Encyclopaedia Biblica/Hizkijah-Huz

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(nj?m), Neh. 10i 7 [i8] AV, RV HEZEKIAH. See ATER, i.


pin), son of REUEL [?.v.~\, Moses father- in-law (Nu. 1029 Judg. 4n [a gloss? see Moore], and probably Judg. 1 16 [emended text; cp ico&B [A], IO)B<\B [L], see Moore]). In Nu. 1029 he is repre sented as a Midianite, in Judg. Ii64n as a Kenite. Elsewhere (except in i Ch. 2 55, see HEMATH), JONA- DAB [q. v. ], or Jehonadab, is called the founder of the Rechabites, and we may doubt (but see RECHABITES) whether the simple mode of life of the Rechabites really dates back only to the age of Jehu, and whether the Rechabites at that time really adopted a new father or founder different from the reputed father of the Kenites. If so, we may suppose Hobab to be a corruption either of Jehonadab (or Nadab) or else of Jehobab (331,1 ), which is probably the fuller form of JOBAB \_q.v. ]. The latter alternative is the easier; accepting it, we shall proceed to emend Jehonadab and Jonadab in Jer. 356 8 ff. into Jehobab (231,1 ) and Jobab (33v) respectively. 1 Thus Jehobab the father-in-law of Moses becomes the father and legislator of the Kenites or Rechabites.

LXX has ico/3aj3 [BAL] in Judg., ojSa/3 [B], <o/3a|3 [A], iw. [F*], iwjSajS [F!mg.L] in Nu. ; see readings in Swete. We. (//V/.( 2 i 146) compares Hobab with Ar. hubab, serpent ; but most connect the name with 33n, to love ; cp Nab. 13 3n. beloved. T. K. C.


(raid; XCOBA\ P]; xo. [L]; Joseph. a>BA.)p the point to which Abraham pursued CHEDORLAOMER (q.v. ) and his allies (Gen. 14 15). It was on the left hand (i.e. , on the N. ) of Damascus. In the Amarna Tablets, 139 59 63 146 rev. 12, mat Ubi is mentioned ; once, to define Damascus, D. in the land of Ubi (ib. 63). On the edge of the Syrian desert, between Damascus and Palmyra, there is a spring called Hoba which is still famous in the songs of the Bedouin. Wetzstein (in Del. Gen.W 561^) identi fies this with Hobah. The objection is the distance from Dan, where Abraham is said to have set upon the kings and defeated them. From Dan (Tell el- Kadi] to Damascus is fifteen hours journey, from Damascus to Hoba more than twenty. This is not decisive, however ; the narrator (if he knew the dis tance) may have wished to emphasise the unwearied energy of Abraham. It is likely that in ancient times so excellent a spring was even more frequented than now ; for then, like other important springs on the verge of the desert, it probably had a village beside it.

T. K. C.


(rvnn), Neh. 76 3 RV, AV HABAIAH.


("tin, perhaps shortened from 1irV2N ; co^ [BA], IHOYA [L]), in a genealogy of ASHER (q.v., 4 ii.), iCh. 7 3 ?t.


(rvniri, as if praise Yahwe ; 2 cp HODIAH and JUDAH ; ooAoyiA [BAL]).

1. Head of a father s house belonging to Manasseh (i Ch. 5 24 : cuxSoina [L]).

2. b. Hassenuah, an ancestor of SALLU (i Ch. 9 7 ; oSina [B]) ; in Neh. 11 9, Judah (,nin; lovSa. [NL], -as [BA]) b. Senuah is doubtless the same person. Cp SENAAH.

3. b. Elioenai, a descendant of Zerubbabel (i Ch. 3 24 ; MVli.1

Kt., i.Tiiin Kr., AV Hodaiah ; oSoAia [B], uSia [L]).

4. A Levitical family in great post-exilic list (see EZRA ii., 9, 13 d), Ezra 2 40 (croSovia [B], crwS. [A]; the <r is a dittograph of the preceding s) = Neh. 7 43, Hodevah, RVmg. Hodeiah (,1111.1 Kt., .Tiin Kr. ; 6ov&oma.[B], ou. [NA])=i Esd. 626, SUDIAS (crovSiov [BA]). To this family the b ne Jeshua and Kadmiel apparently belonged (cp also Ezra 3 9, where Hodaviah gives place to Judah as in no. 2 s/>ra, see JUDAH, 3). Since, however, Jeshua, Kadmiel, and Bani are mentioned together in Neh. $ $f. it is better to emend Ezra 2 40 etc. and read the b ne Jeshua, Kadmiel, Bani, and Hoda viah. So already in i Esd. 626 Kadmiel, and Bannas, and Sudias. From a comparison of the lists in Neh. it is probable that Hodaviah is the same as Hodiah in Neh. 8 7 etc. and Judah in Neh. 12s. See HODIAH. s. A. C.

1 The scribe read j instead of 3 (the first time), and inserted 1. That letters not only fell out, but were inserted by editors, is certain.


(PHI"!, born at the feast of the new moon? 1 72 ; *A<\ [BA], B&AAA [L]; , [Pesh.]). a name in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (i Ch. 89), perhaps a corruption of Ahishahar (see JQR 11 107, 6). (55 L identifies it with BAARA of v. 8.


(nnin, Yahwe is my glory, cp HODAVIAH ; coAOyi&(c) t L ])-

1. As the text stands, a Judahite, whose wife was a sister of NAHAM [g.v.], i Ch. 4 19 (TTJS iSoinas [BJ, rrjs iovaiat [A], cuSia [L]). BA , however, has the better reading his wife Hodiah in v. 18. Thus we see that Hodiah and Ha-Jehudijah are really the same genealogical person, who is called in v. 19 mother of the father of KEILAH [y.v.] and ESHTEMOA [q.v.], and was the wife of MEREU [g.v.] a corrupt form which needs emendation. <5 L makes Hodiah the brother of Naham.

2. AV Hodijah, mentioned in lists of priests, teachers, and Levites, N eh. 8 7 9 5 [4] (om. BNA ; n both passages), i Esd. 948 (AuTEAs; avratas [BA]); Neh. 10 10, ufiovia [BNA] 13 [14] (loSov/u. [BX], cofiova [A], uSias [L]) ; . 18 [19] (oSovia [BNA], uiias [L]). He is probably the same as HODAVIAH (4). The name apparently recurs in i Esd. 5 16 under the corrupt form ANNIS (so RV) ; see ANANIAS, i.


(r6:n, as if partridge, 1 68 ; epA*. [BL], AlfAA [AF], in J osh - <MrA&M [A]), the third of the five daughters of ZELOPHEHAD, i.e. , Salhad (Nu. 2633 27 1 36 ii 5,i|-A.A [F], Josh. 17 3 Pf). Though a place- name Hoglah is possible (see BETH-HOGLAH), yet some better known name is more probable for a daughter of Salhad. Perhaps rtan is a corruption of nVhp i-e. , Abel-meholah. See MAHLAH.


(Dn in), king of Hebron, defeated by Joshua (Josh. 103 , <MA*,M [BA], eA&M [L]). According to Hommel (AHT, 223 n. ) the name is identical with the Minsean Hauhum. See HOKAM.


A stronghold or citadel, used especially with reference to David s retreat in the cave of ADULLAM (nTl!p, mlsudah, i S. 224 /. [but see HARETH], cp 2*22 [23] 2 S. 5 17 ; rm*P, mSsddah, i Ch. 128 16).

Both words are employed to denote the fortress of Zion (2 S. 671 Ch. 11 7), and in a general sense are used of any place of refuge or safety. See FORTRESS (beg.).

The legitimacy of the rendering hold for fV"]!*, serial}, in i S. 13 6 (AV high places ) Judg. 9 46 49 (EV), is not certain. The signification rock-hewn or sepulchral chamber which the word has in Nabataean (see Cook, Aram. Gloss., s.v. NITIs) is suitable in i S. (cp RV g- hole ), but appears less satisfactory in Judg. I.e., where (unless some underground chamber, e.g., the reputed antrum of the god BAAL-BERITH [g.v. ] be intended) the rendering tower (as in Sabaean) seems preferable (cp Moore, ad toe.). The text, however, may be corrupt.

See Dr. (Sam. 76), Moore, Bu. ad loc., and for rP")!i cp Barth, AJSL, 97, p. 273 (with lit. cited).


i. nT"]R tirsdli, Is. 44i 4 f (@ om. ; Aq., Theod., <\rploBAA*.NON [in Q m e-]) RV, AV CYPRESS.

2. rptco (Hex, JLUAO9)i mentioned in Sus. 58 with the characteristic paronomasia, the angel of God waiteth with the sword to cut thee (n-piVai <re [Theod.], ica (caraTrpioT) <re [87]) in two ; see SUSANNAH. By nplvos [87 and Theod.] (cp Theophr. Hist. Plant, iii. 7 3 and Aq. in Gen. 1438; the adj. irpCvivo<; Aq. in Ezek. 27 5) is intended probably the Quercus Coccifera L. and Q. pseudo-coccifera (Houghton). Similarly, a Syriac gloss (in Low, PJlanz. 72) treats it as a species of oa


(oAocbepiMHC [BKA]; [Syr.]), the name given to the Assyrian general in the legendary book of Judith. The name, also pronounced Orofernes, was borne by two Cappadocian princes, the one, a young son of Ariamnes, and the other a son of Antiochis, the daughter of Antiochus the Great, and, at one time, the friend of Demetrius I. The latter has been identified with Holofernes by Ewald (4 621) and independently by E. L. Hicks (/. Hell. Stud. 6261 /. [ 85]). Ball, however, prefers to identify him with Nicanor the Syrian general overcome by Judas the Maccabee, and Gaster with Scaurus, the general sent by Pompey into Syria 65 B.C. According to Winckler (AOFW 273) Holophernes = Osnappar (Asur-bani-pal).

If the termination is genuine we may compare Artaphernes, Dataphernes, Tissaphernes, and two Median princes of the time of Esar-haddon, viz. Sidir-parna and E-parna(see Ball, Speakers Comm., ad loc., and cp the Syr. form supra). See JUDITH, BOOK OF, and esp. Willrich, Judaica, i^ff. (1900).


(jVn or p^PI).

i. A town in the hill-country of Judah, assigned to the Levites (Josh. 15 51 21 15, x^Aoy, reAA*. [B], XiAoyooN, coAooN [A], xeiAoy, lAcoN [L]). It is mentioned between Goshen and Giloh. The site is unknown. In || i Ch. 658(43) it is HILEN (jS-n ; fff\va [B], vr)\<iiv [A], x f ^ wv [L]), for which there is a v. I. Hilez (iS n ; so the Soncino edition of the Prophets).

According to Klo. in <S BA of i S. 172 (see ELAH, VALLEY OF) ail-rot = auAioi/ = Holon. Possibly, too, Holon is intended in Judith 164 ; see COLA.

2. A town of Moab ; Jer. 48 21 (xaiA<o>/ [B], xeAwy [HA]).


(BTIJ5), Ex. 196 ; HOLINESS (EHp), Ex. 15 ii. See CLEAN, i.




(DDin), i Ch. 1 39 . See HEMAM.


(tJ>T1, dtbas, same order of root letters in Aram, and Ar. ; Ass. diSpu, rjoney, daspu, dussupu, a sweet drink ; /vxeAl)- The word dtbaS 1 has three distinct senses : (i) the honey of the wild bee, (2) the honey of the domesticated bee, and (3) manufactured honey, or syrup, the dibs of modern Syria.

1 Varieties of Honey.[edit]

1. In the sense of wild honey the word is of frequent occurrence. Honey out of the rock is mentioned in Dt. 32 13 and Ps. 81:16 [17] ; and Canaan is even described, and similarly Goshen (Nu. 16 13), as a land flowing with milk and honey ( Ex. 8817 passim ; cp Dt. 8 8 2 K. 18 32 Jer. 41 8). 3 Theories attaching either of the two other significations to the term dfbas as used in this phrase, have no adequate justification. It was, further, the honey of the wild bee which Sam son found in the carcase of the lion (Judg. 14 8 ff. ; see BEE), and of which Jonathan partook (i S. 1425 ff.}, 1 by dipping his staff into the honey-comb (yy>\n rny ; cp Cant. 5i) ; and wild honey (/xAi Aypiov) was the fare of John the Baptist (Mk. 1 6 Mt. 84).

2. There is no direct reference to domestic bee keeping in the OT (see BEE). Nevertheless, it would be strange, in view of the antiquity of the domestication of the bee in the East (Am. Tad. 138 12 speaks of honey and oil in Syria), if the Hebrews were acquainted only with wild honey, nor could this be reconciled with the mention of honey as well as other products of cultivation in 2 Ch. 31 5.

1 In EV invariably rendered honey, except in 2 Ch. 31 5, where AVmg. has dates.

2 In the latter passage Lag., Gr., We., Che. read, With droppings CP"P for "I ^ffi) of honey ; note the parallelism.

3 [The phrase a 'land flowing (n3T) with milk and honey' is more poetical than its context seems to justify. It was already conventional in the time of JE. It is a reasonable supposi tion that it comes from ancient poetry ; and, since ancient poetry is always tinged with mythology, it is not improbable that the phrase in question had a mythological origin. If it were Sanscrit, we should not doubt it. But the more sober Semitic mythology does not appear to have spoken of the sun as a cow and the moon as a bee (Goldziher, Heb. Mythology, 28/1). Nor was it imagined by the Semites that the Milky Way was specially the abode of the Sun-god (as by the Egyptians : Maspero, Dawn of Civ. 181). Probably the phrase alludes to the idealised past of human history. In the time of Nepher- cheres, says Manetho (Muller, Fr. Hist. Gr. 2 542^), the Nile flowed with honey for fifteen days. So, in the Hebrew Golden Age it may have been said, with perfect sincerity, that the land flowed with milk and honey. It is to such a myth that an Assyrian poet may allude, when he wishes for his king, besides the protection of the Sun-god and the Moon-god, that God may cause to flow into his channels dispa hitneta, honey (and) curdled milk (Frd. Del., G. Smith s Chald. Gen.). CpMARAH.

T. K. C.J

4 The text (both MT and <B) is here admitted to be corrupt. According to We., Dr., Bu., v. 25 should run, and there was honeycomb on the face of the field. This is perhaps the best that can be done (H. P. Smith). But how is (B s n-ao-a ^ 717 i7purTa to be accounted for? The continuation is, ai laoA fipujubs 7Ji> jieAt<7<ru)i Os. Klo. omits laaA Spu/io? as a bad gloss on iy<, and corrects 7jpi<rra into ep-yacria or tpyarai, with this result (which he too boldly adopts), Now the whole district was occupied with bee-keeping. [But ^picrra may have come in in a corrupt form from the transliterated Heb. column of a Hexaplar text and have represented j~)j<.]

Apiculture is first mentioned by Philo, who says that the Essenes were fond of 11(2633, ed. Mangey). In the Mishna references to it abound. The hive (rnjSI) was either of straw (tt IDn s) or of wicker (D Jpn a), doubtless plastered over, as at the present day, to keep out the excessive heat (see description of modern hives under BEE). The technical term for removing the combs when filled was flTl (lit. to scrape, see Levy NHWB s.7 ., with quotation from Rashi ; see also Moore s note on Judg. 14 9, where alone in OT the word occurs). The bees, it would appear, were first stupefied by the smoke of charcoal and dung kindled in front of the hive on the f]lD (see Kilim, 16 7 ap. Surenhusius, with Maimonides commentary). When the combs (CQ H JYITn) were removed in this way, at least two had to be left in the hive as food for the bees during winter (Bab. bathra, 63).

3. In later Hebrew certain!} , and in the OT possibly, dtbat is also used to denote certain artificial prepara tions made from the juice of various fruits by inspissation, like the modern dibs. Reference has already been made to the theory that the honey with which the land of Canaan was said to flow was this inspissated syrup ; it has also been held that at least the honey intended for transport (Gen. 43 n i K. 14 3) and export (Ezek. 27 17) must be so understood. The former view is unsatisfactory ; to the latter, if Cheyne s emendation of Ezek. 27 17 be accepted (see PANNAG), no objection need be offered. Stade (Gesch. 1 371, n. 2), it is true, thinks that grape-syrup was unnecessary in the land which 1 flowed with milk and honey. The early inhabit ants of Canaan, however, as Bliss appears to have shown, were certainly acquainted with this manufacture. His excavations at Tell el-Hesy (Lachish) revealed two wine-presses, with apparatus (as he judged) for boiling down the filtered juice (inspissation) into grape syrup. 1

The first unmistakable Jewish reference to it is in Josephus (the date-syrup of Jericho; see PALM TREE); Tg. ps.-Jon. (see Dt. 8 8) also mentions it. In the Mishna it is called WIN D HOP, and we may infer that in the Mishnic period dates were the chief source of the manufacture. Since the spread of Islam, which forbids wine-drinking, the grapes of Syria have been mainly diverted to the manufacture of dibs. The pure grape juice is drawn off into a stone vat (see description of press under WINE), and allowed to settle, after which it is conveyed to a large copper cauldron (khalkiin, or khalklne, Landberg, Pro- verbes, etc., 53), about three feet in diameter, in the wine-press boiling-room close at hand (cp Bliss s illustration, above). After the juice has boiled for a short time it is returned to the vat, which in the interval has been thoroughly cleaned, and allowed to cool. The process of boiling and cooling is repeated, after which the juice is boiled for the third and last time, the yellow syrup being constantly stirred and lifted up by means of a large perforated wooden spoon with a long handle (the mnkhbat, Landb. op. cit. 107). The boiling is an affair of much skill, and every village with large vineyards has several experts, who superintend the process, and from the colour, consistency, and manner of boiling recognise the moment when the process is completed. The inspissated syrup is now hurriedly conveyed to a clean stone cistern within the building, and allowed to cool before being put into vessels for conveyance to the owner s house. The final stage of the process is to beat the dibs with a stick and draw it out to make it of a firmer consistency, and somewhat lighter in colour. It is of a dark golden brown colour like maple molasses, and its taste is intensely sweet like honey (Rev. Geo. Mackie, Beyrout, to whom the writer is indebted for most of the above details). Both Greeks and Romans were alike familiar with this process of inspissation, the products being variously known as ev/njjiia, eri paiof, sapa, defrutujit. The first three, according to Pliny, were prepared by boiling down the must to one-third its bulk, when must is boiled down to one-half only, we give it the name of defrutuin, //7V14 n). Burckhardt also states that three hundredweight of grapes are calculated to yield a hundredweight of dibs. Wellstedt found the Arabs using the pods of the carob-tree (cp HUSKS) for the manufacture of dibs (Reiscn in Arabien, 1331^), a practice still followed in Syria (Post, Flora, 297).

1 Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities, 69-71, with diagram.

2. Uses for Honey.[edit]

Among he principal things for the whole use of man's life Ben Sira fitly assigns a place to honey (3926). It was eaten alone as a delicacy, as by Samson and Jonathan (cp also 2 S. * 17 29 i K. 14s) and as a relish with other articles of food. A piece of broiled fish and of an honeycomb (airb /j.e\iff<rlov Krjpiov) was doubtless a familiar combination, although absent from the best MSS of Lk. 24 42 (and RV). But curdled milk and honey alone (EV butter and honey" ; Is. 71522) was very poor diet (see MILK). It was as a sweetener of food that, before the introduction of sugar, honey was everywhere in demand ; the bee is little, but her fruit is the chief of sweet things (Ecclus. 11 3). In particular it was used for all sorts of sweet cakes (Ex. 16 31, tyKpls ; see also BAKEMEATS, 3) such cakes (TrXa/coCvrej) as were so much relished by the Greeks as dessert. But it is well known that honey partaken of too freely produces nausea 1 (Prov. 2627). Honey, however, was dis

allowed, at least by the later legislation (Lev. 2n/. ), as an ingredient of any meal-offering, because of the ease with which it ferments (cp Pliny, //.A 7 11 15), although admitted freely in other cults (see Bertholet, KHC on Ezek. 16ig). A drink resembling mead was known to the later Jews by a name (j ^oi:") derived from the Greek olv6/j.e\i, and said to have been compounded of wine, honey, and pepper (TPrum. 11 i Shabb. 202). Honey was kept in jars (i K. 14s, EV a cruse of honey ; cp Jer. 418), in which probably it was largely exported through the markets of Tyre (Ezek. 27 17). Cp PANNAG.

The medicinal uses of honey are discussed at length by Pliny (NH 22 50) and were not unknown to the Jfews either of Jerusalem (Shabb. 8 i) or of Alexandria (see addition to Gk. text of Prov. 68 quoted under BEE). The body of Aristobulus, Josephus informs us, was preserved from decomposition by being laid in honey (ev jmeAirt KeicTjSeufxeVos, Ant. xiv. "4, 124).

As the 'chief of sweet things', honey is much used in similes and metaphors by Hebrew writers. The word of Yahwe to the Hebrew poet is sweeter than honey and the honeycomb (o Bix nsi Ps. 19 10 [n], cp EV m K- ; also Ps. llQios). The pleasant speech of one s friends, also, is as an honeycomb, sweet to the soul, and health to the bones (Pr. 1624, cp Cant. 4n). Wisdom, even, is comparable to honey (Pr. 24 \if. 25 16 Ecclus. 24 20), and the memory of a good man is sweet as honey in every mouth (Ecclus. 49 1, said of Josiah).

A. R. s. K.

1 Cp the Rabbinic proverb quoted by Buxtorf (Lex., s.v. -3-1).

2 n l3p, EV barbed irons, Job 41 7 [4031], seems to be a cor ruption for nirBD, ships ; cp ; JOJN, AV thorn, ib. 41 2 [4026], should certainly be DJ3, nose-ring (Beer, Che.).


fpV, Is. 823 AV. See TURBAN, 2.


For the words 2 (nos. 1-5, below) used with reference to fishing see FISH, 3.

1. rnn,hd"h, error for nn ( i/,e A t0 v) Job 41 2 [4026] (AV thorn ). See BEHEMOTH, 2. Used with reference to a captive in 2 Ch. 33 n (iv Seer^iois ; but see MANASSEH).

2. nn, hfih, 2 K. 1928 (ayKKTrpov) = Is. 8*29 (<t/nos, i.e., muzzle ), used in the pi. C nn, Ezek. 1949 (AV chains, Kijjaos), 29 4 (Tra-yc Ses) 38 4 (om. BA, xa^ ^os tQ , but ascribed to Theod.] see Co. ad loc.~). nn is once used of an ornament, Ex. 35 22 : see BUCKLE, i.

3. nan, kakkah, Job41i [40 25], RV. fish-hook. In Is. 19* Hab. 1 15 EV angle. <S throughout ayKia-rpov.

4. rmi n lTD, sirdth di igfih, fish-hooks (Am. 4 2). (5 Ae /Sijrcs,

confusing with TO, pot.

5. n m, sinnoth (Am. 42), on-Aa, cp njjS, shield. The word, like I D (above), is used also of thorns (see THORN).

6. 11, waw, only in descriptions of the tabernacle (Ex. 2632 37 27 17 863638 [ice^aAi s] ; Ex. 27 lof. [pcpi xos, which elsewhere represents Dip, a tache ] ; Ex. 38 17 19 (dy/cuAi), used elsewhere for rtM^7 f loops ]). Not the capitals of the pillars (as ), but probably tenters or hooks rising from the tops of the pillars.

7. QTiBE , sh phattaim, Ezek. 40 43, a word which greatly puzzles the interpreters (cp AVmg. and RVmg.) ; neither posts nor gutters will do. The preferable reading, as Cornill has shown, is CnBJ? ( their edge, lit. lip ); yeuros ; Aq.( 2 ), Theod., Sym., getta).

Hook in NT corresponds to dy/aorpoi , which is common in for a hook (in one case, Ezek. 32 3, used to represent D ln, NET [?.? .]).


(nETO- n, dukiphath; enoy ; upupa. \ N11D 1 [Targ.], J;a^a^jL [Pesh.]), Lev. 11, 9 Dt. 14i8[i6]f (wiroira. [B*F], viruira [A]). RV, how ever, and the older English versions, without authority, LAPWING. It is usual to acquiesce in the traditional rendering hoopoe. The Upupa epops is in fact, not less than the lapwing, a Palestinian bird. It winters in and near Egypt, and returns to Palestine in March.

It seeks its food in dunghills, and, it is supposed, was on this account included among the unclean birds ; it is, however, freely eaten in the Levant at the present day. Possibly because of its crest (Aristoph. Birds, 94), it has always inspired a superstitious awe, and the Arabs, who call it hudlnui, from its cheery cry, ascribe to it the power of discovering water and of revealing secrets. In the late Jewish legends respecting Solomon the hoopoe plays a great part in connection with the queen of Sheba (see second Targ. on Esth. 1), and the story is adopted in the Qoran (sur. 27).

But it is by no means certain that dukiphath is really (see Di. ) the cock of the rock (or of beauty ), or that it refers to the hoopoe s fondness for rocks and mountain- ravines (cp Tristram, Land of Israel, 461, 467), or to its striking crest. This odd -looking word ns sn is simply, apart from the final n, a corruption (by trans position of letters) of kippod, iisp(Che. ). That late Heb. , Aram. , and Arabic usage favour the rendering hedge hog may be admitted ; but zoologically there are con siderable difficulties. This discovery (as it seems) of kippod in the list of unclean birds seems to show that Tristram, Houghton, and Cheyne (Proph. Is. ( 3 ) 1 93 2 149 ; SBOT, Isaiah, Eng. 64) were right in preferring bittern to hedgehog as a rendering of lisp. See BITTERN.

There is of course no connection with Sansk. kapota, a kind of pigeon, regarded as a bird of ill omen (Acaei. Dec. 25, 86). T. K. C. A. E. S. S. A. C.


( s 3Sn ; O d>N[e]l [BAL]) b. Eli ; brother of PHUINEHAS [?.!>.] ; i S. Is 234 (e(pNei[A]), 4411 i?t (om BL). Hophni and Phinehas seem very much like Jabal and Jubal, as Goldziher should have noticed (Heb. Myth. 347 ff. \_Mythos bei den Hebr. 232 Jf.]) i.e. , Hophni has been developed out of Phinehas. Add D to 3En, and the component letters of onrs are complete. Possibly both have developed out of a third form (see PHINEHAS). We cannot isolate the name Hophni, and trust in Sabaean (cp, e.g., o:sn) and other seeming parallels. T. K. c.


(in$>n ; OYA4>PH [BX AQ] ; A( j>pH [K*]; Vg. EPHREE ; Aq. Theod. o4>PHN [accus. ] Q margin [where <r(i}ytt/oiaxoj) : c/c5oro = ?/c5oroi ]), 1 Jer. 44 30! is mentioned as the king of Egypt after the destruction of Jerusalem. He is identical with the king called merely Pharaoh in Jer. 37s 7 n Ezek. 29s etc.

The name is transcribed oua^>pis by Manetho, ovo^>p>) (after (S) by Clem. Alex. 1332, ajrpi>)s by Herodotus and Diodorus. In Egyptian his names are Ha a -eb-re (v\i\gar p-re ) ^ i.e., glad is the heart of the sungod and Uah ( = later uefi) -eb-(fi)-re , 3 confident is the heart of the sungod (the same name as Psamejik I.). This latter name was evidently rendered both by the

Greeks and by the Hebrews. Both have assimilated the ft to the following /. The Hebrew transcription is rather exact.

This king, the fourth (or, according to another reckon ing, the seventh, see EGYPT, 66) of the Sa i te or twenty- sixth dynasty of ManStho, the son of Psametik II. (Psammis of Herodotus) and grandson of Necho, came to the throne about 589 or 588 B.C., and reigned according to ManStho (in Africanus) nineteen years, according to Herodotus and Eusebius 25 years (22 Diodorus, 30 Jerome, 34 Syncellus). The monuments confirm the first number. He ruled, therefore, about 588-569 B.C. His reign fell in a very critical period, when Egypt was exposed to constant danger from Babylonia. Hophra seems to have shown energy both in building (traces in the chief temple of Memphis, in the Serapeum, at Silsileh etc.), and in foreign politics. He even attempted to check the Babylonians. Thus, according to Herodotus (2i6i), he conquered the Phoenicians ( Tyrus ) at sea; 1 but most likely Herodotus only means that he sent assistance to the Tyrians in their long resistance to Nebuchadrezzar.

1 i.e., Jf~IS T (see Field). Comp. Jerome in the Liber interpr. Hebr. noin. (Lag. OS, 53 13) : Afrte furor alienus sive vita dissipata atque discissa (cp J arao : dissipans sive discooperuit eum). Targ. the broken one, NT3P, Pesh. the lame-one,

^T-J. The preceding Pharaoh is wanting in most MSS of LXX (put in by codd. 22, 36 etc.), being taken for a doublet of Hophra.


The (distorted ?) statement of Herodotus, he led an army against Sidon, refers evidently to the expedition planned with a view to succour besieged Jerusalem (Jer. 37s n). Hophra did indeed interrupt the siege for a short time ; but, if Herodotus was not mistaken, we may assume Hophra s final defeat in the N. of Palestine. It does not seem that he took the offensive again after his repulse ; but he gave an asylum to the many fugitives from Palestine in Egypt. Of the Babylonian attacks upon Egypt which we should naturally expect, we are ignorant ; but so much is now certain that Jeremiah s and Ezekiel s predictions of a conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadrezzar were not fulfilled. 2 A suppressed military revolution at the S. frontier of Egypt is referred to elsewhere (EGYPT, 69). From this we can imagine in what difficulties this unmilitary country was involved through having to sustain large battalions of foreign mercenaries. These difficulties led to Hophra s ruin. The account in Herod. 2i6i may be full of doubtful anecdotes, but is probably trustworthy in a general sense. The Egyptian (or rather Libyan) mercenaries sent against Battus of Cyrene to aid the Libyan chief Adikran revolted after two defeats. Apries and the European and Asiatic mercenaries at Momemphis were overpowered by Amasis II. ( Ahmose), who, according to Herod. (2169), left the unfortunate king alive for some time, but at last permitted an infuriated mob to strangle him. 3 w. M. M.

HOR, MOUNT[edit]

("liin In, Hor the mountain ).

1. (tap rb 6pos [BAFL]), the scene of the death of Aaron (Nu. 2022-27 21 4* 33 37-41 Dt. 32 5 of [all P]). In Nu. 8837 the situation is defined as in the edge of the land of Edom, and tradition, since Josephus, identifies it with the Jebel Nebl Hdrun (4800 ft. ), a con spicuous double-topped mountain on the E. edge of the Wady el- Arabah, a little to the SW. of Petra. Trum- bull (Kadesh-barnea, 127-139) refutes this view on grounds of revelation and reason ; critics, since Knobel, have taken the same view. Trumbull himself identifies Mt. Hor with the Jebel Madara, a conical mountain NVV. of Ain Kadis (cp HALAK, MT. ). Cp GUR-BAAL, and WANDERING, WILDERNESS OF.

2. (r6 fipos rb 6pos [B ; om. rb 8pos 2nd in v. 7 AFL], in -v. 8 roO 6povs rb 6pos), a point on the ideal N. boundary of Canaan, Nu. 34? /. (a post-exilic passage). According to Furrer (ZDPl 8 *! ff-} Hor is a term for N. Lebanon ; but Van Kasteren thinks that it means the mountains where the Nahr Kasimiyeh bends upwards (Rev. Bib. , 95, p. 28 f. ). The Targums render Amanos or Amanon ( = Amana ?). Unfortunately the existence of the northern Mt. Hor is threatened by Halevy's practi- cally certain restoration of pin, 'Hadrach', for MT's impossible reading, fvm, in Ezek. 47 15. In Nu. 34 8/. we must obviously read ?|Tin ty D3^ mnn Via? D^n-jo non <aViy nn ^"nnpi, from the great sea ye shall draw a line for you as far as Hadrach ; and from Hadrach ye shall draw a line. ..."

Di.'s proposal to read (tyKnn, 'ye shall desire' (cp v. 10) as if suggesting that the boundary was only desirable or ideal is most improbable. In v. 10 we should read ztwjn.

1 Diod. 1 68 ascribes the conquest of Cyprus to him (Hero dotus, less probably, to Amasis).

- The contrary has been often asserted ; but merely on the basis of a vague statement of Berossus, on a misinterpretation of the report on the rebellion of foreign mercenaries referred to above, and on two forged inscriptions relating to Nebuchadrezzar which had been brought to Egypt from Bagdiid.

3 See EGYPT, 69, on the question whether Amasis who married a daughter of Hophra-Apries was first co-regent with his predecessor. The object of this theory was to reconcile the different durations assigned to the reign of the latter (19 and 25 years) ; but it is not probable. A recently discovered inscription (Kec. tic Trait. 222) removes some difficulties. It tells us that Apries fell in battle after having held part of the delta for nearly three years.


(DVI), king of Gezer, who sought to help Lachish, but was defeated and slain by Joshua, Josh. 10 3 3 ( V CJO0, AiAAM [BA], eAAM [L]). The reading of (5 agrees with that which it gives for HOHAM.


, Ex. 336. See SINAI.


(Q~in, or perhaps rather D^H, sacrosanct ; [/v\er"&AA]<\peiM [B], cop&M [AL]), either the full name or the epithet of a city in Naphtali (Josh. 1938). Van de Velde identified it with Hurah, a little to the W. of Yarun (see IRON). Gue rin, however, and the PEF lists give the name as Kh. el-Kiirah. For reasons against searching modern name-lists for an echo of Horem, see MIGDAL-EL. T. K. c.


(ntJnri; @ BAL , Jos. [ H ] K&INH- i.e., ntjnn), according to RV m e-, Stade, Wellhausen, and others, the name of a place in the wilderness of Ziph ( i S. 23 is/, is/). Wellhausen would also read the name Horesh in iS. 22s (but see HARETH). The reference in i S. 23 occurs in the account of David s last inter view with Jonathan, and in the description of David s retreats among the Ziphites, and in the latter passage Horesh (?) is co-ordinated, singularly enough, with the hill of Hachilah (?). This co-ordination is sometimes ascribed to an editor (see HACHILAH) ; but no one has doubted that both Horesh (?) and Hachilah (?) were in the neighbourhood of Ziph. Horesh is supposed (see FOREST, i) to mean wood or (comparing Ass. hursii} mountain (Del. Heb. Lang. 17). The mean ing mountain would be the more suitable for the narrative in i S. 23, for certainly the wilderness of Ziph was never thickly wooded (see ZIPH). It should be noticed, however, that Horesh is not the name given in i S. , but Horgshah, and that experience warns us to look closely at the text when the locative n is affixed to a proper name without any apparent reason ( it is always ntsnm)- Add to this that there is no certain evidence elsewhere for the existence of chn in Hebrew. 1 It is extremely probable that Hor2shah (ntsnn) is a corruption of rmj; ; the intermediate stage is nyo. A reference to i S. 23 24 will make this plain. There we have the statement that David and his men were in the wilder ness of Maon in the Arabah, S. of the JSshimon. It may reasonably be held that in v. 19 the original ques tion of the Ziphites was, Doth not David hide him self with us in the retreats in the Arabah? The rest of the question in MT is, of course, an editorial insertion. The Ziphites were too clever to tell Saul precisely where David was hidden. The insertion is of interest to us just now as proving that the editor read nanya. not ntnm- 2

Conder has identified the supposed Horesh with the ancient site Hureisa, i m. S. of Ziph. Yet even if Horeshah were genuine, it could hardly mean a village or hamlet belonging to the larger town at Tell Zif (PEFQ, 95, p. 45).

T. K. C.

1 On Is. 17g Ezek. 31 3 see Che. and Toy (SBOT). c cnn in 2Ch. 27 4 is also corrupt ; read either D 3"l# (cp Di. on Is.

I5 7 )orni:ni;.

2 When he made the insertion he had his eye on v. 24, where nmva occurs, and therefore wrote south of instead of front ing. See HACHILAH.


RV Hor-haggidgadOnsn in, the Hollow of Gidgad ; TO OROC r^AfAA [BA], T. o. PA. r*. t F J- T. o. r^Air-AA [L], NU. 33 3 2/t). a station in the wilderness of WANDERING (q.v. ); cp also GUDGODAH.


cnn, niii).

i. (x<w[e> [ADEL]). son of Lotan, son of Seir the Horite (Gen. 36 22). Possibly a substitute for some lost clan name.

2. (croup[e]t [BAF], <rov&pi [L]). Ancestor of the Simeonite Shaphat (Nu. 13s). See SIMEON.

3. In Gen. 36 30 AV, RV the HORITES.


(Gen. 362of), Horites Cnh, D^n, usually explained 'cave-dwellers', 'Troglodytes' ! ; but Jensen \_ZA, 96, p. 332] questions this ; xPP ai0 *- XPP fi [ADEL]), the name given to the primitive population of Mt. Seir in Dt. 2 12 (AV Horims). It also occurs in Dt. 222 (AV HORIMS), Gen. 146 (xopdaiovs [E]), and (virtually) Gen. 862 (for Hivite read Horite ) 20 /. 29 f. ; and it should be restored in 36 2 (see (5), possibly too in 342 (<S) in preference to <pin, if we take nh to be a contraction of nin "PH anotner f rm of n pN. D. Haigh, Stern, and Hommel (AHT, 264, n. 2, 267) combine Hori with the Eg. ffaru, a name frequently applied to a part of Palestine, e.g. , on the stele 1 of Merenptah (cp Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, 121 ; WMM As. u. E-ur. 137 148^), and Hommel identifies both with the land of Gar mentioned on the Amarna Tablets (but cp GUR-BAAL). WMM seems to be right in rejecting this view. Cave-dwellers can only be justified if we interpret this (with WMM) as merely an epithet of the Seirites, or people of Mt. Seir. Cp Driver, Deut. 38 ; EUOM, 3 end. T. K. C.


(HCnn ; ep/V\<\ [BAFL]), according to one statement was so called because the Israelites in fulfilment of a vow devoted it to the herein (DIP!) or ban (Nu. 213; ANA06MA [BAFL]); according to another, it received its name when Simeon and Judah similarly devoted it (Judg. li;, AN&0eMdv [B], eSoAo- GpeyciC [AL]). This, however, is merely a literary etymology, and falls to the ground together with the misread name Hormah, which, as we shall see, appears to be a very old corruption.

Hormah was a city of Simeon (Josh. 194 i Ch. 4 30, apa/j.a. [L]) or Judah in the remote south (Josh. 1630, epfj.a\ [A], cp v. 21). David sent presents to its elders from ZIKLAG i.e. , Halasah (i S. SQ^o, iepet/j.ovd [B], pa/j.fj.a [A]). Earlier still, a king of Hormah is mentioned among the kings of Canaan overcome by Joshua (Josh, 12 14, D(-> ; ep/j.a0 [B]) ; we also hear of defeats inflicted on the Israelites by the Amalekites and Canaanites, which extended locally as far as (the) Hormah, Nu. 1445 (nmnn, 2 see below ; ep/jLav [B]) ; cp Dt. 1 44 from Seir to Hormah (Di. , Dr. following ). Two more references remain. Ac cording to the present text of Nu. 21 1-3 (J) the Canaanite king of ARAD (q.v.}, who had at first defeated the Israelites, was at last overcome by them, on which occasion the name of the place (mpen) was called Hormah. From this it would appear as if Arad were the old name of Hormah, and yet we are told in Judg. 1 17 (see above) that its old name was ZEPHATH (q.v. ). How is this to be accounted for? To suppose with Bachmann that the city was twice destroyed and re named, seems absurd. Nor is it easy (though Dill- mann, Wellhausen, and others adopt this expedient) to explain Nu. 21 3 as relating by anticipation the destruc tion by Simeon and Judah (Judg. 1 17), in which case the king of Arad must also have ruled over Zephath.

The simplest explanation is the boldest. In Nu. 21 1, for 'the king of Arad who dwelt in the Negeb' read '(the Canaanites) who dwelt in the Negeb of the Jerahmeelites'. 3 The corruptions assumed are regular, and the whole passage receives a flood of light. It is highly probable that the writers of Judg. 1 17 Nu. 2X3 confound the names of two neighbouring places, which, being in the far south, they had never visited. The true name of the city of Hormah is probably Rahamah ; it was apparently the chief town of the Negeb of the Jerahmeelites (i S. SOzgyC). It is true nmn occurs eight times ; but there is evidence enough that at a very early date passages containing some remarkable word were systematically harmonized. For riOtn we should restore in all the passages except Judg. 1 17 Nu. 21 3, nDITV The Wady Kukhama perpetuates the name (see JERAHMEEL).

T. K. C.

1 Vg. give Troglodytes for the Sukkiim of 2 Ch. 12 3.

2 Only here with art. ; hence Targ. Jon. renders unto de struction.

3 See JERAHMEEL. C lnxn should be "1CXH in, the moun tains of the Amorites ; cp Dt. 1 20.


(\~]\), Kep<\c)- Nowhere perhaps is the necessity for looking closely into seeming trifles more apparent than here. The usual explanation is unquestionable in such passages as the following :

i S. 2 i, By Yahwe my horn is exalted ; Ps. 89 17 [18], By thy favour our horn is exalted ; Ps. "64 [5], Lift not up your horn ; Jer. 48 25, The horn of Moab is cut off (cp Lam. 2 3). In such passages horn symbolizes power, and its exaltation signifies victory (cp i K. 22 1 1) and deliverance (Lk. 1 69, horn of salvation, xeoat <rum)pt as). It will be remembered that in an oracle of Balaam the re"fi, or wild ox, is the emblem of an invincible warrior (Nu. 23 22) ; cp also Dan. 7 7.

In other passages it will not suit.

1. When we read in Job 10 15, I have defiled my horn in the dust (AV), or I have laid my horn in the dust, we see that there must be something amiss with the text ; the language is inappropriate. 1 To lift up the horn may be to increase in power, or to show a proud sense of greatness ; but it is hardly safe to maintain, on the ground of a single doubtful passage, that to thrust it into the dust (Di.), or to defile it in the dust, is a Hebrew phrase for feeling the sense of deepest humiliation. In Hebrew idiom, people roll in the dust tliemselves (Mic. 1 10), not their horn. The remedy is to examine the text, and see what errors the scribe was most likely to have committed. There are in fact two very likely errors, by emending which we obtain the very suitable sense I have profaned my glory in the dust. 2 There is a similar error in Am. 613; where the horns appear through an error of interpretation of the first magnitude. Have we not taken to us horns? should be, Have we not taken Karnaim? Men can be said to lift uf> horns, not to take them. Travellers have sometimes illustrated the former phrase by the silver horn which was formerly worn on the head by Druse women in the Lebanon. This, however, is a mistake. The silver horn was simply an instrument for holding up the long veil worn in the Lebanon by married women.

2. The old painters, and Michael Angelo after them, repre sented Moses with two horns. Ultimately perhaps this may be traced to the two horns of Am(m)on, the god of the Egyptian Thebes, which were adopted by Alexander the Great on his coins (cp the two -horned in the Koran, Su>: 1885). The immediate cause, however, of this mode of representation is what we may safely regard as an error of the text in Ex. 34 29 (cp w. 30, 35), where Vg. very naturally renaers V3S "liy pp 2> quod cornuta esset facies sua (so too Aq., according to Jerome). Here the original reading must have been not pp, but p^3, lightened. It is usual, indeed, to say that pp means to radiate light ($5 SeSo^acrrai.), and to compare Hab. 84, where AV has, His brightness was as the light ; he had horns (coming) out of his hand, but in mg., bright beams out of his side. RV substitutes rays for horns, but truthfully records Heb. horns in the margin. No doubt D 3"lp should be n"pl3, lightnings ; Hab. 3 is not an Arabic but a Hebrew poem. It is just possible, however, that Jerome s version that the face of Moses was horned was influenced by the symbolism of Alexander s coins. It would be going rather too far off to compare the horns of the moon-god Sin, whose emblem was a crown or mitre adorned with horns, though G. Margoliouth has lately defended the very improbable reading just referred to by making this comparison, which seems to him to fit in admirably with the primitive worship of Sin recorded by the name Sinai.

3. That the term horn can be used for a horn-shaped vessel, is intelligible (i S. 16 i 13 i K. 1 39). Such a phrase as horn of pigment for anointing the eyelashes is therefore in itself possible. But was there ever a father in ancient legend who gave this name to his daughter, as Job is said to have done in MT of Job 42 14 (see KEREN-HAHPUCH)?

4. On the meaning of the expression the horns of the altar, see ALTAR, 6.

Whether the phrase has a right to stand in Ps. 11827^ is extremely doubtful. Some (e.g., J. P. Peters) would place the passage in the margin as a ritual gloss, and if the text is correct, this is the best view ; no ingenuity can avail to explain v. 276 as a part of the text. For a critical emendation of the text 3 based on the analogy of undoubted corruptions elsewhere, see Che. /V.l 2 ) , but cp the commentaries of Del. and Baethgen. On the ncpi keseth, of Ezek. Vzf. nf, see INKHORN ; on the horns of Dan. 7 T ff., see DANIEL, g 7 ; and on those of Rev. 123, see APOCALYPSE, 41, etc. ; also ANTICHRIST, $ 4 ; DRAGON, g 2. On the horn as a musical instrument, see Music, 5(1). See Elworthy, Horns of Honour (1900). T. K. C.

1 But W7J; can hardly mean this.

2 njr nsjn nSWi. Cp Ps. so 39 [40] b.

3 Q srn? Vina? nij


(jb D^), Gen. 49 17 RVg-, AV ADDER, 4. See also SERPENT, 10.



Strictly, the word hornet is applied to Vespa crabro; but it is often used for any large species of wasp. There are many species of these Hymenoptera in Palestine, but the most conspicuous is l^esfa orientals, which spreads from S. Europe through Egypt and Arabia to India. It is frequently very abundant. It builds its cells of clay, and they are, as a rule, very symmetrical and true.

The hornet is mentioned in the OT as the forerunner sent by Yahwe to destroy the two kings of the Amorites (Josh. 24 12, E or D 2 ), and to drive out the Hivites, Canaanites, and Hittites (Ex.2328 [E], Dt. ?2o; cp Wisd. 128, ffifrfZ, AV RV*- wasp ). The old identification of nyis, sir ah, with njnis, leprosy, may be passed over ; the main question is whether hornet is employed literally or figuratively. A metaphorical interpretation of the term (cp Lat. asstrus, panic, properly gadfly ) is not favoured by the passages quoted (cp especially Ex. I.e.). On the other hand, a reference to the insect itself raises difficulties. Although the absence of any mention of the appearance of hornets (e.g., in Nu. 21 Josh. 2^) is not in itself an insuperable objection, the fact remains that the implied extent of their devastation is unique, indeed incredible.

Parallels have certainly been quoted as examples of the in convenience caused by these and similar pests ; but the cases adduced refer not to peoples but to the inhabitants of more cir cumscribed limits (towns, e.g., Megara, /Eiian, 9 28 ; Rhaucus, sElian, 1735 [quoting Antenor of Crete] ; cp Di., ad loc., and see Smith s DBM s.v.).

Further, hornets, though their attacks are furious when their nests are disturbed, and are continued when the foe retreats, are not wont to attack unprovoked. Hence, for example, Furrer (ap. Riehm, HWB) ex presses a doubt whether hornet can be the true mean ing of njnx, and Che. (Crit. Bib.) proposes to emend the word into $>sSs ; cp. Dt. 2842, All thy trees and fruit of thy land shall the locust consume. See LOCUST.

A new line must, at any rate, be taken. njns (if correct) seems to refer to some enemy who made an early inroad upon Canaan. Sayce (Early Hist, of Hebrews) ingeniously finds a reference either to the campaign of Rameses III. (p. 286) or to the Philistines. (p. 292/. ), and in regard to the former it is note worthy that the Egyptian standard-bearer wore among other emblems two devices apparently representing flies (see ENSIGN, 3). But if we may lay stress upon the fact that the hornet does not attack unprovoked (see above), it is plausible to suggest a new rendering for ,yi s viz., serpent (cp Ass. siru) and see a refer ence to the uroeus or sacred serpent on the crown of the pharaoh (cp Ode of Thotmes III., v. n ; Brugsch, Gesch. Ag. 354). 1 On the other hand, however, the reference may be to some local invasion which has been amplified by E or his informant. In this case a tribe, whose totem was some kind of serpent (cp ZORAH), may conceivably be intended. 2 A. E. s. S. A. c.

1 The reference to the uraeus, and the Ode of Thotmes, is due to Prof. Cheyne, who compares Is. 169, but on the whole inclines to suspect corruption of the text (see above).

2 One recalls the classical legends of races that were led to their seats by a bird or animal. That such creatures were originally totems is in the highest degree probable (see I-an.L:, Myth, Ritual and Religion [ 99], 295). For a parallel to the theory of a totem-ensign suggested above see M Lennan, Studies, 2nd ser. 301 (on the serpent as a totem see ib. 521^!).


(D^inn, Jer. 48 3, or DjhK Jer. 48 34, 60P60NAIM [BXAQ], OR. [X in v. 3]), a place in Moab ; the descent of Horonaim (D^IT! "HID, eN oAo> OORCONAIM [c\p. K*. op- N c a ]) is mentioned in Jer. 48 5, and the way of Horonaim (D Olh ">\~F[, [TH] OA60 [BXQ1 1 ], o. topcoNAeiM [Q"* - ]i T. o. [A]) in Is. 15s- The former phrase is illustrated by Mesha s statement (inscr. //. 3i/-) that he went down to Horonen (pvin). Horonaim is nowhere mentioned as an Israelite city, which confirms the natural inference from Is. 15s that it was near the S. border of Moab, on one of the roads leading down from the Moabite plateau to the Jordan valley. Buhl (272/1 ) thinks of some ruins near the Wady ed-Dera a (W. Kerak); but these are described as insignificant. Josephus states that Horonaim was one of the places in Moab conquered by Alexander Jannasus (Ant. xiii. 154 xiv. 14). That SANBALLAT [q.v.] had any con nection with the place has been shown to be improb able. On Horonaim for the two Beth-horons, see BETH-HORON. T. K. c.


(Tin, A. P coN[e]i [BKA], AN pcaN6i [X vid - in v. 10], tOpCONlTHC [L])- Neh. 2ioi 9 1828 (upaviTT)? [X c - a < m -> ; BK*A om.]). See BETH-HORON, SANBALLAT.


(D-1D, ITTTTOC. see below). Many interest ing points arise in connection with references to the horse (equus, caballus) in the Bible. The philologist will find scope for all his keenness in dealing with the names of the horse ; the historical student will gather valuable facts illustrating political and religious history. That the horse is one of the most important factors in a people s growth, appears once more from the OT literature, for though the prophets spoke strongly against its use, civilization could not be held back. A late prophetic writer predicts that the flock of Judah (the Jews) will become like finest horses a in battle (Zech. 10s), and one of the most fervently religious of the wise men gives us an unsurpassable picture of the war-horse (see 2 end). The following Hebrew words come under consideration.

1. Names.[edit]

1. DID, sits (Ass. sisti. Eg. sesmet [see EGYPT, 9 n.], Aram. N DID, origin unknown), Gen. 49 17 Ex.93 14923 15 1 1921 and often.

In Gen. 47 17 there is a confusion in the text. Horses and asses should come together as in Ex. 83 at the close. In Ex. 149 3D"1 D5D~/3 should be rendered all chariot-horses (see 2). Just so in Ass. sist is a general term for horses ; but add rukfiln, and the phrase means chariot-horses. In Cant. 1 9 (RV) the bridegroom compares the bride to a steed in Pharaoh s chariots C^DID, with old construct form) ; but the figure does not suit the context, and the termination < is suspicious. Not a mare (Margoliouth), but grape-clusters (in Solomon s vineyards) are probably meant; cp Siif. and see Che. Crit. Bib. (AV a company of horses ; RV m s- the steeds ; 17 ITTTTOS ; equitatus).

2. ehs, paras (in Syr., Ar. , Eth. , horse ; hence Spanish alfaras. Mid. Lat. farius, etc. ).

Not found in the sing, in this sense ; - but this may be acci dental. We certainly want a word for riding-horse = Ass. bithallu. The plur. should be D Sh? ; MT s O Chf presup poses the sense horsemen (@ iTm-eis, but also imroi). In i S. 8 ii i K. 426 [56] Is. 2828 (interpolated; not in 5) Joel 2 4 D CHS) horses, can hardly be explained away, and Haupt ( Isaiah, Heb. SBO T 122 /.) recognises it in Is. 21 9. To read C"T|S, mules, would be too bold; to render horsemen is not at all plausible. Schwally s decision (ZA TW 8 191 n.) must be reversed.

3. T3N, abbir, strong one, poetically (cp CATTLE, 2 d) Jer. 816 47s 50 n (raOpot) Judg. 622 (? see />,<? 10 566).

4. fc Ti, rekesh, Mic. 1 13 (see LACHISH), i K. 428 [58] (< &pfj.a<riv, reading 331), Esth. 810 (om. <) 14 (BK*A om. ; rCiv iropiuv [N c - a m s-]) ; swift beast ; RV swift steed ; AV in Esth. mule, cp Syr.

5- O ssnn 33 1 Esth. 8 10, possibly herds of horses ( c PLa) RV bred of the stud 1 (AV, RV m s- young dromedaries ).

The word is not explained in the Lexicons. Considering, therefore, that cb^ and C 12 l (though confounded by in Nu. 1632) cannot plausibly be connected, and that rakisu in the Ass. phrase cited elsewhere (LACHISH) never appears by itself in the sense of horse, we must take an entirely new course. If it is true that the term TOD = Ass. suhiru (some kind of costly animal, a variety of the horse or perhaps of the camel) has (no doubt rightly) been restored for TTO in K. 10 28 (see MIZKAIM), and in the plural compound phrase D Tnp 33, in Ezek. 27 20 (see CLOTH, n.), and in the phrase D TnO.l 33, for D DQTT 33,1 i n Esth. 8 10 we cannot doubt that for t?31, in the four passages in which it occurs, we should read THD {Exp. T. Dec. 99).

6. Another naturalised Assyrian term is murniske ( m&r niske], i.e., perhaps splendid young (horses) ; so Del. Ass. HWB 473 b ; cp 391 b. See also KB 2134 /. 53, 140 /. 46; and Houghton, TSBA 5si ( 77). Not improbably this should be restored in (a) i K. 1025, 2 Ch. 92 4 (Cook, Exp. T. 10 279 / [March, 99]), (b} for D 3inET!N 2 in Esth. 81014 (Che. Exp. 7\, Aug. 99), but cp CAMEL, i, n. i, and (t) Gen. 4X43, see JOSEPH, 6.

1 Read I m DID (or DID).

- In Ezek. 26 10 ens comes probably from onB = JTIDIB, a variantofnySB (Che.,cpz/. n). Read vS:Sjl 13DT Vlpa(cp2324). Co. doubts B lS, but omits to explain its presence in MT and <8 Observe, however, that HA renders lirirtiav, not imrtav <Q).

2. OT references.[edit]

The horse was kept in a stall (rim or mx, see BDB), and fed upon barley and straw (i K. 42628 [568]). 1 1 was controlled by a bit (jcn ; cp referaro. X^ "^ Jas. 3 3 ), and bridle (onoj and urged on by a whip (BIB ). The hoof is likened to a flinty rock (Is. 628) -a sudden sting in the heel (agu) from the lurking scorpion unseats the rider (Gen. 49 17).

Whether its harness is really referred to by pjyj in 2 Ch. 824 (AV) is doubtful (see WEAI-ONS) ; nor can we safely make Ezekiel speak of saddle-cloths (Co.) in Ezek. 27 20 (see above). On Zech. 14 20, see BELLS.

Passing over the references to the horse in symbolical phraseology, and its association with religious cults (see 4), we turn to the use of the horse among the Hebrews. Like the Assyrians they never used it for draught purposes (the text of Is. 2828 is faulty ; see Du. , Che. SBOT). Nor can we assume that the horse was used to any extent for riding purposes in pre-exilic times. The mention of a king s horse for state occasions, and of a royal stud (if RV s bred of the stud for D jtnrnx be admitted) occurs first in the Persian period (Est. 68 81014).

The horse known to the Hebrews was a war-horse. As such it excited mingled admiration and awe. Its strength (cp 13 TSN) and swiftness (Hab. 18 Jer. 4 13) seemed almost supernatural, so that the early prophets complained that it was more regarded by politicians than the God of Israel himself (Is. 30 16 Ps. 20? [8] 33 17 147 10). The Hebrews marked its fiery trampling (nayE* Jer. 47st). its rushing and stamping (im Nah. 82 Judg. 622 [doubtful]), and its eagerness for the fray (Jer. 86). The finest expression of Jewish sentiment, however, is to be found in Job 3919-25. The delighted wonder with which the poet describes the war-horse appeals to modern readers.

The text is not in perfect order, and in vv. 10-11 a slight disarrangement seems to have occurred, which Duhm rectifies thus:

Givest thou strength to the horse
His resounding, terrible snorting?
Dost thou clothe his neck with a mane, 1
And cause it to spring like the locust ?

1 Most connect the 7J8T of MT with Syr. L^xxi (a loan word from old Pers. ?) ; but Persisms are not to be accepted where an Ass. or Bab. origin is defensible. Q and g, PI and 3 are easily confounded. E 3"in in Esth. 8 10 is therefore to be cancelled as a doublet.

- That the forgotten word mumiskt was corrupted, first by misarrangement of letters, and then by confusion of letters and editorial manipulation, so that a seemingly Persian word (cp B lTirnN Ahasuerus) arose, is intelligible. x is an editorial prefix ; n = 3> & = D> n = D > the rest is clear (Che.).

3. Introduction among the Hebrews.[edit]

The fact that the horse of the Hebrews is a war-horse shows that its introduction among them was not of early date. For its original home we must look outside the regions occupied by the Semitic and Egyptian civilisations.

The horse was not known in Egypt before the time of the Hyksos (EGYPT, 9; Masp. Dawn of Civ. 32 n. 2, Struggle of the Nations, 51 n. 4). It is first depicted in the time of Amenhotep I., and appears among the presents sent to Egypt by BurnaburiaS of Kardunia5 (Am. Tab. 10 rev. 12). Upon the monuments of Assyria the horse appears very frequently, and the care bestowed on its appearance (mane, tail and trappings) shows how much it was valued. The whole animal was more fitted for war-purposes than for those requiring speed. They are not represented drawing carts, or carrying baggage of any kind. 2 Like the Egyptians, the Assyrians no doubt obtained their horses from N. Mesopotamia,-* where, in turn, they were introduced from Central Asia, whose plains and steppes seem to have been one of the earliest homes of the horse.

The Amarna Tablets give evidence of the presence of the horse in Palestine. Feudal princes, Aziru, Rib-addi, Milkili, and others of the N. of Canaan beg for chariots and horses from the Egyptian king. Abd-milki of Sashimi, and AmayaSi, on the other hand, offer to furnish them to the king. The region around Jerusalem being unsuitable for chariots, Abd-hiba makes no mention of them, and asks only for troops. The odd phrase, servant of thy horses (kartabbi, kuzi, or gvzi sistka), perhaps to be taken literally, is used by Japahi of Gezer, Jabnilu of Lachish, Pu-addi of Wurza and others (see KB. 5 nos. 224, 243).

The earlier OT narratives vouch for the use of this noble animal among Egyptians, Philistines, and non- Israelite tribes of the N. ; but it was long before the Israelites attempted to supply their own deficiency of horses. Apart from a few untrustworthy passages (2 S. 84 15 1 i K. Is) 4 horses do not appear as in use among the Hebrews until the time of Solomon (i K. 426 [56]), who, it is stated, imported them in large quantities, with the result that in the following centuries they were not unfrequently employed in war by both Judah and Israel (see CHARIOT, 5).

That the horse was not commonly used appears further from there being no mention of it in the earlier legal literature. It finds no place in the Book of the Covenant (Ex. 21^) ; it is not mentioned even in the tenth commandment (Ex. 20 17 Dt. 621). It appears first in D s code, where the king of Israel is forbidden to multiply horses (Dt. 17 16). The warning is aimed partly against the foreign intercourse which rendered easy the introduction of heathenish cults (see below, 4), and partly against alliances with Egypt.

The Hebrews obtained their horses indirectly from Egypt (Is. 31 1 3 Ezek. 17 15), or Assyria (Hos. 143 [4J)t doubtless by hiring mercenaries; but more frequently through the Tyrians who traded directly with Armenia (Ezek. 27 14, see TOGARMAH), and the adjacent regions of Kue (E. of Cilicia), and Musri (N. Syria, S. of the Taurus). 5 The whole region in question has been famed for horses from the earliest times, and to a Hebrew prophet no description of an invader from the N. seems to be complete without a reference to its horses and horsemen (Jer. 47s 5042 Ezek. 26710 38 4 15). The horse of the ancient Hebrew was probably similar to the lusty, stalwart animal depicted upon the Assyrian monuments. The gentler and more domesticated Arab steed, which has derived its name from the country in which it has been bred for centuries, does not seem to have been introduced until about the beginning of the Christian era. l

The horse is a favourite image in symbolical language (cp Zech. \Z/. 6 1 /. Rev. 62 ff. 19 n /.; and see CHARIOT, 13).

1 nDJHi $6fiov (Bochart ^ojSrji ). The word is philologically inexplicable. Read n^Ut/ (cp Job 4 15), which is not in Job a noinen uni(atis(C\iz.). Duhm strangely flDpl.

  • Houghton, TSBA 651.

3 Ibid., referring to the Sumerian name of the horse (animal from the east) ; Hehn, Kultttrfji. if)ff. 527 f.

4 28. Sis late (see SAMUEL ii., 4). As for 2 S. 15 i, there is no further reference to horses in Absalom s revolt ; he himself rode a mule (189). See also ARMY, 4. The mule or ass continued to be the ordinary animal for riding purposes, even for royal persons (2 S. 13 29), and upon state occasions (i K. 1 33./C).

5 We follow the emended text of i K. 1028./C 2 Ch. 1 ibf. ; see CII.ICIA, 2, MIZRAIM, 2/>. Sargon s s!si niusuri (KB 78 /. 183) were no doubt from the above-mentioned Musri. Egypt itself could never have exported horses in any large quantity.

4. The Horse in Religion.[edit]

Evidence for the worship of the horse among the Semites (except as a borrowed cult) hardly exists. It is true the Quran supposes Ya'us to have had the form of a horse ; but another explanation is more probable (Kin. 20&/., We. ffeid.M 22 /.). An instance is quoted of the worship of the horse by an Arabian tribe in Bahrein ; but its name alone (the Asbadhuyun) seems rather to point to a Persian origin of the worship (from the Pers. asp, horse ). Horse-worship appears to be implied in the Phoenician name CDD"nj7 (C/S168 115).

The horse, especially as related to sun - worship (CHARIOT, 13), was worshipped in Armenia, Persia, etc. 2 Horses were sacrificed to the sun at Mt. Taletum, a peak of Taygetus (Paus. iii. 204), and annually thrown into the sea for a similar purpose at Rhodes. Consider able interest, therefore, attaches itself to the unique notice of the bronze horses and chariots of the sun which Josiah burned in the course of his reforms (2 K. 23 n). This cult, obviously of foreign origin, was probably intro duced at the same time as the horse, and from the same quarter. The Hebrews being unaccustomed to the care of horses, foreigners would be required to tend them, and their presence would facilitate the spread of this particular worship. D s enactment regarding the horse thus appears in a clearer light. In 2 K. 11 16 reference is made to the way along which the horses were brought from the palace to the temple, alluding perhaps to their being regularly sacrificed upon the altar. For the HORSE GATE (2 Ch. 23 15) see JERUSALEM, 24 (9). A. E. s. s. A. c. T. K. c.


( Hr, Xlftka h, sucker 1 ; BAeAA<\ [BNAC]; SAXGUISUGA] or EV HORSE-LEACH (Pr.SOis) [< 24 50].

The passage runs, the horse-leech hath two (three, <S B NAC) daughters (crying) Give, give (so EV ; cp Toy). This render ing is supported by , by the Ar. alak, which is used in the present day to denote a species of leech, and also by the passage in the Talm. Abadah Zarah, 17 b, where a warning is given against drinking water from a river or pool for fear of the npl?V rU3D i.e., the danger of swallowing a leech. The voracity of the horse-leech is proverbial ; cp the Targ. on Ps. VI 8 [9], where oppressors are compared to the xpl?y which sucks the blood of men.

Both the horse-leech, }ftftopis (Aulastotnnni) gvlo, and the medicinal leech, Hinido inedicinalis, are common in the streams and fresh waters of Palestine. The former, which is indigenous in Europe and N. Africa, has thirty teeth or serrations on its jaws, by means of which it punctures the skin, and it adheres to the surface of the wound with the greatest tenacity by means of the sucker which surrounds its mouth. In the East a species of Liiunatis, of small size, also occurs in the same pools as H. gulo. Both cause much trouble to man and cattle. They are taken into the mouth with the drinking-water and attach themselves to the back of the throat, and there cause loss of blood.

The natural history explanation of Alilka is not, however, the only one, and the mythological interpretation is perhaps pre ferable (see LILITH and VAMPIRE). A. E. S. S. A. C.

1 Despite the later Arabian pedigrees which in many cases reach back to the time of Solomon.

- For the horses of the sun in Assyria, see Jensen, Kos. \t&ff., and for horse-worship generally, see M Lennan, Studies, 2nd ser. 529.^


(^ORION). 2 Mace. 98 AV, RV LITTER r. , 3.


(nph ; |A.cei(J> [B], coycA [A]. COCA [L]). a city on the border between the territory of Asher and that of Tyre (Josh. 1929). The reading is not quite certain. The iaffei<f> of <" suggests an identification with Kafr Yaslf, a small village with an ancient well NE. of Acre (PEFM 1 146 153; cp Baed.< a < 306). If, however, we accept Hosah, it is tempting to connect it with the Osu in Seti I. s list of conquered places (WMM As. u. Eur. 194), the Usu of the Assyrian inscriptions (see, e.g. , KB 2 91 ; G. Smith, Hist, of Assurbanipal, 281 ; Am. Tab. 153 18).

Usu was certainly by the sea, and had within its walls reservoirs, on which the island-city relied for its water-supply (cp Sayce, Pat. Pal. 128 /. i, Maspero, Hist. anc.W 185). It appears probable (as Prasek first suggested ; see ESAU) that Usu was the Assyrian form of the name of the old city of Tyre on the main land ; and if, with Smend (Riehrn s HWBW 1720), we may explain the phrase the fenced city of Tyre (Josh. 1929) of the island-city, and accept the statement of Strabo (16758) that the so-called Palcetyrus was thirty stadia S. of the island-city at the modern Ras el Ain (see TYRE), it is not impossible to identify Hosah with Usu, as Sayce (Crit. Mon. 429) and Moore (Judges, 51) suggest. The Papyrus Anastasi I. speaks of the land of Usu, so that Usu -Hosah would be a well-defined boundary. The Usous (of Philo of Byblus), whom Porter in Smith s/?/? (following Kn. and Di. ) compares with the biblical Esau, seems to be really a personifica tion of Usu. 1 On Josh. 1928 /. see RAMAH (6).

T. K. c.


(Hph, cp the place-name HOSAH above), a Merarite door-keeper (temp. David), who, with his sons, had charge of the west portion of the temple (i Ch. 16 3 8); OCCA [B], OCA [K]. COCHe [AL] ; 26io-i6, IOCCA [B], COCA [A], -A6 [L, but in v. 10, |CA/V\])-

According to MT, his charge was by the gate of Shallecheth, which critics have unwisely retained. Both in Is. 613 and here r\37& is very doubtful. Read here HJK 7 (0 the chambers (of the temple-ministers, i Ch. 926). <S BAL , [ T oO] 7ra<TTO</>opiov ? 1 ?)- ^ n 7 - J 8 (which, in @ HA , is almost an exact repetition Z . 16 f.) the name appears as locrcra [B] or tas [A].

S. A. C. T. K. C.

1 See Sayce, Pat. Pal. 218, and cp ESAU. In the fragments of Philo of Byblus preserved by Eus. {Prczp. Ev. i. 10 10) we read of two rival brothers Samemrumus and Usous, the former of whom dwelt at Tyre and made huts of reeds, and the latter invented garments of skin. Where Usous took up his abode we are not told ; but the mythographer adds that he was the first to go to sea on the stem of a tree, and that he consecrated two pillars to Fire and Wind. This probably means that Usous occupied the islands off the coast of Tyre, and erected on one of them the famous twin pillars of Melcarth (cp Herod. 2 44 ). So Maspero, Hist. anc.W 185.


), 2 Ch. 33 19 AV m s-, RV HOZAI.


(d> CAN NAr Ti. ; COCANNA- Treg. WH. Note the variations of D, *ocr<Tava., hia&crava. bis, item 15 [in Mt.], *ocraa.vva., aa)<7<7a. [in Mk.], otrtrava, a<o<7o r . [in Jn.]; Evang. sec. Hebr., ap. Hieron., Ep. 20 ad Dam., Osanna barrama, i.e., Osanna in excelsis, Pesh., Syr. Curet., Syr. Sin. NiyE lN ; Syr. Jer.

The cry of praise of those that went before and those that followed at the last entry of Jesus into Jerusalem (Mt. 21:9, Mk. 11:9, Jn. 12:13), and afterwards of the children in the temple (Mt. 21:15). Twice (Mk. ll:9, Jn. 12:13) it stands by itself; twice (Mt. 21:9, 15) it is combined with the dative (to the Son of David), and twice (Mt. 21:9, Mk. 11:10) it is followed by in the highest. We must not begin by assuming that Hosanna means aucrov drj (Theophylact), i.e. , save now; the signification of the term can only be gathered from the gospels. Now, the gospel narratives are not favourable to the interpretation save now. If a doubt be permissible whether T$ w< AaueiS, to the son of David, may not be a too literal translation of TnpV(w n ytyin) a legitimate Hebrew phrase (cp Ps. 724 8616 116 16), yet iv rots in/ao-rots, in the highest, seems quite incapable of being joined to Hosanna, if this term is really an ejaculation meaning Save now. As Dalman remarks (Die Worte Jesu, Ii8i), Mt. (and surely we may add, Mk.) cannot have understood uxr. eV TO?S otherwise than in Ps. 148:1 (<) cuVe?re avrbv ev TOIJ L>^I(TTOIJ i.e. , of the praise rendered to God by the angels. Lk. (19 yj f. ) supports this view. He says that the multitude began to rejoice and to praise God with a loud voice, and closes the popular song with the words ev ovpavf eiprjvr) KOI do^a tv iiipiarois.

These are not, however, the only difficulties which attend the still prevalent view that Hosanna, or Osanna, is derived from xj njTBnn, save now, in Ps. 118:25 (see below). A careful reading of Ps. 118 will show that it was by no means the most natural psalm for the multitude instinctively to quote from, especially as it was not then the time of the Feast of Tabernacles, to which this psalm was appropriated. Nor is it un important to remark that the psalmist s reference in Ps. 118:25 is not to the Son of David, but to the assembled congregation whose mouthpiece he is. To these objections the present writer knows no satisfactory answer. Few, at any rate, will agree with Wiinsche (Erlauterungen der Fvangelien aus Talmud und Midrash, 241) that in Mt. 21:8, it is beyond doubt that either the Feast of Passover is confounded with that of Tabernacles, or else the narrator has intentionally transferred to the former festival a ceremony properly belonging to the latter.

In order to advance further, we must gently criticise the narrative of the entry into Jerusalem. No reference is made to this triumphal entry (as it is usually called) in the accounts of the trial of Jesus, and it does not seem in accordance either with his spiritual interpretation of his Messiahship, or with his clear anticipation of the bitter end which was approaching. Dalman has already found the view of Wellhausen (//(?(*), 381, n. 2) acceptable, that the facts connected with the entry of Jesus received a distinctly Messianic colouring at a later day ; and when we look at the narrative of Mt. , we find that its second section abundantly suffices as a description of the way in which the Christ (as since Caesarea Philippi we may call him) made his arrival known to the poor and distressed. He went, we are told (Mt. 21:12) into the temple, cast out those that sold and bought there, and healed the blind and the lame (for whom there was now room), and thereupon the very children cried aloud, saying, Hosanna to the Son of David. (Were they, literally, the blind and the lame? were they, literally, children? 1 ) The chief priests and scribes, indeed, were sore displeased, but Jesus reminded them of the words of the Psalm (82 [ 3 ]), Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise (< Kar-qpriffui dlvov).

This quotation may, perhaps, as Nestle has pointed out, enable us to account for the introduction into the gospel narrative (which has obviously been amplified) of the obscure word axravva.. The Hebrew text of Ps. 82 [3] has ij;, strength, or possibly praise (hence <5> s alvov). The Tg. , more literal than @, renders this by xjehy, ftsnd ( strength ). The question arises whether the tradition that Jesus defended the songs of praise to God into which the simple-hearted children ( boys, roiis TrcuSas) broke by a reference to Ps. 82 [3] may not have suggested to a pre-canonical evangelist to put the words Strength (i.e., praise) be ascribed to the son of David into the mouth of the children as a short hymn. He himself read the OT in the Targum, and he introduced the significant word uSnd from the Targum into the children s hymn. The right form of the word will then be Osanna (strictly, Osen[n]a ; the final a however has a retro-active assimilating force), not Hosanna. For the double n, if accepted, cp Pe/3eK/cct for naan, Boffoppa. for msa, MaOeKKa. or Mare/c/ca for npns-

Apart from the difficulties here mentioned, the best explanation of Hosanna is that of Dalman (Die Worte Jesu, 1 182 ; cp Gramm, 198). It may conceivably have come from NJ pe in. a shortened form of NJ njrc-in, save now. This phrase was in liturgical use among the later Jews (see TABERNACLES, FEAST OF). Keim (Jesus von .Vaz. 891, n. 3) remarks truly, that Merx's explanation of Osanna from Aram. N^cnK, ofa nd, deliver us, agrees neither with Ps. 118 25 nor with the following dative.

1 Ps 82 [3], if we assume the text to be correct, may naturally be interpreted with reference to childlike Jewish believers.

It is worth reminding the reader that when a passage of a psalm or a prophecy is clearly unsuitable to the context, we are justified in considering the possibility of interpolation or corrup tion. Interpolation seems to be the theory called for to account for Ps. 118 26, Blessed in the name of Yahwe be he that enters! we bless you from the house of Yahwe. It is not less probable that the original form of v. 25 has been marred by transcriptional error. Probably we should correct thus,

Our Redeemer is Yahwe ; he has succoured us ;
Our Redeemer is Yahwe ; he has prospered us.

Duhm, it is true, adheres to the MT of v. 25, and retains v. 26 as a part of Ps. 118, but without showing how m*. 25 /", thus read, fit into the context. He holds that K3 ny B in (rendered in his metrical version Hosanna ) was an ancient ritual exclamation. For this he refers to Jer. 2 27, In the time of their trouble they will say, Arise, and save us, but ijjrB l.ll fraip is no ritual formula, and even if it were, it is a long way off from taaavva.. In fact, if it favours any of the current views of the origin of laaavva., it is that which is now seldom defended, viz. that oxraira comes from Aram. K~V>vHK, save us.

Thayer (in Hastings, DB 2419), whose name deservedly carries great weight, refers to the obscuration of the true etymological meaning of Hosanna in many patristic writings. Even Clem. Alex. (Pæd. I. 5 12) says that it means φως καὶ δόξα καὶ αἱνος, while Suidas or his annotator defines it εὶρήνη καὶ δόξα, and adds that σωσον δή is, by some, incorrectly given as the meaning. Augustine too (De Doctr. Christ. 2 1 1, and Tract. in Johan. li. 2) says that Hosanna is only a joyous interjection, and, carrying on this tradition, our own Anglo-Saxon versions render it Hail. As a rule, we should not attach much import ance to these authorities. When, however, we find their view confirmed by the early Christian doxological use (Didache, 106; IIE\\. 23 9), we may be excused for preferring the unsophisticated judgments of Clement and Augustine to the less penetrating though more erudite statement of Jerome (Ep. xx ad Damasum). The Glossae Colbertina combine the two views, coo-ayra, Sofa, aruMTOv Srj, with which we may contrast Jerome s Osanna, salvifica in the Liber interpretationis (OS 204 50 62 29).

See further Wetstein, JVtnt. Test. Gnec. \$<x>f,\ Schottgen, Hortz /ie6f., on Mt. 218; Merx in Hilgenf., NT extra can.V) 425; K.e\m,/esu von Nazara, 891 104; Ewald, Die drei ersten Rvangelien, 314; GV/ 6(2)428; Weiss, Lebenjesit, 2441 (passes lightly over difficulties) ; Zahn, Kinl. 1 14. Acccording to Ewald, the words of the popular cry in Mt. 21 9, Mk. 11 gf. are an Urlied des Christenthums ; Dean Stanley too, calls it the earliest hymn of Christian devotion (cp HYMNS). But, as we have seen, Mt., and Mt. alone, gives the earliest summary of the Messianic song on the entry of Jesus, viz. lairavva. TU> vi<? AaveiS, Praise to the son of David. The song was added to by Mt. himself, and still further by Mk. (cp also Lk. and Jn.); and is said (by all the evangelists) to have been uttered while Jesus was in the public way. It was originally an inspired outburst of the praise and gratitude of children, or perhaps rather of child like believers; it became under the hands of the evangelists the acclamation of a multitude, either of Jerusalemites, or (Lk.) of disciples, or (Jn.) of pilgrims who had come up for the feast.

T. K. C.


(B0n ; OOCH6 [BAQ] ; OSEE), the son of Be'eri, the first in order of the minor prophets. The name ought rather to be written Hoshea, and is identical with that borne by the last king of Ephraim, and by Joshua in Nu. 13 16 Dt. 8244. Of the life of Hosea we know nothing beyond what can be gathered from his prophecies. That he was a citizen of the northern kingdom appears from the whole tenor of the book, but most expressly from 12, where the land, the prophet's land, is the realm of Israel, and from 7s, where our king is the king of Samaria.

1. Date : editorial note.[edit]

The date at which Hosea flourished is given in the title (1:1) by the reigning kings of Judah and Israel. He prophesied, it is said, (i) in the the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah ; (2) in the days of Jeroboam the son of Joash, king of Israel. As Jeroboam II. died in the lifetime of Uzziah, these two determinations of the period of Hosea s prophetic activity are not strictly coincident, and a question arises whether both are from the same hand or of equal authority.

There is no doubt that the second date (Jeroboam II.) rests upon 1:4, where the downfall of the dynasty of Jehu is threatened, which justifies the inference that the incidents in the domestic life of the prophet described in chap. 1 had taken place before the death of Jeroboam. On the other hand it seems equally certain that chaps. 4-14 are in their present form a continuous composition dating from the period cf anarchy subsequent to that king's death. Thus it might seem natural to suppose, with Ewald and other scholars, that the name of Jeroboam originally stood in a special title to chaps. 1-3 (which are closely connected), which was afterwards extended to a general heading for the whole book by the insertion of the words of Uzziah . . . and in the days of. As Hosea himself can hardly be supposed to have thus converted a special title into a general one, the scholars who take this view suppose further that the date by Judaean reigns was added by a later hand, the same perhaps that penned the identical date in the title to Isaiah.

2. Internal indications.[edit]

According to the view just described, the Judaean date merely expresses knowledge on the part of some Hebrew scribe that Hosea was a contemporary of Isaiah. The plausibility of this hypothesis is greatly increased by the fact that there does not appear to be anything in the book of Hosea that is clearly as late as the reign of Hezekiah. On the contrary, the latter part of the book seems to have been written before the expedition of Tiglath-pileser against Pekah in the days of Ahaz.

In that war Gilead and Galilee were conquered and depopu lated (2 K. 1629); but Hosea repeatedly refers to these districts as still forming an integral part of the kingdom of Israel (5 i 08 12 1 1 [12]). Assyria is never referred to as a hostile power. It is a dangerous ally, from which some of the godless Ephraimites were ready to seek the help which by another party was expected from Egypt (but cp MIZRAIM, 2/<), but in truth was to be found only in Yahwe (5 13 7 1 1 89 106 [14 3 [4]]).

The picture given in the book thus agrees precisely with what we read in 2 K. 15 of the internal dissensions which rent the northern kingdom after the fall of the house of Jehu, when Menahem called in the Assyrians to help him against those who challenged his preten sions to the throne.

Under Pekah of Israel, and Ahaz his contemporary in Judah, the political situation was altogether changed. Israel was in alliance with Damascus, and Assyria made open war on the allies (2 K. 16). This new situation may be said to mark a crisis in the history of OT prophecy, for to it we owe the magnificent series of Isaiah s Assyrian discourses (Is. ~ff.}. The events which stirred Judaean prophets so deeply, however, have left no trace in the book in which Hosea sums up the record of his teaching. He foresees that captivity and desolation lie in the future ; but nowhere in Hosea do we find the Assyrians spoken of otherwise than as a people to whom Israel looks for help and victory.

The traditional chronology of the kings of Judah and Israel is notoriously precarious.

A comparison of the Assyrian monuments and eponym lists with the biblical data makes it probable that the period from the accession of Zachariah, son of Jeroboam II., to the fall of Samaria must be shortened by as much as twenty years, and that the interregnum which was commonly supposed to have followed Jeroboam s death must be cancelled. This correction may be held to remove one difficulty in the title of our book, which on the current chronology assigns to Hosea some sixty years of prophetic activity. On the other hand, most Assyn- ologists agree that the expedition of Sennacherib took place in 701 B.C. In that case Hezekiah did not come to the throne till after the fall of Samaria, which the book of Hosea predicts as a future occurrence (13i6[14i]) another argument against the authority of the title. There is still, however, a large element of uncertainty in the reconstruction of Hebrew chronology by the aid of monuments.

One date bearing on our book may be taken as certain viz. , the war of Tiglath-pileser with Pekah in 734 and, according to our argument, Hosea committed his prophecies to writing before that year. 1

A more exact determination of the date of the book has been sought by comparing SoyC with the statement on the monuments that Tiglath-pileser received tribute from King Menahem (Minhimmi) of Samaria in 738 B.C. That Minhimmi of the monuments is the Menahem of the OT there seems no good reason to doubt, in spite of the objections of Oppert and G. Smith ; but it cannot be assumed that tribute was paid by him in 738 for the first time. The narrative in 2 K. 1*119 seems to indicate that the relations of Menahem to Assyria began earlier perhaps not long after his accession, which may be dated with probability circa 742 u.c. 1

1 Some writers, including Pusey, claim a later date for the book, identifying Shalman in 10 14 with Shalmaneser IV., the successor of Tiglath-pileser. This identification is altogether arbitrary. [The closing words of 10 14 are obscure, nor is Schrader s explanation, referred to by WRS, thoroughly satis factory. See BETH-ARBEL. ]

3. Conclusion : origin of superscription.[edit]

To sum up, the first part of Hosea s prophetic work, of which we read in 1-3, falls (partially at least) in the years immediately preceding the catastrophe of the house of Jehu in or near the year 743. The second part of the book is a summary of prophetic teaching during the subsequent troublous reigns of Menahem and of Pekahiah his successor, and must have been completed before 734 B.C.

The conclusion thus gained from the book itself as to the date of the prophet is not favourable to the hypothesis of Ewald and others, with which we began, as to the origin and importance of the title.

Of the four kings of Judah not only Hezekiah but also Ahaz, who did not ascend the throne till 734, is incorrectly included in 1 i, and the assumption that Hosea himself at 1 1 affixed a date that of Jeroboam but failed to place a similar date at the head of chap. 4, although a new period was now being dealt with, sounds highly improbable, quite apart from the considera tion that from the prophet one would rather expect no date at all than a defective one.

Resides this, the form of the superscription presents difficulties. The word of Yahwe that came to Hosea the son of Beeri is by no means very appropriate to the narrative chapters 1 and 3, and, so far as the remaining chapters are concerned, such a heading is intelligible only from the post-Deuteronomic period, which identified the written prophetic word with the word of Yahwe. On the analogy of Am. 1 1 and Jer. li, it is therefore to be conjectured that the old superscription may have run somewhat thus : words of Hosea the son of Been (nxa-ja J^in "Tin), where it is to be observed that nan may also have borne the more general meaning Story of. In any case it is the view of a later century as to the age of Hosea that is conveyed by the data of the superscription. In fact it is perhaps possible for us still to perceive how this view may have arisen.

From 1411 was possible to infer that Hosea must have lived in the time of Jeroboam, who was known to have been a con temporary of Uzziah. The name of Hezekiah, on the other hand, suggested itself to close the series of kings of Judah, as 1 7 was rightly regarded as containing an allusion to the deliver ance of Jerusalem from Sennacherib, which took place under his reign.

Since, if this view be correct, the dates are only deductions of scholars from the contents of the writings, we have no longer any reason for giving an earlier date to the writing of chaps. 1-3, than to that of chaps, kff.

The occurrences of which chaps. 1-3 speak are some of them e.g. the prophet s marriage and the birth of his eldest son Jezreel earlier than the fall of the house of Jehu; but it is not to be concluded on that account that they were com mitted to writing earlier than the complete narrative. There is no obvious reason why the prophet could not have written l4_/^ at a later date ; for the confusions immediately following the downfall of the dynasty of Jehu could not have presented themselves to him otherwise than as the last convulsions of the kingdom of Israel after it had received its death-blow in the overthrow of that royal house.

Further, the first three chapters express an understanding of the occurrences in the home-life of the prophet that he could have arrived at only after he had brought back his faithless spouse. If, then, it is only the birth of Jezreel that can safely be dated within the period before Jeroboam s death, the restoration of Hosea s wife already brings us down to Mena- hem s reign, since she had borne him two more children.

More precisely, therefore, we are able to say that before 743 (before the death of Jeroboam) Hosea was already a prophet this appears from the s ; gnificant name he gave to his son but that the production of the written book belongs to a date after 743, though before 734.

1 See CHRONOLOGY, - [Prof. G. A. Smith s treatment of the question of interpolations (Twelve Prophets, vol. i) shows increased willingness to admit editorial manipulation. He is conservative as regards chap. 14, and Nowack partly supports him. Cp, however, Che., op. cit. p. xix ; Exp. 7 ., March 98. See also Che. Introd. to WRS Proph.W, 95, and especially We. Kl. Proph. 95 j/f., and Oort (referred to in next note).]

4. Interpolations.[edit]

The superscription, however, is not the only element which the book of Hosea owes to later hands. 2 Apart from minor and more casual interpolations there are two distinct categories of such additions : ( i ) those which bring the prophecies into relation to the southern kingdom, and so supply a painfully felt omission ; and (2) those which interrupt, or round off, Hosea's predictions of the coming judgment, with promises of a time of final blessedness (of which, in the view of a later age, every prophet must of course have known).

To the first class, over and above the interpolations of entire verses or of entire portions of verses, such as 1 7 (the allusion to the deliverance of Jerusalem in Sennacherib s time), 4 i$a 65^/8 (in 814 (cp also Am. 25), 10 14 end ( !), and IS Id, we must reckon all those changes by which Judah was simply substi tuted for Israel or Ephraim in the original text so in 5 10 (unless the entire verse be an interpolation), 512-14 64 (also perhaps wholly interpolated) 10 n and 12 2 [3] (where clearly Israel is to be read for Judah ; cp the play on words in 12 3 UD-

To the second category belong 1 io-2 i [2 1-3] a section which interrupts the picture of the judgment contained in 1 2-2 15 [17] ; 2 16-23 t- I8 ~ 2 5] (perhaps with the exception of 2 17 [19])- an appended description of the blessedness to come in that day (viz. in Messianic times); 85 the promise of the return from the dispersion to the happy fatherland; 5is-(i3 the penitent return after the judgment; 6n-7i an utterance relating to the restoration after the Exile ; 11 io_/ again a promise of the home-coming after dispersion (cp Is. (i08_/^); and 14 1-9 [142-io], an appendix (cp n. 2, above) pointing forward to the blessed coming time which stands in glaring contrast with 13 16 [14 i]. 1

5. Hosea's life.[edit]

Apart from the narrative in chaps. 1-3, to which we shall presently recur, the book throws little or no light on the details of Hosea s life. It appears from 9:7-8 that his prophetic work was greatly embarrassed by opposition ; 'As for the prophet, a fowler's snare is in all his ways, and enmity in the house of his God'. The enmity which had its centre in the sanctuary probably proceeded from the priests (cp Am. 7), against whose profligacy and profanation of their office our prophet frequently declaims perhaps also from the degenerate prophetic guilds of the holy cities in the Northern Kingdom, with whom Hosea s elder contemporary Amos so indignantly refuses to be identified (Am. 7 14). In 4s Hosea seems to comprise priests and prophets in one condemnation, thus placing himself in direct antagonism to all the leaders of the religious life of his nation. In such circumstances, and amidst the universal dissolution of social order and morality to which every page of his book bears testimony, the prophet was driven to the verge of despair (97), and only the sovereign conviction of Yahwe s essential nature, which is no other than salvation, and of his infinite power, which will surely bring salvation to pass, so upheld him that Ihe inevit able collapse of the existing commonwealth of Israel did not mean for him that all the workings of Yahw- had come to an end. The hypothesis of Ewald, that he was at last compelled by persecution to retire from the Northern Kingdom, and composed his book in Judaea, rests mainly on an improbable exegesis of some of the passages mentioning Judah, referred to above, which it is impossible for us now to attribute to Hosea.

1 On the interpolations in the text of Hosea see, further, Oort (Th.T., go, p. 345 jff.~), who would assign those in which Judah is named to the time of Josiah. This, however, can hardly be accepted, the interpolations in question being too inseparably mixed up with the others, which presuppose a later date.

6. His marriage.[edit]

The most interesting problem of Hosea's history lies in the interpretation of the story of his married life (chaps. 1-3). We read in these chapters that Hosea married a profligate wife, Comer, the daughter of Diblaim, and that the prophet regarded this marriage as in accordance with a divine command.

Three children were born and received symbolical names illustrative of the divine purpose towards Israel, which are ex pounded in chap 1. In chap. 2 the faithlessness of Israel to Yahwe, the long-suffering of God, the moral discipline of sorrow and tribulation by which he will punish and yet bring back his erring people are depicted under the figure of the relation of a husband to an erring spouse. The suggestion of this allegory lies in the prophet s marriage with Comer ; but the detail* are worked out quite independently, and under a rich multiplicity of figures derived from other sources. In chap. 3 we return to the personal experience of the prophet. His faithless wife had at length left him and fallen, under circumstances which are not detailed, into a state of misery, from which Hosea, still follow ing her with tender affection, brought her back and restored her to his house, where he kept her in seclusion, and patiently watched over her for many days, yet not readmitting her to the privileges of a wife. In this last action, too, the prophet sees a fulfilment of the will of God.

In these experiences the prophet again recognises a parallel to Yahwe s long-suffering love to Israel, and the discipline by which the people shall be brought back to (>od through a period in which all their political and religious institutions are over thrown.

Throughout these chapters personal narrative and prophetic allegory are interwoven with a rapidity of transition very puzzling to the modern reader ; but an unbiassed exegesis can hardly fail to acknowledge that chaps. 1 and 3 narrate an actual passage in the prophet s life. The names of the three children are symbolical ; but Isaiah in like manner gave his sons symbolical names embodying prominent points in his prophetic teaching (Shear -jashub, Is. 7 3, cp lOai ; Maher-shalal-hash-baz, 83). Gomer bath Diblaim is certainly the name of an actual person (cp GOMER ii. ).

On this name all the allegorists, from the Targum, Jerome, and Ephrem Syrus downwards, have spent their arts in vain, whereas the true symbolical names in the book are perfectly easy of interpretation. 1 That the ancient interpreters take the whole narrative as a mere parable is no more than an application of their standing rule that in the biblical history everything which in its literal sense appears offensive to propriety is allegorical (cp Jerome s proem to the book). The supposed offence to propriety, however, seems to rest on mistaken exegesis and too narrow a conception of the way in which the Divine word was communicated to the prophets.

There is no reason to suppose that Hosea knowingly married a woman of profligate character. The point of the allegory in 1 2 is plainly infidelity after marriage as a parallel to Israel s departure from the covenant God, r.nd a profligate wife l c 3 37 rirx) is not the same thing as an open prostitute (nsii). The marriage was marred by Gomer s infidelity ; and the struggle of Hosea s affection for his wife with this great unhappiness a struggle inconceivable unless his first love had been pure and full of trust in the purity of its object furnished him with a new insight into Yahwe s dealings with Israel. Then he recognised that the great calamity of his life was God s own ordinance and appointed means to communicate to him a deep prophetic lesson. The recognition of a divine command after the fact has its parallel, as \Vellhausen observes, in Jer. 32 8.

The explanation of the narrative here adopted, which is essentially Ewald s, has commended itself to not a few recent expositors, as Valeton, Wellhausen , and N owack, also to v. Orelli, but with the qualification thai it is another wife that is spoken of in 3. 2 It has the great advantage of supplying a psychological key to the conception of Israel or the land of Israel (li) as the spouse of Yahwe, which dominates these chapters, but immediately, in the other parts of the book, gives way to the personification of the nation as God s son. This conception has, indeed, formal points of contact with notions previously current, and even with the ideas of Semitic heathenism.

1 Theodorus Mops, remarks very justly, itai TO oro/ia cai T OV naTtpa Ae yei, iis fir) n-Aacrpia i//iAoi/ n So/coir) TO \ey6fjLfVOV, ioropca 6c oAij^rjs TUP Trpayfidrun .

2 Seesemann also now upholds the view that another wife is intended in 3 (fsrael u. Judo, tei Amos u. Hosea, 98, pp. 32-44). Volz on the other hand ( Die Ehegeschichte Hosea s in ZWT, 98. pp. 321-335) takes 3 to be an allegorical narrative added to 1 at a later date. Perhaps there is some truth in this. To the present writer the matter presents itself somewhat as follows : Hos. 3 is a later addition and is intended as an allegory referring to Israel (cp *?K1C" 12 \ 3 ), Hosea s own words, especially chap. 1, having been taken as referring to Judah. In the mind of the redactor Hos. 1-3 was a companion picture to Ezek. 23, and if so we shall then have to say that Hosea had two wives, one literal, viz. Corner ( = Judah), one allegorical (chap. 3= Israel).

On the one hand, it is a standing Hebrew usage to represent the land as mother of its people, whilst the representation of worshippers as children of their god is found in Nu. 21 29, where the Moabites are called children of Chemosh, and is early and widespread throughout the Semitic field (cp TSftA 6 438 ; /. Phil. 982). The combination of these two notions gives at once the conception of the national deity as husband of the land. On the other hand, the designation of Yahwe as Baal, which, in accordance with the antique view of marriage, means husband as well as lord and owner, was current among the Israelites in early times (see BAAL), perhaps, indeed, down to Hosea s own age (unless 2 16 [is] be merely a learned gloss, reminiscent of the earlier time). Now it is highly probable that among the idolatrous Israelites the idea of a marriage between the deity and individual worshippers was actually current and connected with the immorality which Hosea often condemns in the worship of the local Baalim, whom the ignorant people identified with Yahwe. For we have a Punic woman s name, Vj. - "lC~:Ki trie betrothed of Baal (Euting, Putiische Sttint, g, 15), and there .vas a similar conception among the Babylonians (Herod. 1 I8i/).

Hosea, however, takes the idea of Yahwe as husband, and gives it an altogether different turn, filling it with a new and profound meaning, based on the psychical experiences of a deep human affection in contest with outraged honour and the wilful self-degradation of a spouse. It can hardly be supposed that all that lies in these chapters is an abstract study in the psychology of the emotions. It is actual human experience that gives Hosea the key to divine truth.

Among those who do not recognise this view of the passage, the controversy between allegory and literalism is carried on chiefly upon abstract assumptions.

The extreme literalists, of whom Pusey may be taken as the modern representative in England, will have it that the divine command justified a marriage otherwise highly improper, and that the offensive circumstances magnify the obedience of the prophet. This is to substitute the Scotist and Neo-Platonic notion of God for that of the prophets. On the other hand, the allegorists, who argue that God could not have enjoined on his prophet a marriage plainly improper and fitted to destroy his influence among the people, are unable to show that what is repulsive in fact is fit subject for a divine allegory. A third school of recent writers (including the elder Fairbairn), led by Hengstenberg, and resting on a thesis of John Smith, the Cambridge Platonist, will have it that the symbolical action was transacted in what they allow themselves by a contradictio in adjecto to call an objective vision. Cp J. Th. de Yisser, Hosea, De titan des gecstes, Utrecht. 1886.

7. His message.[edit]

It was in the experiences of his married life, and in the spiritual lessons opened to him through these, that Hosea heard the revealing voice of Yahwe. Even so early as at the birth of Jezreel he had perceived the will of God concerning Israel, and given to his son a significant name accord ingly. At a later date he recognised that the word of Yahwe had been leading him even at the time when he married Gomer bath Diblaim. Like Amos (Am. 38), he was called to speak for God by an inward constraining voice, and there is no reason to think that he had any connection with the recognised prophetic societies, or ever received such outward adoption to office as was given to Elisha.

Hosea s position in Israel was one of tragic isolation. Amos, when he had discharged his mission at Bethel, could return to his home and to his friends ; Hosea was a stranger among his own people, and his home was full of sorrow and shame. Isaiah in the gloomiest days of Judah s declension had faithful disciples about him, and knew that there was a believing remnant in the land. Hosea knows no such remnant, and there is not a line in his prophecy from which we can conclude that his words ever found an obedient ear. For him the present condition of the people contained no germ or pledge of future amendment, and he describes the impending judgment, not as a sifting process in which the wicked perish and the righteous remain, but as the total wreck of the nation which has wholly turned aside from its God.

In truth, while the idolatrous feasts of Ephraim still ran their joyous round, while the careless people crowded to the high places, and there in unbridled and licentious mirth flattered themselves that their many sacrifices ensured the help of their God against all calamity, the nation was already in the last stage of internal dissolution. To the prophet s eye there was no truth, nor mercy, nor knowledge of God in the land nought but swearing, and lying, and killing, and stealing, and adultery ; they break out, and blood toucheth blood (4 \f.).

The root of this corruption lay in total ignorance of Yahwe, whose precepts were no longer taught by the priests, while in the national calf- worship, and in the local high places, this worship was confounded with the service of the Canaanite Baalim. Thus the whole religious constitution of Israel was undermined.

The political state of the realm was in Hosea s eyes not more hopeful. The dynasty of Jehu, still great and powerful when the prophet s labours began, is itself an incorporation of national sin. Founded on the blood shed of Jezreel, it must fall by God s vengeance, and the state shall fall with it (14 84). This sentence stands at the head of Hosea s predictions, and through out the book the civil constitution of Ephraim is re presented as equally lawless and godless with the corrupt religious establishment. The anarchy that followed on the murder of Zachariah appears to the prophet as the natural decadence of a realm not founded on divine ordinance. The nation had rejected Yahwe, the only helper. Now the avenging Assyrian is at hand. Samaria s king shall pass away as foam ] on the water. Fortress and city shall fall before the ruthless invader, who spares neither age nor sex ; and thistles shall cover the desolate altars of Ephraim.

Is this, then, the last word in the message of the prophet ?

8. Is the future all gloom?[edit]

If the passages already indicated as later additions, in which a happy future is spoken of, could have been assigned to Hosea, we could answer with a categorical negative. In that case alone could we say 'Hosea could discern no faithful remnant in Ephraim, yet Ephraim in all his corruption is the son of Yahwe, a child nurtured with tender love, a chosen people. This people, the prophet knows, is destined once more to return in truth and lithfulness to its father [see Hos. 11 1, and cp LOVING KINDNESS] and its God, through whose love all its plagues will be healed and a glorious and blessed land prepared for its occupation. Of the manner of Israel s repentance and conversion Hosea presents no clear image ; the certainty that the people will at length return rests only on the invincible supremacy of Yahwe's love.

Even so we should have to say of Hosea that the two sides of his prophetic declaration, the passionate de nunciation of Israel s sin and folly, and the not less passionate tenderness with which he describes the final victory of divine love, are united by no logical bond. The unity is one of feeling only, and the sob of anguish in which many of his appeals to a heedless people seem to end, turns once and again with sudden revulsion into the clear accents of evangelical promise, which in the closing chapter (if we accept this as Hosea s) swell forth in pure and strong cadence out of a heart that has found its rest with God from all the troubles of a stormy life.

What, however, we are compelled by the actual facts as they present themselves to conclude, is that in the original historical Hosea there was no assurance of a final triumph of the divine love or of a penitent return of the sinful nation.

Hosea s last word was in reality an announcement of the unrelenting judgment upon his people which Yahwe, with bleeding heart indeed, is threatening and in course of fulfilling ; as the Holy One, in spite of his love, he dares not allow himself after the manner of men to be swayed by his feelings, or exercise compassion any further (lls_/T 1814). The land of Israel is becoming as Admah and as Zeboim, its inhabitants are destined to be swept away to death and Shefil, or to live in an exile where all communion with their God is cut off just as the wife of the prophet is excluded from communion with her husband.

Still we should not have fully understood Hosea did we imagine we saw in this judgment the final close of all God s dealings. We must not fail to notice that for Hosea the judgment passed upon Israel means, not an end to all salvation, but a self-assertion of Yahwe. Yahwe for the prophet is the very impersonation of salvation, and therefore it is precisely by his asserting of himself that the accomplishment of salvation is guaranteed. What the further ways of God might be Hosea was unable to say ; salvation, however, depended not upon the continued existence of the nation, but upon Yahwe. This recognition of Yahwe, and hope in him (4 1 66 126 [7]) saved the prophet from despair and enabled him with a tranquil heart to leave the future to his God. Cp AMOS, 18 ; ISAIAH i. , 2.

1 [MT fJSJJS. RVmg-. substitutes twigs for AV s foam (Tg.) in accordance with Hi. and most moderns (<> <j>pvyavov). f]Sp3> however, is surely corrupt ; GrS. s nnp3 is plausible, but

the corruption lies deeper. pnCB anc ^ r i-> p3 are jot h corrup tions of BHJ3D ; D D 33 "?V should be D ISK J1NJ. Thus we get, The sanctuary of his king (cp Am.) is destroyed, the pride of Ephraim (Che.). There are many such corruptions in the prophetic writings which need to be treated with reference to the habits of the scribes. Cp TEXT.]

9. Traditions about Hosea.[edit]

Beeri, the prophet's father, is identified by the Rabbins with Beerah (i Ch. 56), a Reubenite prince carried captive by Tiglath-pileser. This view is already expressed by Jerome, Quiest. in Paralip., and doubtless underlies the statement of the Targum to Chronicles that Beerah was a prophet. For it is a Jewish maxim that when a prophet's father is named, he too was a prophet, and accordingly a tradition of R. Simon makes Is. 8:19-20 a prophecy of Beeri (Kimchiz /for.; Leviticus Rabba, par. 15). According to the usual Christian tradition, however, Hosea was of the tribe of Issachar, and from an otherwise unknown town, Belemoth or Belemon (pseudo-Epiphanius, pseudo-Dorotheus, Kphrem Syr. 2234 ; Chron, Pasch., Bonn ed., 1 276). As the tradition adds that he died there, and was buried in peace, the source of the story lies probably in some holy place shown as his grave. There are other traditions as to the burial- place of Hosea. A Jewish legend in the Shalshelet haqqabala (Carpzov, Introd., pt. 3, ch. 7, 3) tells that he died in captivity at Babylon, and was carried to Upper Galilee, and buried at H3U, that is, Safed (Neubauer, Gcogr, 227) ; and the Arabs show the grave of Neby Osha , E. of the Jordan, near Es-Salt (see GILEAD, 2, and cp Burckhardt s Syria, 353).

10. Literature.[edit]

Of the older comms. on Hosea, which have been fully catalogued by Rosenmiiller in his Scholia, it is sufficient to name Le Mercier s Latin annotations, embodying a translation of the chief rabbinical expositions, and the English comm. of E. Pococke (Oxford, 1683), which is not surpassed in learning and judgment by any subsequent work. Among special commentaries may be mentioned those of Simson ( 51), Wiinsche ( 68), with abundant references to Jewish interpreters, Nowack ( 80), Cheyne, in the Camb. Bible ( 84 ; (2) 92), and J. H. de Visser (see above). Ew., Hitz., and (especially) We. and Now., have done much for Hosea in their comprehensive works [to which WRS 1 roph., Lect. 4, G. A. Smith s progressive but cautious Book of the Tivdve Prophets, vol. i ( 96), Duhm s Thcol. der Proph., and Smend s A T ReL- gesch., Nowack s A7. Proph. will natur ally be added. See also Sayce, />/? 89, pp. 162-172 ; Houtsma, Theol. Tijdscr. 75, p. 55 f. : Oort, ib. 90, p. 345^; Beer, ZA TIV, 93, p. 2^ff.\ Co. ib. 87, p. 285^; and (for the text of ) Vollers, ib. 83, p. 219^, 84, p. i ff.\. \v. K. S. K. M.


Dan. 821 RVfor^lD, sarbdl(\V coats ); AV for t^DD, pattis (RV tunics ). See BREECHES.


(nWiil, Yahwe succours, 28).

1. Mentioned with a company of princes of Judah in procession at the dedication of the wall (see EZRA ii., 13^) Neh. 12 32 (wo-aiaM [BXAL]).

2. Father of Jezaniah (or Azariah) ; Jer. 42 i (^cuxo-aiou [B], avva.vi.ov [X*], avav. [Wort)], ucraiou [Nc.aQ], ^aaatou [A]); 43 2 (|naa<T<r. [ B*l, n/.i>a<r<r. [B^], ^.atreov [N*], jLtaatr. [Nc- a ], jota<raiou [A], wcr. IOJ).

1 Cp Schr. KATW 475 (COT 2 183).


(tfOPin, 33 ; for JEHOSHAMA [y.v.]), one of the seven sons of Jechoniah ; i Ch.3 ist (wcra/u.<o0 [B], - M w[Aasupras], -,ia[L]).


(ytJ in, an abbreviation of l?B>in*. 50; see JOSHUA ; it is otherwise transliterated HOSEA, COCHG [BAL, in 2 K. 18 1 770-576 B*]).

i. The last king of Israel (733-722), called Ausi (a) in the Assyrian inscriptions. In retracing his tragic fortunes we must at once start from a critical point of view. Hoshea came to the throne not in the twelfth year of Ahaz (see 2 K. 17 1), but in 733, J when Pekah was killed by his subjects, and Hoshea ( Ausi ) was set up, as king of the land of Bit Humri (see PEKAH), by Tiglath- pileser, who records it. No doubt Hoshea was a leading member of the Assyrian party, whereas Pekah had done his utmost to promote resistance to Assyria.

It is equally impossible to hold that Hoshea twice revolted from Assyria, and twice was punished by an Assyrian invasion. It must be to the redactor that the present tissue of improbabilities is due, and the only remedy is critical analysis of the section, 2 K. 17 3-6. Two parallel reports, as Winckler has shown, have been combined.

(15:29) In the days of Pekah, king of Israel, etc., and car ried them away to Assyria, [And Hoshea conspired against Pekah] and slew him, [and the king of Assyria appointed him to be king]. (17:3a) And Hoshea became subject to him, and brought him tribute. 40. And the king of Assyria found treason 3 in Hoshea, for he had sent messengers to Seve, king of Misrim. 4^. And the king of Assyria blinded him 4 and placed him bound in prison. (15:30) And Hoshea ben Elah conspired against Pekah ben Remaliah, and smote him and became king in his stead. (17:3b) Against him came up Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, for 1 Hoshea used to bring him tribute every year, but in this year he brought him no tribute. 5. And the king of Assyria came up against the whole land, and went up against Samaria, and besieged it three years. 6. And after three years 2 he took Samaria, and carried Israel away to Assyria.

Thus we have four fixed points in the history of Hoshea :

  • (1) he steps to the throne over the body of his murdered predecessor ;
  • (2) he pays yearly tribute to Assyria;
  • (3) he revolts, in reliance on the support of the king of Misrim ;
  • (4) his land is invaded, and, on the capture of Samaria, he is blinded (a vassal king's usual punishment for treason) and imprisoned.

The payment of tribute probably went on till the death of Tiglath-pileser in 727. Inevitably it much increased the burdens of a land already weakened by Tiglath-pileser's annexations. The nobles would suffer most directly ; but these would seek to compensate themselves by oppressing the commons. This is probably referred to by Hosea (5:11-13).

Ephraim is oppressed, is crushed by his judges,
For he chose to go after Assyria !
And I am as the moth for Ephraim,
As rottenness for the house of Judah.
And when Ephraim saw his sickness,
And Israel his festering wound,
Ephraim went to Masor {i.e., Musri),
Israel to the Arabian king ;
But he will not be able to help you,
Nor will he cure you of your wound.

Now we see clearly what was the immediate cause of the ruin of Israel. The people could not any longer bear the exactions of Assyria. A gleam of hope shone when their tyrant (Tiglath-pileser) died. The anti- Assyrian party everywhere formed plans for concerted action. Jeroboam I. of N. Israel, and long afterwards Hanun of Gaza, had already sought refuge in the land of Musri, which was a province of the great kingdom of Meluhha in N. Arabia ; 6 and, later, we shall find Yaman of Ashdod following their example. What more natural than for Hoshea to enter into negotiations with the powerful prince, Pir u, king of Musri, whose tartan, or general, Sargon names Sib i (out of which name the Hebrew scribes have made xio, 7 see So)? It was of no avail. In 724 B. c. the Assyrian army took the field against Samaria. In 722 the city was taken, and there is no sufficient reason for closing the political career of Hoshea at an earlier date. 8 The prophets Hosea and Isaiah foresaw the result (Hos. 14i[2] Is. 881-4).

We know but little of Hoshea ; but the redactor of Kings found reason to believe that he was a better king than his predecessors (2 K. 17:2). Lucian's recension of , however, turns the praise into blame, no doubt, as Benzinger remarks, to carry out the theory of pro portionate retribution. Hoshea, having suffered so terribly, must have been the worst of Israel s kings.

See Benzinger s commentary ; Wi. A T Unters. 15 ff., Musri Meluhha. Main, 1 5 27, etc., Gl 1 i6g/~.; Guthe, Gl- f 191 _ff.

T. K. C.

2 RV in Nu.l38i6 [P], AVOsHEA, and EV in Dt.3t2 41 (but Sam. Vg. Pesh. Joshua ; see Dr. s note) ; see JOSHUA, i.

3. b. Azaziah according to the Chronicler, an Ephraimite chief, temp. David, i Ch. 27 20 (wcnj [BA]).

4. Signatory to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7) ; Neh. 1023(24] (oxnjfla [BK]).

1 Following (S L v. 4&, eviavTOv KO.T fviavrov.

2 In accordance with 18 10.

3 BAiJuu ai^ljW (Thenius, Klo., etc.).

  • Read irrnyn (see 267).

5 In -MI read VOSffD (for ESr2) and "KiPX (for IX). In I-. 13 ajS, read lixs (for 11S : N), and :nj? (for 3Y). See Che. Crit. Bib., and cp JAREB.

6 The theory of Wi. is fully explained elsewhere (see MIZRAIM,

  • / ).

7 The Hebrew writer made the tartan into a melekor king.

8 Whitehouse, however (Hastings, DB 426), hesitates between this view and that of Hommel (GBA 675) and Tiele (BAG 232) that Hoshea was taken captive before the siege of Samaria. The latter view makes Hoshea s reign last only nine years (agreeably to 2 K. 17 i), but requires us to suppose not only that the writer of i . 6 confounds the capture of Hoshea with that of Samaria, but also that the people of Samaria had courage to prolong the struggle even after such a decisive event as the capture of their king.


The duty of hospitality is recognised both in the Old and in the New Testament. The ideal Hebrew, Abraham, runs to meet the strangers who approach his tent (Gen. 182) ; Paul would have his converts pursue hospitality (TT\V <f>i\oi;evia.v diuKovTcs. Rom. 12 13). It will be observed, Paul does not in culcate the duty as something new to Gentiles ; with the Greeks, as with the Hebrews, hospitality rested on religious sanctions (cp Horn. Od. 6206). Zeus Xenios is a well-known divine title ; it was to Zeus in this character ( RV the Protector of strangers ) that the Samaritan temple at Gerizim was rededicated by Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mace. 62). The God of Israel too was a preserver of strangers (c"u, Ps. 146 9) ; in fact, it was everywhere the gods who set the example of hospitality by granting protection to fugitives in their sanctuaries, and by welcoming poor as well as rich to the sacrificial feasts in which, it was believed, the gods and their worshippers met and ate together.

The Jewish law as to the treatment of sojourners requires separate treatment (see STRANGERS) ; it is onlv the externals of hospitality (in its wider sense), as described in the Bible, that here concern us.

We naturally turn in the first instance to passages like Gen. ISi/: 19i- 3 24i8j 29i 3 / Ex. 2 20 Josh. 2i cp 4, Judg. 13 15 19 17-21. No question was asked as to the name and circumstances of the guest until his first needs were satisfied (cp Gen. 24 32 /. ). While under the roof of his host, the guest was in security ; hence the earnest appeal of Lot to the men of Sodom death, or something as bad he could suffer, rather than that his guests should be exposed to gross ill-treatment (Gen. 196-8). To illustrate this we must go to Arabia, where the insecurity of the land has ensured the permanence of primitive hospitality. As Bought} says,

Perilous rovers in the field, the herdsmen of the desert are kings at home, fathers of hospitality to all that seek to them for the night s harbour. " Be we not all," say the poor nomads, "guests of Ullah "? Has God given unto them, God s guest shall partake with them thereof: if they will not for God render his own, it should not go well with them. The guest entered, and sitting down amongst them, they observe an honourable silence, asking no untimely questions (such is school and nurture of the desert), until he have eaten or drunk somewhat at the least, and by the bread and salt there is peace established between them, for a time (that is counted two nights and the day in the midst, whilst their food is in him). 1

Indeed, hospitality is to the poor Bedouin what almsgiving became to the later Jews the proof and expression of righteousness. These are the words of a thoughtful Bedouin to a Dowlany, or government officer, at Damascus.

Hearken ! A stranger alighting at a Bedawin booth, we welcome him, and are busy to serve him and we prepare the guest-supper ; and when he has eaten, in the same place he sleeps, in the assurance of Ullah, and with the morning; light he rises up refreshed to hold on his journey. But ha . when I came to es-Sham, riding upon my thelul [riding-camel], it was an evening (at the supping hour), and passing weary and hungry by the suk [street], I alighted before some door where I thought to take my night-lodging. . . . This is their dealing with strangers which enter your towns ! And wellah [verily] the Dowluny allowed our life to be nigher unto God, because of the hospitality. 1

1 Doughty, Ar. Des. 1228.

With all this, continues Doughty, there lacks not Arabic hospitality in the good city of Damascus, and among the faults of the Jews, according to Jesus Christ, the vice of inhospitality was not included. Even a poor man, receiving a late visit from a friend, would take the trouble to go to an acquaintance at midnight and ask and ask again for the loan of three loaves to set before his friend (Lk. 11 5-8). But while even a Nasrani in our day receives hospitality in the desert, a Jew could not be received by a Samaritan in our Lord s time, nor a Samaritan by a Jew (Lk. 952 f. Jn. 4g ; but cp Lk. 10 33/1).

The Arabic term for the bond between the host and his guest is milhat, from milk salt. There is no such phrase in Hebrew ; but in Nu. 1819 2 Ch. 13s we find the phrase nSa rria. btrlth milah, a salt pledge, which is usually explained by the light of the Arabic phrase, the salt that is between us, as a reference to the commensality of the god and his worshippers at the sacrificial feast. This was hardly the original intention of the phrase, but was, probably enough, an early explanation. 2 Still salt, in the Arabic phrase quoted above, is only symbolical. Drinking milk together in the same tent is the best sacramental form in hospitality, for milk is the natural substitute for blood ; a milk- covenant is the nearest equivalent to a blood-covenant. Upon this theory Sisera very nearly became the true guest of the Kenite woman Jael. He drank of her milk, but not with her, nor within her tent.

As Judg. 027 shows, the fugitive stood at the door of Jael s tent ; there he began to drink, and there sank down, struck by a deadly blow. That the text is corrupt is certain ; that it has been correctly emended is probable (see JAEL). An early narrator appears to have had the Song of Deborah before him in an already corrupted form. The housewife s coffer had become a tent-peg, and the flint-stone a hammer. 3 We have no occasion either to devise some subtle excuse for Jael, or to call her act fiendish. She was in covenant with Barak not with Sisera, and by keeping Sisera outside her tent retained her right of blood-revenge. It remains true, however, that the importance of the law of hospitality was not adequately appreciated by the writer of Judg. 4, and that the Jael of his narrative contrasts strongly with the Canaanitish woman Rahab in Josh. 2. Very different was the common Israelitish feeling, as is shown by the vengeance for the outrage on hospitality related with such painful preciseness in Judg. 20 (see JUDGES, BOOK OF, i-!.).

For NT references to hospitality see Rom. 12 13 1623 i Tim. 82 5 10 Tit. Is Heb. 132 i Pet. 4g. Cp WRS Rel. Sem.V} 76 26g/ 458, and see INN, MEALS, t,ff., STRANGER, 2.

T. K. C.




(n lK3y fliPP). 28.62. See NAMES, 123.


(Dnin. seal, 71 ; X co9AN [BL]).

1. Anamein a genealogy of ASHER (y.v., 4, ii.) iCh. ~32t (xioSaji [A], ovd. [L]). In - . 35 the name appears as HELEM.

2. AV Hothan, i Ch.ll44(<cwfl<xv [BN], x^a [A]), father of Shama and Jehiel, is described as an Aroerite. Which Aroer is meant is unknown.

1 Doughty, Ar. Des.lzsB.

2 Wellhausen mentions an ancient Arabic oath by salt and ashes (ffciet.W, 124; cp WRS Rel. Sem.V), 479). The ashes may be those of the cooking-pot ; but they may also be those of the sacred fire. Cp COVENANT, 5.

Either napa in Judg. 4 21 is a substitute for niaVrt, at the meaning of which the narrator guessed, or it is, like flia/rii a corruption of C SnS = U ,-^n (flint), 7 having been misplaced.


(T*JrAfl), according to the Chronicler a son of Henmn (iCh. 26428, ooGHRCi. HGei [B], icoeGipi. i- [A], o)9eip [L]). OTHIR [Vg.]); but seeHEMAX.


See DAY, 3.


(JV3 [oiKOC, OIKIA] of uncertain derivation, properly denotes hardly more than a dwelling-place. In Sab. = fortress or temple. It is used occasionally of a tent (see TENT), but more generally of an abode made of solid materials with doorposts. For the various turns of expression in com binations of n3, see BDB, s.i . On its use as a house contain ing a family, hence descendants as an organised body, etc., cp FAMILY, 2. n 3 occurs in numerous compound place- names ; see BETH, and cp NAMES, 96).

In attempting to describe the houses of ancient Palestine we must take into consideration the houses now used in those parts of Western Asia which have been the least exposed to the changes of time, and in which the manners of ancient days have been the best preserved. The Hebrews themselves were a people who had been accustomed to tent-life ; hence their know ledge of house-building must have been derived from the inhabitants of Canaan, who, as the Amarna Tablets clearly show, were at one time largely influenced by Assyrian culture.

1. Material.[edit]

The construction of houses depends upon the accessibility of suitable material and climatic exigencies. At the present day clay-bricks are used in the plain, stone in the mountains. Sun- dried bricks (rtaaS, see BRICK) were used in the older times in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Palestine ; hewn stone (n ts) was rare, and, in the time of Amos, a sign of luxury (Am. 5n i K. 7g, cp Is. Qiofg]). 1 The houses of the lower classes were low and frail, and contrasted with the high stone houses of the rich nobles. Job speaks of houses of clay (Job 4 19), also of those who dig (or break) into houses (Job "24 16), 2 and a parable of Jesus describes the ease with which a house (on a sandy foundation, it is true) might be beaten down by a storm (Mt. 727). In fact, the houses of the peasantry even in the present day need continual renovation. At best they are made of small stones and untempered mortar ; often they are of nothing but hard earth with layers of sun-dried bricks, and, if neglected, soon perish. The town -houses are more solid and permanent. Though nearly always of only one story, they are sometimes as high as houses of three stories among ourselves. Approached from the outside, the modern house presents little more than a dead wall.

1 In Assyria, at all events, mortar or cement seems to have been unknown. Stone blocks (which, however, were rarely used) were carefully dressed and placed in close juxtaposition. Bricks formed the usual material in building. When used crude, sufficient adherence was ensured by the moisture left in the clay and by its natural properties. In the case of burr.t or well -dried bricks ordinary clay mixed with water and a little straw was their only cement (see Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Chald. etc. 1 154). For the more carefully constructed buildings a kind of natural mortar from the bituminous fountains found in parts of the country was used, but only in those parts where more than the ordinary cohesive power was needed ; cp op. cit. 155, and Herod., 1 179.

2 Job, it must be remembered, is in the main a work prob ably of the early Greek period.

2. Court.[edit]

Entering the GATE [?* ] one finds oneself in a passage usually sloping downwards, which with an abrupt turn (to ensure privacy) leads into the court (isn, hdser). This is paved with slabs of stone, and is frequently planted with trees which, extending sometimes above the roof, present that curious effect which has been noticed in towns in SW. Asia (cp the illustration of the Egyptian house, Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. 1361, fig. 130). That the richer Jews in later times had the like arrangement is possible, but cannot be inferred, even as regards the temple, from Ps. 84 a[3]/ 92 13 [14] (cp BIRDS, col. 576, n. i). A large basin of clear water (or perhaps a well, 28. 17 18) occupies the centre of the court, once used for bathing (cp 2 S. 11 2?), but now superseded by the establish ment of public warm baths in every town and in private mansions. Cold bathing has all but ceased in W. Asia.

The number of courts varies. Small houses have one, superior houses have two, and first-rate houses three, communicating with each other ; for the Orientals dislike ascending stairs or steps, and prefer to gain room rather by the extent than by the height of their habita tions. If there are more than two courts the second is devoted chiefly to the master s use, whilst the outer one is devoted to social intercourse, and is therefore different from the others. When there are only two courts the innermost is the harem (cp D C ari rra, Esth. 2s), which is occupied by the women and children, and is the true domicile of the master. In the country districts the court is not infrequently used as a stable ; in other cases the occupants live above the stables, which take up the ground floor (cp Rob. BRW 3 39 ). The former arrangement has probably come down from the nomadic custom of encamping with the cattle in the enclosure formed by the encircling tents.

The mandara, or reception-room of the master, faces the outer court. It is entirely open in front, thus corresponding to the open place in the tent used for the same purpose, and is richly fitted up with divans, etc. This is used also as a guest-chamber. A large portion of the other side of the court is occupied with a frontage of lattice -work filled with coloured glass, belonging to a room as large as the guest- chamber, which in winter is used for the same purpose, or serves as the apartment of any visitor of distinction. The other apartments in this outer court are comparatively small, and are used for visitors, retainers, and servants ; they are usually upon what we should call the first floor, or at least upon an elevated terrace. The ground floor is in that case occupied by various store-rooms and servants offices. In all cases the upper floor, containing the principal rooms, is fronted by a gallery or terrace, protected from the sun by a sort of penthouse roof supported by pillars of wood. See CHAMBER.

Over the gateway stands a latticed chamber, corre sponding to the upper-room (virepyov) or cooling-room ; see BED, i. It was to the chamber of the gate that David retired to indulge his grief, and it was here perhaps that consultations with a prophetess were held (2 K. 22 14, emended text) ; see HULDAH.

The arrangement of the inner court is very similar to that of the outer ; but the whole is more open and airy. The buildings usually occupy two sides of the square, of which the one opposite the entrance con tains the principal apartments. They are upon what we should call the first floor, and open into a wide gallery or verandah, which in good houses is nine or ten feet deep, and. covered by a wooden penthouse sup ported by a row of wooden columns. This terrace, or gallery, is furnished with a strong wooden balustrade, and is usually paved with squared stones, or else floored with boards. The greater part of one of the sides of the court front is usually occupied by the large sitting- room, with lattice-front covered with coloured glass, similar to that in the outer court. The other rooms of smaller size are the more private apartments of the mansion. There are usually no doors to the sitting or drawing rooms of Eastern houses ; they are closed by curtains, at least in summer.

3. The basement.[edit]

The basement is occupied by various offices, stores of corn and fuel, places for the water-jars to stand in, places for grinding corn, baths, kitchens, etc. The kitchen, which is open in front, is always in this inner court, as the cooking is performed by women. It is surrounded by a brick terrace, on the top of which are the fireplaces formed in compartments, and separated by little walls of fire-brick or tile. In these different compartments the various dishes of the Eastern feast may be at once prepared at charcoal fires (cp COOKING, 4). This place being wholly open in front, the half-tame doves, which have their nests in the trees of the court, often visit it, in the absence of the servants, in search of crumbs, etc. (cp Rob. HR 3 60).

In Turkish Arabia most of the houses have underground cellars (serdabs as they are called) to which the inhabitants retreat during the mid-day heat of summer, and there enjoy a refreshing coolness. The biblical writers do not refer to this usage. At Acre, however, the substructions of very ancient houses have been discovered with just such cellars (cp Thomson, LB [ 94] 309). Commonly, the winter- house is the lower apartment (el -belt), the upper ( ulliye/i) being the summer- house. Every house of the better class has both, and they are familiarly called b. she taivy and b. sai/y, the winter and summer house. Where both are on the same story the interior and more sheltered chamber becomes the winter-house, the external and more airy one being used in summer.

4. Roof.[edit]

From the court a flight of stone steps, usually at the corner, conducts to the gallery, from which a plainer stair leads to tne house-top. If the house be large, there are two or three sets of steps to the different sides of the quadrangle, but seldom more than one flight from the terrace to the housetop of any one court. There is, however, a separate stair from the outer court to the roof, and it is usually near the entrance. This will bring to mind the case of the paralytic, whose friends, finding they could not get access to Jesus through the people who crowded the court of the house in which he was preaching, took him up to the roof, and, uncovering it, let him down (Mk. 2 1-4). Lk., writing for Roman readers, describes a Roman house (517-20). His readers are accustomed to a house with tiles (cp tegulee, icipafun) and with a hole (implwium) in the roof of the principal chamber, where the company would be assembled. For him to have said that the roof was uncovered would have been unintelligible to his readers (Ramsay, Was Christ born in Bethlehem? 58^).

The roof (jj) of the house is, of course, flat, 1 and in modern villages is reached by a stairway from the yard or court. It is formed by rafters of tamarisk or palm- trees, across which are laid branches, twigs, and matting ; earth is then laid over and trodden down ; after which it is covered with a compost which acquires considerable hardness when dry. Such roofs would not, however, endure the heavy and continuous rains of our climate ; and in those parts of Asia where the climate is more than usually moist, a stone roller is usually kept on every roof, and after a shower a great part of the population is engaged in drawing these rollers over the roofs (cp Rob. BKM 83944). It is now very common, in countries where timber is scarce, to have domed roofs ; but in that case the flat roof, which is indispensable to Eastern habits, is obtained by filling up the hollow intervals between the several domes, so as to form a flat surface at the top. These flat roofs are often alluded to in the Bible ; and the allusions show that they were used for recreation and many other purposes (Josh. 26 Judg. 1627 I S. 925 f. 2 S. 11 2 1622 Is. 22i Jer. 19i 3 Zeph. l s Mt. 24i 7 Mk. 13 15 Acts 10 9), cp HUT. A similar arrangement known in Assyria was a long open arcade (the Italian loggia) running along above the roof the whole length of the fa9ade. This is not unlike the constructions adopted by the Nestorians in the villages of Kurdistan (see Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Chald. etc. 1 139/1, with illustrations).

The roofs of the houses are well protected by walls and parapets. Towards the street and neighbouring houses is a high wall, and towards the interior court yard usually a parapet or wooden rail. Parapets of this kind, for the prevention of accidents, are strictly enjoined in the Law 2 (Dt. 228, npyS, ffTe<f>di>ri ; cp Ar. akd, to hinder, withhold ; note the form of the battlements of the Egyptian house in Wilkinson, Anc. Eg.Wl 362, fig. 132).

1 Sugar-loaf roofs are often to be seen in many parts of Upper Syria and Mesopotamia. In Assyria both forms of roof seem to have been common ; see Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Chald. etc. 1 MS/; (with illustration); and especially \(x>ff.

2 The Law is peculiar to D : a provision prompted by the same general motive is found in Ex. 21 33/1 (Dr. Deut., ad he.). The Book of the Covenant does not anywhere presuppose houses ; the community for whom it was intended had not perhaps ad vanced so far.

5. Windows, etc.[edit]

The windows had no glass. Windows were rare, and in the winter the cold was kept out by veils over the openings ; see LATTICE. Chimneys were unknown, and artificial warmth was supplied by braziers (see COAL, 3).

6. Furniture.[edit]

In the East, where the climate allows the people to spend so much of their time out of doors, the articles of furniture and the domestic utensils have always been few and simple. On these see the separate articles on BED, CANDLESTICK, LAMP, TABLE, and the like ; also POTTERY, COOKING UTENSILS, MEALS.

See Benz. HA, Now. HA, etc., and Kitto s art. in the Bib. Cycl., from which several sentences in the above have been taken. S. A. C.


in RV, or Hosai. in AV n -, as a proper name, represents ""Tin in 2 C h. 8819 ( the history of Hozai ), where RV m e- and AV have the seers (the sayings of the seers).

Kautzsch, with <5 IiAL ([TO>I ] \6yiav riav bpiavriav), reads C tinn ; Budde (?. ! TIV, 92, p. 38 Vlh) his [Manasseh s] seers, which is easier, and is accepted by Kittel. See CHRONICLES, 6, col. 767, n. i.


(ppn, IAKANA, [B], IKCOK [A], [L]), a place in Naphtali (Josh. 1934), but hardly Yakuk, SE. of Safed (Rob.), which is too far N. The name is probably corrupt (cp HUKOK).


(pp-in ; IKAK [B] etc.), i Ch. 660 [ 75 ]. See HELKATH.


("Pin, OYA [AEL]), Gen. 10 23 iCh. Ii 7 . An Aramasan region ; see GEOGRAPHY, 20.


(i"ITpn, weasel, 1 mole, cp Achbor, mouse, and see HELDAI ; otherwise we might explain long-lived, 67, 68; Palm. m^PI ; oAA&N [BAL]), a prophetess, whose husband Shallum held the court office (or temple office) of keeper of the wardrobe (2 K. 22 nff. = 2 C h. 3422^:). The strangely insignifi cant notice, Now she dwelt at Jerusalem in the Mishneh (RV second quarter ), is due to an error like that in the text of i S. 17 54 (see NOB). The true reading no doubt is, Now she was sitting in the upper part of the gate of the old city in a public, central position, ready to receive those who desired to inquire of Yahwe. It was to Huldah that the priest Hilkiah and his four companions resorted when the alarmed king bade them inquire of Yahwe after the reading of the law-book found in the temple. Her response is not preserved in its original form ; the slender promise in v. 20 was certainly not enough to kindle in Josiah such extra ordinary zeal as chap. 23 describes. Tell ye the man that sent you unto me (v. 15) looks original, and w. i&b igb may be fragments of the true oracle ; the rest has been thoroughly recast in accordance with the melancholy facts of history (see Stade, Gesc/i,l652/., Benzinger, ad loc.}.

Why did not the deputation consult Jeremiah in preference ? Probably they were afraid of him ; Huldah, sitting in the chamber of a city gate, was evidently a popular personage. Peritz (JBL 17 142 [ 98]) sees a trace of the importance of women in the ancient religious rites ; but the connection is obscure. Cp DEUTERONOMY, 2 (end). T. K. c.


(Htppn ; Josh. 15 5 4t : ey/WA [B], X AM- M6.T6. [A], AMMA.TA. [L]), a. place in the hill-country of Judah, mentioned between Aphekah and Hebron. Grove (Smith s DB] remarks on its resemblance to Kei/J.a.9 (Kimath), mentioned in (5 B i S. 8629 between ye() ( =-ye00op = Jattir) and <ra<t>eK (=Siphmoth) as a town in S. Judah. Evidently the two names are the same.

In another interpolation (see i>. 28, <5 Humtah appears as au^aSfL (CD afj.fjio.Ta. above) between Aroer and Siphmoth. Cp We. and Klo. ad loc. Cp further CHADIASAI. T. K. C.


(TV), Gen. 27 30. See VENISON.


(DB-in), the eponym of the (Benjamite) Huphamites (VpS-in ; Nu. 2639 : BAFLom.). Cp HUPPIM, HUKAM.


(HSn), the name of the thirteenth priestly course : i Ch. 24 13! (oxxo4>(j>d. [B], o<J>(j><\ [AL]).


(DHSn), a son of Benjamin (but see HUPHAM): Gen. 4621 (o</>/aeii/ [D], o<f>i/j.[e]iv [AL]) ; i Ch. ~ 12 (a.ir<j>eiv [B], a^eifj. [A], r)<f>a.v [L]) ; I Ch. 7 15 (a^fiv [B], a<j><j>. LA], o4>ep [L]).


(~Vin, cop [BAFL], 81). A connection with the Egyptian Horus seems very probable, cp Nab. and Sin. nin> Eg. Aram. Tin, mn, "in> "in- I" Ass. Sayce (PSJ3A 2026O./! [ 98]) compares Abihar, my father is Horus, on an early Baby lonian contract tablet, temp. Apil-Sin, A .54i5 /. 20. Ass. -Aram, compounds of ~\r\(e.g., "nin.T, ?:jrnn) are uncertain ; for thesoften- ing of the guttural see HARNEPHER, but Hoffmann (ZA 11 228) reads everywhere -in ( = -nn) Hadad. Marq. finds another trace of Horus in the Benjamite Ahihur (so read for AHIHUD, i Ch. 8 7, which in 7 10 is corrupted to AHISHAHAR).!

1. Mentioned together with Aaron as being present at the battle of Rephidim (Ex. 17 10-12, E) and left in charge of the people during Moses absence on Mt. Sinai (* . 24 14, E). Possibly his connection with Moses belongs to a secondary stratum of E, i.e., E 2 (cp MIRIAM, i) ; P (see 3) regards the name as Midian- itish, and we remember that Moses married a Midianitish wife. Josephus (Ant. iii. 24) calls Hur the husband of Miriam (iii. 6 i), and identifies him with 2.

2. A Judahite, the grandfather of BEZALEEL (q .T., i), a temple workman (Ex. 31 2 = 35 30, 8822 [om. <&] [P], i Ch. 2 igf. 50 4142 Ch. 1 5). Cp HIRAM, 2.

3. One of the five kings of Midian mentioned in Nu. 31 8 Josh. 132i [P] (ovp [HAL J n both places, F in Nu.]). See MIDI AN.

4. Father of REPHAIAH, 5 (Neh. 3 9, om. BNA [pa<aia(s)] uibs cra.fia.vi.ov viov <rovp [L]).

5. i K. 48, see BEN-HUR.


(n-in ; oypteli [BA], oypiA t L l). of the brooks of GAASH [q.v.~\, one of David s thirty, corresponds in i Ch. 1132 to the HIDDAI (q.v. ) of 2 S. 2830.

Kennicott (Dissert. 194), We. (TBS), H. P. Smith and Budde (SBOT) prefer Hurai ; Klost. (on Sam., I.e.) and Kittel (SBOT) defend Hiddai (nn), out of which n_n could so easily have been corrupted. Marq. (Fund. 20), however, suggests that aSSai [<SL ) 28.2830] is a corruption for afiAai, and would restore ^-jn (cp Hadlai, 2 Ch. 28 12). Adlai (i Ch. 27 29) is also possible. See GEIJER, 2.


(Dn-in). i. b. Bela in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (q.v. , 9), i Ch. 8 st : (KO.! yepa KO. [sic] aw<t>a.p<t>a.K /cat wt/a [B], /cat yripa /cat <ru(pa.v /cat a^tpa /cat IWL/JL [A], y-rjpa /cat aeir<f>a/j. /cat apovafj. [L]). In P s list in Nu. 2639 the name appears as HUPHAM (q.v.}.

2. and 3. See HIRAM.


0~);in, 81) ; in Gadite genealogy ; i Ch. 5i 4 t(ou/)[ e ]t [BAL]).




(nt^n ; CGCA.N [BA], oycA [L]), a Hurite name (see HUR, and cp Edomite HUSHAM) ; the context seems to suggest a locality (i Ch. 44t). Sibbecai (less correctly Mebunnai in 2 S. 2827) was a Hushathite ( ntrnn).

LXX renderings of vie nn -= : 2 S. 21 18, 6 aoraTajflei [B], o aoucrao-Tioi tfei [A], 6 X*TTCUO [L] ; 2 S. 2827, TOV a-vuideirov [B], TOV ao-io. [A], 6 x e68i [Li! J Ch - Il2 9. a6ei I 8 ) oflet M 6 aa-iadi. [A], vios <a<ra.8(. [L] ; i Ch. 204, OoxraOei [B], 6 ov<ra.0L [A], 6 ecraaei [L].


( K -in, perhaps related to [[<l E Jli aN]], as Huram [Hiram] to Abiram ; see Abishai and cp Cook, Exp. T. 10 526b ['99]; otherwise Gray, HPN 323 ; xoycei [B, and in 2 S. 16 175, A], -ci [AL]), the Archite, 2 S. 1532-1715 I K. 4 16 I Ch. 2733 ; see Baana, 2. Hushai filled the office of 'friend' (jn [I Ch. 2733], nyi[1] [2 S. 1537 1616] ; ἑταῖρος [B in 2 S. 1537[2]]) of king David. See Friend.

By a simulated adherence to the cause of Absalom, Hushai was able to get his advice preferred to that of Ahithophel and thus brought about the downfall of Absalom. See Ahithopehl.[3]

1 For the intrusive y in -irwnN there is the analogy of Elihaph for ELIHOREPH.


(D JTI [Gen.], D ^-in [Chron.] ; Aao/x [BADL. om. E]), the third Edomite king (Gen. 86347. i Ch. 1 45 f. ) His city is not named ; but he is described as of the land of the Temanites. For a possible connection of the name with one of the stories in Judges, see CUSHAN-RISHATHAIM.


pnBTin), 2 S. 21 18. See HUSHAH.


(Dn, perhaps transposed from other forms are DOT, I Ch. 7 12, and D^-lPI, I Ch. 88 ; WCIM [A]).

1. The name of the sons of Dan in Gen. 4623 (υιοι δε δαν ασομ [DL], v. δε Sac. δαν a. [A])[4] = Nu. 2642 f., Shuham (σαμ[ε]ι [BF], -δη [A], -με [L]>. Perhaps the same as

2. The name of 'the sons of Aher' in I Ch. 712 (καὶ υἱοὶ ραωμ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ asp [B], K. v. opa ασοβ υ. a. app [A], K. υ. ιεριμουθ ιεσσουδ v. a. [L]). See Aher, Dan, § 9.

3. Probably the same as (1), a name in a genealogy of Benjamin (q.v. 55 3, g, ii. β) : I Ch. 8 8 (σωσιν [B], ωσειμ [L]) ; and 8 11 (ωσιμεν [B], μεωσειμ [L]). (Cp JQR 11 104, § 2.)


(KERATIA i.e. 'little horns' ; 'carobs' [Pesh. and Syr. Sin.]: 'carobs of the sea' [Syr. Curet. ]).[5] The prodigal son, when reduced to tend the swine of a Gentile, would fain have kept off hunger with 'the husks that the swine did eat' (Lk. 1516). So at least EV, obscuring one of the most striking touches in the parable. The 'husks,' as explained in RVmg., are the pods of the carob tree (MH ann, D 3nn = Ar. ḫarrūbun), also called the locust tree (Ceratonia siliqua), which is a characteristic tree of the shores of the Mediterranean, and common in Palestine from Hebron northwards. Cp Theophrast. i. 112 ; Dioscor. i. 158.

The foliage is dense (see Hut); the leaves are 'like those of our ash, but the leaflets more rounded and very dark, glossy, and evergreen.[6] It blossoms at the end of February, and the pods are found in enormous quantities in April and May. They are flat and narrow, from six to ten inches in length, of the shape of a horn, whence the Greek name [as above]. These husks are to be seen on the stalls in all Oriental towns, where they are sold for food' (Tristram, NHB 361).

Carob-pods, then, to the prodigal son took the place of bread — a poor but by no means an innutritious substitute.' There are certainly two (2 K. 625 1827 || Is. 3612), and most probably three (Is. 120) OT passages in which the carob-pods may be referred to (see Che. Expos., July '99).

1. 2 K. 625, which should run thus, when the errors of an early scribe have been removed : '... and, behold, they besieged it, until a homer of lentils (D bHj; TOh) was sold for fifty (so G) shekels, and a quarter of a cor (13) of carob-pods for five shekels.

2. 2 K. 1827 : '... to the men who sit on the wall to eat their carob-pods (Q.T3nn) and to drink their sour wine (CXCIt) with you." So Is. 3012.

3. Is. 1 20 : 'If ye be willing and obedient, the good of the land shall ye eat; but if ye refuse and resist, carob-pods shall ye eat O^DKfl DOnn).' So by a happy guess the Midrash Wayyiḳrā Rabbā 35.

These three passages are mutually illustrative. In a time of siege, when better victuals were scarce, men were only too glad of carob-pods and vinegar, and were sometimes even reduced to buy these at a high price. It is worth noticing that not a few coarse passages in the OT are due to corruption of the text. Cp Dove's Dung.

4. It is a probable view that another reference to carob-pods occurs in Mt. 34 (John the Baptist's 'locusts').

It is true, the handbooks tell us that 'the Greek word' for locusts [ἀκρίδες] shows the insect to be meant ; not the ceratonia pods' (Sir Joseph Hooker, in Queen's Printers' Aids, 39 ['80]), and Bochart's references for the eating of locusts have been copied again and again. The fact that dried locusts were and still are eaten is undenied (cp Lev. 1122).[7] Common sense, however, tells us that locusts would not have been preferred by the Baptist as his habitual food to nourishment supplied by the soil. Humility would not pass over the ordinary food of the poorest class, viz. carob- pods. It was a Jewish saying that 'Israel needs wann (carob-pods) to do repentance' (Wayyiḳrā R. 35), and the Baptist was κα' ἐξοχήν, the preacher of repentance. Mt. 3 is thoroughly Semitic in phraseology ; the Greek translator or adapter may easily have made mistakes. K3iin was possibly mistaken for jion or N^rin by one who remembered the Tg. of Lev. 1122. Thomson's remark (LB 665), 'The name of "St. John's Bread" has been given to the gelatinous pods of this tree by pious pilgrims, anxious to rescue the Baptist from the imputation of feeding on locusts,' only shows that the realism of pilgrims may now and then be worth more than the learning of doctors. Cp John the Baptist.

T. K. C.


RV, AV Cottage, Is. 2420† (H^lp). In Is. 1 8a the same Hebrew word is rendered 'lodge,' in order not to tamper with a familiar piece of dignified old English. In Job 2718 (cp Moth) and in Is. 1 8b a synonymous word (nap)[8] is rendered Booth. All these words mean the temporary shelter erected for the 'watcher' (isi, noṣēr, Job 2718) in a vineyard or garden of cucumbers.

The sort of booth now used in Syria is well described by Wetzstein in Del. Hiob(2), 348, and an illustration is given in SBOT, 'Isaiah,' 162 (cp Niebuhr, Beschreib. v. Arabien, I, Tab. 15, Fig. F). As the illustration shows, the floor or platform is sometimes bound at the corners to four poles, at some distance above the ground ; the roof is formed of boughs of trees or matting. From its dense foliage, the carob-tree (see Husks) is specially adapted to supply the branches required (cp Bliss, PEFQ, July '99, p. 189). The same practical sense dictated the very common arrangement of huts of boughs on the house-tops in the heat of summer (see Bed, § I, end). The garden-huts (ὀπωρογυλάκιον, G, Is. 18), however, are the more striking emblems of instability. When the withes with which they are bound are loosened by the winds of autumn, the shelter soon falls asunder and becomes a ruinous heap (cp Is. 2420). Cp Scarecrow.


(p-117). Gen. 2221 ; RV Uz.



  1. On the anomaly of ,1jn for HJJl in st. Constr. see Driver on 2 S. 1537. 'Friend of David' should of course be added (with GBAL) after 'Archite' in 2 S. 1532, the first mention of Hushai.
  2. B elsewhere and AL everywhere have joined the Gentilic 'Archite' to ἑταῖρος and produced the title αρχιεταιρος, 'chief friend', which BA once (I Ch. 27 33) translate ὁ πρῶτος φίλος τοῦ βασιλέως.
  3. For a criticism of the narratives see AJSL, April 1900, pp. 162 ff.
  4. On ασομ = "C CTI see Ball, SBOT, on Gen. 4623.
  5. 5 This reference to Cureton. is due to Mr. McLean. The carob-tree, however, is not confined to the littoral region. Several localities in Galilee in the Talmudic period bore names compounded with ^nn (Neub. Géogr. 266). Pesh. renders C^xa (Is. 624) freely 'carobs.'
  6. In Enoch 324 the leaf of the tree of wisdom is compared to that of the carob tree.
  7. Carobs are largely used in the composition of Thorley s food for cattle. English corn-dealers supply the pods under the name of locusts. The brown hard seeds used to be the weights employed by jewellers for weighing gold and silver ; hence the familiar term carat.
  8. In I K. 2012 16 RVmg. renders HISD, sukkōth, huts (EW Pavilions); but see Succoth, I (end).