly Abram, when he makes a vow, lifts up his hand (Gen. 14 14 ; cp Dt. 32 40 2 K. Ids Ezek. 17 18 ; and especially, according to the usual interpreta tion, Ex. 17 16, Prov. 11 21).

Ex. 17 16 forms part of an account of the defeat of the Amale- kites, when Yahwe declared that he would utterly blot out the Amalekites. The Hebrew has, And he said, That a hand to the throne (?) of Jah, war hath Yahwe against Amalek from generation to generation (?). For the first part of this RV gives, And he said, The Lord hath sworn. 1 Those who are less tied to the MT than the Revisers were, will admit that the text is hardly translateable, and needs emendation (see JEHOVAH-NISSI). Prov. 11 21 is also commonly said to refer to the custom of lifting up the hand for an oath. As an alternative to the faulty render ing of AV we find in RVmiT-, My hand upon it ! Heb., Hand to hand. There is, however, no parallel for a proverb con structed as RVm- supposes Prov. 11 21 to be, and we should almost certainly read, not, My hand upon it ; the evil man shall not go scot free, but, The malignant witness 6 shall not go scot free.

No doubts need be raised against that well-known passage, Ps. 1448, Their right hand is a right hand of falsehood ; yamin in Arabic has the double meaning of right hand and oath. Cp 2 K. 10 15 (see JONADAB, 3); Gal. 2g, the right hands of fellowship.

c. Clasping hands was the sign of a completed bargain ; see Job 17s Prov. 61.

RV, however, goes too far when it gives in Is. 26, and they strike hands [in bargains] with the children of strangers. The present Hebrew text is hardly translateable, and no suggested rendering is thoroughly suitable to the context. Most probably we should read, And with the secret arts of the Harranians they practise enchantments (see HARAN i.).7

d. In Ex. 2841 299, Lev. 21 10 (all P), we find the strange idiom, 'to fill the hand' (T N^D) for to con secrate as priest. 8 In Judg. 17s, however, it simply means to bestow the office of priest, which is near the original sense. Hale\-y has pointed out (REJ, Oct. - Dec. 1890, p. 209) that it is exactly parallel to an Assyrian phrase for the transmission of authority ; Delitzsch (Ass. HWB 4091?) gives this as kat& mullti, 'to fill the hand' = to invest with an office. There is therefore no need to suppose either that the objects with which the hand was filled were pieces of a sacrificial offering (Di. , Baudissin), or that a sum of money was placed in it ( Vatke, Wellh. ) ; it is the office itself which is given. Nor can we say, with most scholars, that Ezek. 43 16, where the phrase seems to be applied to the reconsecration of the altar, shows how completely the consciousness of its original meaning has faded away. For VT IN^DI (Kr., ) seems to be a corrup tion of Q D nviN VnH, words which appear in MT (but with 1^3 for 1^3) at the head of v. 27, but are lacking in . Obvi ously there are two rival readings, and VT IX^Cl is the worse of the two. Cp, however, Nowack, HA 2 120 jf. ; Addis, Doc. Hex. 2263 n. ; Dr. -White, SHOT, Lev. Eng., 71.

T. K. C.

1 In Bibl. Aram. D9, Dan. 65; see Bevan, Dan. 100, n., Dr. on 2 S. 13 18.

- With Q <( ?:n = toes, 2 S. 2120.

3 With nb J, = to pare the nails, Dt. 21 12 1. On the custom here referred to, see WRS, Ki;t. 178. Bibl. Aram. IBs* Dan. 4 30 [33!-

4 Cp Schwally, Leben nacli dan Tode, 58.

5 See SAUL, beg.

" ^y. 1 ?? ~W ( C P Prov - 1^28), represented in MT byjn T 1 ? T-

8 Note the Syr. cognate sumlayd ordination.


(FlBb), Ex. 37 12 2 Ch. 4 5 Ps. 39s [6]- See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.


To attempt a complete account of all the handicrafts practised by the Hebrews, in the light of the Talmud and the evidences of the monuments, would mean a history of their civilisation and culture, and would lie far outside the limits of this article. It must suffice, therefore, here to give a brief summary of the various occupations to which reference is made in the Bible, and to indicate any additional features which seem to be of general interest.

1. Leaving on one side all workers in metal, whether coppersmiths ( i K. 7 14 2 Tim. 4 14), ironsmiths(Is. 44 12), gold- or silversmiths (Judg. 174 Is. 40 19 Mai. 32/), 1 we may start with two allied crafts viz. those of workers in wood and workers in stone.

1. Terms.[edit]

The common term is E ^J, haras (for harras ; <& usually reieriav), \/to cut, used generally of an artisan (e.g. 2 K. 22 6 24 14 Jer. 24 i 29 2), or, more definitely, of a carpenter (Jer. 103 Is. 417), or metal-worker (Hos. 182); in i S. 13 19 (TC KTWV <ri6ijpoii [BAL]) the reference is, as the context shows, to armourers. Usually, however, the term is qualified by addition of the material viz. (i) |3N n, worker in stone, 2 S. 5 n (T. At 0u>), i Ch. 22 15 (oiKoSdjuos \i9<at>, Aarojio? \iO<av), Ex. 28 1 1 (AiSoupytKJjs Te x>")), (2) p]/ n, worker in wood, 28. 5 n 2 K. 12 ii [12] i Ch. 22 15 (T. [TWV] fuAcoi/), (3) Dil nj n, worker in bronze, i K. 7 14 (T. ^aXicou), 2 Ch. 24 12 (xaAxevs xaAicov), (4) /H3 n, worker in iron, 2 Ch. 24 12 (xa^-- <cet>? o-ifirjpou). From the same root comes ncnn, hdrosith, work (naturally more specific than nDN^a, meld kdK), defined, as above, by the addition of J3X or f y (Ex. 31 5).

Words used to express the idea of carving, cutting, or hewing are : ^sn ( to new out f tne living rock), i Ch. 22 15 (rex^u ris), 2 Ch. 2 18 [17] (with "IFI3, Aard/aos), to be kept distinct from 2Bfl ( to cut or gather wood ), Dt. 19 5 29u[io], etc.; and ppn (stone), Is. 22 16, as opposed to npn (wood), i K. 6 35. Common to both crafts are mD, Dt. 19 5 i K. 5 6 [20] Is. 14 8 (wood), Mesha inscr. 1. 25 (stone), and ypa, Gen. 22 3 (wood), Hos. 13 2 Ps. 78 15 Job 28 10 Eccles. 10 9 (stone), apj (to judge from the use of napa in Siloam inscr. I. i) is used only of stone ; f]pj, on the other hand, of wood (Is. 1034, cp *]gi, chap. 176 24 13).

1 See METALS, and cp COFFER, GOLD, IRON, etc.

2. Workers in wood.[edit]

2. The work of the carpenter belongs to the earliest efforts of man to provide himself with the ordinary conveniences and simple comforts of life. His work ranges from the fashioning of the rude tent furniture to veneering, inlaying, and carvings in wood (miklaoth, my jpD, e.g. of cedar, i K. 618 ; olive, id. 32 ; fir, ib. v. 34 f. ; pittuhim, D rnnB, iK.629); see BED, EBONY, IVORY. Cp also- SHIP.

The implements used would be primarily of the simplest description. (The modern Bedouin for example fashions a hammer by taking a fragment of hard red granite and bringing it into the required shape by chipping it with another stone. ) The precise meaning of some of the terms is uncertain, and the mention of hereb (sword) in Ex.2025 to denote an implement is significant. Naturally growth of culture went side by side with the invention of more elaborate and delicate tools. As we should expect from the analogies of folk lore, implements of stone or wood were long preferred for certain purposes to those of iron (cp Ex. 20 25) ; but the tradition that in the building of Solomon s temple no tool of iron was heard (i K. 67) is hardly genuine (see IRON, 2).

The tools comprised various kinds of AXE, HAMMER, SAW, measuring-line (lp, Is. 44 13), chisel or carving-tool (n^lspD, pi. Is. 44 13, EV planes ), the stylus or graver (TIB?, see PENCIL), and an instrument for making circles (so apparently ruinp). Some of these tools, of course, were used by workers in stone.

From Is. 44 13^ Wisd. ISiojf. we gain interesting particulars regarding some of the details of carpentry. The artificer takes care to choose a sound tree, one that will not rot, avoiding the crooked and knotted pieces, or, may be, planteth an ash tree for the purpose. Having made his choice he saws, hews, or cuts it into beams. 1 The wood is then ready to be shaped into a slab (m 1 ?), board (chp), plank (ybx), stave (13), etc.

3. Workers in stone.[edit]

3. The art of working in stone goes back to the earliest ages. In its rudest forms it is exemplified in the primitive rock-cut altars, aqueducts, wine-vats, cisterns, and conduits still to be seen in Palestine. Of a less primitive character are the rough-hewn stones, varying in work manship, used as landmarks (Jer. 31 21), gravestones (2 K. 23 17), inscriptional steles, 2 etc. Finally, the art in its most cultivated and advanced form is seen in the manufacture of stone vases, etc. (see ALABASTER) ; sculpture, on the other hand, does not seem to have been practised by the Hebrews, although the prohibition in Ex.204 is sufficiently wide to indicate that this par ticular branch of art was not unknown.

4. One of the most interesting features connected with the craft of stone-cutting in general is the faculty which the ancients possessed of dealing with huge masses of stone (in the form of foundation-blocks, obelisks, or statues). The hugest of the stones of Stonehenge is quite put in the shade by such specimens of Egyptian workmanship as Cleopatra s Needle (186 tons), and the obelisk of Hatshepsu at Karnak (circa 374 tons), and to go beyond Egypt by the largest of the stones in the outer wall of the Temple Hill at Jerusalem (some of which measure 25x12x8 ft.), or by some of the stones in the ruins of Baalbek, three of which are about 13 ft. in height, probably as much in thickness, and no less than from 62 to 64 ft. in length. The greatest marvel is that they have been raised to the top of a substruction already 23 ft. high. 3 One is enabled to see from the extant quarries of red granite at Syene the way in which the stone was cut away from the mother-rock before removal. Thence it was conveyed upon sledges and rollers or upon rafts and floats, which were drawn by men orcattle(sometimes both) to the required spot. Brute strength with a total disregard of human life aided by such simple mechanical expedients as levers was the sole motive power employed. 4

1 Cpmip vsn. 2K. 65.

2 The specific term (at all events for the stele maker) is K7DS, found at the end of several Nabataean inscriptions. In some cases there are two (CfS 2 nos. 206 209 221) or even three (ib. no. 208) workmen. One bears the (possibly appropriate) name nnBN (cp nr\3, mns ; see ENGRAVE).

3 Baed. Pa!.( 3 ) 375. Even these are exceeded in size by a prodigious block in the quarries to the SE., measuring 71 X 14X13 ft., and probably weighing about 1500 tons (pp. cit. 376). Though hewn out it has not yet been separated from the rock.

4 SeeWilk. Anc. Eg. 2302^, and for the interesting description upon the bas-relief in the Deir el-Bahri temple, see F. L. Griffith in Eg. Expl. Fund Report for 95- 96, p. (>ff.

5. Turning now to the builders (cna, otVo56/ioi), we note that in the construction of walls both wood and stone were used (Ezra 6863; cp Herod. 1 179, Rawl. ad loc. ). The specialised term for wall-builders is (2 K. 12 12 [13]) or vp j3N *ehn (2 S. 5n). Houses were made of bricks or clay ; but hewn-stone was not un common (cp below, 6), especially in the case of houses of the better class and such buildings as the pa^S, j Spna, nO 3, etc. , which (like the names they bear) were of foreign introduction. Joisting is referred to in 2 Ch. 34 ii (manp). Naturally some knowledge of measuring and the drawing of plans (cp rmn, i Ch. 28 n/. , etc.) was required.

6. Here mention may be made of the plasterers (DTIB, tdhim, Ezek. 13 u, see MORTAR, 3), and the white- washer (MH T D, cp Kovidw, Mt. 2827 Acts 23 3) who carried a brush with jointed handles (Shabb. 470.).

For the terms used to express the cutting of stone see above ( i); the quarrying is called JTDn (i K. 5 i8[3i] Eccles. 10 9). Stones which have been thus treated are styled (i) 3STO 33N, 2 K. 12 12 [13] 226 (Ai floi AaTOjUijTOt), 2 Ch. 34 n (A. TTp<Mre8oi), (2) n t;!, i K. 5 17 [31] (A. an-eAeKiJTOus), i Ch. 22 2 (A. f uo-roik), i K. 1 9 ii 636 (jt-frpov a.TreAeioJTioi ), Am. 5n (fecrrovs, or v<rrov s) ; used for altars, Ezek. 40 42 (Atfivai AeAaf ev^eVai) ; cp the pro hibition Ex. 20 25 (TJUWITOI) ; also in buildings, Is. 9 10 [9]. (3) ^a used in building, Ezra 6864, the same word in Palm, is used of an inscriptional stele.

Special tools which would be needed in addition to those men tioned above are the plumb-line (T]JN, Am. 7 7), or plummet- weight (n7pB>p, Is. 28 17 2 K. 21 13), and the measuring-reed (i"Up or mDfl H3p> Ezek. 40 3). For the mechanical methods employed by the Egyptians, see especially F. Petrie, Pyramids and Temples ofGizeh, 173 21 zjf.

7. On the art of setting and engraving jewels (Ex. 2Sgj^., etc.), see PRECIOUS STONES).

4. Other trades.[edit]

8. Workers in clay and earth. Their trade ranged from the building of houses to the manufacture of household utensils, and pottery of the finest construction (see BRICK, 2 ; HOUSE ; POTTERY). GLASS \q.v. ] was known to the Hebrews ; but the glazier is first mentioned in the Mishna (jjt).

9. For the tanning and preparation of skins see BOTTLE, i ; LEATHER.

10. For the various kinds of cloths, wearing apparel, etc., see DRESS and the related articles, and for their manufacture, see EMBROIDERY, LINEN, TENT, WEAV ING, WOOL. In connection with this trade mention must be made of the FULLER and the dyer (Mish. yix ; see generally COLOURS).

11. Considerable attention was paid to the body. The use of perfumes and perfumed unguents necessi tated the apothecaries and confectionaries (in AV) ; see INCENSE, OIL, SPICES. Barbers were an indis pensable class (see BEARD, HAIR). The bath-man (MH j|?3), and the TUD (Phcen.), who scraped the skin with a strigil, first appear at a late date.

12. Finally must be enumerated the most domestic of all arts that of cooking; see BAKING, BREAD, COOKING, FISH, FOOD.

1 That the Kenites were such a guild (Sayce, Races of OT, 118) rests upon the slenderest of bases ; see AMALEK, 7 n., and cp METALS.

5. General remarks.[edit]

Among dwellers in the desert whose wants are few, and who derive food and clothing from their herds, a knowledge of handicrafts cannot be expected to flourish. The women do more than their share of the work, and owing to inter-tribal co-operation outside aid is rarely needed. Doughty, however, speaks of a tribe of nomads who travelled as cheese-sellers (Ar. Des. 2208 /. ), and in the case of metal workers it is not improbable that there were nomad craftsmen, the ancestors of the sdny and solubby of to-day. 1

It is among a settled population living in towns and villages that need for special craftsmen arises. Outside help was needed by Soldhon in the building of the temple (i K. 56 [20], see GEBAL i. ), and the intercourse thus established (not necessarily for the first time) was not without its influence on the religious history of Israel (Neh. 13i62o/., cp HORSE, 3).

With the increase of trade special places for the trans action of business sprang up. The shop (nun) is first mentioned in MH (on the text of Jer. 37 16 see CELLS) ; the Gk. [xOSsas (iravToiruiXla.} occurs only in a Palmyrene inscription. The usual custom, no doubt, was to carry on business out of doors, in the streets (niiin, see especially i K. 2034), and, as is still so frequently the case, special localities would be set apart for certain trades. Hawkers and pedlars, however, were not unknown. Baba Bathra 22<z mentions the itinerant vendors of perfumes who visited cities to sell toilet requisites to women, and the Tadmor fiscal inscription of 137 A. D. imposes a tax on all peripatetic dealers in old clothes (pjr twin>, 11 Gk. ipunorrijhai perupbhor ~wh[o17v]~es Pv $ 7r6\ei).

In Alexandria there were streets reserved for the goldsmiths, j silversmiths, coppersmiths, etc. (Succah, 51^), similarly in Damas- I cus(cp Baed. Pal,*?) 348 ; see also JERUSALEM). On the valley j of craftsmen or sorcerers (i Ch. 4 14), see GE-HARASHIM.

The classification by trade and the formation of guilds | doubtless arose at an early date (cp EPHESUS, col. 1305, n. i). Guilds of goldsmiths and perfumers are mentioned in Neh. 38, 1 possibly also temple-masons in POCHERETH- HAZZERAIM.

If so the family was a hereditary guild, similar to the later families of Garmu and Abtinas who tenaciously retained the secret of baking the shew-bread and preparing the holy incense in their respective families (} r oiudZ n). Guilds of potters and weavers seem to be referred to in i Ch. 4 21. A nDJDH JV3 of the coppersmiths is mentioned in Shabb. 1 1/>, and a K j p T NCJH (smiths guild) in a Palmyrene inscription of the third century A. D. It was possibly as a sign of membership that each artisan used to wear something distinctive of his calling ; the scribe, a pen in his ear ; the wool-carder, a woollen thread ; the tailor (a"n)> a needle in front of his dress, etc.

No encroachment of trade was allowed {Mass. 240), and to avoid competition two butchers would agree together not to kill on the same day (Bdbd Bathra, qa\ see ib. 8ga). Each baker adopted a particular shape of loaf to distinguish his work manship from that of others.

All labour was looked upon as honourable. Ex ceptions were few. The sailor, herdsman, driver of | asses or camels, and barber were regarded with dis favour. The tanner was obliged to carry on his evil- smelling craft outside the precincts of the city (Bdbd Bathra 250, incidentally confirmed by Acts lOsz), and the low esteem in which his calling was held was only exceeded by that of the skinner of carcases (P/sdch. 1133). The trades closed to the high priest were those of the weaver, fuller, perfumer, barber, tanner, leech, and bath-man. Apart from this the practice of some trade or other was recommended to all. Great is work, for it honours the worker (Nlddr. 46^). To neglect to teach one s son some handicraft was tantamount to bringing him up to robbery (Kidd. 29^). Not all trades, as we have seen, were estimated alike. Bifrdkh. (63(1) advises every man to teach his son a clean and light employment, such as, for example, tailoring, because the stitches form neat, straight lines like the furrows of the field. Many Rabbins, renowned in their day, were not ashamed to earn their living by the labour of their hands ; R. Johanan as a sandal-maker, Hillel as a wood-cutter, R. Jehudah as a baker, R. Simon as an embroiderer and many other instances could be given. 2 It is quite exceptional, therefore, when Ben-Sira elevates the literary profession far above all trades, and refuses to concede the possibility of the artisan s acquir ing wisdom (Ecclus. 8828^ ). See EDUCATION.

s. A. C.

1 The idiom D EISfTp, etc., may perhaps be the source of the 6 roO rejcrdi o? tnos (Mt. 1855; contrast Mk. 63). See JOSEPH (HUSBAND OP- MARY).

2 e.g. Paul ; cp CILICIA, 3 (end), TENT, 3.


(coyAAplON) Acts 19 12. See NAPKIN.




The same English phrase to lay hands upon is used in the AV to render two distinct Greek phrases viz. xeipas eTri/SdAAeiv, to lay hands on with violence, and xeipai; fcrtnWnu, to lay hands on to convey some gift. With the latter phrase corresponds the eiri 0e<ris Xfiptav of Heb. 621 Tim. 4142 Tim. 1 6. From it, again, must be distinguished the verb mt0eiwau> (Acts 14 23), which properly signifies simply to appoint, so, e.g., in the Didacke, chap 15, Appoint for yourselves (xf<.porovri<raTf eavrois) bishops and deacons : though at a later period x ei P OTOV <-o- s regularly used as a synonym of xeipoBecria..

In the OT we find laying on of hands practised (a) by privileged individuals, of their own free will, and (6) by religious officers as a legal act. In the NT we find (c) Jesus and the apostles using it at their pleasure in acts of healing or in benedictions ; we also find it (</) as an ecclesiastical rite. In all cases we must suppose the laying on of hands to be accompanied by words. If the words partake of the nature of a spell, the laying on of hands must also be said to have a magical char acter ; our judgment on the one act conditions our judgment on the other (see BLESSINGS AND CURSINGS). For an instance of (a) see Gen. 48 *T ff. ; for instances of (b) Ex. 29io 15 Lev. 1 4 82 4 4 8i 3 /. 22 1624 29 33 1621 (see AZAZEL, i) 24 14 Nu. 810 12 27 18 20 Dt. 189 17y; cp also Ecclus. 5020. See SACRIFICE.

The later Jewish semlkha is the lineal descendant of this OT rite; but by the fifth century A.D., the symbolic act of imposi tion of hands had entirely disappeared from the Jewish ordina tion of religious teachers. (See Schiirer s note GJI fi) 2 199 [<7/H 2 ) 2 152 ET 3 177] ; andarticle Ordinirung in Hamburger, RE, Abt. "iA2ff.).

For instances of (c) see Lk. 440 (the parallels in Mt. and Mk. are silent), Mk. 823 [16 18] 10i6 (blessing children) Acts 9 17 288. The several passsages in Acts, however, need separate consideration. In Acts8i6/". we read that Peter and John, after prayer, laid their hands on those who had been baptized by Philip in Samaria, and they (for the first time) received the Holy Spirit. That the action was in no degree magical is shown by the incident related in Acts 1044. Similarly in Acts 196 Paul lays his hands on disciples of John the Baptist (see JOHN, DISCIPLES OF).

Instances of (d} occur in Acts 66 (imposition of hands on the Seven), 13s (Barnabas and Saul), i Tim. 4 14 522 2 Tim. 16. It is everywhere apparent that only certain privileged persons are able so to perform the rite of imposition of hands that the x</)rjua of office may be communicated, and it is this communication of a X<ipi<r/ua which constitutes investiture of office.

Once more the non-magical character of the rite is manifest. In i Tim. 4 14 the imposition of the hands of the presbytery is in close connection with prophetic utterances (cp i Tim. 1 18). In 2 Tim. 1 6 the description is condensed into the gift (x<*-P-) of God which is in thee through the laying on of my (Paul s) hands."

The meaning of i Tim. 5 22 is not quite plain. Lay hands suddenly (or, hastily) on no man might refer to the appointment of church officers ; but the following words, and be not partaker with other men s sins, hardly seems favourable to this. The laying on of hands was afterwards employed in the reception of catechumens and in the restoration of offenders. The en-i flecris \eiptav of Heb. 62is closely connected with baptisms ; 1 but we are unable to define the precise meaning. See SPIRITUAL GIFTS.

1 BanTKT/ixoi firiOsiris rf \npiav corresponds to avaaraais vfKpiav xal KplfMO. aliovtov.

2 If MT of v. 41: is correct, ???,*J milst be taken as concessive ('for though . . .'). His princes cannot mean Judah's princes for Pharaoh has just been spoken of (see Di. Jes. ed. Kittei). It presupposes yyp, D DK^Di frnr, VSN^D\ a so^yy Djn (tid-njv Koiri.<i<rov(nv [BKAOQ]) for 1J? J03P1 ; and C%N3,1"?D is unrepresented. So far as Qjn for D3n s concerned, we cannot pronounce BJ<AOQ S text an improvement. See, however, no. 3. Jerome keeps Hanes, but guesses badly at ultimam juxta AEthiopas et Blemmyes AEgypti civitatem. Saad. renders ~ b i i l ~ l ; cp his rendering of Lehabim in Gen. 1013 ( p n j ) . But this is Eg. Pemse Pemdje . Greek IICrq or 'O~uvpuy~os.




(D3H ; on the versions see n. 2), a place in Egypt (Is. 304 to which v. 5 belongs). MT is generally rendered thus : For though 2 his princes are in Zoan, and his messengers go as far as Hanes, none wins aught but disappointment, etc. (so SHOT, Isaiah ) i.e. , however far the rule of the Pharaoh may extend, none who has anything to ask of him fails to be disappointed (Di. , Duhm, Che.}. If this is correct, Hanes must have been at some distance from the royal residence, so that the Pharaoh communicated with it by messengers or envoys. Our first object will be to illustrate by Egyptology what the critics pronounce the most prob able view of the Hebrew text ; we therefore disregard at present the different interpretation of EV.

i. We may well be cautious in seeking to identify Hanes, considering the failure of <5> to recognise any Egyptian name resembling it. But we may at any rate reject the view put forward by Diimichen, who identifies both Hanes and the Assyrian Hinin(\}si with [hieroglyph] the capital of a district [hieroglyph] with a sanctuary fit- ftnmtt ( house of the nurse ?). Diimichen held this city to be Daphnee, and Daphnas to be Heracleopolis parva, but without any other reason than the an alogy of this alleged Hems to the southern Hnes (wrongly read Henensuten by Diimichen). Unfortu nately, the reading Henes is a guess of the highest improbability. Naville (Ahnas el-Medineh, 4) admits it to be doubtful, and prefers to emphasise the fact that in Asur-bani-pal s account of his war with Tarku (Tirhakah) Hininsi occurs among the names of cities all of which belong to the Delta. It is clear, however, that this circumstance will not justify us in accepting Diimichen s identification. It can only suggest that Asur-bani-pal s Hininsu was probably a city in the Delta, which is, in fact, all that Naville contends for.

2. We have next to consider the view prevalent among scholars from Vitringa s time a view that is at any rate in harmony with the generally accepted interpreta tion of Is. 304- This identifies Hanes with Heracleopolis (magna), a city of Middle Egypt, W. of the Nile, near the place where the Bahr Yusuf branches off into the Faiyum. The spot is now called Henasslye or Henassiyet-el-Medlneh, 12 mm. W. of BeniSuef; on the unproductive excavations there see Naville, Ahnas el Medineh (nth Memoir of EEF, 94). Earlier Arab writers called it A/inds; 1 the Copts fines (or Ehnes) ; the ancient hieroglyphic name was Hat (i.e., house, cp rra), Henen-suten (or setenl] (i.e., abode of the royal youth ). 2 This name seems to have been shortened to Hne(n}s(e) in the vulgar pronunciation (cp Ass. Hininsi J).

The city was the capital of the twentieth nome (or county) of Upper Egypt, which formed an island surrounded by the main Nile and the present Bahr YQsuf (? Ptol. 125, Strabo, 789, 809, 812), or at least by a similar branch of the Nile (called Menhi in Coptic writers). The chief god was Harsaf(y), Apaatfr/is i.e. , Horus the valiant" (cp Plut. De Is. 37), whence the Greek name of the city (the ram-headed Hnumu being identified with Heracles), or according to an earlier etymology the one on his lake (vocalize hri-scif] ; but most likely the name (Hr-sfy) meant originally only the ram-headed. The sacred animal was the ich neumon. The city and its chief temple played a great part in Egyptian theology, and deep cosmogonic sym bolism was found in the ceremonies of the great local festivals of hoeing the ground, of lifting the heaven, etc. The story which in Egyptian mythology takes the place of the Deluge-story (see DELUGE, 15) represents the destruction of mankind as having begun here. 1 Politically, the city took the highest rank under the ninth and tenth dynasties (Heracleopolitan), and again we find it important in the eighth and seventh centuries. The Ethiopian P anhy (commonly miscalled Pianchi) mentions the ruler (nomarch) of Heracleopolis as the chief adversary of the powerful prince of Sais (EGYPT, 65). The Assyrian king Asur-bani-pal speaks of a ruler of Hininsi ( = Heracleopolis ?) whom he called Nafykt (but see above). Herodotus (2137) knows something of a blind king Anysis (!) who in the island-city "Avvffis (=Ahnes) held out against the Ethiopian invasion for fifty years (a confusion of some historical and mythological facts). w. M. M.

3. But is the text on which recent critics have worked correct? It is very difficult to think so. Gratz (Emen- dationes, 92) and Cheyne (JQK July 98) have inde pendently suggested cruEnn as an emendation of Din ; Zoan and Tahpanhes are very naturally combined.

Ojrj a an y rate is wrong, thinks the latter ; D3i"!N would be possible (cp the Coptic name Ehnes); but the appearance of ii>. 4 and 5, both in MT and in , suggests that more than one letter may have fallen out of the text. B"tOH VD a so appears to him wrong. There is a ]re W3n (see Ginsburg) ; but this is artificial. Krochmal, Gratz, and Cheyne read & they all bring presents. one , Q DN JD (so <@) for vitS i removes all the ground for dispute between EV and the recent critics ; Cheyne s Un for vrt may also be right, unless the cor ruption is more deeply seated. Verses 5 and 6 thus become parallel, and within v. 5 itself the parallelism between Zoan and Tahpanhes is as perfect as it could be (see TAHPANHES). Cp Ruben, JQR 11 448 [99].

W. M. M. (l, 2) T. K. C. (3).

1 The orthography'Akhnas,'found in some books, has no authority.

2 [hieroglyphs]


The Hebrew terms employed to denote deaths of this or of a like nature require to be carefully distinguished.

1. In the cases of Ahithophel (2 S. 17 23} and Judas Iscariot (Mt. 27s) death by strangulation (pjn, hanak; a7rd,7xe<r0cu) is a mode of suicide. Another reference has been found in Job 7 15, where, after describing some of his distressing symptoms, Job says, according to RV,

So that my soul chooseth strangling,
And death rather than (these) my bones.

It is very improbable, however, that a righteous man like Job should be thus represented, and either the strangling must be one of the well-known symptoms of leprosy, or, much more probably, the word rendered strangling (pjno ; so Aq. t,-y\bvr]v}^ is corrupt. It is at any rate certain that there is a reference to suicide by strangling in Tob. 3io, and to a violent death caused thus in Tob. 2s, also in Jos. Ant. xvi. 11? (two sons of Herod ffrpayyaXr; KjelvovTat).

In later times, according to the Talmud, this form of death was the ordinary mode of execution (Sank. 11 i ; cp 7 3) ; some form of the garrotte such as is still used in executions in Spain and elsewhere, is intended by the expression.

2. The word rendered hanging in EV (,-^n, tdldh, N^n, tdla ; Kpe/j.deiv, /cpe/uup, Kpfj.avvijvai, in Esth. 7 9 crravpovv ; suspendere [appenclere, affigere] in patibulo [ligno, cruce], or super stipites, or super trabem, or cruci] seems invariably to mean some form of impale ment or crucifixion.

(a) It has been doubted whether the references in Esther (fXJj-ty d?$ 5l 4 64 7gf. 87 9i3/ 25) refer to impalement or tj crucifixion (after death). It is true, impalement (dvaffKoXoirifai , Herod. 1 128) would have been the correct punishment to specify, 3 the scene of the story being laid in Persia (cp Schr. KA TW 378, 615) ; but we must not expect minute accuracy (see ESTHER, if.). Further, the description in 5 14 seems inconsistent with impalement. Both here, and in the other passages referred to, EV has gallows, but in 223 hanged on a tree as elsewhere. At any rate, the impalement of the living body seems to be meant in Ezra 6 ii, RV let a beam (yx) be pulled out from his house, and let him be lifted up (n pi) and fastened (xnon ) thereon (<S BA upOu^vos TTATjy^crerai [irayri- fftTai, A], ^TT avTov, <S L dpOudrjfffTai Kal iray/ifferai).

1 Inscription, /. 19 (Naville, TSBA 8415).

2 The whole verse seems to need careful restoration. See Che. Exp.T., May 99, 381 /).

3 Both acaovcoAoTTitJeii and avaarravpovv mean either to impale or to oucify. In Herod. 8125 avea-ravpiaaev is used of the punishment inflicted by Oroetes the Persian on Polycrates, and here there can be no doubt that impalement is intended. Lucian, however (De Peregr. Morte, u), speaks of rov ei> TJJ naAcuariVr) aixjo-KoAoTricrOei Ta, i.e., Jesus Christ (quoted by Brandt, Evangel. Gesch. 180). Diodorus (632) says of the Gauls TOUS (caKoupvovs ai a<ricoAojri bii<ri rot? Ctois, and Strabo (198), speaking of the Druids, says KCU. aAAa 6e avdpiairoBvcniav I6rj Ae yeTai jcai yap (tareTof evd Tiras xal ave&Tavpovv fv TOI? tepois.

We may compare the Ass. phrase ina zakipi uzakif; zakipu is the ordinary word for pale, cross ; cp Aram. |&*) cross (same verb in Heb. in Ps. 145 14 1468).

(6) Beyond all doubt it is the impalement or gibbeting of the offender (or part of the offender) after death, for propitiation to God or warning to man, that is meant in Dt.2122/ 1 (see below), Josh. 829(king of Ai) 1026/. (the five kings), and 28. 4 12 (Rechab and Baanah s hands and feet ; so Klo. ). Probably also in Gen. 40 19 22 41 13 (cp Ebers, ^Egypten, 334, and EGYPT, 28). Similarly Nicanor s head and shoulder (2 Mace. 1635), Holofernes head (Judith 14 1), and the princes hanged up by their [enemies ?] hand (Lam. 612).

3. Closely allied to the usage of (6) is that which apparently underlies another word (yp ), which is taken by EV (after Symm. and Pesh. ) to mean hanging.

It occurs in MT only in Nu. 264 (where (5 has ira.pa.Sci.y- fiaTi crat) and in 2 S. 21 69 i3(where <& has cfrjAiacJeii/, G L in . 6 eftAacruijueOa ; Vg. cruel figere ; cp v. 14 BA ^\ t afeiK, Vg. affigere). Probably, however, the same verb ought to be read also in i S. 31 10 (so, after Lag. Prov. p. iv, Dr., Bu., Lohr).

The etymology is difficult. WRS, Rel. Sem.W 419, thought of precipitation, and reminds us of the many cases in which precipitation from a rock was a mode of execution ; 2 but this hardly suits the context. Dillmann on Nu. 25 4 takes the meaning to be to expose with dislocated limbs. This seems to have been the mean ing attached by <S5 (cp irapa.8eiy/j.a.Tifa in Heb. 66). In all cases the reference is to a solemn presentation of the dead body with piacular intent in the sun (Nu. 25 4 ), before Yahwe (2 S. 216 Nu. 25 4 28. 21 9) on the mountain of Gibeon or the walls of Bethshan, until the falling rain showed that the divine wrath had been appeased.

4. In spite of the fact that crucifixion was not a Jewish punishment, we find Paul in Gal. 813 expressly asserting that the death of Christ made him a curse on the ground that every one who hangs on a stake (EV a tree, l-u\oif, fj?) is cursed (Dt. 2123, quoted freely from ). In Acts 630 lOsg (cp i Pet. 224) is found the very same Hebraistic phrase for crucifixion, together with the ascription of the responsibility of the act to the Jews. Evidently those who wrote thus con sidered crucifixion to have a piacular character, and the only wonder is that Paul could have represented an innocent person as attracting to himself the divine punishment by an act which was a judicial error. It should be observed, however, that Paul qualifies the term twiKa.Ta.pa.Tos by the preceding expression yfi>6/j.fvos virtp ri/jL^v KO.Ta.pai, being made a curse for us. It is true, Kardpa. curse may have been suggested by the Heb. nSSp, which corresponds to e7riKard.pa.Tos in Paul s free quotation from Dt. (< has KeKaTTjpa/j.ti>os virb TOV 6eou). Bearing in mind, however, the parallel abstract term anaprla, in 2 Cor. 5 21 ( made him to be sin for us, v-rrtp rm.uv afj.apTLai>), we cannot help supposing that there is another more important reason for the choice of the term Kardpa. Christ was not personally accursed, but only came to stand in the place of such an one before God, inasmuch as he suffered the accursed death as a vicarious expiatory sacrifice (Pfleiderer, Paulinism, 199). He was therefore a curse, but not cursed in the same sense as any justly condemned criminal would have been. Paul s object being to overthrow the legal religion by terms derived from the law, we cannot hold that this minute distinction is a mere quibble. He deliberately avoids <5 s expression as liable to misinterpretation. Cp Holtz- mann, Neutest. Theol. 2 105^ See also Lightfoot s note, Galatians^, \zpff.

1 Jos. BJ iv. 5 2 [ 317], referring to this law, has apeerTavpw- /xeVou?.

2 Cp also Ar. waka a, to fall, and note the statement they fell seven together (2 S. 21 9). The words before Yahwe (v. 9), however, hardly favour this view. The word seems to be a religious synonym for n?n ; for ^S l in 2 S. 21 9 read (with Klo., Che.) 75*1, and they remained hanging there ((S L eicci). Hanging with a piacular intent is what is meant ; before Yahwe and before the sun (Nu. 25 4) are synonymous. When the divine wrath had been appeased, the bones of those who were hanged were collected and buried (2 S. 21 13).


For (i) ^DD mdsdkh, Ex. 26 36, RV screen. AV sometimes covering, curtain ; and for (2) D JPp, keld itn, Ex. 27 9 etc., see TAUERNACLE. For (3)

D Pia, bdt(f)im, 2 K. 23 7, RVmg. tents, Heb. houses [for the Asherah] ; see ASHERAH, IDOLATRY, 4, also DRESS, 8.


(V jin), i Ch. 7 39 AV, RV HANNIEL, 2.


(H3n, graciousness, 51 ; ANNA [BAL] ; Vg. ANNA], wife of Elkanah and mother of the prophet Samuel (i S. 1). On the probable date of Hannah s prayer or song (i S. 2 i-io), see SAMUEL, ii. 7.


(firm ; AMOOG [B], eNNAGwe [A], ANA- [L]), a city on the N. border of Zebulun (Josh. 19i4). Perhaps for Anathon = Beth-anath ? < L s read ing (cp @ L a.vadd)v, i Ch. 78, for Anathoth) favours this view. There was a Beth-Anath in Zebulun, and not far off a Kart- Anat or Kirjath-Anath (WMM As. u. Eur. 195). In Am. Tab. 11 17 19632 we find a city called Hin(n)atuni in Kinahhi ; but h in Assyrian sometimes represents y, e.g., Hazitu = Azzah (Gaza).

T. K. c.


(T^IPI, favour of God, 21, 28; AN[e]mA [BAFL]).

1. A Manassite prince, Nu. 34 23 (P).

2. AV HANIEL, in a genealogy of ASHER ( 4 ii.), i Ch. 739.


(Tpjn, ^Jn ; GNCOX [BADEFL]).

1. Third son of MIDIAN [g.v.j ; Gen. 25 4 ; also i Ch. 133 [AV HENOCH]. See ENOCH, 3. Perhaps the mod. Handkiya, three days journey N. from Medina (so Knobel). See Doughty, Ar. Des. 2 183.

2. Eldest son of REUBEN \_q.v.}, Gen. 469 Ex. 6 14 Nu. 26 s (Gentilic, Hanochite, 3in ; o evu% [BAFL]), i Ch. 5 3. Perhaps the clan thus designated was of Midianitish origin.


(}n, pitied [by God], 56; ANNCON [B], A[N]CON [A] in 2 S. ; ANAN [BNA], but also ANNAN [X in i Ch. ; ANNAN [L] in both places; cp Hanunu, the name of a king of Gaza mentioned by Tiglath-pileser, KAT 257 = CO T 1 249).

i. Son of Nahash, king of Ammon, who went to war with David, after insulting his ambassadors (2 S. 10 iff. i Ch. 19 1 /.). In 2 S. 10 i Wellhausen and Budde (see SBOT] omit the name Hanun ; but see H. P. Smith. See AMMONITES, 4 ; NAHASH ii. , 2 ; ISRAEL, 19.

2. In list of wall -builders (see NEHEMIAH, if., EZRA ii., 16 [i], 15 d), Neh. 813 (avow [BNA ; om. L]), 30 (avov/j. [BN], o^co/i [A], av<ov [L]).


AV Haphraim (DnQH; possibly place of a well or moat ; on form of name see NAMES, 107; ApeiN [BJ A(J>epAei/v\ [A], AM- (J)APAIM [L]), in Issachar (Josh. 19 19).

Max Muller(/lj. . Eur. 170) compares the Eg. Ha-pu-ru-m-a. According to Eusebius and Jerome (OSft) 223 61 04 2?) Haph raim (ai<t>pat.n) lay 6 R. m. N. of Legio. Perhaps the site is eZ-Farriyek, NW. of Lejjun (Conder).


AV APHSES (p-Van ; A( J>ecH [B], - C CH [A], -ccei [L]), the name of the eighteenth priestly course (i Ch. 24 15), corrupted probably from PASHHUR

gt;ecH [B], became, by accidental transposition of letters, gcH [B], t;e and this became pjsn> T and jj, n an d ,T being confounded. The corruption of nOBD nto USD t see DANCE, 4 (4)] is partly analogous. T. K. C.


(KTiri), mentioned with Halah and Habor as a place where Israelitish exiles were settled by Tiglath- pileser (i Ch. 526 ; om. BA ; <\pp&N i--, pn [L]). From a comparison of 2 K. 176 it is clear that n~\n is a mutilated form of some longer phrase. Most critics think that it represents the HD nj> ( cities of Media ) or perhaps rather HD nn ( mountains of Media ), or HD nry ( river of Media ). 1 It is possible, however, that the original document had some name of a place such as Harhar, a city and region on the border of Media, near Ellip, conquered by Sargon, and colonised by him with captives from other countries (KB 26i).

It is noteworthy that among the families of Nethinim mentioned in the great list in Ezra 2 Neh. 7 and i Esd. 5, occur the b ne Harhur (Harhar). Out of HD TJ7 nrnmi. and in Harhar, a city of Media, all the various readings of MT and may have arisen. (BA, i n 2 K. 176, has icai opij \ii$u>v, where oprj is not = "in, but is corrupt. <5L ei/ opiois [ = opea-<. ; see Mai. 1 3] /u.r)Sa>j>, which is a conjectural correction.)

T. K. C.


(rVTY] ; X&PAA&9 [BAF], - A A [L]), a stage in the wandering in the wilderness (Nu. 33 24/). See WANDERINGS, nf.


(ft!! ; x&pp AN [BADEQ a L]), or, as we shall here call it, for distinction from the Haran properly so-called, HARRAN (CHARRAN, Acts 724 AV), is, in P, the place where Terah and his family halted in their migration from Ur Casdim and where Terah died (Gen. 11 31 f. 12 46 5) ; whilst J represents it as the birthplace of Abraham (Gen. 12 i 2447 ; cp 2743 28 10 29 4, xctppcts [E]), and gives it the name of the city of Nahor (Gen. 24 10). J also describes it as the home of LABAN (f.v. ), and introduces it as such into the story of Isaac and Jacob ; he places it in ARAM-NAHARAIM. There are, however, great difficulties 2 in this view, and it is not improbable that pn in Gen. is miswritten for pin, Hauran ; not Harran, but the chief city of Hauran was the home of the Laban clan (see NAHOR). At any rate there is no doubt that Harran is mentioned in 2 K. 19 12 (see below); reference is made (|| Is. 37 12, Xapav [&**]) there to its conquest by the Assyrians, and in Ezek. 27 23 (xppa [BQ]) to its commercial intercourse with Tyre. Nor can any one fail to see the certainty of the restoration DTin for ona: in Is. 26 which (if we adopt also two other appropriate corrections) 3 produces this complete picture,

For they are full of diviners from the east,
And of soothsayers like the Philistines,
And with the secret arts of the Harranians they practise enchantments.

Harran, Ar. Harran, is situated about nine hours journey from Edessa, on the small stream called Jullab, at the point where the road from Damascus joined the great highway from Nineveh to Carchemish and Arpad. The commercial and strategical importance of its position may account for its name (Ass. harrdnu, road ). 4

1 At any rate the phrase, whatever it may have been, was first omitted and then restored in the wrong place.

2 This is the ground of identifications, such as that of Beke (/. of R. Geog. Sac. 32), who thinks of Harran el- Awamid, 16 m. E. of Damascus, where there is a so-called well of Abraham, and more recent theories of Halevy (see Literature, and cp ARAM- NAHARAIM). Several places bore the name Harran ; but on the above theory we need none of them.

3 en^ai for H^ 3? (see Ex. 7n); IBS ?? for Ip BB". The latter is due to Krochmal. Cp HAND.

4 Winckler, however, questions the connection between the words.

The site was first explored by a party detached from the Euphrates expedition, and the disinterment of a fragment of an Assyrian lion at Harran preceded the discoveries of Layard in Assyria proper. No inscrip tions have yet been brought from Harran itself ; but the Assyrian and Babylonian texts throw some light on its history. The country of Harran is mentioned in the Prism inscription of Tiglath-pileser I. (KB\yj), and in another inscription believed to be of not later date (3 R 4i /. ig/). In 5 R 64 Nabuna id, the most scrupulously religious of the later kings of Babylon, relates that he rebuilt the temple of Sin (the moon-god) at Harran on the foundation-stone of Asur-bani-pal, who discovered the foundation-stone of Shalmaneser (II.), son of Asur-nasir-pal. The cultus of this deity had its chief home and perhaps its origin at Harran ; asib harrani ( inhabiter of Harran ) is a title of Sin under Asur-bani-pal (1 R 8, no. 2, /. 13), and Nabu na id tells us that Sin had had his dwelling-place at Harran from remote days (PSBA, 1883, p. 7).

Hence it has been fancifully conjectured that Terah may have halted at Harran because the moon-god had attracted his special reverence at Ur (Uru). So Tomkins (.Life of Abraham), Hommel 04 7/7-73).

Sargon II. also mentions Harran. He states that he restored its privileges (as well as those of Asur) which had long been forgotten (KB 2 53, cp 41) ; it would seem therefore that Harran had taken part in the rebellion of Asur in the year of the great solar eclipse 763. Asur-bani-pal, who had been crowned in Harran with the crown of Sin, was not less friendly to this sacred city. He rebuilt its temple (see above), and raised his younger brother to the rank of high priest of Sin. During the invasion of the Ummanmanda (i.e. , here, the Medes ; see CYRUS, 2) much damage was done to Harran and its temple.

An inscription of Nabu-na id discovered by Scheil gives a second account of that king s restoration of the temple of Sin fifty-four years after its destruction (see Messerschmidt, MVG, 1896, and cp the cylinder inscription described at length by Del. CalwerBib. Lex.P), s.v. Haran ).

The conquest of Harran mentioned in 2 K. 19 12 evidently stands in connection with the restoration of privileges spoken of by Sargon II. When the rebellion of Asur and Harran was suppressed, these places were doubtless deprived of their ancient rights. J

It only remains to be mentioned that at Carrhae (= Harran) Crassus was defeated and slain by the Parthians (53 B.C.), and the emperor Caracalla murdered at the instigation of Macrinus (217 A.D.). The place long continued to be a centre of idolatry, and especially of moon-worship. Its principal temple remained in the hands of the heathen Harranians till the eleventh century A. n., and was finally destroyed by the Mongols in the thirteenth.

The commercial importance of Harran in the sixth century B.C. is attested not only by Ezek. 27 23, but also later by Pliny, who enumerates among its specialities a certain odoriferous gum (HN 12 40). Josephus (Ant. xx. 22), too, speaks of its plentiful production of amomum. (There are also in it, he adds, the remains of Noah s ark. )


See Mez, Gesch. derS tacit Harran, 92 ; Wi. GBA, and AOF 1 75 ff- ; Sachau, Reise, 217 f. ; Ainsworth,/ 3 ^/^/), 1891, p. 387^ (on the ruins of various dates) ; Chwolsohn, Dit Ssabicr mud derSsa&umvs, bk. i. (a history of Harran and the Harranians) ; Halevy, Mel. T2jff., Rev. Sem. 1894 (Harran, in Syria, seven days journey to the N. of Mt. Gilead); Noldeke, Harran, ZA 11 107-109 ( 96), questions the importance assigned by Winckler and Hilprecht to the primitive Harran. T. K. C.

1 These privileges were probably connected with the reverence paid to the ancient sanctuaries. One of them probably was that of immediate dependence on the king ; we never hear of a governor of Harran (Wi. A OF 1 94).


(pn ; AP AN [AL in i Ch.]). i. Brother of Abraham, ancTfP adds) father of Lot (Gen. 11 2 8/. [Jl ; 26 /. 31 [P] ; APP& [A], -N [ADEL]). According to MT (v. 29) his daughters were MILCAH (i) and ISCAH. Wellhausen thinks that Haran was originally Harran (Prol., ET, 313), and Yakut, the Arabian geographer, mentions the opinion that Harran was named after Haran, Abraham s brother (2231, ap. Mez, Harrdn, 24). If Milcah = Salecah (of which MT s Iscah must be another corruption) all becomes plain. The city of Salecah might equally well be called the wife and the daughter of Hauran. J, doubtless, reconciled these statements (which lay before him in a corrupt form) by inventing a Haran (pn). That P understood the Terahites to have sojourned in Harran on their way from Ur-kasdim (?) to Canaan, is, of course, not to be questioned.

2. b. Shimei, a Levite (i Ch. 23 9 ; ai&av [B*], <tal Aai> (sic) [Bb]). T. K. C.


(ft!!; cp Sab. pr. n. pn ; DHM Epig. Denk. 56), the name of a Calebite family, i Ch. 246 (&PP&N [HA], copcoN [L]).


( "linn, BOB Lex., doubtfully mountain-dweller ; o &p&x[e]l t^]). an unknown ethnic applied to certain of David s heroes.

1. Shammah b. Agee, 2 S. 23 n ("i"in, 6 apou^cuos [BA]); more probably an AKCHITE (<?.? ) , see SHAMMAH, 3.

2. Shammah, 2 S. 23 33*1 (6 apa>6eir>j [BA])= i Ch. 11 34 (o apa,x [B*b], apap[e]i [B ab .S A], apcupi [L]), properly the same as (i) above, see SHAMMAH (4).

3. Ahiam b. Sharar, 2 S 23 33^ ( "TJ** n [Ba. for common MH] ; RV ARAKITE; o-opaoupetrrjs [B], apap. [A], apepijua [L]), where we may read with Marq. (fund. 21) Ahiam b. SHARAR (q.v.) the Aradite ( "#?) or Adorite OyiNn) ; C p ARAD.


(W n^ri ; 6APRA K&i Btop&ZH [BXL^, om. L a ], o&pe BCO& [A]), or as in Esth. 7 9 Harbonah (rwrnrt; BoyrAe<\N [BAL*], -e\ [N*] TAZ&N [N"], ayadas [L a ]), a chamberlain of Ahasuerus (Esth. 1 10).

In Jos. Ant. xi. 6 n the name appears as crajSouxaSas, o-a^ou- (Jai/ijs, and the latter stands for pafiavgdinr)s (so for /Siopa^Tj above, read pajSw^i)) i.e., K3Timn> a name on the analogy of /ouflpo- /3ovair]5, etc. ; see SHETHAR-BOZNAI. So Marq. (Fund. 71).


(rnriX ; AACynoyc [BAFL] [w. 5 and 6 in <5 BAF Lev. having apparently changed places]), Lev. 116 Dt. 14 T\. The hare is included amongst the unclean animals, on the ground that it chews the cud and does not part the hoof; cp CLEAN AND UNCLEAN, 8. The idea that it chews the cud is an error, probably to be accounted for by the peculiar and constant twitching of the hare's upper lip when feeding, which, to a superficial observer, has somewhat the appearance of the motion of the jaws when the cud is being chewed by ruminants. Five species of hare (Lepus) have been described by Tristram from Palestine, where, he states, they are highly esteemed by the Arabs as food. The rabbit, L. cuniculus, is not found in the Holy Land. Cp CONEY. A. E. s.


(P^nn), Ezek. 43 15 EV m ff- See ARIEL, 2, n. 6, and ALTAR, 4.


(]"!n, sharp ; 57, cp HARIPH), a Calebite, was the father of BETH-GADER [q.v.~\ (i Ch. 2si &pei [A], -eiM [B], A.PHM [L]).


(RV Hereth) (~\W rnH), apparently the place to which David went after leaving Mizpeh of Moab, i S. 22 5 (EN noAei CApeiK [B], . . C&PIX [L], 6N TH n. APIA.0 [A], C&PIN [Jos. Ant. vi. 124]). Conder (PEFQ, 1876, p. 44) adopts Tj , city, instead of -\y, forest, and finds Hareth (Hereth?) in the hill-village of Kharas, near the valley of Elah. We should most probably read [oVij;] rnyp (from rms) i.e., iy and rnn are two frag ments of rnjra- Adullam was David s refuge. See HORESH. T. K. c.


(""PiTin, so the best edd., others read ""Crnn (nTnn), rvrhh, see Baer, Ginsb. , adloc. ; P.XA [ed. Sw.J om., ApAXlOy [Tisch. ; cp H-P], B&p. [L], )>* ^> [Pesh.], ARAIA [Vg.]), the name given to the father of UZZIEL, 6 (Neh. 38). Its genuineness is doubtful ; the MT D Sis rrmrrp htciy can scarcely be defended (in spite of Be. -Kys. ), and after the analogy of rrnp-in-p ,Tn (# ) we should read simply o nsrrp y. The origin of the intrusive rpmn may perhaps be explained. Its close similarity to the equally unnecessary mn.T "> v. 20 (BXAL om.) suggests that w. 8 20 originally stood opposite one another in parallel columns, and that a marginal note has found its way into boih passages, suffering corruption in the process. The note in question was mnn ( to the mount ), a gloss upon Vi pon (the turning of the wall) in v. ig/;.l It still survives in <S L , where eis TO opos is inserted bodily between 07rier<o and O.VTOV ( = Vinjt, ? . 2o), and has been transplanted, but not yet cor rupted, in the Vg. reading of v. -20 ( post eum in monte a;difi- cavit ). A somewhat similar fate (according to We. TBS 151) has befallen another marginal note in 2 S. 1 (J> ija (cp We., Dr. ad lac.); see Exp. T. 10 280 (Mar. 99). s. A. C.


(Drnn), ancestor of SHALLUM (2), 2 K. 22 14 (APAA.C [B*]! A P AAC [B b rte ], A p&c [A], A ApA [L]) = 2Ch. 3422 HASRAH (q.v.).


("l-in-in, 74i fever [?], or, rather, a place-name [see HARA] ;- <\poyp [BA], ApoyAp [L]), family of NETHINIM in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii., 9, Ezra 2 51)= Neh. 7 53 UpoyM [M*]) = i Esd. 531 ASSUR, RV ASUR (<\coyp [BA]).


(D")PI, inviolable ? cp Nab. and Sin. IDT! and Ar. and Sab. name haram ; or = HARUMAPH? see NAMES, 66 ; H p&/v\ [BKA] HIPAM [L]).

1. One of the twenty-four (post-exilic) priestly courses ; i Ch. 248 (\aprip [B], -TJ/H [A], x ei P a P [L]), whose head in the days of Joiakim (see EZRA ii., t>b n) was Adna ; Neh. 1^15 (opc/j. [Xc.arog. inf.^ p eol) ^ [L ^ BN A j )m _j < j t ; s ment ; one d ; n t h e great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii., 9), Ezra 2 39 (om. B, r)pe/i [A], iapi,x [L]) = Neh. 7 42 (r,pa. [], iap^. [LJ) = i Esd. 5 25 (xap^itj [BA], apa/ix [L]); and in the list of those with foreign wives (EZKA i., 5 end), Ezra 10 21 = 1 Esd. 9 21 (BA O m. name) ; and was represented among the signatories to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7), Neh. 10$ [e] ([t]tpa/a [BXA]).

2. A lay family in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii., 9) i Esd. 5 16, EV AROM (apo/j. [BA] ; but see also HASHUM), mis placed (from between *rv. 16 and 17) among names of towns (so Bertheau) in and in the \\ Ezra 2 32 (iijpajt [L])=Neh. 735 ; mentioned also in the list of those with foreign wives (see EZRA i., 5 end), Ezra 10 31 (/uepapet [L]), and in that of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH, i/, EZRA ii., 16 [i] 15 d), Neh. 3n (rjp/aa [A]), as also among the signatories to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7), Neh. 1027 [28] Ojpcyi [BNvid.], peouju [A], aeipan [L]).


(S][ nn, 57). The B ne Hariph, a post-exilic family, Neh. 7 24 (<xpci^> [BN], -et/u [A], iwprje [L]) = Ezra 2i8, JORAH [?.?-.] (ovpa. [B], uap. [A], iwp>)e [L])= i Esd. 5 16, AZEI-HURITH, RV AR.siPHL i<iTH(ap<rei</>oi;petfl[B], ap<ri<fipovpfiO [A], topai [L]), on which see JORAH; represented among the signatories to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7), Neh. 10 19 [20] (ap[<-H [BNA], o.pitf> [L]); cp the gentilic Hariphite ( Enn,

Kr. S "in [so Ki., Kau.] ; xapaifyei. [BN], a.pov<j>t [A], x a P a< /" [L]), i Ch. 125, a designation of Shephatiah (4), and the Caleb ite HAREPH. 3

1 So Be.-Rys., who, however, do not notice its connection with .-rmn-

2 A connection with Talm. "VT" 1 ?, coulter, Ass. hat-ham, bucket (?), does not help us.

3 Hariphite and son of Hareph may be synonyms.


(ruit, zondh, nopNH ; HBHip, kZdeteh, one consecrated [cp CLEAN, i], iepdSouAos, cp Ass. kadistfi; Tropi/r; [Gen. Dt.], rereAecr^teVai [Hos.], those initiated, cp the masc. form BH, AV sodomite, Tropi-evtov [Dt.], ei SujAAa-yjieVo? [i K 22 46 (4 7) A], TcAerai sacred rites or mysteries [ = C^pp, mikdas, i K. 15 12, L tmjAas], (caSrjeret ni [B], ica&i)<r[e]ii/ [AL] [2 K. 23 7], <ru/iurAo<oj [AL i K. 1628], cp crcu pa [Judg. 11 2]).

The difference between the Greece-Roman and the early Israelitish (and indeed Semitic) conceptions of marriage must be borne in mind when we consider the prevalence of harlotry attested by the OT documents. The Semitic conception is closely bound up with the idea that a dead man who has no children will miss some thing in Sheol through not receiving that kind of worship which ancestors in early times appear to have received (cp Stade, GVK 2 >, 390^ ). The object of marriage thus regarded is not the obtaining of legitimate heirs ; a son of a zondh, like Jephthah, is brought up in his father's house with the legitimate children (Judg. 11 2), and can even under certain circumstances succeed to the throne (Judg. 9i8; cp KINSHIP, 6). Social and religious progress (cp ESCHATOLOGY, 5/ ) necessarily led to the rise of a higher conception of marriage (cp Gen. 224) ; but in countries where the reproductive forces of nature were deified in short, where the worship of the Baby lonian goddess Istar had been introduced harlotry became so deeply rooted that it taxed all the energy of the Hebrew prophets of the eighth century and their adherents to overcome or at least to restrain it. For there is sufficient evidence that the worship of Istar was saturated with this shocking practice (see Jeremias, Izdubar-Nimrod,l$9 f. ; Jastrow, Rel. Bab. and Ass. 485), and at the 1 local shrines of N. Israel (see Hos. 4 14) the worship of Yahwe was deeply affected by Canaanitish practices derived ultimately from Babylonia. Even in Judah the consecrated harlotry of both sexes was not unknown (see i K. 15i2 2246 J [47]) ; but we must not be too prompt to draw historical inferences from i K. 1424 (ffvvde(rfj:0s [BAL]), vv. 21-24 being a redactional insertion, nor must we infer from passages like Ezek. 16 15-34 23s ff., that licentious religious rites were universally prevalent in the closing years of the Southern Kingdom. 2 In the original text of Am. 43 there was probably a distinct reference to the temple- prostitutes in Assyria (see HARMON).

This religious prostitution was prohibited in the Deuteronomic code (Dt. 2817 [18] f. ), and the Levitical legislation (Lev. 2023) represents Canaanitish abomina tions as the chief reason why the Canaanites were exterminated. Lev. 21 7 (old?) forbids a priest to take a harlot to wife, Lev. 21 9 directs that the daughter of any priest who profanes herself by playing the harlot shall be burned.

In the Wisdom Literature there is no trustworthy reference to the religious prostitutes.

In Job 8614, where RV gives, And their life (perisheth) among the unclean (mg. sodomites ), the usual explanation is so far-fetched, and affords so poor a parallelism, that emendation of the text is indispensable. 8

Ordinary harlots are, however, referred to, and comparatively high ground is taken in the. Prologue to the Book of Proverbs 4 (Prov. 2 16-19 5-7) in dealing with their immorality. Harlotry had become a social evil of a new sort, and had to be encountered by new arguments. Paul, as might be expected, reaches the highest point of Christian insight ( i Cor. 6 13-19), and our first Gospel contains the interesting notice (Mt. 21 3i/. ) that the harlots, equally with the publicans, listened to John the Baptist whilst the hierarchical leaders turned a deaf ear to his call. This circumstance is not indeed referred to in the accounts of John the Baptist s ministry ; but it is possible that the publicans are mentioned there as representa tives of the most degraded < lasses.

On the singular term dog, Dt. 23 18 [19], see DOG, 3 (end), IDOLATRY, 6, and cp Dr. Deut. 264. Halevy's attempt (REJ 9 [ 84], 186) to show that Ass. kadistu (nBHp) can mean the legitimate wife, and that Herodotus (1 \9g) misunderstood and misrepresented a perfectly innocent matrimonial custom, has not met with acceptance.

See further HOSEA, 6, MARRIAGE. T K C

1 The harlots intended in i K. 22 38 (see RV) may perhaps, though zonoth is the word used, be religious prostitutes (so Kittel). The clause, however, is a very late insertion.

2 The difficult passage, Ezek. 20 29, is commonly misunder stood. Neither of the explanations cited by Dav. will stand ; D N3rt is plainly corrupt, and this throws suspicion on the whole passage. Read probably, what are the loves (D 3nKn) which ye pursue (Cr^nNC) there? So the name of the land was called Ahfibim (i.e., " loves ")unto this day. The meaning is, Unto this day the land is given to idolatry. Cp the symbolic names AHOI.AH, AHOLIBAH.

3 In v. 14*1 for 1J733, in youth, read 3JT13> by famine (cp Pesh. in b), and in b for Q Bnp3, among the kedcsini, read Q Eijna, by pestilence.

4 On the exceptional use of H ^p: (EV a stranger ) for a harlot in Prov. 2 16 5 20 6 24 7 5 23 27 see Toy on Prov. 2 16 ; Bertholet, Stellung, 195. The dissolute women spoken of were probably often non-Israelites ; but the wise men had thrown off a narrow nationalism to such an extent that the origin or birth place of an adulteress or a harlot is of no moment to them.


(ApM&reAwisi), Rev. 16i6 RV, AV ARMAGEDDON (q.v. ).


In Am. 4 3 RV has and ye shall cast [yourselvesj into Harmon, where AV has and ye shall cast [them] into the palace, for nJIEnnn nJFQ^IjJ n l. The text is undoubtedly corrupt. Probably we should read nienpa ruVjltali and ye shall be ravished among the temple-prostitutes i.e. , ye shall be devoted as spoil of war to the goddess Istar (see Crit. Bib. ). Cp HARLOT.

(S s ets TO opos TO pofj.fjiav ([B] ; peit.fi.av [AQ*]), supposes an unlikely reference to Rimmon ; Tg. s beyond the mountains of Armenia (cp Sym.) postulates too early an acquaintance with Armenia. Theodot. has TO ui/njAbi opos. Heilprin (Historical J oetry of the Hebrews, 2 75 [ 80]) and Konig (Lehrgeb.l^t), n. 5) suggest a reference to Mt. Hermon ; cp <& [Q "g-] epjito^a. Hitzig and Steiner see a reference to the heathen sanctuary of Hadad-rimmon. Zech. 12 n, however, is most obscure, and HADAD- RIMMON [q.v.] is itself corrupt. So much, at least, these critics have seen more clearly than most, that some extremely pointed expressions must have closed the prophecy.

T. K. C.


pGrin, possibly of Egyptian origin, Horus is good [so Tomkins, Marquart] ; cp nBjncM n an old Aram, inscr. CfSZ no. 155 B 5, and /or compounds of Horus [with n not nl cp, with caution, Aram, -nyn, Horus helps, and

  • ?3mn> Horus is a confidence [see Cook, Aramaic Glossary,

s.v. in! ; ai/ap^ap [B], ap/a<ap [A], apta^ep [L]), a name in a genealogy of AsHP.R(y.z/., 4 ii.), i Ch. ?36.t Cp AHIRA, HUR, and note the connection between Egypt and ASHER [q.v., i].

S. A. C.


equally with armour (see i K. 1025 2 K. 10 2), is given by AV for pOl (see WEAPONS). In i K. 22 34 || 2 Ch. 18 33, the joints of the harness is a vague paraphrase of a difficult phrase (cp AV ng- and RVnig., and see BREAST PLATE i., col. 606).


(Tin ftf, the fountain of trembling [?], cp v. 8 ; TTHfHN &R&A [B], THN [-HN I&6P [A], THN HN ApcoA [L]), Judg. 7 1, and per haps originally iS. 28?29i iK.203o. The fountain above which Jerubbaal encamped.

i. Judg. 7 1. If Moore is right inreferring this passage to a different stratum of tradition from 633 (which makes the Midianites encamp in the vale of Jezreel), we shall have to conjecture that En Harod is the name of some fountain near Shechem. Certainly the two other pas sages in which MOREH \_y.v. ] is mentioned, localise the name near Shechem, and Ophrah, the home of Gideon, was probably not far from that town ; but (a) the word Moreh = soothsayer was, of course, not confined to Shechem, and (6) Moore s view of the origin of Judg. 7 1 is not quite satisfactory. It is safest to hold with Budde that 7 i is the continuation of 633 (cp MOREH, HILL OF), so that the Well of Harod must be sought in the vale of Jezreel ; and since there are only three wells or fountains which can come into consideration viz. , the Ain el-Meiyiteh, which is at the foot of the hill of Jezreel, the Ain Tuba un, which is out upon the plain, and the Ain Jalud, close under Gilboa and since a position by the first or second of these would have exposed Gideon to the attack of the Midianites, G. A. Smith (HG 397 f. ) appears to be right in assenting to the plausible traditional view that the third is the foun tain referred to. Its waters well out at the NE. end of Mt. Gilboa from under a sort of cavern in the wall of conglomerate rock, and spread out into a limpid pool or lakelet 40 or 50 ft. in diameter (BA 3i(>8). From this pool and from the Ain Tuba un (the Tubania of mediaeval writers), which is some little way off, the Xahr Jalud flows down past Bethshan into the Jordan. With its unusually deep bed and its soft banks it formed a natural ditch in front of the position which both Gideon and Saul appear to have taken up on the plateau of Gilboa, and rendered it possible for those encamped on the plateau to hold the lakelet below against an enemy on the plain. See GILBOA, 3 (i).

It is true, Budde (who denies that En Harod is Ain Jalud) objects that the Nabi Dahi (with which the hill of Moreh, Judg. 7 1 [MT], is generally identified) is too imposing an eminence to be called a hill, njOJ ; but (i) loftier heights than the Nabi Dahi (e.g., probably the Tell el-Ful, i.e., Gibeah of Benjamin) can be called ny^J, and (2) the text of Judg. 7 i is evidently in disorder. It may, in fact, be regarded as certain that originally v. ib harmonised with v. *&b ; there must also (as Budde allows) be some omission in v. la. The omitted words probably are and passed on to Mt. Gilboa * (which were after wards transferred with an alteration to v. 3) ; and the description of the position of the Midianitish camp in v. 16 should most probably run thus, and the camp of Midian was to the N. of them, beneath Mt. Gilboa, in the vale. 2 Cp GILBOA, j, MOREH, HILL OF. We can thus dispense with the hypothesis of Schwarz and Grove that Gilead (v. 3, MT) was the name of the NW. part of Gilboa, and that there is a trace of this in the name Am Jalud.

2. i S. 29 1. It has usually been held (e.g., by Robinson, Stanley, and W. Miller) that the fountain which is in Jezreel (so MT), beside which Saul s army encamped, is the Ain Jalud. The expression, however, will hardly bear this interpretation. The fountain in Jezreel, par excellence, can only be the fountain below Zer in now called Ain el-Meyiteh ( the dead fountain ). This shows the necessity of basing biblical geography on a revised Hebrew text. A word must have fallen out of the text, and this word must be -nn. For MT s J ja we must therefore read -nn | J72. This view is supported by <S B tv atduv and A tv afvdwp i.e., Tin pjn (Klo. ). The Ain Jalud ( = En Harod) is, in fact, little more than a mile from the E. of the foot of the hill of Jezreel, and could therefore fairly be described as being in [the district of] Jezreel. It was on the plateau above this that Saul s army was posted, unless MT is very far wrong indeed (see SAUL).

3. i S. 28 7. Did Saul really go 7 or 8 m. to visit the so-called witch of Endor ? It is shown elsewhere (ENDOR), with as near an approach to certainty as is possible, that Endor is an error for En Harod. The wise woman lived at only ten minutes distance from the Israelite camp. See ENDOR (6), but cp SAUL.

4. i K. 2030. Did Benhadad attempt to hide him self in an inner chamber ? Does Tina Tin really mean this ? Perhaps we should read by the fountain in Harod. See GILBOA, 3 (c). T. K. c.


(H1H, poYAAioc [B], ApoYAdioc [A], A.^A.pi [L], 28.23250), a designation applied to Shammah, one of David s heroes ; in v. 25^ Elika is also called a Harodite ; but v. 256 is probably an interpolation (see ELIKA). The situation of Sham- mah s native place depends somewhat on that of the home of his fellow on the list, for the names are given in couples. If we omit Elika, the companion of Sham mah is Helez the Paltite. BETH-PALET [q.v.} was in the far south of Judah, which forbids us to connect Harodite with En-harod (H. P. Sm. ), and suggests reading "ny f or yin (j; and n are often confounded). Shammah then becomes a man of ARAD (q.v. , i). So, in the main, Marquart (Fund. 19), who identifies this Shammah with one of David s brothers. Cp DAVID, i, n. 2. T. K. C.

1 V37:in 1 T7N 1-^f]. For attempts to explain v. 3 with the minimum of change in the text, or even with no change at all, see Moore s commentary and the article Gilead, Mt. in Has tings, DB2 1760. (Dr.). To the present writer it seems useless to heal the hurt of the text lightly. The view maintained by him is that an editor transferred the words to v. 3 to form part of the address to the fearful and trembling, but with an alteration. The text now stands "1^/3.1 "inp IBS 1 ; but "IBS ( to plait ) cannot mean to turn aside (Ges. -Buhl) ; there has been both corruption and editorial manipulation. An earlier reading was almost certainly Jf3^n "^l? "^jp, and let him pass on from Mt. Gilboa. What the editor did was to alter "1.T7K into "ins, to adapt the words which he transferred to their new position. The emendation Gilboa for Gilead is adopted from Clericus(i7o8) by Hitzig, Bertheau, Gratz, Reuss, Driver, etc. ; but it is not sufficient alone.

2 For miart njn3D, from the hill of the soothsayer, read jn^Jn in 1 ? nnnCi beneath Mt. Gilboa. pp3JD is composed of the first two letters of nnnD and three of the letters of yaSj.T OH in ,TT)D."! comes from nn> and nil from ~\rh-


(HXVl). Shobal the father of Kirjath-jearim had sons : Haroeh, half of the Menuhoth ; i Ch. 252 (rumen sn nn"in ; atco ecreipa /jLuvaiw [B], apaa eo-et afj.fj.avid [A, om. L]). For nuin we should read ,Tn. See REAIAH, i ; cp also MANAHETHITES.


CHnn), so i Ch. 11 27 for HARODITE [y.f.]. See SHAMMAH, 5.


(Dtyn HtTin ; <\peicu>6 [TCON eGNcoisi] [B], ^ceipcoG. ApeicooG. APYMOY [r.e.] [A], ACHpooG. ApicooG, APYMOY [r.6.] [L]). the place of residence of Sisera, a powerful king (see Cooke, Hist, and Song of Deb. 4), whose oppression roused six Israelitish tribes to common hostile action against him (Judg. 42 13 i6f). It has been identified by Thomson (with the assent of Conder, G. A. Smith, G. A. Cooke, Socin, Buhl) 1 with mod. el-Harithiyeh, on the right bank of the lower Kishon, N W. of Megiddo. This is an enormous double mound , situated just below the point where the Kishon in one of its turns beats against the rocky base of Carmel, leaving no room even for a footpath. A castle there effectually commands the pass up the vale of the Kishon into Esdraelon, and such a castle there was on this immense double tell of Harothieh [Harithlyeh]. It is still covered with the remains of old walls and buildings (Thomson, LB 437). The situation is well adapted for an oppressive chieftain, and is not to be rejected on the ground of the remoteness of Jabin s city of Hazor, for Sisera was no mere captain of the host. The place-name, however, does not occur in the Amarna tablets, and textual criticism favours the view (first suggested by the names Shamgar and Sisera) that Sisera was a Hittite king. If this is correct, his place of residence must have been Kadesh on the Orontes ; in fact, recent textual criticism of Judg. 5 reveals to us the Kadeshites and Hadrachites fighting against Israel under Sisera. More precisely, the Hittite city KADESH [q.v. , 2] bears a fuller name in the true text of the Song of Deborah viz. , Kadshon or Kidshon.

Now, looking at nt?"in, we notice that two of its letters recur in ptJHp, for "i and -\ resemble each other so closely in all the alphabets as to be often hardly distinguishable. Moreover n, 3> and h are sometimes confounded through phonetic similarity, while the corruption of y\ (the final forms of letters but slowly established themselves) into n is easy.

The conclusion we reach is that the otherwise un known Harosheth of the nations should rather be Kidshon of the nations. It was so called to dis tinguish it from places of the same name in Canaan. This view is substantially that of Marquart (Fund. 3) and Ruben (JQR 10554) ; but these scholars did not remark the existence of the termination -on appended to the fundamental element Kadsh. Whether the corrupt name TAHTIM-HODSHI [y.^.] may be com pared, is doubtful. T. K. c.


(1133, Ps. 332 etc.; D lJVj?, Dan. 85^). See Music, %7ff.


For Job 39 10 (*nb>) see AGRICULTURE, 3 beg. and 4. For 2 S. 1231 = 1 Ch. 203 6mn sin) see AGRICULTURE, 8, n.


(NiTin, deaf, 66,cpalsoTEL-HARSHA), a family of Nethinim in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii. , 9), Ezra 852 (apij<ra [BA], a/Wa [L])=Neh. 7s 4 (aWai> [BNA], aSaa-a [L])=i Esd. 632 EV CHAREA (vapea [A], om. B, /Saacra [L?]).

1 J. S. Black, however, in 1892, and (at greater length) Moore in 1895, expressed themselves doubtfully. See their respective commentaries.


in 'The gate Harsith' (Kr. rVp"inn but Kt. niDinn IT), Jer. 192 RV. AV THE EAST GATE (as if from o"in. sun, cp nig. ), RV m e- the gate of potsherds.

Although <0 s x<xp<r(e)i# favours Kre, this may be merely due to an early corruption or conjecture. Harsith cannot easily be explained. Most scholars (see BDB) render as RV>g-, but the ending -ith constitutes a difficulty ; Hitzig renders Scherben- tfiutii, Konig (2 205 []) Scherbenci, but improbably. Read perhaps JYIBE N H ; the Dung-gate seems to be meant. See HINNOM, VALLEY OF, 4 (2), JERUSALEM, 24, col. 2423.

T. K. C.

HART, HIND[edit]

p T N, r6N ; eAA(}>OC [BNAQRTFL]).

The animal intended is probably the fallow-deer ( Cervus dama, L. ), which is still to be found in the neighbour hood of Sidon (Tristram) ; see ROE, 4. As the name Aijalon shows, the ayydl must have been found in very ancient times far to the S. of this, and Dt. 121522 1522 proves that it was quite common game. It was regu larly supplied to Solomon s table, according to i K. 423 [63]. In Dt. 14s it is enumerated among the clean animals. Hebrew poets delight to refer to it. Its slender but powerful build, the swiftness and sureness of its motions, suggested a pleasing comparison for warriors or for the victorious people of Israel (2 S. 2234 = Ps. 1833 [34] Hab. 819, e ts ffvvrk\eia.v [BNAQ]), and in Gen. 49 21 (o-rAexos [BADFL]), if MT is correct, Naphtali is likened to a nimble hind, with reference to the swiftness of its heroes (see, however, below). The horns (a figure for rays of the rising sun ?) of the ayyal have been thought (wrongly) to be referred to in the title of Ps. 22 (see RV m s-) ; but cp AIJELETH-SHAHAR. Its languishing condition when deprived of pasture is referred to in Lam. 16 (KpioL [BNAQ]) ; its disregard of its young under these circumstances in Jer. 148 ; its eager panting for water in Ps. 42 1 [a]. 1 An image of feminine grace and affectionateness is derived from the elegance and the gentle gaze of the hind (Prov. 5 19 ; cp Cant. 2 7 85 [tv (rats) Iffxtiffffftv rov dypov (BANG in both verses)]) ; and a lover may be likened to a young hart, Cant. 2 17 814 (D ^ KH "iBJ?)-

Two passages remain which have to be taken together, Job 39 1-4 and Ps. 29 9. In the former passage the ease with which the hinds bring forth appears as one of the wonders of creation ; in the latter, a phrase used in Job 39 i of the travailing of the hinds is employed, but with a causative sense, of the effect of thunderclaps in hastening the parturition of hinds. It must be admitted, however, that the reference to the accelerated pangs of the hinds is not quite what we should expect in this grand storm-piece, nor does it suit the parallel line. ni"lJT> forests, seems to require us to point Jli/ X, terebinths (so Lowth, Gratz, Thrupp, Che.) ; the suspicious-looking VVin 1 should rather be 2?P)i shakes (Che.( 2 )). On the analogy of the former emendation some (Bochart, Lowth, Ew. , Olsh., Di. , etc.), would point rp N, terebinths, in Gen. 49 21 instead of n?". 1 *, hind. See NAPHTALI.

1 Read with Olsh., Che., We., Du., bbabepPlOC follows).


cp Sab. Din, HOIH [DHM. Ep. Denk. 59], Ar. hinn, also HORAM), father of Aharhel, a name in an obscure part of the genealogy of Judah ; i Ch. 48 (lapeiyix [BA] ; om. L, see AHARHEL).


ri, prob. = P|N D-DPl, 'with pierced nose', 66), father of Jedaiah in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH, i/; EZRA ii., 66, 16 [i] 150?), Neh. 3iot (epw/u.afl [B], -<#> [AL], eiu/xae [N]).


( Qnn Kt. ), i Ch. 12 5. See HARIPH.


(pin, - eager ? gold ? 66, A. P OYC[BAL]), of Jotbah, father of Meshullemeth, king Amon's mother (2 K. 21 19).


(TVJ5, Gen - 822 etc - : OepiCMOC- Mt. 937 etc.). See AGRICULTURE, 17; YEAR, 4.


(nHpn, Yahwe is gracious, 28), one of the children of Zerubbabel ; i Ch. 820 (&CAAIA [BA], -BiA [L]).


(ilNJpn), i Ch. 9 7 AV, RV HASSENUAH. See HASSENAAH.


(-irrQKT! in i Ch. 25 3 26 30 2 Ch. 35g ; elsewhere fVIiKTI ; Yahwe has taken account of, see NAMES, 32 ; &cABlA(c) [BNAL]), a name so common in post-exilic times that the identity or differ entiation of the individuals bearing it is sometimes uncertain. On Nos. i, 2, 4, 7, cp GENEALOGIES i. , 7 [ii. ,/].

1. A Merarite Levite (i Ch. 645 [30], aere|3[e]i [BA]).

2. b. Bunni, a Merarite Levite in list of inhabitants of Jerusalem (see EZRA ii., 5 [6], 15 [i] a), i Ch. 9 14 Neh. 11 15 (ao-a/Siou [ x c-amg. sup.] O m. BN*A).

3. One who with his brethren men of valour, 1700 in number, was overseer in Israel beyond Jordan westward (i Ch. 20 30); see HEBRON ii., i.

4. A musician, a son of Jeduthun (i Ch. 263 and 19 apio. [B]).

5. A Levite, son of Kemuel (i.e., Kadmiel? i Ch. 27 17), per haps the same as 3.

6. A Levite, according to the Chronicler, of the time of Josiah (2 Ch. 809). In i Esd. lg his name appears as ASSABIAS, RV SABIAS (<ra.|8ias [BA]).

7. A Levite in Ezra s caravan (see EZRA i. 2, ii. 15 [i] d), Ezra 819 (<xo-e/3[e]ia [BA], <x<r<ra/3ia [L]), i Esd. 848 ASEBIA, RV ASEBIAS (om. B, a<re/3tai/ [A]); cp Ezra 824 (crania [Avid.]) =I Esd. 854 ASSANIAS, RV ASSAMIAS (aa-a-afiiav [B], acra. [A], acra|3iai> [L]), see Kosters, Herst. 44, n. 2 ; signatory to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7) Neh. 10 n [10] (om. BN*, c<re/3iaj [Nc.aing. A]) ; 11 22, acra/3eia [X] (see Herstel, 105^). The name also appears among the Levites in Zerubbabel s band (see EZRA ii., 6 l>, n) Neh. 122 4 (a/3ia [BN*]).

8. Ruler of half the district of Keilah, mentioned in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH, i f., EZRA ii., 16 [ij, 15^), Neh. 3 1 7.

9. Head of the house of Hilkiah (see EZRA ii., 6 b, ii), Neh. 1221 (Nc.amg.inf^ O m. BN*A).


(riXHPn, 32, probably to be read iVJZltJT! i.e., Hashabni-jah ; see HASHABNIAH), signatory to the covenant (see EZRA i. , 7) Neh. 102$ [26] [BNA], AcB- [L]).


RV Hashabneiah (n;:?L ; n, or perhaps, if the text is right, as suggested in 32, iVJijlKT ! i.e. , Hashabni-iah, 'Yahwe has taken thought of me' ), a Levite; Neh. 9s (BNA om., CABd-NlAC or (rexevtas [L, the order of the names is different]) ; the name also of the father of HATTUSH (2); Neh. 3io (&CB&NAM [B*], -N6AM [B-Mvid.)], - eNedvM [], -AN I A [A], CABANIOY [ L D- The J- however, seems due to a scribe who thought of mJK - Names of the type Hashabniah are generally corrupt. Probably Hashabiah is right. T. K. C.


RV Hashbaddanah probably, if original [see below], a corruption of iTTiT Hashabni-jah ; 32), one of those (probably Levites ; so Kosters, Herstel, 88) present x at the reading of the law under Ezra; Neh. 84(001. B, ACABAANA[N c - am1 - - dextr -], -BAAMA [A], ABAANAC[L]) = I Esd. 9 4 4 (LOTHASUBUS + NABARIAS : AooGACoyBoc + NABAp[e]iAC [BA], ACCOM KAI AVAAANAC [L])- Their number is doubtful.

According to L (in both Neh. and i Esd.) there were seven standing on each side of Ezra ; according to Neh. MT, 6 on his right, and 7 on his left ; according to Neh. NA, 6 and 7 [Nc.aA] re spectively ; Neh. B, 6 and 4 ; i Esd. BAand RV, 7 and 6 ; i Esd. AV, 7 and 5.

The MT seems to have suffered somewhat from the nth name onwards ; the last two names lack the connective and, and the preceding name is surely corrupt. Hashbaddanah may in fact have arisen, the first half (ne n) from a repetition of the preceding Hashum (DETI)> and the second (mil) from a repetition of the following n lDd). The corruption has taken another course in i Esd., 3K m becoming SBTnC?), Lothasubus, and rVQl becoming ri<"a:, Nabarias. We thus lose, no doubt, the two heptads desiderated by Kosters (Herstel, 88 ; so also Be.- Ryss. , Guthe), but we get twelve names, corresponding to the tribes. See HASHUM. s. A. C.

1 Neh. 8 4<5 may be due to the Chronicler (Kosters, Herstel, 88).


the Gizonite (i Ch. 1134, EB>n 33; Bevyaias 6 S.ofiO\oyevvovvei.v [B], uioi Aa^a/a 6 rtuvvi [A], Bei/yeas 6 S.ofj.oyfvvovviv [{<], viol Aao^i TOU Zei/c [L z/. 34], Etpacrai 6 YOWL [L 7 . 33] ; but see JASHEN).


(n>^n; ceAMCONA [BL], A ceA- MCONA [AF]), a stage in the wandering in the wilderness ; Nu. 3329/t. See WANDERINGS, n/. , and cp MACCABEES i. , 2.


(3-ltrn), iCh. 9i 4 AV; RVHASSHUB(?.Z;.).


(i"QtJTl ; cp HASHUB), one of the children of Zerubbabel ; i Ch. 820 (ACOyBe [B], ACeBA [A], AACABAG [L]).


(Q^ Hi vocalisation doubtful ; cp <5 s readings and Meyer, Entst. 144, who suggests D C n ; cp the name Q tf^n ; a[cr]cron [BAL]), a family in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii., 9, 8 c), Ezra 2 19 (acreji [B], acrov/x [A], a<rto/x [L]) = Neh. 722 (r)<7a;m[i] [BNA])=i Esd. 5 16, AROM! (apoju. [BA]), represented among the signatories to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7), Neh. 10 18 [19] (r)<ra.fi. [BNA]). Various members of it are mentioned in the list of those with foreign wives (see EZRA i., 5 end), Ezral033(r)<rU]a,i [BN], a<r| o-]r)/ui. [AL])=i Esd.9 33) ASOM. The name is borne apparently by an individual in list of Ezra s supporters (see EZRA ii., 13 L/] ; cp i. 8, ii. 16 [5], ii. 15 [i] C), Neh. 84 (om. BN*, wan [Nc.amg. dextr. A] ) =I Esd- 944, LOTHASUBUS (A<o0dcrovj3os [BA]). See HASHBADANA.


(KS-lbTl),Neh. 7 4 6AV, RV HASUPHA.


(nrp / n), i Ch. 12 3 AV m e-, EV SHEMAAH (q.v. ).


See MACCABEES i. , 2.


(rnpn), ancestor of SHALLUM (2), 2 Ch. 3422 (xeAAHc [B], eccepH [A], Acep [L]). 2 K. 22 14 has HARHAS (q.v. ).


(Neh. 3 3), or SENAAH (Ezra 2 35 Neh. 738), or [i Esd. 623] RV SANAAS, AV ANNAAS, nJOipn, nxjp ; CCNNAA [AL]).

In Neh. 738 cravavar [B*], cravava. y (they is numerical) [Ba.], cra.va.vaL [NA] ; in Ezra traava. [B] ; in Neh. 738, a<raf[B], ao-ai/aa [}{], aaava. [A] ; in i Esd. crapa. [B], eracaas [A].

1. Current explanations.[edit]

(a) The name, which only occurs with the prefix 33, sons of, was formerly regarded as the name of a city, the inhabitants of which returned in large numbers (393 in Neh. 7 38 ; 3630 in Ezra 2 35 ; 3330 [A] or 3301 [B] in i Esd. 623) with Zerubbabel, and rebuilt the fish-gate at Jerusalem (Neh. 83). This is the first stage in the quest of the true meaning of the phrase b ne hasstnadh or b ne sfnddh. But where is there a city with a name like Senaah ? The Magdalsenna of Eusebius and Jerome (OS 2928150 22 ), 8 or 7 R. m. N. of Jericho, is surely not what is meant. (b} Schlatter (Zur Topogr. u. Gesch. Pal. ) and Siegfr. - Sta. therefore suspect that a Benjamite family (cp i Ch. 9?) may be meant. No such name, however, occurs in the list in Neh. 1014-27. (c) Hence a third view : Senaah, or rather Hassenaah (with the art.), may be wrongly vocalised. In i Ch. 9? Neh. 11 9 we meet with a son of Hassenuah (in Ch. aai>a [B], affavova [A], vaava. [L] ; asana [Vg. ]; in Neh. AV SENUAH ; avava [BNA], affevva. [L], senna [Vg.]) ; cp HODAVIAH, 2. That i Ch. 97-9 contains material derived from a post-exilic list, has long been recognised. 2 Ed. Meyer, therefore, 3 does not hesitate to regard Hassennah (misread Hae- senaah) as a post-exilic designation, and to explain it from post -exilic circumstances. Among those who returned with Zerubbabel, or, perhaps rather, 4 who after Ezra s arrival formed the kdhdl or congregation of true or genuine Israelites, there must have been many who had no landed possessions. The popular wit may have described such as 'children of the slighted wife' (nnp= nNUB- hated, slighted ; see Dt. 21 is/. , Is. GOisV

This theory is ingenious, and might provisionally serve us. But it has perhaps a family likeness to the explanations one finds in the Midrash, and to the edifying vocalisations of names in the Chronicler. Is not Praise- Yahwe, the son of the slighted an un natural combination ?

1 But see also HARIM (2).

2 See Herzfeld, Gesch. \ 299 ( 47).

3 East. 150, 154, 156. J. D. Michaelis partly anticipated him.

4 Meyer, however, takes the former view.

2. New theory.[edit]

The key to the mystery must be sought elsewhere. It is to be found in the problematical term MISHNEH [q.v.], the current explanation of which is purely hypothetical. An examination of the passages in which this word occurs with reference to Jerusalem suggests that underneath it lies the term mty ri, the old city i.e., the city which existed before Hezekiah built the other wall without (2 Ch. 32s; see JERUSALEM, 23). Hassenaah (nx:D.n) or Has senuah (nnjort) and Senaah (HNJO) are probably corrup tions of n]B n. 'the old city' - ie. the city which is referred to under that title in three or rather four passages in which MT gives ruc D (RV, conjecturally, the second quarter ). The 3000, or more, people mentioned in Ezra 2 35 Neh. 7 38 at the end of the list of town popu lations are the sons or people of the old city, or quarter, of Jerusalem. Now we understand the relative largeness of the number. T. K. C.


p-ltrn, thought of [by God] ; AC OYB [BNAL] ; but AC ooB [BA] in Ch. ; coyB [$*] in Neh. 823 ; ACOy6 [BN] in Neh. 1023 [24]).

1. A Merarite Levite (i Ch. 9 14 Neh. 11 15 [AV HASHUB]).

2. AV HASHUB, b. Pahath-moab, one of the repairers of the wall (Neh. 3 n).

3. AV HASHUB, .another of the repairers of the wall (Neh. 823).

4. AV HASHUE, signatory to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7); Neh. 10 23 [24].


JTlDbn, scribe ? or = ZAREPHATH ? a<Tio<j>epf6 [L]). The B ne Hassophereth, a group of Solo mon s servants (see NETHINIM) in the great post-exilic list (see EzRAii., 9), Ezra 2 55 (a<7-e</>T)po#[B], -<opa0[A]) = Neh. 757 with article omitted, B ne SOPHERKTH (HIED ; a-a<j>apaO [BA], -61 [X], a<To<t>fpe8 [L])=i Esd. 633 AV AzAPHiox, RV ASSAPHIOTH (aa-a-afauad [B], aaa.<f>(j>i. [A]). It is plausible to read HD1S 33, men of ZAREPHATH (q.v.). T. K. C.


(ND;lTI, in Neh. NDCT ; Acoyc{>A[AL], family of NETHINIM in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii.,9), Ezra 2 43 (a<70u</) [B], a<rov(|)aT[L]) = Neh. 746 (acr<f>a [B], acreiif>a. [NA], AV HASHUPHA) = I Esd. 629 (rao-fiia [B], ao-ei^o [A], EV ASIHHA). Corrupted to GISPA (q.v.) in Neh. 11 21.


For ( i ) N72n3 (Aram.), karbttd, Dan. 821 AV (AVmg- turban, RV mantle ), see TURBAN, 2; and for (2) Tre racros, 2 Mace. 4 12 (RV [Greek] cap ), see CAP.


RV HATHACH (^nn ; AXPA6<MOc[BNL/3], -060S [A], om. L a ; in Jos. Ant, xi. 6 7 a^paSeos), one of the eunuchs of Ahasuerus (Esth. 4syC [om. BNAL in v. 6], v. 9 [6] apx^aOaLoi [N*A] ; v. 10). Marq. (Fund. 7) makes this the O. Pers. hu-karta* , well-made. also inserts the name in 4 12 (apxaflatos [A]), 13 (ax8pa6a.Lov [K], om. A).


(?V|, TTeAeKYC [BNR], securis], Ps. 74 6f. See AXE, 3.


nnn), Esth. 4 5 RV ; AV HATACH (q.v. ).


(Jinn ; A.0A6 [BA], - e [L]), a Kenizzite, i Ch. 4i3f. Probably the word is a fragment of nmn (see MANAHATH), a variant to n:iyo(see MEONOTHAI). The clan called -nmo was Calebite (i Ch. 2 54).

T. K. C.


(ND pn [Aram.], snatched ; AT [e]i<t>& [BKA], uTOv<j>a [L], see NAMES, 63) a family of Nethinim in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii., 9), Ezra 2 54 (arou^o [B]) = Neh. "56 ; i Esd. 632 (are^a [BA]), EV ATIPHA.


(Ntpnpn, pointed ?); AT[G]ITA [BA], ai<Ja [L]), a family of doorkeepers in the great post -exilic list (see EZRA ii., 9), Ezra 242 (arrjTa (B]) = Neh. 745 ; i Esd. 628, TETA, RV ATETA (arriTa. [A], B om.).


ATTIA [L]). The B'ne Hattil, a group of Solomon's servants (see NETHINIM) in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii. , 9); E/.ra^57 (erreia [B], arriA[A]) = Neh. 7 59 (eyijA [BX], em)A[A])= i Esd. 634, HAGIA, RV AGIA after HA a y la .


(ir-lujn, ATTOYC [AL] ; in Ch. x&TToyc [B], X6TT. [A], AT. [L]).

1. A descendant of David and son J of SHECANIAH [y.v.] ; he went up with Ezra (see EZKA i. 2, ii. 15 (i) d), Ezra 8 2 (TOUS [B])=iEsd. 829, LETTUS.S RV ATTUS (B om.), cp i Ch. 822; priestly signatory to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7); (Neh. 104 [5], TODS [BN*1 ( arous [ Nc - a ]); also appears among the priests and Levites, who went up with Zerubbabel [see EZRA ii. , 6 b] (Neh. 12 2 [N c - a ( ra g->, om. BN*A]).

2. b. HASHABNEIAH[y.r>.] in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMOAH, if., EZRA ii., 16 [i], 15 d), Neh. 3io (aTOvO [BN], aurous [A]).


(llin; 3 AYP*N[e]mc [BAQ] ; in v. 18 (ORANITIC [A], AcopANemc [B]), a region mentioned in connection with the ideal eastern border of Canaan in Ezek. 47 16 i8f. Of Hazar-enan (see HAZAR-HATTI- CON) we learn that it was on the border of Hauran (v. 16), and more particularly that it was on the border between the territories of Hauran and Damascus (v. 18 ; see Co. s text of Ezekiel). Furrer ( /.DP V 8 27 ff. ; cp Grove, Smith s DB] places Hauran far away in the N. at Hawwdrln, between Sadad and Karyaten ( Baed. ( 3 I 405 ) ; but it is a false assumption of his that Hauran is de scribed as N. of Damascus ; it is the S. region that Ezekiel mentions first (cp v, i6f. , first Damascus, then Hamath).

Nor is it safe to work upon an incorrect text. Verse 18 should be emended with Cornill so as to run thus, And the east side ; from Hazar-enan which lies on the border between Hauran and Damascus, the Jordan forms the border between Gilead and the land of Israel as far as the east sea, unto Tamar ; that is, the east side.

If we adopt Cornill s emendation it becomes clear that Hauran is the district which still bears this name, with the addition of GOLAN (q.v.) which (the) Hauran adjoins. The name is also found in the Assyrian in scriptions (Hamranu = Havranu, KB1%n\ Havrina, A~#22i6), and in the Mishna (Rosh hashanah, 24).

Elsewhere it has been suggested that J, and presumably also E, misunderstood the stories respecting the patriarchs which lay, written, before them, and misread Haran and (in Gen. 24 i o) Nahor for Hauran. The city of Nahor, or rather of Hauran, will be some important place (Ashtaroth?) in the district between Damascus and Gilead called Hauran. Possibly too Aram-naharaim (E V Mesopotamia ) in Gen. 24 10 was misread by J for Aram-Hauran. See HARAN, NAHOR.

On the Auranitis of Roman times, see Schiirer, GJV 1 354 ; on the modern Hauran see PALESTINE.

T. K. c.


represents, in EV, (i) Ppn, hoph, Gen. 49 13 etc. (f]Qn, to enclose ).

2. nriDi mdhoz, Ps. 107 30, f primarily a large city (for Assyrian and Syriac usage see BDB, and cp Lexx. of Delitzsch and Payne Smith), but in a special context possibly haven (see, however, below).

3. XtwTjc Acts 27 8 12.

It is doubtful, in view of the clearness of the Assyrian usage, whether jino can really mean haven ; improbable too that this particular word would have been used in Ps. 107. Cheyne (/*.(-)), on these grounds, emends the text of v. 30 reading D"i *]in S for a beach of ships (cp Gen. 49 13) ; 3PI was written twice over, and the first fjn corrupted into 7nn. In Is. 23 10 Duhm and Cheyne read ?hD for fltD ; but we are not obliged to render jno haven.

On the harbours of Palestine, see MEDITERRANEAN, and on the terms of the Blessing of Zebuhm (Gen. 49 13) see ZEBULUN.

1 Emending MT in accordance with || i Esd. 8 29 (see Be- Rys. ndloc.\

2 ATTUS (AV LETTUS) is from a reading Aarrovs, a scribe s error which could have easily arisen in an uncial MS for arrows.

3 The black land (so Wetzstein, see Del. Hiob, 597), with reference to the basalt formation.


( nT in, perhaps explained by the Hebrews sand-land ; cp Wl ; ey(e)iAA(T)[BADEL] ; HEWLA except Gen. 2 ii HEVILATH), a son of Cush, Gen. 10? (P), iCh. 1 9 ; of Joktan, Gen. 10 29 (J), iCh. 1 23 (eyi [A])- The same name is given to a region bordered by the river Pishon (Gen. 2n J) ; but where the Pishon was, interpreters are by no means agreed (see PARADISE). Twice again (if not thrice, for Cornill restores the name in Ezek. 2/22, Havilah, Sheba, and Raamah ), we find mention of Havilah. In Gen. 25i8[J] the limits of the Ishmaelites are from Havilah unto Shur, and a similar phrase describes the region within which the Amalekites were defeated, i S. 15? (but here the text is disputed ; see TELEM). The combination of all the data is difficult, and many critics have been led to distinguish several Havilahs. It would seem, however, that only absolute necessity would justify this, and it is perhaps safest to hold that Havilah is always the same region of which sometimes one part, sometimes another, is specially referred to. Del. (Par. 12 /. 57 ff.}, E. Meyer (Gesch. d. Alt. 1224), identify with the NE. part of the Syrian desert; G laser (Skizte, 2323^)- with Central and NE. Arabia. See GOLD, ONYX, TOPAZ.

Attempts to find an African Havilah ( AjSoAiTcu, etc.) are therefore unnecessary, especially since the only other son of Cush in Gen. 10 7 who can be probably identified points to Arabia (viz. Raamah). It appears that P regarded all (non-Ishmaelite) Arabian tribes as connected with Africa. F. B.


AV, less correctly, HAVOTH-JAIR (T JO nin, enekyAeic i&eip [BAFL] ; in Ch. KOOMAI c&eip [B*], K. lAeip [B a - b ], K- i&peip [A], A,y6o9 i<\eip [L]; Auothiair, Jer. [O5< 2 , 89 14]). This was the name of certain towns (which arose out of tent-villages 1 ) on the E. side of Gilead. An early tradition respecting them is given by JE in Nu. 823941^ (v. 40 is an inter polation) ; v. 41 ^Tra^Xets iarjp [A]).

Bu. thinks that this passage originally stood after Josh. 17 14- 18 (AV. Sa. 87) ; but surely the colonisation described in it belongs to a later period (see Judg. 103^). A geographical difficulty is caused by Dt. 814 (avwfl taeip [BAFL]) and Josh. 1830 (<co>ju.ai ia[e]tp [BAL]), which localise the Havvoth-jair in Bashan instead of in Gilead. Apparently the writers identify them with the sixty fortresses (Dt. 84 iK. 413) in the former region a mistake into which only late writers could have fallen. (Even) Bashan (j 3rrnN) in Dt. 3 13 is evidently a redactional interpo lation, and the reference to Havvoth-jair (EV the towns of Jair ) in 1 K. 4 13 (om. BL., avioS tapetp [A])has been interpolated from Nu. 3241. In the post-exilic passage i Ch. 223 (om. Pesh.) Geshur and Aram are said to have taken sixty cities (including twenty-three belonging to Jair). Such is the account generally given of the matter ; but a closer inspection of the text of various passages referring to Gilead (where Gilead should probably be Salhad ) leads to a more favourable view of the writers who localise the Havvoth-jair in Bashan, and to a comprehension of the otherwise dark passage, i Ch. 223, respecting the conquest of the Havvoth-jair by Geshur and Aram. See JAIR, KENATH.

See Kue. Hex. 47 ; Di. Deut., and Bertholet, Dent., ad loc. ; Moore, Judges, 2747^ , GASm., HG 551 n. 9.


(|*3, nes, iepA.5 [BXAFL]; ACCIPITER}, men tioned only in Lev. 11 16 (om. A), Dt. 14is (AF in v. 14), as one of the unclean birds, and in Job89z6 (see below).

By the hawk no well-defined zoological species is meant ; the term may be used of any of the smaller diurnal birds of prey. These are common in Palestine, the commonest being perhaps the kestrel (Tinnttnculus alaudarius) and the lesser kestrel (T. cenchris). Both were protected in Egypt as sacred birds. The hawk (in Eg. bek) was especially the sacred bird of Horus (the sun god) and it is the characteristic feature of solar deities in Egypt that they are hawk -headed. The association of the hawk with the sun is found outside Egypt. The Neo - Platonists connect the two, and in Od. 15 525 the hawk is called the swift messenger of Phoebus. Such was their sanctity among the Egyptians, that they were kept in sacred groves in various places along the Nile, and when dead their bodies were em balmed.

In Job 39 26 the nes is described as stretching out its wings and flying to the south. This applies to the migratory habits of many of the smaller kinds, such as the lesser kestrel, which migrates to central and southern Africa for the winter (cp Thomson, LB 326).

A. E. S. s. A. c.

1 Havvoth occurs only in this compound name. It is a legacy from the nomadic stage of Hebrew life (see GOVERNMENT, 4).


Lev. Ili6. See NIGHTHAWK.


(i) Tyn, //</.;/>; Prov. 27 25 (RVmg. grass ), Is. 156 (RV grass ), see GRASS, i; (2) xP TO *i i Cor. 3 1 3.


(sm, 2 K. 88, etc., or xHTn, 2 K. 89, etc., God sees, 32 ; AZAHA [BAQL]; Ass. Haza ilu). Successor of BENHADAD I. (q. v. ) as king of Syria. Two great prophetic biographies referred to him. In i K. 19 15 Elijah is sent from Horeb to Damascus 1 to anoint Hazael king over Syria ; in v. 17 f. Hazael s victories over Israel are represented as the divine venge ance upon Baal-worshippers. In 2 K. 87-15, however, we read that Elisha came to Damascus, that he described the cruelties which Hazael would practise on the Israelites, and that when Hazael shrank in affected humility from the prospect (see DOG, 3), he answered, Yahwe has showed me that thou shall be king over Syria. It would seem that two different accounts were current, and that the redactor combined portions of each. Historically, it is not important to determine whether either or neither of these accounts is correct. What is important is the light which 2 K. 87-15 throws on the road which Ha/.ael took to the throne. There is no reason to doubt the accuracy of this narrative as far as Hazael is concerned, and the natural impression of the reader is that it was not the sick king, but Hazael who took the coverlet 2 (RV), and dipped it in water, and spread it on his face, so that he died. The opposite view is no doubt reconcilable with the letter of the narrative. 3 Probably the redactor has produced this indistinctness by the omission of some words, to make it more difficult to accuse Elisha of complicity in the deed. Who Hazael was, we are not told ; but the expressions used by him in f. 13 seem to preclude the idea that he was the legitimate heir of Ben-hadad. He met the allied forces of Jehoram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah at RAMOTH-GiLEAD (2 K. 828/1 9i4/), and gained important successes against Jehu which are referred to elsewhere (DAMASCUS, 8). So great indeed was the stress of the affliction of Israel that it was not till the reign of Joash b. Jehoahaz, that the losses inflicted upon Israel by the Syrians were repaired. In the time of Amos the barbarities of Hazael were still fresh in the minds of men (Am. Is/). Hazael also came into conflict with SHALMANESER II. (q.v. }. Twice (842 and 839 B.C.) the Assyrian king says that he marched against him and defeated him. Shalman- eser does not, however, appear to have gained any permanent advantage, and he troubled Aram of Damascus no more. Thus Hazael was at liberty to extend his dominion, and this accounts for the notices in 2 K. 1032 12i8[i7] 1822 of his successes against Jehu and Jehoahaz of Israel and Jehoash of Judah. Cp GATH, and (on < L s insertion in 2 K. 1822) APHEK, 3 (a), KINGS, 3 (2). Hazael s successor was probably Mari (see BEN-HADAD II. ). T. K. c.

1 Read penyi nN31 (cp ), and cp KINGS, 3.

2 Read n3T> (see BED, 3, n. 6).

3 Cp Wi. Alttest. Unttrs. 64-66.


(rVTn, Yahwe sees ; O z[e]lA [BXA], o^iou [L]), in list of Judahite inhabitants of Jerusalem (see EZRA ii., 5 [*] 15 [i] a), Neh. 11 5.


(T78 TYno EITAYAIC a p a h [BAL]),a place on the S. border of Judah, Nu. 34 4. t In the || passage, Josh. 15s, it is called TIN, Addar (AV ADAR); but probably the HEZRON [q.v. i.] which occurs close by is a corruption of -ran (so Ges. -Buhl). Probably, too, adopting necessary emendations, the geographical statement in both passages is that the S. border of Judah went round by the S. of KADESH-BARNEA ( Ain Kadis) and up to Hazar-jerahmeel (near Ain Muwaileh), and then passed along Azmon (Jebel Helal and Jebel Yelek), and so to the torrent of Misrim (the Wady el- Aris). Thus the frontier line went southward from Ain Kadis as far, perhaps, as the edge of the Tih plateau, and then made a circuit to the Jerahmeelite settlement near the sacred fountain (see BEER-LAHAI- ROI, JERAHMEEL), and to el- Aujeh (EN-RIMMON). where Palmer noticed strongly-embanked terraces which must once have been planted with fruit-trees, and thence by the Wady el-Abyad into the Wady el- Aris. A less probable view is learnedly set forth by Wetzstein in Del. Gen.W, 586-590.

The two texts can hardly both be correct : some corruption must be assumed. One emendation is suggested above. Azmon

(?13sy) should probably be En-rimmon (P^TT^) , J became r, and ) fell out. It remains to read 7NCITV ^ or IT an( ^ ^ or yp~!prt ( he latter occurs in Josh. 163). (TIN represents ^{p- yplp.T is more nearly complete ; it comes from Vxcm by ordin ary corruption and transposition.) T. K. C.


(}Jj; t^H, <villa e (enclosure) of springs the second element is not Hebrew- but Aramaic ; in Ezek. AYAHC Toy <MNA(N) [BAQ], inNu. APCGNAGIM [B v. 9], -N [B v. 10], -C6RN. [B afb l>. 9], ACepNA[e]iN [AFL v. 9, and B afb v. 10]), is the ex treme E. point of the ideal N. boundary of Canaan in Ezek. 47 17 (where it is jirj? -ran, Hazar-Enon), 48 1 (AYAHC TOY <MAAM [ R ]> A- T. AINAM [Q]). and also in Nu. 349 (cp v. 10), a passage which belongs to the priestly narrative and depends on Ezekiel. Probably Hazar-enon ought also to be substituted for HAZAR- HATTICON (q.v. ) in Ezek. 47 16. Its position is un known ; but, from the passages in Ezekiel where the territory of Damascus seems to be placed on the N. side of the border and excluded from Canaan, the conjectures which place it at Karyaten or some other point N. of Damascus appear to be illegitimate.

Identifications must be precarious, whatever view be taken of the ideal northern frontier. Van Kasteren (Rev. bit., 3o_/I [ 95]) thinks of el-IJddr, to the E. of Banias, near the road to Damascus. As Buhl points out, however (Geog. 67 240), the name would be still more appropriate for Banias itself (Banias not being the ancient Baal-gad). This may be only a plausible conjecture ; but it acquires importance from its complete con sistency with the description of the E. border in Nu. 34 10-12 ; cp Ezek. 47 18 and HAURAN. w. R. S. T. K. C.


(PR3 nyrj, 105; cepei [B?]. ACepfAAAA [A], ACAp. [L]), a place on the Edomite border of Judah (Josh. 1527). Eusebius and Jerome (OS 24535 ; 12728) identify Gadda with a village in the extreme parts of the Daroma, overhanging the Dead Sea. More than one site agrees with this description (see Buhl, Geog. 185) ; but most probably Eusebius and Jerome are mistaken, and the village Hazar-gaddah lies nearer to Beer-sheba than to the Dead Sea. Cp the name Migdal-gad, and see HAZOR, i (end). T. K. c.


RV HAZER-HATTICON fibrin i.e., the middle village ; AYAH T [B], 6YNAN KAI TOY 6YNAN [A], om. AYAH [Q*]. AYA&I TOY GlXCON [Q mg ])- on the ideal N - frontier of Canaan ( Ezek. 47 16).

It is probable, both on external grounds and on the evidence of (B, that we should read Hazar-enon (pry for jn n) (so Sm., Co.). Van Kasteren s attempted identification (Rev. Bib!., 95, p. 30) is therefore needless. See HAZAR-ENAN.


(niO-)Vn, 105; Sab. in Gen. ACAp/v\U>0 [A 1 ], CApMU)9 [A*], <Ta\[j.ui> [E], ACAPAM609 [L] ; in Ch. APAMC00 [A], om. B, Acep/v\co0 [L]); the eponym of an Arabian clan, called son of JOKTAN (q.v. ) ; Gen. 1026, i Ch. l2of. The name (which cccurs in Sabaean, see above) represents the mod. Hadramaut (or Hadramut), the name of a broad valley running for 100 m. or more parallel to the coast, by which the valleys of the high Arabian table land discharge their not abundant supply of water into the sea at Saihut. 1 A similar name occurs in Asia Minor (ADRAMYTTIUM) ; the final syllable was probably -moth or -muth (cp AZMAVETH). The modern district is less extensive than the ancient. The kings of Hadra- rnaut have left inscriptions which Glaser has lately dis covered.

According to Strabo (xvi. 4 2), the x<""pa^amTai were one of the four chief tribes dwelling in southern Arabia (their capital was Sabata or Sabatas (the SABTAH of v. 7). See Glaser, Skizze, 220, 423^ ; Hommel, AHT, ^^f., 80 etc., and cp BDB.

Here dwelt the people who in v. 7 are called SABTAH [q.v.]

1 Bent, Southern Arabia, 71 [1900].


(?1M? 1VH. 105), a city, on the extreme southern border of Judah, assigned to Simeon : Josh. 15 28 (xoAao-eioAa [BL], eurapo-ovAa [A]); Josh. 183 (ap<ria\a [B], trepo-ouAa [A], a[<ra]pcroA(X [L]) ; i Ch. 4 28 (ecrrjpeovAa/S [B], f<rep<rova\ [A], a<rfp<ra.ta8 (L]) ; Neh. 11 27 (om. BK*A, cucpCToaA [ K c. a mg.) > ao-epffuoA [L]).

It is very probably identical with the 7N < ifc>tti ASAREEL of i Ch. 4 16, and effe\uv, the brother of Ir-nahash (Beer-sheba), < i Ch. 4 12. Conder identifies with the ruin Sa weh, on a hill E. of Beersheba. But the name is almost certainly a Hebraised form of Ar. siyal, a kind of acacia tree, which grows in Arabia (see Doughty, Ar. Des. 2gi). Cp SHITTAH-TREE. T. K. c.


(HD-ID iVn), Josh. 19st ; CAp-coyceiN [B], AcepcoyciM [A], A[CA] pcoyciN [L]), also called HAZAR-SusiM (<& in Josh. ; and MT. iCh.43it, D^D-ID TI; HMlcycecopAM 1 [B*], HMicyccoc OPAM [B ab l, HMicyeoociM [A HMICY points to a reading xn]), Acepcoyci [L]. where a Simeonite village. The name apparently means station of a mare. But this is an early editor s guess, not a record of Solomon s importation of horses (cp MARCA- BOTH). Possibly a corruption of rjl? isn. Haser aziz, strong enclosure. Kephar Aziz was a place in the province of Idumaea where R. Ishmael, a contemporary of R. Akiba, resided (Neub. Gtogr. 117). T. K. c.


RV, AV HAZEZON-TAMAR ("lOn pf>TI [in Ch. fl^ri], 103 ; &CACAN 0AMAP [BAL], in Ch. &CAM 0AMApA [B], ANACAN 0AMAp [A] ; ASASONTHAMAR], mentioned as inhabited by Amorites, and as conquered by Chedorlaomer, together with the region of the Amalekites, after he had come to Kadesh, Gen. 14 7. In 2 Ch. 202 it is identified with En-gedi, which was probably suggested by the meaning of Tamar (date-palm), En-gedi having been famous for its palms. But the situation of En-gedi does not suit. Hence Knobel thought of the important site called Thamaro or Thamara, and identified by some with Kurnub, NE. of Ain Kadis (see TAMAR) ; but palms, we may be sure, have never grown at Kurnub. There must be a corruption in the text, which in so ill-preserved a narrative need not surprise us. Probably we should read for (the Amorites that dwelt) in Hazazon-tamar (the Amorites that dwelt) in the land of Misrim, o lsp f^a- 2

In truth, it is difficult to see how the N. Arabian land of Musri (see MIZRAIM, 26) could h:we been passed over. The neighbourhood of Kadesh and Jerahmeel are probably thought of. In i Ch. 202 the note that is, En-gedi may fairly be taken as a gloss, and H azazon-tamar be explained as a con ventional expression for the country S. of Judaea, derived from Gen. 147 in its already corrupt form. T. K. C.


(T-l 1 ?, Gen. SOs/t). This very interesting tree-name (lus] is wrongly rendered.

Note (i) that the scene of the narrative in Gen. 8031-43 is laid in Haran, whereas the hazel-tree is said not to grow in this region, and (2) that this tree is also not known in S. Palestine, to which the author of the narrative (J) belongs.

The fact that in Syr. and Ar. the cognate word means almond-tree, strongly favours RV s rendering ALMOND (q.v. ), which is also given by Vg. (amygdalinas) and is not inconsistent with the Kapviv-r]v of (s Kapvov being a general term. nS may be a foreign word ; the proper Heb. term for almond is -ipv. See Low, no. 319; Celsius, 1253/1

1 DIlDD sn ; a simple transposition.

2 j l.vn became sn3 i D ISD was corrupted into TCnjS (n3 = )- For an analogous corruption see Ps. 1204 (Che. Ps.(W).