Encyclopaedia Biblica/Huzzab-Iri

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(הצב; H YΠOCTACIC [BKAQ]), a corrupt word in Nah. 27 [8], which Rabbinic commentators supposed to be the name of the Assyrian queen. RVmg. treats it as a Hophal, from 3*3, — 'and it is decreed' (so De Dieu; AVmg. is still less plausible).

The first question is whether nn^l asm belongs properly to v. 7 [8] or to v. 6[7]. In the former case, the conjectures offered under Nahum are more plausible than the renderings of AV and RV; in the latter, we require a noun in apposition to 'the palace' such as 3X8H (I S. 1323), and may render, 'the palace is in consternation, the garrison is terrified.'[1] T. K. C.




but EV HYENA ( Ecclus. 13i8f. The Sabua is the striped hyaena, H. striata, of S. Asia and N. Africa, which is meant. To express the intensity of class-hatred among the later Jews the wise man asks, Whence should there be peace between the hyaena and the dog ? whence peace between the rich man and the poor ? It is true, he speaks only of the abhorrence of the rich for the poor ; but the Psalms offer proof enough of the abhorrence of the poor for the rich. Indeed, Ben Sira himself evidently takes the part of the poor, for the hyaena is, in the eyes of the natives of Palestine, the meanest of the beasts of prey except the jackal. It is very cowardly, and attacks living animals only under pressure of hunger. Its food is carrion ; it prowls about the graveyards, or if it meets with a skeleton already picked clean by vultures, it can still make a meal off it by crushing the bones with its powerful jaws and extracting the marrow. Those bones which baffle its gnawing power it carries back to its den. As a rule it is solitary. We thus see the force of the bitter cry of Yahwe, according to <, in Jer. 12g, Is my heritage (become) a hyaena s den to me?

The passage is no doubt difficult ; for another quite possible view of it see BIRD, col. 576, n. 2. <B s reading, however, is in harmony with v. 8. Probably there is no interroga tion. The first B JW should be rnjfl? ; the second, JlVn. The second line will then become wild beasts (i.e., hyaenas, etc.) are round about it (Che.). Then the other wild beasts are summoned to aid in the desolation of Israel. On the form Jfi^S see Lag. Uebers. 36 ; but cp Kon. Lehrg. 2 137, n. 3.

We also meet with the hyaena in a place-name; valley of ZEBOIM [g.v. ] probably means valley of hyaenas. The Horite proper name ZIBEON \q.v. ] also may be connected with the name of the same animal. This is not to be wondered at. The hyaena plays an important part in early Arabian beliefs (cp Rel. Sem.W 129, 133 ; Kinship, 198 ; and Lane, s.v. dab iin}, and the diminutive form dob ay a. is found fre quently as a tribal name in Arabia, indicating perhaps a totemic belief.

An animal, half hyaena and half wolf, concerning which Arabian fables have much to say is the Sim (situ ""), whose name, according to Robertson Smith, was borne by the totem- clans Sim (a division of the Medinites). Cp also the Sam an, and perhaps Heb. SHIMEI, SIMEON.

A. E. S. S. A. C. T. K. C.


(YA&CTTHC [BKA]), a river mentioned in Judith 1 6 along with the Euphrates and the Tigris. The context shows that it cannot be the Indian Hydaspes (Jelum). On the assumption that the present reading is correct, it has been suggested that it is the Choaspes which some commentators understand by the Medus Hydaspes of Virgil (Georg. 4 211). The

Vg. reads ladason ; but the Syriac has u^Of, i.e., ULAI (q.v.), and Ball (against Fritzsche) regards this as the probable original.

1 Ruben (PSBA, June 98) keeps nnSji an d to boldly explains it is frightened, from Assyrian.


(YM6N&IOC [Ti.WH]). We cannot critically assert that Hymenaeus was a false teacher of the time of St. Paul. He is mentioned in i Tim. 1 20 2 Tim. 2 17. In the former passage he is represented as belonging (with Alexander) to those who have deliberately thrust away both faith and a good conscience, and have made shipwreck as regards the faith, and who have been given over (by the writer) to the Satan, that they may learn by chastisement not to blaspheme. In the latter he is included (with PHILETUS) among those who have swerved from the right direction (i7<TT6x ?cra ) as regards the truth, saying that the resurrection has taken place already ( i. e. , in the intellectual sphere, Iren. Haer. 231), and who subvert the faith of some, leading them (as v. 19 clearly implies) into the practice of unrighteousness. By comparing 2 Tim. 2 16 18 with i Tim. 6 20 1 6 we see that the doctrine of a past resurrection belonged to that empty verbiage which constitutes gnosis falsely so called (Kevo<puvias, fj-araioXoyiav, TTJS \f/fvSuvtinov ypwcrewj). All this, as Julicher (summing up the con clusions of a long period of criticism) has pointed out, is thoroughly un- Pauline. We cannot, therefore, be sure that there were forerunners of the later Gnosis (cp irpoKdirrovcriv, 2 Tim. 2 6) named Hymenasus, Alexander, and Philetus in Paul s time. And though it is no doubt possible to explain i Tim. 1 20 as a reference to an act of giving over to Satan, said to have been performed by Paul (cp i Cor. 5s) upon persons called Hymenaeus and Alexander (a reference which had for its object the suggestion of church penalties for Gnostic teachers contemporary with the real writer of i Tim. ), how do we know that the evidence of this fact (if evidence there were) was historically sound? We have to do with mere possibilities, and though it is reasonable to suppose that the author of the Pastoral Epistles, who shows such zeal for truth, was not a mere romancer, how can we tell that the presumed sources from which he (ex hypothesi) drew were worthy of the credit which he gave to them ? The name Hymenaeus may even suggest that in the source from which the writer possibly drew, the name of this Gnostic teacher was given him as an ironical nickname, because he forbade to marry 1 (see i Tim. 4s). Cp PHILETUS, PASTORAL EPISTLES, EXCOMMUNICATION, GNOSIS.

Cp Zahn, Einl. 1 412 472 486, who points out that in the Ada Theclce, 14, Demas and Hermogenes (2 Tim. 1 15 4 to) take the place of Hymenaeus and Philetus. T. K. C.


Psalms and hymns and songs suggested by the Spirit of God, and designed for use in the Christian assemblies, are spoken of in Col. 3i6 Eph. 5 19. The former passage is the fuller, and seems to be imitated in the latter.

Let the word which tells of Christ (6 Ad-yos rov Xpiorov) dwell in your midst abundantly, while in all wisdom ye teach and instruct yourselves, while with psalms, hymns, spirit-given songs ye sing pleasantly with your (whole) hearts to God . . . giving thanks to God the Father by him (Col. 3 16).

Be filled with spiritual influence, while ye speak to yourselves in psalms and hymns and spirit-given songs, singing songs and chanting psalms with your (whole) heart to the Lord . . . while ye give thanks always for all things (Eph. 619).

1. Nature.[edit]

The predominant tone of Christians is to be one of thanksgiving. Teaching or learning is not to be a mere intellectual exercise ; the truths taught or learned are to blossom, as it were, into hymns. Indeed, not only teaching, but also all words spoken and all deeds done are to suggest articulate or inarticulate thanksgiving to God the Father. The hymns are described by three terms, the first of which (psalms) may imply the influence of OT models, though it need not do more than express the suitableness of the songs spoken of to be accompanied with music. x The songs are further described as irvevfutTiKai i.e. , suggested by the divine spirit which (or, who) dwells in the community, and those who are to sing the songs are directed to do so iv ya.fH.Ti. 2 i. e. , pleasantly so as to charm both singers and hearers. It is a mistake to infer from in your heart(s) (4v rats Ka.p5ia.is [or T-Q KapSiq.] V/JL&V) that the singing is to be purely inward, as if the phrase formed an antithesis to teaching. Inward psalm-singing would certainly not have contented the writer of Colossians. A spiritual impulse comparable in intensity to that of wine must have suggested audible expressions of praise. The phrase quoted is like 033^3, which can undoubtedly mean with all your heart, heartily (the instrumental with as in Ps. 122 [3] 162).

1 Plut. Alex. M. 67 : /xovcra <rupiyyu>v (cat auAtii/, coSrjs T icai \jja\fj.ov.

2 The reading of TR (ii> \apiTi) is that of AN*C"t vid. DC rel. Arm. ; ec 777 x<iptTi is read by B c D*FG, Clem. The former is not the best attested ; but it is the most suitable reading. Even as a conjecture it would be worth accepting. Cp Col. 4s. Von Soden s rendering with thankfulness for iv 17} \apirt is not, indeed, inappropriate ; but it is too bold.

2. Source.[edit]

These are not the earliest references to spirit-given songs among Christians. The language of the writers may perhaps presuppose the existence of a stock of songs which were known (in more than one sense) by heart, and naturally rose to the lips even of those who had themselves no poetic gift. Turning to i Cor. we find ourselves in a somewhat different atmosphere. Says the apostle What is it then, brothers ? Whenever you come together, each one has a psalm . . . (i Cor. 1426). He means not that every Christian in the assembly feels an impulse to utter a freshly inspired psalm, but, as the context shows, that there is a conflict of gifts ; one man breaking into song, another into a speech in a strange tongue. It some times even happened that the spirit-given song was in a strange tongue, and unintelligible to the /5iwri;s or plain man, so that the apostle has to declare that for his part if anything obscure comes out of his lips under inspiration he will not omit to interpret it.

I will pray with the spirit, and I will pray also with the mind. I will chant a psalm with the spirit, and I will chant a psalm also with the mind (i Cor. 14 15).

To do justice to these NT facts we must consider two points : ( i ) the long continuance of the practice of writing psalms among the post-exilic Jews, and (2) the close affinity between prophecy and the composition of psalms for the use of the faithful. To illustrate the former point, we may refer to the Psalms of Solomon, the psalms in the Greek Daniel, in Judith and Tobit, and in the Assumption of Moses ; to illustrate the latter, to the prophetic character of Miriam and Deborah (both writers of spirit-given songs ) and to the frequent occurrences of an oracular tone in the canonical psalms (cp Hickes, The Spirit of Enthusiasm Exorcised, 31 f. [1709]). Since the Jewish psalms were certainly not uttered at random, but had their proper place in the services, we may assume that the psalms referred to by the apostle also had their proper place. Paul speaks of prayer and praise (irpofffV xeaQa.i and \f/a\\eiv) together. This would be the natural combination in the very earliest liturgical arrangements. From the fact, how ever, that a psalm (\l/a\/j.6s) is mentioned alone in 1426, we may infer (with Weizsacker) l that the song of praise was as a rule more prominent than prayer (in the usual sense of the word). 2 Cp GOSPELS, 26, n.

According to the scholar just mentioned, the psalm spoken of by Paul was not necessarily in every case a new and original composition. Certainly. But it does appear to be a probable inference that there was in every case a new and original element in it. Inspiration appears to be presupposed, and the inspiration of the canonical psalms, though often secondary in character, never fails to add some touches which redeem the work from the discredit of absolute unoriginality ; if there be any exceptions to this rule, let it be conceded that such psalms have only been admitted to make up the required number of 150.

1 The Apostolic Age, 2 259.

2 n?En, prayer, can include n?nn, song of praise. See i S. 2 i Ion. 2 i [2], and the headings of Ps. 17 86 90 142 Hab. 3.

3. The Gospel.[edit]

The songs ascribed in Lk. to Mary, Simeon, and Zachariah, and known to us as the Magnificat, the Nunc Dimittis, and the Benedictus (to which we may add the Gloria in Excelsis and perhaps the Hosanna of Palm Sunday, see HOSANNA), are obviously Jewish Christian hymns. Israel is the people which is redeemed ; its believing members are the poor who are comforted. It is for no merely worldly conqueror, however, that these Christian psalmists look, but for one who can communicate forgiveness of sins. It is the Christian community which speaks, and these canticles gain in beauty and in interest by the recognition of this. That Resch 1 and Warfield should hold that Mary herself wrote the Magnificat, is unfortunate. The latter scholar, however, admits that had we met with the Magnificat in the midst of the Psalter it would have occasioned no suspicion and seemed in no sense out of place (Expositor, 85 b, 304).

4. Songs of the Apocalypse.[edit]

The tfSat or songs given in the Apocalypse are more distinctly prophetic than the canticles in the Gospels. Weizsacker (Apost. Age, 2260) divides them into two classes - those which are related by their contents to the prophecy of the book, and those which, the contents being of a general nature, may be traditional. To the former class belong the song of triumph in chap. 18, the nuptial ode in 19i-8, and the triumphal chant of the twenty-four elders in heaven, 11 17 f. To the latter belong the songs in 4n 5gf. 12 f. 15s/". 11 17 /. The tone of triumph which pervades these odes or hymns is not less characteristically Christian than Jewish. Carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem are the well-known words of Pliny (Ep. 97).

All these songs display in their structure, in more or less per fection, the characteristics of Hebrew poetry. It was a true insight which led the writer of codex A of the Greek Bible to place the prayers of Mary (TTJS QtoroKov), Simeon, and Zachariah, together with the u/nvos fioOivot of the Gloria in Excelsis (with an appendix of quotations from the psalms), at the end of the taSaC which follow the Psalms of Solomon. On the reading of L k. 3 14 (fv a.vdp<airoi<; eiiio/ci as or eu6o<ci a) and on the arrangement and rendering of the hymn, see WH, ii. App. 55./C T. K. C.


AV s rendering of fpn (Job 813 [eight times in Job], Ps. 35 16 Prov. llg Is. 9i6[i7]10fi326 33 14), for which RV has substituted respectively ' godless', 'profane', ' profapeness. But in Ecclus. 129 3215 332, RV retains 'hypocrite'(in 2 Macc. 625 RV 'dissimulation'), and in Mt.625 1675 Lk.121 I Pt.Z~etc.(a large group of passages). ii7roicpiT;9 = *]pn is found in in Job343o 36 13!, an inconsistency due to the incorporation of passages of Theod. Aq., Theod., and Sym., all sometimes have vTroicpi-njs, vn-oKpicris, for *]3n, ]3 n. Is this due to the imposition of a late meaning on passages where rpn really has quite another sense? Or may we hold with Hatch (Biblical Greek, 92) that early in the second century and among Greek-speaking Jews, vn-oxp. had come to connote positive badness or irreligion ? To decide these points we must observe that on exegetical grounds ]3n hanef, in the OT must primarily mean polluted.

A hanef is not simply a wicked person ; he is one who by impiety has become unholy, and therefore cannot enter God s presence (Job 13i6). This loss of religious standing of course implies certain moral or immoral characteristics. First of all, speaking impiety (nSnj, Is. 9i7[i6]) a note of character which is also assigned to the impious man (^33, see FOOL) in Is. 326. Next, the unholy state involves (as indeed these two passages imply) the commission of wicked actions, such as violation of the marriage bond (Jer. 3i[2]), murder (Nu. 8033 Is. 24s Ps. 10638), and apostasy (Dan. llsz). For a community to be hanef involves its abandonment by its God to a foreign oppressor (Is. 106 Mic. 4n).

As a class-name hanef appears to be late (see refer ences above) ; honef (Is. 326) and hanuppah (Jer. 23 15) are also late.

The verb hanef first appears in Jer. 3i 2 9 23 IT, where (as also in Mic. 4 n, later than the prophet Micah) it clearly means to be polluted. In the Psalter, remarkably enough, the class- name hanef occurs only once, and then only if we emend the text; the hypocritical (RV profane ) mockers in feasts of AV (Ps. 35 16) must disappear ; but in Ps. 14 6 [7] ( = 53 5 [6]) f]m should probably be restored (for 3^, ^h). The sense polluted is supported by Pesh. (the verb ^H = / <!/) and Tg. (the verb sometimes = ma).

1 Ausserkanon. Parallcltexte, 323^!

The facts here adduced appear decisive. If Jesus used Aram, hanfd in the sense of the OT fpn, he cannot have meant to convey the idea of hypocrite. It is not certain, however, that he did. There may have been a second Heb. and Aram, root rpn meaning to be untruthful, dishonest (cp Ar. hanafa, to incline ; hanifa, to be bandy-legged ).

In Am. Tab. 1818, hanapu apparently means to slander (Wi.), and in old Egypt Imp seems to be a Semitic loan-word = false, applied to weights (WMM, PSBA, 6th Feb. 94). It is apparently this second root which has established itself in New Hebrew (nflUfl = hypocrisy , dishonesty, flattery) and has produced the renderings of the Greek versions of the OT referred to, and perhaps also the Syriac use of hanfa, pagan, the word which corresponds to the edviicos of Mt. 67 1817 in Curet., Sin., Pesh.

On the whole it seems unwise, until further evidence is produced, to change the rendering of uiroKpiraL in the NT into impious ones as suggested by Hatch. Probably, however, dishonest ones would be better than hypocrites. Jesus may, perhaps, have been thinking of the false Pharisees, called in a well-known saying the dyed ones. See PHARISEES.

The above explanation of f].jn differs from that given in the recent lexicons. BDB connects /zf/ with Ar. hanafa, to in cline or decline, whence hanif, applied by Mohammed to Moslems (as inclining to the truth). Yet, somewhat incon sistently, BDB gives as the first sense to be polluted." Ges.( 13 ) on the other hand gives two Arabic connections, and, quite consistently, makes the first meaning to be impious, or faith less. Neither lexicon, however, explains how the senses to be impious and to be polluted are connected ; tame in Heb. and tanfa in Aram, never mean impious. That falseness and im piety are connected, is easy to understand (see TRUTH); but the statement the land was polluted could not be expressed by words which might permissibly be rendered the land was untruthful. On the difficult class-term /ranlfsee We. Heid.C 2 -) 238 f. 250 (end); also Lane, Lex., who states that according to some it was applied by idolaters to themselves as a term of praise, whilst according to others it was applied by them to those who followed the Din Ibrahim. It is not clear that BDB is right in comparing the Heb. class-term hanef with the Ar. class-term hanlf; but this Lex. renders a_ service by pointing out, however inconsistently, that hdnef implies pri marily, not wickedness, but pollution. This was the view of those famous Jewish lexicographers, the Karaite David ben Abraham (loth cent.) and Ibn Janah (nth cent.), both of whom define ]3n as meaning defilement. 1

Eustathius, the commentator on the Iliad, gives this interest ing definition ^of ^hypocrite (on II. >), 564, arj. Schleusner) : iiTTOKpiTTjs Trapi TOIS vorepoyeces piiJTOp<riv 6 /lit) fK i^vxrjs \cy<av r) irpdrTiav, fiySe cnrep <f>povei, oTrot ws TrpaJTO)? /uaAiora 01 CK flujae ATjs, 01 oxT}i/iicot. This will express the ordinary view of the meaning of the hypocrites of the Gospels ; but it is not altogether what Jesus meant. We need an interpretation of the word actually spoken by Jesus which will cover both the wickedness which acts a part (as, e.g., in Mt. 62 5 16 Mk. 76 Lk. 642 13 15) and the wickedness which needs not to simulate, and is readily recog nised as novripia. (Mt. < 22 1 8 Lk. 2023). Cp Lk. 12 46, where awio~r<ov is || to Mt. s viroKpirlav, and is most naturally para phrased irreligious. T_ K. C.


i. For John Hyrcanus, see MACCABEES, 7.

2. (upKuvos TOV T(i)ftlov[v~\), son of Tobias, who had a large amount of wealth deposited in the temple at the time when Heliodorus came to plunder it (2 Mace. 813, AV HIRCANUS). The name was not uncommon among Jews, owing to the deportation of Jews to Hyrcania by Ochus about 350 B.C. (?). Nevertheless, it is plausible to identify this Hyrcanus with the Jewish Alcibiades of the same name (referred to in Jos. Ant. xii. 4n), who, like his father, became a collector of the revenue of Palestine under the Egyptian government. The splendid remains of Arak el-Emir (see Baed. Pal.W, 173) still attest his magnificence, and an inscription copied there by Gautier has led Clermont Ganneau (Rev. Crit. , 97, p. 503) to conclude that the Jewish name of the builder was Tobiah (Jos. Ant. xii. 4 2 represents a Tobiah as his grandfather).

It is also possible to find a veiled reference to this Hyrcanus in Zech. 114-17, where the prominent man who does not fill the shepherd s office in his own interest, but in that of the flock, and gives it up as soon as he sees that the flock is not worthy of him seems to correspond to the proud character and high- flown plans of Hyrcanus (We. A7. Pr.i 3 ), 196). Cp ZECHARIAH, BOOK OF.

1 Che. Notes and Criticisms on the Heb. Text of Is. ( 68), P- 13-


P lTK, ezdb; ycccoTTOC : Ex. 12 22 Lev. 14 4 6 4 9 51 /. Nu. 196 18 i K. 4 33 [5 13] Ps. 51 7 [9] Jn. 1929 [but see below] ; Heb. 9i9t), a small wall-growing plant, well adapted for sprinkling, and hence regularly used to sprinkle blood in various purificatory rites.

The name may be of Sem. origin, as kindred forms are found in Ass., Aram., Ar., and Eth. ; v<r<rianos is probably derived from the Sem. word, and, from Greek, has passed into modern languages. But whatever the uVcrcoTros of the Greeks may have j been, the Heb. ezdb can hardly be our hyssop (Hyssofus officinalis, L.), which is not a native of Palestine.

There have been endless conjectures as to the plant intended (see esp. the 42 pp. in Celsius 1407^!). Many have adopted the opinion of Maimonides, who identifies it with the satar of the Arabs i.e. , with some species of Satureia. It is, however, doubtful whether Satureia is , a wall-plant ; the only species in Palestine is Satureia \ Thymbra. A more probable identification is that with the caper plant (Capparis spinosa}. This bright green creeper has a special fondness for rocks and walls, and is plentiful in Egypt, in the Sinaitic peninsula, in the gorge of the Kidron, and on the walls of Jerusalem (Tristram).

The similarity of ezob to asaf, an Arabic name for the caper, is a further argument adduced by Tristram (NHB 457) ; but the philological connection is doubtful.

The cleansing properties of this plant appear to be traditional in the East (cp Watt, Diet. Econom. Products of India, 2133). On the whole this identification deserves the preference, unless we choose rather to suppose that the word is somewhat general, including various herbs of the nature of thyme, savory, and marjoram. On the ritual use of hyssop see SACRIFICE.

[Jn. 1929 states that they filled a sponge with vinegar and put it upon hyssop (v<T<Ttt>ir<p) ; Mk.lJ>36 says upon a reed (/caAct^tw). A hyssop stalk, then, say the commentators. But see Naber (Mnemosyne, 363 [ 78]), who defends the reading vcrcria conjectured by Joachim, Camerarius, and Bentley, and actually found in hscr* [Ti.]. 1 In v. 34 the spear used in piercing the side is called ^dyxi , but vcrtros was at all events a well-known word for javelin (Lat. piluni). De Pieu (Crit. Sac. $?6f. [1593]) gives an elaborate note on the reading v<r<rtan<a. He rejects the conjecture of Camerarius, and no wonder, for that scholar thought it necessary to read v<r<rta irponepi.6fVTts, binding it [the sponge] round the top of a spear. He is half inclined to accept the much worse conjecture of D. Heinsius that we should read oicrturoi TrepifleVres (scil. KaAa/iia)). That Greek medical writers used WO-O-UTTOS corruptly for otcrvn-o? (the grease ex tracted from wool, and waxed, which was used as a sedative for the pain of wounds) is certain. But the refreshment offered to Jesus was sour wine (ofos) mixed with myrrh ; what was wanted in addition was not ottruiro? but something to bring the refresh ment to the sufferer s mouth. v<r<reS suits the context, oivvirov does not. WH notes corruption in the passage ; no other word but ixrtria is available : TTCO before Trepi is not a surprising addi tion. The text of Jn. 19 29/> should therefore probably run, so they put a sponge full of sour wine upon a javelin, and brought it to his mouth. ] N. M. W. T. T.-D. T. K. C.

Cp also Bowyer, Critical Conjectures^), 1782].


(inn\ He (God) chooses, 1 53 ; CIS 2 no. 147 ; BA&P [BX], ieB- [AL]), a son of DAVID (q.v., ii, col. 1032), 2 S. 615 (eBe&p [B], ieB&p [A]), x Ch. 36 14 S .


(nBJKn), Lev. 11 igf RV m s-; EV HERON (q.v. ).


( OF? y ; local names of this formation [cp AMMI, NAMES WITH, col. 138, n. i, 3; NAMES, 97] may have been originally clan-names ; i[e]BAAAM [BAL]), together with its daughters (i.e. , dependencies), was one of the towns whose (Canaanite) in habitants Manasseh was unable to drive out ( Judg. 1 27, BAA&K and ieB. [B], BdA&AM and ieB. [A], ieBA<w\ [L]).

In Josh. 17 ii the mention of Ibleam is not original, as it is manifest that the whole passage has been arranged to suit Judg. 127 (om. BA, iaj3Aaa/u. [L]).l

It was near Ibleam at the ascent of GUR that Ahaziah, king of Israel, was slain ; 2 K. 9 27 (e/c/SXaa/u. [B]).

According to MT, 2 K. 15 10, Zechariah, the son of Jeroboam, was slain by Shallum, ny-^p. This un-Hebraic phrase, which RV ungrammatically renders before the people (a legacy from AV), was emended by Gratz (Gesch. 1 1 99) to cy^3 3> in Ibleam a happy conjecture which was afterwards confirmed by L (e^ le/SAaa/u., Kt$\aa.p. [BA]).

In i Ch. 6 70 [55] the name appears as BILEAM (oy^a, om. B), and perhaps in Judith in several forms (see BELMEN). It seems to have been near EN-GANNIM, and the name has probably survived in the IVddy (and Blr] Bel amek, about half-an-hour S. of Jenin. The identification with el-Jelameh is unsatisfactory : this place is situated in an open plain, there is no pass- in the neighbourhood, and it could never have been a place of great strength. 2 Ibleam occurs together with Taanach in the list of Palestinian cities subdued by Thotmes III. in the sixteenth century B.C. ( Y-b-ra-a-mu, see WMM, As. u. Eur. 195). See GATH-RIMMON, 2.

S. A. C.


(H^5\ Yahwe builds up, 31; cp IBNIJAH ; B&NA&M [B], leBN&A, [AL]), head of one of the Benjamite clans settled in Jerusalem in Nehemiah s time(i Ch. 98). In || Neh. 118 the name appears as GABBAI. See GABBAI.


(n T >33; B&NMA [B], ieB&NAM [A], I6XONIOY [L]}- a Benjamite (i Ch. 98). Cp IBNEIAH.


(nay. AB&I [B], coBAl [A], ABApiA [L]), a Merarite Levite (i Ch. 2427); see BENO, JAAZIAH. In view of the way in which the Chronicler built up his name-lists (see GENEALOGIES i. 7 [ii. /.]), it becomes highly probable that for nay we should read nay, 3 which the Chronicler seems to have used as a useful Merarite dummy name.

ABDI (i), ABDA (2), and the cognate OBADIAH (9) occur in the genealogy of the Merarite Ethan-Jeduthun, and to the same Levitical division belong the names OBED-EDOM, OBED (4), and OBADIAH (8). S. A. C.


(Db T), i Ch. 7 2 RV ; AV JIBSAM.


(|> ?N,Judg.l28-iot; AB<MC<\N[B], eceBcoN [AL], A.VP&NHC [J s -]). one of the six minor judges in the Book of Judges, belonged to Bethlehem (i.e. , not the place of that name in Judah, as Jos. Ant. v. 7 13, but the Bethlehem in the land of Zebulun), and was buried there (v. 10, gN eceBcON [A]).

The name seems to be connected with that of ABEZ ; cp Cain and Cainan, Hazor and Hezron, Shema and Shim on (Simeon). He had thirty sons, and sent out thirty daughters, and brought in from abroad thirty daughters for his sons i.e., was the head of a widely ramified clan.

1 See Bu. Ri. Sa. IT,/., and SBOT, Judges.

2 Cp Baed.( 3 ) 262, and Moore, Judges (I.e.), who notes a pos sible connection of Ibleam with the Balamon of Judith 83. See BELMEN.

3 Cp A, in B & and A were confused.


(rnj5). Ps. 147 17 Job6i6 EV, etc. In Ezek. 1 22 RV m K- ; AV CRYSTAL. See FROST.


O Uan*), b. Phinehas, b. Eli, the brother of Ahitub (iS. 14 3 T , icox^BHA [B ; om. A], -Be [L], Jos. |A. X 60BHN [Niese], iA3O*[Pesh.]). In a passage of later date ( i S. 42i/ ), resembling the narrative of the birth of Benjamin (Gen. 35i6_^ ), an account is given of his birth and a quasi-historical explanation of his name. The tidings of the loss of the ark and of the death of Eli and his sons are stated to have reached the wife of Phinehas as she lay in childbirth ; she named the new-born babe Ichabod, saying, The glory (112:, i.e. , the divine glory) is departed from Israel (cp Hos. 10s, also i Mace. 28, avyp fr/Sofos). 1 A touching story, but one that is obviously suggested by a popular etymology.

Instead, however, of at once seeking for this etymology, let us apply for a suggestion to the. versions. In i S. 4 21 gives ovai/3apxa/3<>0 [B], ovacxajSwfl [A], ouai|3apia>x<i/3)S [L],.T>Q- [Pesh.]. B S reading is variously explained as representing rrarna IN, 'woe on the streets' (We.), or H133 13y IN. 'alas! the glory has passed away' (Klo.). A, however, suggests a simpler reading, 1133 IN. In i S. 143 tne Vss. (see above) presuppose the reading "133V, JOCHEBED (q.v.), and L s read ing in i S. 422 combines this with the first part of B s. It is very plausible to suppose that tradition gave a slight turn to this name, so as to reflect the painful feelings of contemporaries of the capture of the ark (cp Ben-oni side by side with Benjamin in Gen. 35 is).

In short, the popular etymology presupposed by i S. 421 was not Ti33" N, inglorious (Jos. a5o|ta), but 1133 in, 2 alas for the glory (so Klost. ; cp i K. 1830 Am. 5i6). If so, we must decline the view (proposed afresh by Marq. Fund. 24) that the original name was Abi-cabod (cp JESSE, JEZEBEL). Jochebed (or Joca- bod) i.e. , 'Yahwe is glory' would seem to be the true name certainly an appropriate one for the brother of Ahi-tub, i.e. , 'The (divine) brother is goodness'. It will be seen from these facts that Hommel s explanation, Ai (=Yah) is glory (AHT 116), is, to say the least, quite needless. One point remains. The vicis situdes of ethnic names are so strange that we may surmise I-cabod, or rather Jochebed, to be the original form of the name Jacob (Che. ) ; see JOCHEBED.

T. K. c. S. A. C.

1 v. 22 is usually taken as a gloss to preclude the idea that the death of Eli and both the sons could be as grievous as the loss of the ark (cp Then, and Bu. in SBOT). B O mits -en 1 ? ^lOty D in v. 21, and if v. 2ib be an interpolation, as Oort suggests (7"A.7 183o8) the "dying mother in 206 pays little regard to the child, but only to the loss of the ark, and 216 is a clumsy clause which we could well do without v. 22 is then original, and will aptly follow after the mention of the name Ichabod.

2 In Eccles. 4 10 10 16 X = iN; see Ko. Lehrg. ii. 1 339. It should be noticed that the existence of a negative part. K in the OT is very disputable ; p3~ N, Job 22 30, stands in a very obscure context. It is, however, found regularly in Ethiopic, Mishnic-Hebrew, and Phoenician.


(iKONlpN [Ti.WH], mod. Konia}. The site has preserved a single name from the earliest times. The town was selected by the Seljuk Sultans as their capital, owing partly to its central position, and partly to its pleasant surroundings, which are in great contrast to the rest of the Lycaonian plain (cp Strabo, 568). The gardens of the suburbs are still a pleasant feature ; they depend entirely on irrigation (cp Nik. Chon. 542). The town lies on the W. edge of the vast upland plain of Lycaonia ; the mountains rise six miles to the W. , whilst on the N. and S. at a distance of ten miles are ranges of hills.

On first seeing Konia from the hills above, the traveller is struck by its open and undefended position, lying as it does in the plain, with no natural citadel, and equally by its apparent size. Modern Iconium very meagrely fills out its old framework, ittle remains of old Iconium (Hogarth \nJHS 1X154). Under the Persian empire Iconium was the frontier city of Phrygia (first mention in Xen. Anab. i. 2 19, rijs $pvylas TToXis tcrxdrT;, sc. in the direction of Lycaonia). In precise agreement with this is the implication in Acts 146, that in traversing the eighteen miles between Iconium and Lystra the apostles crossed the Lycaonian frontier. Yet the city is assigned to Lycaonia by Pliny, Strabo (I.e. ), and Cicero (Ad Fam.lb^: castra in Lycaonia apud Iconium). This is because during the first century before and after Christ the town was united with Lycaonia for administrative purposes. Under Roman dominion geographical facts prevailed over ethnical affinities, and Iconium was recognised as the centre of Lycaonia and the capital of its tetrarchy of fourteen cities added to Galatia Proper probably about 1 60 B.C. (Plin. jFfN5gs- the region called IIpocmXTj/u- (itvri, the Added Land, by Ptol. v. 4io). In Acts 146, therefore, the writer speaks according to local Iconian, not official, usage.

In 39 B.C. this district (i.e., part of Lycaonia, with Isauria and some of Cilicia Tracheia), was given by Antony to M. Antonius Polemon (Strabo, 568) ; but Iconium and the Lycaonian part of Polemon s kingdom soon passed into the hands of Amyntas, who in 25 B.C. left his kingdom to the Romans. By them it was formed into the Province Galatia. When Claudius turned his attention to the fringe of the Empire, Iconium was given the title Claudian (50-54 A.D. ), and struck coin as Claudeikonion a title which expresses the share of the town in the Romanisation of the Pro vince, and its pride in its position. Not until Hadrian s time was Iconium raised to the rank of a Colony, with the title ^.lia Hadriana Iconiensium. Hence in Paul s time the town was popularly described as Phrygian, officially as Galatian, or Phrygo-Galatian (i.e. , belonging to that part of Phrygia which was attached to Galatia Provincia ; so in Acts 16 6 : and they went through the region of Phrygia and Galatia, dirj\6ov St TT\V $pvyia,i> teal TaKaTiKTjv x&P a - v > referring to this district. See PHRYGIA, but cp GALATIA, ITUREA). In polite style its inhabitants would be addressed as TaXdrai, for $ptiyes in ordinary parlance meant slaves (cp Cic. pro Place. 65 : hoc vetus proverbium, Phrygem plagis fieri solere meliorem). The name Lycaones, again, would have been peculiarly inappropriate at any time between 37 and 72 A.D. as it then signified the inhabitants of the non-Roman part of Lycaonia, the subjects of king Antiochus (cp his coins with the legend ATKAONfiN). The only other possible mode of address would have been to use the title "EXX^ves.

The idea supported by Farrar, that Paul and Barnabas used the frontier like brigands, must be rejected. They found safety in an intelligent use of the self-government of the various cities. The events in Iconium, where the magistrates (&pXOVTes, native, not Roman, officials) play so active a part, illustrate the difference in attitude displayed by the Roman colonial and ordinary municipal magistrates towards the new teaching (cp Ramsay, St. Paul, 304/1 ). Iconium owed its importance in Paul s time to its connection with the backbone of the Roman road- system in Asia Minor (i.e. , the great road from Ephesus to the Euphrates) by a cross-road running northwards to Laodiceia Katakekaumene (Combusta) about nine hours distant (Strabo, 663 ; traversed by Paul, Acts 166). It lay itself in the direct route to the Cilician Gates (by way of Barata and Kybistra). This commercial im portance is illustrated by the presence of many Greeks and Jews (Acts 14 1, cp the inscrip. : see Rams. Cities and Bish. of Phrygia, 2667673) ; the latter evi dently possessed considerable influence (Acts 14s). Timothy s reputation had easily spread from his native town to the Jews of Iconium (Acts 162). One of the most extensive groups of early Christian inscriptions belongs to Iconium and the country N. and NE. from it (Rams. Hist. Comm. 220). The city seems to have been the centre from which Christianity radiated in S. Galatia (cp Rams. Cities and Bish. of Phrygia, 2 511). It was the scene of the legend of Thecla. According to tradition Sosipatros, one of the Seventy, was bishop of Iconium, and was succeeded by Terentius, also one of the Seventy (Rom. 162i/. ).

See account in Ramsay s Historical Commentary on the Galatians. w. J W


(nVv, lepeixco [B], , A X H \A [A], ICA&A. [L]), a town in Zebulun, mentioned between Shimron and Bethlehem, Josh. 19 ist- Conder identifies it with Kh. el-ffuwdra, S. of Beit Lahm (PEFM\ 288), - a name which closely resembles "Yn, ffirye, with which Talm. /. , Meg. 1 1, identifies it (but cp KATTATH, KITRON). T. K. c.


(G?3T), an obscure name ( 54) in i Ch. 4 3 (I&B&C [B], IT&BHC [A; cp v. 9 /], ieAeB&c [L]). connected with ETAM (q.v. ).


( nX, perhaps = Phcen. NIK, CIS 1 no. 426), the chief of some Levites and Nethinim at CASIPHIA (q.v.), Ezra8i7(om. BA, &AA&6I [L]) = i Esd. 84S/. , LODDEUS [RV], a combination of VN, to and Iddo (AA&A&IOC and AoA&lOC [B], AoAA&IOC [A], <\AA<M [L]) ; in AV SADDEUS and DADDEUS.


(IT, see HADORAM, and cp in Palm. H\ beloved 1 [in Gr. inscr. taSScuoj], perhaps shortened from rVT, JEDAIAH, lAAlcM [L]).

1. b. Zechariah, a ruler in Manasseh. E. of the Jordan, i Ch. 27 21 (LO.S&O.I [BAL]).

2. (So RV, but AV JADAU) otherwise JADDAI, one of the B ne Nebo in list of those with foreign wives (see EZRA i., 5 end), Ezra 10 43 (IT, Kt., T, Kr. ; Sia [BN], tafiet [A], iSat [L]) = i Esd. 9 35, EDES, RV EDOS (rjSos [B], rjfiai? [A]).



i. (^.[Kt.], H^^Kr.] in 2 Ch. 929, RV m - JEDAI or JEDO ; twTjA [BA], -5 [L], but VW, 12 15 1822; a3w[B] in both places), a prophet contemporary with Jeroboam and Abijah according to the Chronicler, and designated the Seer 1 (nTHH), 2 Ch, 929 12 15 1822. On his connection as a historical authority with the Bk. of Chronicles, see CHRONICLES, 6 (2).

2. (ITy). A Gershonite Levite ; i Ch. 6 21 [6] (aSei [B], aSSi [ Aat sup ras et. in mg.]). In z/. 41 [26] the name appears as ADAIAH ( "C?J> : <* [B], aSaia [A], aSia [L]).

3. (ny, Zech. 1 i.butN nyz/. 7, Ezra5i6i4[Ginsb.]Neh. 124). Grandfather of the prophet Zechariah (Zech. 1 1 7 ; cp Ezra 5 i, aSia [B] = i Esd. 6 i, ADDO, eSSeti/ [B], eSSia [L] ; Ezra 6 14, aSta [B], eS8. [L] = iEsd. 73, where, however, the name is omitted. He is mentioned in the post -exilic list, Neh. 124 (oSaias [Kc.a mg. sup.L] ) om . BN*A), and according to v. 16 the repre sentative of his house was Zechariah (K^V, Kt. ; Kliy, Kr. ; om. BN*A, aSSai [Kc.amg. inf.], a s al? [LJJ^

4- ( NT1 V). tne father of AHINADAB (q.v.), i K. 4 14 (axX [B], o-aSawc [A], axta/3 [L]).

1 liy is probably a miswriting of tay (or "ny, the vocalisation is not certain ; cp ) rather than its equivalent. <Z5 carries the error a step further by presupposing 1VV (IHHA = inHA). Cp Ki. Cbron. SBOT.


a representation of a deity which is made an object of worship. In this article the word is used in the restricted sense to designate an iconic representation, an image ; on the aniconic agalmata see MASSEBAH, ASHERAH ; cp also IDOLATRY, 2.

1. Name.[edit]

a. A name for image common to all the Semitic languages is selem (cbx, <S generally elK(av, also 6fJioiu/j.a, Selem is used of the golden images of field mice and of tumours(?) which the Philistines sent to appease the anger of Yahwe when they returned the ark (18.6511); ot" figures of Chaldeans painted on a wall (Ezek. 23 14) ; cp also Gen. 1 26 f. (man made in the image of God), 9 6 63; of idols, Ezek. 720 (of gold and silver), 1617 (images of males), 2 K. 11 18 Nu. 8852 Dan. 3 iff. (in Aramaic). In this sense the word does not occur in any writer earlier than the later part of the seventh century (in Am. 5 26 it is a gloss).

b. Another general name for idols is asabbim (tray, sing., Is. 48s oseb, conformed to axj?, pain ); usually etSw\a, also yXvirra, 6foi.

Hosea speaks contemptuously of asabbim as the manufacture of craftsmen (13 2, parallel to massekah, molten image ; note also the calves in the following clause) ; they were of silver and gold (8 4, cp Ps. 1164); see also 4 17 148 [9]. Is. 48 5 couples the name with pesel and nesek, graven image and molten image ; see, further, Is. 46 i (Bel and Nebo), Jer. 50 2 (Bel and Merodach); i S. 31 9 28.621 (gods of the Philistines; see below, 3 )Zech. 132 Is. 10 n Ps. 1063638.

The derivation of the word is not clear ; according to the most probable etymology the primary meaning is akin to that of pesel, a work of sculpture (cp the verb, Job 10 8 Jer. 44 19). Jewish scholars in the Middle Ages connected it with the ordinary meaning of the verb dsab and its derivatives in Hebrew, and interpreted 1 cause of woe ; but this would be possible only if we could suppose that the name, like tlillm, gillfdlm, etc. (see below, 3), was coined by the haters of idolatry. 2

c. Semel ("?SD, eix&v, y\vTrr6v) is used by Ezekiel in (835) speaking of a particular idol in the temple at Jerusalem, called nx:j3.T hoo (seme! hakkindh], the jealousy image," because, it is explained (v. 3), it pro vokes (Yahwe) to jealousy. 3 (Cp CHIUN and SICCUTH. )

The word occurs also in Dt. 4 16, an image in the form of male or female ; 2Ch. 33 7 15, where semel is put in the place of the dsherdh of 2 K. 21 7 (pesel is a gloss both in Kings, I.e., and in Ch. v. 7). In Phoenician semel ( JDD. nVno) is a statue of a man or woman (CISi, no. 88, /. 2 ; no. 91, /. i).

In Hebrew semel seems to be a loan-word introduced in the sixth century.

d. Pesel (*?ga, plur. D ^ DS I usually y\vjrr6v, also elKiiiv, yXv/j.fj.a, ftdu\ov), EV graven image." The verb from which this noun is derived is used of cutting, hewing, or dressing wood or stone (e.g. , i K. 5i8 [32]). The graven image is described as the work of a crafts man (ehn, hard?, Is. 40 ig/. Dt. 27 15; see HANDI CRAFTS, i) ; it was commonly of wood (Is. 40 20 44 15 4620, cp Dt. 7525 123), but sometimes of stone (Is. 21 9, idols of Babylon). As the graven image was prob ably always the commonest kind of image, the word pesel is frequently used generically for idol (Ex.204 Dt. 58), even for those which were cast in metal, the specific name of which was massekah. ( Is. 30 22 40 19 44 10 Jer. 10i4, cp Judg. 1?4); on the massekah see below (e). The/<w/ might represent human or animal forms, or the heavenly bodies (Ex.204 Dt. 58, especi ally Dt. 4162325).

See further Hos. 11 2 (parallel to the baals ), Mi. 1 7 5 13 [12] Nah. 1 14 Hab. 2i8 Jer. 8 19 2 K. 1741, frequent in Is. 40^ Jer. 10 50 51.

1 Cp Q TX, Is. 45 16, pangs for figures (idols).

2 The older Jewish explanation of the name these idols were called dsdbbim, because they were made of joints or members (S(/ra on Lev. 19 4) is based on an etymology which we do not understand.

  • The explanation is perhaps an incorrect gloss ; cp Syr.

kanyatha, idols of female deities ; also dolls, puppets."

e. The counterpart of the graven image is the molten image, massekah (roDD, also qp:, nesek, Is. 41 29 48s Jer. 10 14 51 17, and Tpp:, n slk, Dan. 118 ; @ generally -xiavevrbv, occasionally -xj^vevfia., y\virr6v), properly an image of metal cast in a mould, the work of the founder (^nix, soreph, goldsmith ; specially idol- maker, Is. 40i9 41? 466 Jer. 10914; cp Judg. 174)- The name is used repeatedly of the golden calf which Aaron made (Ex. 8248, cp 24*, I cast it into the fire and out came this calf, Dt. 9 1216 Neh. 9i8), a story aimed at the worship of the Yahwe bulls in the king- dom of Israel; cp 2 K. 17 16 (where two calves is a gloss to a molten image, i K. 149). See also Hos. 182 (of silver ; cp 28 [io]) Ps. 10619. The molten image" is the only kind of idol specifically prohibited in the oldest legislation (Ex. 34 17, repeated Lev. 194, cp Nu. 33 52). Pesel and massekah are frequently coupled, to include every species of idol ; Nah. 1 14 Hab. 2i8 Is. 48s Jer. 10 14 = 51 17 Dt. 27 15. The name and the thing were probably adopted from the Canaan- ites ; in Phoenician to cast, found, metal is -pa, ndsak, in Hebrew px\ ydsak (i K. 746, etc. ).

f. In Lev. 26 1 eben maskith (rrae D pK> ; <5 BAL \iOov ffKoirbv, < F \t6o<TK&irov ; RV figured stone, mentioned with llilim, pesel, massebah, as an object of idolatrous worship, is generally, and doubtless rightly, understood of a stone with images in relief, such, for example, as the winged solar disk; cp Nu. 8852 (plur. ni SE-D, maskiyyoth, (55 <r/co7ri<ij) in a similar context ; also Ezek. 812 (@ KpvTrrtf), chambers in private houses decorated with mythological reliefs or paintings (P). 1

See for further illustration of the meaning of the word, Prov. 25 1 1 (embossed silver vessels), Is. 2 16, and the tropical uses in Ps. 73 7 Prov. 18 n.

g. In Is. 45 16 the D TS ^"JH, hardse firim, are makers of figures, idols; cp NH rnis. MT intends a play on DTK, pangs. has a different text. Cp also is , Hab. 2 18. Cheyne reads D oSs-

h. In the prohibitions of idolatry the words Fmundh and tabnith are of frequent occurrence.

Of the two temunah (HJ Dn, generally o^oiufjia, also idfa, ^.op /D), Ofiouucns [A]) is connected with ntin, species, and is properly that which is distinctive in the appearance of a thing (see Nu. 128 Ps. 17 15, also Job4i6 f-op^ri , in the laws, Ex. 204 Dt. 5s 4 12 isf. 23 25). Tabnith (H Jan, commonly 0/j.oLwfj.a, sometimes more exactly jrapaSecy/na) is properly a building-plan, pattern, model (e.g., Ex. 25 9 2 K. 16 10), hence likeness (Ezek. 8 3) ; Dt. 4 ibff. Is. 4 13 Ezek. 8 10 (gloss from Dt. 4i 7 /).

i. Other words translated in EV idol or image are miphleseth, nx jBD, J K. 1613 (see below, 2/1); massebah, naso hammantim, D 3Qn (see MASSEBAH) ; teraphim, D Sln (see TERAPHIM); cp also EPHODS

j. Greek names in Apocrypha and NT are elSta\ov (i Mace. 14347 etc -> 2 Mace. 1240 Tob. 146 Wisd. 14n_/: etc., Acts 741 1620 Rom. 222 i Cor. 84 etc., Rev. 9 20 etc.); eixuv (Wisd. 13 16 141517 Rom. 123 Rev. 13 14 etc., 14on 15z etc.); 3 e Sos (Wisd. 15 4); -yAvn-TOK (i Mace. 568 Wisd. 14 16 15 13 etc.).

1 The words are athetized by Hitzig, Cornill, and Siegfried.

2 [O JWS nryiD in 2 Ch. 3 10, image (AVmg. moveable ) work is obscure ; see comm. ad !oc. |j i K. 6 23 has jogf sy.l

3 It should be noted that tlictav and el&oAoi in classical Greek usually designate portrait statues or paintings of men or women ; seldom images of the gods (Blumner, Technologic, 2 182).

4 Several of these also are given an opprobrious interpretation in Si/ra on Lev. 19 4.

2. Opprobrious terms for idols and idolatry.[edit]

The words discussed in the preceding section are the proper names for idols in general or for particular species ; they may all, so far as we know, have been used without offence by the worshippers themselves. 4 Beside these, however, we find in the OT a great variety of terms which express the writers contempt for the idols and their abhorrence of idolatry. These are of much more frequent use, and indeed in some books predominate so that the proper designations occur rarely or not at all. Some of these terms are rendered in EV ad sensum, idols.

They describe the idols, or the heathen gods identified with the idols, as unreal, vain (N)E% sdiv , Jer. 18 15 Ps. 31 6 [7] etc. ; ^3JI, hebhel, Jer. 2s 819 Dt. 32 21, and often), or false PijE , seker, Is. 44 20 Jer. 10 14 etc. ; D 3J3, ktzabhlnt, Am. 2 4 etc. ; JJN, ait-en, Is. 41 29 663 etc.); no-gods (^N K 1 ?, Id el, H17K <S, lo eloah, QV^K K 1 ?, IS eldhlm (Dt. 821721 Jer. 2n 5 7 etc.), impotent (^y ln jt 1 ?, 15 hffil, Jer. 28 etc.), lifeless, mere car casses (D nD, methlm, Ps. 10628; D"!J9, j*garim, Lev. 2630; cp Wisd. 13 10 17 etc.).

The following words of this class require somewhat fuller discussion ;

(a) tlilim (D<7 7N, @ etSwXa, X i P~ TrotTjra, pdeXvy/jLara., etc. ), first in Is. 2 8 18 20, perhaps coined by the prophet, and in secondary or doubtful passages, 10 10 / 191331?; further, Hab. 2i8 Jer. 14 14 (AV<?) Ezek. 30 13 Lev. 19 4 26 1 Ps. 96 5 977-

The derivation of the word is disputed ; the most probable and most widely accepted hypothesis is that it is connected with the negation 7N, al, not ; cp Ass. ul, not, ullu, non-being, uldlii, powerless (Del. Ass. HWB, 71), Syr. dill, weak (in body or mind) ; also NH 77^ (Levy, NHWB 1 86) ; see Job 13 4 ( Ka.K<av), where fill is parallel to seker, falsehood, deceit. Others regard elll as etymologically a derivative of el, god (diminutive, Movers, Fiirst) ; cp n?N7N in Sabsean inscriptions (No. SBA IV, 1882, p. 1191). The word was then by popular etymology associated with al, not. The similarity of sound leads to the paronomasia Q 7 7** D DJ?n TI7N 73, Ps. 96 5, all the elohlm of the nations are ellllm ; see also Hab. 2 18. It does not appear, however, that this play was designed in the formation of the word.

b. The favourite word for idols in Ezekiel is gillidim (o TlVfi @ most frequently etduXov, but often fvOvfj.ijfji.a, also pStXvyjui, ^iriTrjSfv^a [?] n7 7v) I Ezek. 64 etc. (more than forty times) Jer. 50 2 Lev. 2630 Dt. 29 16 i K.15i2 2126 2K. 17 12 21ii2i 2824 (all deutero- nomistic).

The etymology of gillullm also is uncertain ; the Rabbinical interpreters connect it with gel, gdldl, dung (e.g., Ezek. 4 12 15); so probably Aquila s Ka6a.pii.ara (Ezek. 64) is meant ; cp AV Dt. 29i7[i6] mg., dungy gods. So Ges.-Buhl, Stade- Siegfried, and others. Cp the use of 73T and 7131 in the Hebrew of the Talmud (see BEELZEBUL). That Ezekiel should coin such a term is quite conceivable in the light of chaps. 16 and 23, where no expression is too gross for him. Others prefer to connect the word wither/, stone heap, or with the primary meaning of the root, be round the idol contemptuously called a mere log, a shapeless mass ; so Jahn (not excluding the former explanation), and many recent scholars. It is possible that in the coinage of the word a contemptuous play upon some term in use in the worship of the host of heaven may have been designed (cp MH galgal, celestial sphere, especially the sphere of the fixed stars in which is the zodiac) ; but we have no evidence of this use in the OT.

c. Another term, expressive of the deepest abhorrence of idolatry, is sikkus (pptp, generally pS4\vy/j.a, sometimes 7rpoo-6x^ M a > fJ-ia^fM , EV detestable things ; less frequently abomination ).

The word is cognate with sekes, which is a technical term for tabooed kinds of food (flesh of various animal kinds, vermin, carrion, etc.), with a connotation of loathsomeness ; similarly sikkus itself in Nah. 3 6 Zech. 9 7 (see ABOMINATION, 2). Since these prohibitions in great part had their root in religious anti pathies, being laid on things associated with superstitions which the religion of Yahwe abhorred, the opprobrious term sikkus is not unnaturally applied to everything which belongs to another religion, its cultus, the images of its gods, and the gods them selves ; the worship of Yahwe in similar ways, which the prophets treat as mere heathenism, is included. Thus, of idols, Jer. 16 18 7 30 32 34 Ezek. 20 jf. 30 2 Ch. 158 etc. ; of cultus, Jer. 13 27 Ezek. 37 23 Is. 66 3 ; in many cases, naturally, this dis tinction cannot be made. See, further, Jer. 4 i Ezek. 5 n 7 20 11 18 2i Dt. 29 16 2 K. 2824 etc. (on cases in which sikkus is a substitute for elohlm see below, 3).

d. A word of like meaning, history, and application is to'ebah (najjifl, generally /3$e Avyju.a, sometimes apo/ui a, AV abomina tion ) ; see Is. 44 19 Ezek. 16 36 7 20 11 21 Jer. 16 18 ; more gener ally, Ezek. 6 9 i K. 14 24 2 K. 16 3 etc.

e. In Dan. 8 13 (cp v. 12 ) pesa (y^ S) crime ( a^apria. ) is used just as sikkus is in the parallel passages 927 1131 12n; see also Ezek. 14 n, and the conjunction of gillullm, sikkiislm, and p sd lm in Ezek. 37 23.

f. The words miphleseth (n!j?SD, i K. 15 13 2 Ch. 15 16), an object of horror, and emlm (nVD tt), terrors for idols (Jer. 50 38), also belong to this class (see below, 3 end). Contempt for the idols is also expressed by more general terms when they are described as the work of men s hands (e.g., Is. 2s), mere wood and stone (Dt. 4 28 28 3664 2 K. 19 18 Ezek. 20 32 Dan. 5 4 etc.).

3. Substitution of opprobrious for inoffensive terms.[edit]

There can be no doubt that in many instances the contemptuous expressions which we have been examining were introduced into the text by later editors or scribes in the place of the proper words for idols or heathen gods, in the same way in which 'boseth', shame, has been put for 'ba'al', both alone (e.g. , Jer. 3 24 11 13 etc. ) and in proper names like Ishbosheth (see ISHBAAL), and with the same motive. In particular, the word elohim, 'god' (or 'gods' ), when used of other deities or their idols, gave much offence, and led to many alterations of the text. 1 Thus in 2 S. 5 21 the Philistines, routed by David, left their gods on the field of battle (<5 TOI)J deovs avruv, MT i Ch. 14 12 DftflTM) ; MT substitutes Drvsxy, their idols ; in i S. 31 9 this correction has prevailed in all the texts, though the context leaves no room for doubt that the author wrote their gods.

i K. 11 contains some peculiarly instructive examples ; in irv. 5 7 the original reading was, Astarte the god of the Phoenicians, Milcom the god of the Ammonites, Chemosh the god of the Moabites ; cp v. 33, where MT has preserved this text, and v. 8, their gods. <& translates DTPHi god, by ciSioAoi/ ; in MT sikkus, has been inserted in two of the three cases, but Astarte the god of the Phoenicians remains untouched, whilst in (E5 this alone has been changed to /SSeAvyfia. In 33, where, as has been said, MT has thrice elohlm, (5 L has Tfj AoTaprrj /USeAvy/aari ^iStavitav KO\ r<a Xa/j.ojs eiSuJAcu Mcoa/3 (cal rc3 MeA^Ojii Trpo<ro\8i<riJ.aTi. viiiv A/OIJOKOV. Cp also 2 K. 23 13 in MT and <5. So also in Is. 19 3 has focus whilst MT reads ellllm. For another case of substitution see ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION.

These illustrations show that as late as the time when the Greek version was made the text of such passages was very variable.

Note also passages like Ezek. 7 20, where sikkuslm appears as a doublet to to cboth ; further j36eAvyju.aTa for Q-JDH (Is- 17s), for D 7 7X ( Is - 2 8 20), for Q-^J (i K. 21 26 Ezek. 8013); wpocr- oxOivfia. for jya (i K. 16 32). Perhaps the substitution of the contumelious words was at first made (both in Hebrew and Greek) in reading, as a standing K^re (cp -q /3daA read alcrxvvri), which then made its way into the written text as so many other Kerer s did at an early time. It is probable that miphleseth, object of horror, in i K. 15 13 2 Ch. 15 16, is also a substitute for some more concrete word ; but the conjectural restorations proposed are not altogether satisfactory.

This perversion of names associated with idolatry is not an accidental conceit of individual readers or scribes ; it has the warrant of an old and authoritative tradition which attaches itself to the command, Ye shall not mention the name of other gods (Ex. 23 13 ; see Mechilta, Mishpdtim, 1070., ed. Friedmann) ; and, Ye shall destroy their name out of that place (Dt. 12s), combined with thou shall utterly detest it, and thou shalt utterly abhor it (uajmn 3Vni l3Sj?B>n [ /jit , Dt. 7 26 ; interpreted, thou shalt make a sikkus and a toebah of it ).

See Tosephta, Aboda zdrd, 6 4, ed. Zuckermandel, 469 ; Jer. Aboda zdrd, 36; Bab. Abodd zdrd, 45^463; Temiira, 28^; Aboth de Rabbi Nathan, 34. Examples of such changes are given in the places cited ; among them Beth-aven (JIN fva, Hos. 4 15 10s etc.) for Bethel. Without any direct testimony we should unhesitatingly assume that boseth and Hikkiisim in Hos. 9 10 were the words, not of the eighth-century prophet, but of a Jewish copyist ; and so in many other cases. The principle of substitution is illustrated in the Targums, which put ?ytD error for elohlin god, when used of the gods of the heathen (e.g., Dt. 28 36 Judg. 17 5 Is. 21 9 2 Ch. 32 15 35 21 etc.) ; and render by the same general term many words for idol ; e.g., ellllm (Is. 2 18 20 19 3 etc.), asabblm (Hos. 4 17 84 148 [9]), gilliillm (Ezek. 64 f. 810 and often), semel (Dt. 4 16 ps. Jon.), miphleseth (i K. 1613), etc. Similarly N?rn, dahld, fear, is used to translate elohlm (Ex. 20 20 Hos. 8e), etc. Compare also HXV, fear, for idol in the Talmud (Levy, N H W B <i *(>-$.

1 See Geiger, Urschr. 279-299 ( 57).

4. Forms of idols.[edit]

Of idols which were the object of a public cult among the Israelites, we have descriptions only of the bull-images of Yahwe at Bethel, Dan, and probably other temples in the Northern Kingdom, and of the serpent in the temple at Jerusalem. The former were introduced by Jeroboam I. (i K. 1228 / 2 K. 1029 I7i6 etc.); they were of less than life-size hence the contemptuous 'calves' and of gold, that is, covered with gold (see 5). Down to the fall of Samaria (721) the worship of these bulls was the national cultus of the kingdom of Israel ; see Hos. 8s/. 10 8 13 2. According to Ex. 32 a similar idol which Aaron made at Horeb was indignantly destroyed by Moses, and the people severely punished for their apostasy an anticipative repudiation of the religion of the Northern Kingdom (cp Dt. 9i6 Neh. 9i8 etc.). Whether the conception of Yahwe as a bull belonged to the Israelites or some part of them at an earlier period, or was borrowed by them from the Egyptians or from the Canaanites, is a question which cannot be discussed here (see CALF, GOLDEN).

In the temple in Jerusalem, down to the end of the eighth century, sacrifice was offered to a bronze serpent (2 K. 18 4, cp Nnm.21sJ). see NEHUSHTAN. The form of the 'jealousy image ' (Ezek. 8 3 5) is not known (for a conjecture see above, I c, note).

The idol of Dagon at Ashdod (I S. 5) had a head and hands, and was thus at least partially anthropomorphic; the opinion that the lower half of the image was in the form of a fish rests on a very slender basis (see DAGON). Images in human likeness are mentioned by Hosea (132 Vers.) and Ezekiel (1617 mh, cp 18); more explicitly in Is. 44 13. Ps. 115 4-8 (? 135 15-18) assume anthropomorphic images to be the ordinary type ; the author lived well on in the Greek period ; cp Wisd. 14 15 16-20 (portrait statues of a dead child, and of a king worshipped as gods). The ' grisly object ' (miphlepth, n&n) which the queen-mother Maacah made for the (or, as an) asherah (I K. 15 13 2 Ch. 15 16) was understood by the Jews in the early centuries of our era as an ithyphallic idol (see ‘268dd zdni, 44a, and cp Jerome simuZmacrum Priapz).2 an obscene interpretation perhaps underlies the translation 0; @ in I K. There is, however, no reason to believe that this is more than an exegetical conceit (see above, 5 3 ~ 3 . In the laws, images of man or woman, beast, bird, reptile, or fish, are forbidden (Dt. 5 8, especially 4 16-19) ; all these forms-arid composites of them-were doubtless known to the authors of the legislation (see also Wisd. 1310-16). The scanty information on this subject which can be gleaned from the pages of the OT must be supplemented by the descriptions of Phcenician and Syrian gods in Greek and Latin writers, and especially by the archaeology of religious art in Egypt, Assyria, Phcenicia, and CYPNS.

A selection of types may be, found in the plates at the end of Scholz's GJtzendienst, etc., 77 ; see also Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. ofArt in P h n . 156-83 29-27 147-179.

The Phoenicians, who manufactured idols and exported them in numbers to all parts of the Mediterranean basin, imitated Egyptian types, but-remarkably enough -only anthropomorphic (not theriomorphic or therianthropic) types ; see Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. ofArt in Phltn. 1 7 7 3 80.

1 Cp Scholz, IO; fif


3 See Bliimner, TechrzoZogC?, 2 ; Gardner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture, I j&

4 See above on plsel (8 2 d). Wooden idols (cypress, cedar, oak, box, arbor vitae, etc. : cp Is. 44 13) were common also among the Greeks ; see reff. in Schoemann, Alterth. 2 1633 Small and rude stone idols have been found in numbers at Troy SBaumeister, Denkm. 1191) ; images of glazed pOttery (faience) iii Egypt (Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. 2go),$ctiZia deommsimuZacm, Plin. NH 34 16 (34). See also Schoenann, 2 164 : Bliimner, TechnoL 2 113& ; Scholz, Gotzendienst, 41. 5 Cp Dt. 7 25 Is. 30 22 Hab. 2 19 (?) Bar. 6 passim (nrplxpuua nrplxpuua)

5. Material and fabrication.[edit]

The vast majority of the images were private or household idols (see IDOLATRY). These were generally and of materials and workmanship corresponding to the means of their owners and the fashion of the times. The commonest were of wood, carved and painted (Wisd. 13 14 15 4 ; cp Paus. ii. 2 5 vii. 26 II viii. 396, Plin. NH 33 36). or adorned with gold and silver (Jer. 104) ; there were also graven images of stone and idols of clay, the work of the potter (Wisd. 15:7+ 13 ) . ~ Small idols were cast in silver and gold (see mnss2kdh,§ I e ) , doubtless also in less precious metals (bronze, as in Egypt, etc. ; lead, cp the very old leaden idol from Troy, Baumeister, 1191). Larger images were made of cheaper material and covered with gold or silver.6 From the procedure attributed to Aaron in the destruction of the golden calf (Ex. 32 m), it has been inferred, with much probability, that the bull images of the Northern Kingdom had a wooden core; see also ZJ. 4, where the words ‘he fashioned it with a graving tool ’ are more naturally understood of the carving of a wooden image than of finishing a casting (AV) ; cp, however, v. 24. Is. 4019 describes the making of an idol the core of which was cast of baser metal, and covered by the goldsmith with plates of gold hammered and soldered on (417) ; in 4412 it would seem that the body of the image was worked out by the smith in his f0rge.l One of the apocryphal additions to the Book of Daniel tells of an idol which was clay within and bronze without (Bel and the Dragon, 7) ; and such images of gilded pottery-though hardly great temple images-there may have been. The colossal statues (cp Dan. 3 I 2 3 1 8 ) were constructed upon a wooden framework.2

Paintings (or reliefs) were probably adored only in mystery cults such as are described in Ezek. 810 (cp 23 14).

When an idol was finished it was solemnly installed in its place (I*!?, Judg. 827 I S. 52 z S. 617 ; cp Gk. 16pderv). In the case of those which were set up in temples as objects of a public cultus, the installation was doubtless an act of great ceremony, attended by processions. sacrifices, hymns, and prayers ; and even the rudest domestic idol would not be set up without rites of similar purport. A procession hearing the god to his shrine is perhaps meant in Is. 467, cp Jer. 105. The idol was placed in a cella or sacellum (a biik PZhim, Judg. 17 5 ; O ~ K ~ U , Bar. 6 12 19 ; contemptuously el6dXrov or ei8~Xeiov, I Esd. 210 I Macc. 1083 etc. ) ; in a private house it might have a shrine prepared for it (oftqpa, Wisd. 1315), where it stood in a niche in the wall (ib. ). The idol was fastened up in its place by nails (Is. 417 Jer. l o 4 Wisd. Z.C.), or secured by chains that he might not desert his worshippers (Is. 401?).~ The idols were often dressed in costly stuffs and rich colours (Ezek. 1618 Jer. 109 Bar. 611f: 5 8 7 ~ ) , ~ and adorned with jewels (M 'Ab6dci zd~ci, 19). Some of them wore crowns upon their heads (Bar. 69) and held in their hands weapons of war (Bar. 615) or various insignia and attributes (cp M. 'AbCdd zdrd, 31).

The manufacture of idols is satirically described in certain passages in the OT; see Hab. 218 f. Is. 40x8 8 4163 449-20 4663 Jer. 102-59 14 f: Ps. 1 1 5 4 f i = 1 3 5 1 5 8 Wisd. 13108 15 ; cp also Baruch6, Bel and the Dragon, 3+ Except the first, none of these is pre-exilic ; most of them are from the Persian and Greek periods, and are Jewish polemic against the idolatry of the Gentiles.

For the literature of the subject, see IDOLATRY, 11.

1 The oldest bronze statue in Greece (01. jo, incip. 587 B.C ) according to Pausanias (iii. 17 6) was not cast, but was made 11; parts, which were hammered out separately and riveted together. Cp Gardner oa. cit. 26.

2 Lucian', Somnium, 24 ; Jup. trag. 8 ; see also Gardner, op. cit. 18 ; Scholz, 41.

3 A not uncommon practice: see, e.g., Pansan. iii. 157 viii. 41 6 : Schol. Pind. 01. 7 95 ; Macroh. Saturn. 18 ; Plut. G. F. M.


1. The term.[edit]

Idolatry (el8wXoXarpiu) is etymologically the worship of images ; but as the word d8wXov was used in the LXX of a false god, whether represented by an image or not,5 so Paul, by whom the word 'idolatry' (ei6wXoXarpla) may have been coined-it occurs first in his epistles-employs the term in a wider sense of the worship of false gods and the whole heathen cultus.

See Gal. 5 20 I Cor. 10 14 I Pet. 4 3 : cp Col. 3 5 : cp also the use of rIS~hoh6qnp I Cor. 5 rof: B g 10 7 Eph. 5 5 Rev 21 8 22 15.

The equivalent Hebrew term is 'd66dcih zdrcih ( n i n y mi), ' foreign worship', often concretely, the object of such worship, ' idol ' (Mishna, freq. ).

Thus, broadly, idolatry may be defined as the giving to any creature the homage or devotion which belongs to God alone.

So Cyprian : tunc idololatria committitur, cum divinus honor alteri datur : 1 GrePorv Nazianzen : ' the transference to the creatures of the agoration which belongs to the creator';P Maimonides : ' the worship of any one of all the creatures.'3

In a somewhat more restricted sense the term may be properly employed to comprehend those forms of religion in which the worship of a deity is connected with some material object, in which he is supposed to reside, or to be present at the performance of the sacred rites. So the word will be understood in this article.

The origin and progress of idolatry lies beyond the scope of our present inquiry, 1 * which has directly to do only with the forms of idolatry mentioned in OT and NT.

2. Haunts of gods and of spirits.[edit]

Men early recognised certain places as the homes or haunts of the gods. These spots were protected by religious reverence, and thither worshippers resorted to bring their offerings and present their prayers to the deity. Among the Semites, as among Indo-European peoples, mountains were often thus sacred to the gods ; on their summits were sanctuaries ; altars were erected there beneath the open sky (see HIGH PLACES, %z/.).

Many such mountains are known to us from the OT : Horeb, the mount of God, Sinai, Mt. Peor and Mt. Nebo in Moab, Carmel, Tabor, Hermon, Lebanon, Ebal and Gerizim, Ziph. Worship on the mountains and 'on every high hill' is in Jeremiah and Ezekiel the distinctive mark of heathenism. 8

Fountains, wells, and rivers, also, were frequently sacred ; the living waters, the verdure which they supported, were visible signs of a present deity.

Beer-sheba. Beer-lahai-roi. Kadesh (En-mishpat). and Dan, are holy places of this class ; the veneration for sacred fountains, streams, and lakes among the Phoenicians and Syrians is well known. 1

Holy trees are extremely common among the Semites, as among other races ; and rites which had their origin in tree-worship have here as elsewhere proved among the most ineradicable of survivals. In the OT we read of sacred trees at various places.

At Shechem ( elcm march, the name implies that it was an oracular tree; Gen. Vikf., cp 804 ; further, Josh. 24 26 Judg. 96), Hebron (Gen. 13 18 IS i),8 Beer-sheba (Gen. 21 33), Gibeah (i S. 142 226), and elsewhere. The idolatrous Israelites set up their altars under every- luxuriant tree (Dt., Jer.. Ezek.). tf Holy trees often stood beside sacred waters, as at Beer-sheba, and on hill-tops, with which they are constantly associated in the seventh-century polemic against idolatry.

Fountains and trees were regarded in early times as possessing a demonic life of their own ; at a later stage, as the dwelling-place or embodiment of a demonic spirit. Each such object had its own numen ; in the language of Canaan, its el OT baal. So, too, every holy mountain had its baal (see BAAL). In the develop ment of anthropomorphic religion these old local numina are frequently supplanted by gods of a wholly different character, an old holy tree, for example, becoming a Zei)s tvSfvSpos ; then the felt incongruity of the associa tion may give rise to a myth, as in the case of Atargatis at Hierapolis and at Ascalon (\VRS Rel. Sem.W ij^f. ). Under the influence of more advanced ideas the place or object which was primitively holy of itself comes to be thought of as merely the abode or the symbol of a god, owing its holiness (as did the artificial sanctuaries presently to be spoken of) to this association. Finally the association itself is rejected by a more spiritual conception of the godhead ; idolatry is a folly and an impiety. Thus, in Canaan, Yahwe superseded the multitude of local ba'als at the old holy places of the land ; the prophets and Deuteronomy regard the result of this syncretism as pure heathenism (see below, 9).

Another class of holy places are the tombs of the ancestors of clans and tribes, whose spirits watch over and protect their descendants (see Jer. 31 is/).

The burial-place of Abraham, the cave of Machpelah at Hebron, which is still one of the holiest places of Islam ; the tomb of Joseph at Shechem ; the tombs of Rachel near Ephrath in Benjamin, of Deborah near Bethel, of Joshua at Timnath-heres, are familiar examples from the OT.

That worship was offered at these tombs is not directly attested in the OT ; but it is on other grounds very probable. 1

1 Exhort, ad Mart. (V oss ) De Idolalatria, L i. ch. 3).

- Crat. in TJuophan. ch. 13.

3 Mishne Terra, Aboda Zara, 2 i.

  • This question can be satisfactorily discussed only in connec

tion with the phenomenology of religion in general and the development of the religious consciousness.

8 On the Israelite holy places see von Gall, Altisraelitische Kultstdtten, 98.

6 See Baudissin, Sent. Rtl.-gesch, liyif,

7 Movers, Phdnizier, \ 665 ff. ; Baudissin, I.e. 14! J ; Pietschmann, Pkffnizier, 2i5/. ; \VRS Rel. Sem.ft) 165^

s On the holiness of Abraham s oak, see Jerome, OS W 114 16.

9 Movers, PhSnizier, 1 567-583; Scholz. GStzenditnst, 292-295; Baudissin, /.c. 184-230; WRg Lc. 185^?!, cp i^ff. Additional literature in Baudissin, 184 n.


3. Animal and star worship.[edit]

Of the worship of animals among the Israelites in historical times we have no evidence ; the totemistic survivals which have been discovered in institutions and cultus come down from an earlier stage in the history of religion ; and the images of Yahwe in the form of bulls in the Northern Kingdom, and the bronze serpent at Jerusalem, are not to be confounded with the worship of living animals (e.g. , the Apis and Mnevis bulls in Egypt), or of whole species of animals.

An ancient and widespread theory regards the worship of the heavenly bodies as the beginning of idolatry ; 2 and the whole history of Semitic religion has often been constructed upon this assumption Baal was originally the sun, Astarte the moon, etc. All the evidence which we possess, however, goes to show that in Palestine and Phoenicia, whilst the sun and the moon under their proper names were worshipped in various places, the identification of the old deities with the heavenly bodies, and the introduction of distinctively astronomical cults, fall comparatively late, and were accomplished under foreign influence. In Israel the invasion of these cults occurred in the seventh century, and there is no reason to think that it came materially earlier in Phrenicia (see NATURE WORSHIP).

4. Artificial sanctuaries.[edit]

Thus far we have been considering objects and places which were sacred apart from any act of man, natural sanctuaries. There is an important distinction - not always observed - between this class and that in which human agency has a part in the constitution or consecration of the holy place or object ; we may call the latter artificial sanctuaries. Of these, probably the oldest, as it is certainly by far the most important, is the sacred stone (monolith or heap of stones. See MASSEBAH I.

The sacred fountain and the sacred tree were common but not universal adjuncts of the sanctuary ; in the times covered by our evidence they played a very subordinate part in the ritual (see below, 10). On the other hand the sacred stone (niassetdk) or the rude altar of stones was found at every place of worship ; it was anointed with oil (Gen. 28 18, cp Lev. S n) ; the blood of the victims was smeared upon it or poured out at its base; with it all those rites by which the worshipper comes immedi ately into contact with the object of his worship are inseparably connected. 3 The masstbdh was set up, the altar built, for this purpose.

The holiness of the stone is not derived from the dis cover)- that a spirit already dwells in it ; it is holy because a deity has consented to enter into it, in it to be present in the midst of his worshippers, and receive their sacrifice ; it is the seat (5os) of the god. This stage or type of religion is frequently called fetishism ; but this much-abused name ministers only to misunder standing and prejudice (WRS Rel.Sim. 1 209 _/".).

A connecting link between this conception and those rocks, of strange shape or otherwise remarkable, which are natural sanctuaries may perhaps be found in the worship of aerolites (fSairvXiov = ^Niva, bethel, \i0oi fyti/ uxot), or thunder-stones ; but of this connection there is no direct evidence (see MASSEBAH).

A particularly interesting question is suggested by the tradition that the ark which Moses made at Horeb contained stone tablets inscribed with ten commandments (cp ARK, 10 ; DECALOGUE). That the fundamental laws were thus put where they could not be seen is in the highest degree improbable ; on the other hand, the chest was certainly made to hold some sacred object, and nothing is more likely than that this object was a stone from the mount of God, * by taking which with them the Israelites were assured of the presence and protection of Yahwe when they wandered away from his holy mountain.

Another artificial sanctuary is the wooden pole or post (asherah) which ordinarily stood at Palestinian holy places. It is a common opinion that this pole or mast was a surrogate for the living holy tree ; but this is not certain (see ASHERAH, 2). What the significance of the asherah was, or what rites were connected with it, we do not learn.

1 See Stade, GVI 1 450^?! On the hypothesis that a stage of hero-worship preceded the worship of Yahwe at the Canaanite sanctuaries, see HIGH PLACES, 7.

2 References in Scholz, Gct:e*dicnsi, 53^ ; cp Maimonides, Abfdd Zdrd, 1 i.

3 See WRS ReL Sfm. vx>Jf.

5. Images.[edit]

Images of the gods belong to a comparatively advanced stage in the history of religion ; they presuppose a definiteness of conception which is foreign to early religions, and a discrimination of the character and attributes of different deities which is a product of history and reflection. From the ancients themselves we have many testimonies that the introduction of cultus-images was a recent thing.

Thus Varro affirms that for more than 170 years from the founding of the city the Romans had no image of a god in human or animal form ; Numa is said to have forbidden such representations ; 2 the Persians had no temples or idols before Artaxerxes I.; 3 in Greece also temples and images of the gods were unknown in ancient times; 4 the earliest temples of the Egyptians were without idols. 6 Arab tradition, which is supported by philological evidence, declares that idols like that of Hobal at Mecca were of foreign origin. 6

Some of these testimonies have no historical value ; they represent a theory of antiquity which is generalised by Eusebius : the oldest peoples had no idols. 7 Archaeological evidence, however, confirms the fact that the iconic age was everywhere preceded by one in which the objects of worship were aniconic. 8

The development of the stone image of the deity out of the dp7os X/0os, and of the wooden idol (6avov) out of the aniconic wooden posts, can be traced with some distinctness in Greece ; it is natural to conceive that the same evolution took place in Palestine and Phoenicia ; but the proof cannot be given. Our texts do not enable us to connect the fisel (graven image) with the ashcrah (wooden post) in any way, and monu mental evidence is lacking. What is certain is that the aniconic agalmata, especially the stone steles, obelisks, pyramids, or cones, maintained themselves in the Phoenician cults down to late times, and were not superseded by stone temple idols. Images of the gods seem to have been first introduced as domestic idols : most of the images which have been found in Phoenicia and its colonies are of small size and inferior materials ; none have been discovered which can be certainly iden tified as cultus-idols. (See IDOL, 5.)

1 Less probably an aerolite, as has often been surmised ; cp Jevons, Introd. to Hist. ofRel. if>i,f.

2 Aug. Civ. Dei, 4 31 ; Plut. Numa, 8 ; cp Plin. .AW 34 15.

3 Dinon in Clem.Al. Protrept. 43 Syllb. ; Hdt. 1 131 ; Strabo, 732.

4 Lucian, De sacrif. n. 8 Lucian, Dea Syr. 3.

6 We. Ar. Heid.V) ijn. ggn.

^ Pr<rp. Ev. 1 9 ; cp Wisd. 13

8 See Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, 1, chaps, i 2 ; Schoe- mann, Alterth. 2 156^; esp. Overbeck, Das Cultusobject bei den Griechen in seinen altesten Gestaltungen, Ber. d. sticks. Gescllsch. d. Wissensch. ( 64) \iiff.

6. Cultus.[edit]

It does not fall within the scope of this article to describe the worship of the Semites in general; we must confine ourselves to a brief mention of the idolatrous ceremonies mentioned in the OT or the NT.

Holy mountains, waters, and trees, as we have seen, were places of worship in Palestine ; but we learn nothing from the OT about peculiar rites such, for example, as in Syria are connected with sacred fountains and lakes ; and it is only from the practice of other Semites in ancient and modern times that we may infer that offerings or mementoes (strips of cloth, and the like) were hung upon the sacred trees. 1 It is obvious that these cults were of inferior importance ; indeed, tree worship was probably under the kings just what it is now for both Christians and Moslems a superstition, in the proper sense of the word that is, a cult which has been left on one side by the development of religion. The nature of the places of worship and their ordinary furniture has been described elsewhere (see HIGH PLACE, and ALTAR).

The rites of sacrifice are essentially the same through out the Semitic world (see SACRIFICE). They connect themselves primarily with the sacred stone ( see MASSES A H , and above, 6). Distinctive ceremonies associated with the sacred post or pole are not mentioned in the OT ; the numerous Assyrian reliefs and the seals which appear to represent the adoration of the sacred post are of uncertain interpretation (see ASHERAH). Sacrifices to the idols were offered by fire (Hos. 4 13 etc. ) ; libations were poured out (Jer. 7i8 etc.) ; the fruits of the earth (tithes, first-fruits) were presented to them (Hos. 28[io] Is. 576 etc.) ; tables spread with food were set before them (Is. 65 1 1 ; cp Bar. 628/1 , Bel and the Dragon, $/. ).

The worshippers kissed the idols (Hos. 13z i K. 19 18 ; cp Cic. in Verrem&w), or threw kisses with their hands (Job 31 27, to the sun and moon) ; 2 stretched out their hands in prayer and adoration (Ps. 44 20 [21]); knelt before the idols or prostrated themselves to the earth ; when the deity was obdurate the priests leaped or danced about the altar, 3 calling loudly upon the name of their god, and gashed themselves with knives (i K. 18 2628).

The Mishna enumerates the acts of worship or homage by which the prohibition of idolatry is violated thus : He breaks the law who sacrifices or burns incense to an idol, offers a libation, prostrates himself before it, or acknowledges it to be his god ; also he who embraces the idol, kisses it, sweeps or sprinkles water before it, washes it, anoints it, dresses it, or puts on its shoes (Sanhedrin, 76; cp Maimonides, Aboda Zara, 36).

The idols were often carried in procession, either at fixed seasons, or upon some particular occasion (Is. 46; Jer. 10s); such processions are represented on Egyptian and Assyrian monuments, and frequently referred to by Greek and Roman authors.

The idolatrous cults had their priests ( for an opprobrious name of whom see CHEMARiM)and prophets (i K. 18 40) and oracles (2 K. 1 216). To the ministry of some of these religions belonged also the consecrated men and women (n-cnp, niBhp, Dt. 23 18/. ) ; that is, religious prostitutes of both sexes (cp HARLOT).

The offering of the body in honour of the deity prevailed widely in the North-Semitic religions ; in some of them it is said though not on the best authority to have been obli gatory on every woman once in her life ; 4 in others perhaps in all a special class of temple-harlots was maintained. Com merce with them was a religious act, accompanied by sacri fice (Hos. 413); the hire was sacred and was brought into the treasury of the god (Dt. 23 i8[i9]). The laws forbidding men and women to wear the garments of the opposite sex (Dt. 22s) are aimed at cults of this kind.

Certain peculiar rites and custome are known to us from passing allusions in the OT ; the priests of Dagon would not set foot on the sacred threshold ( i S 5 5 ; cp Zeph. 1 9); the altars to the host of heaven were erected on the roofs of the houses (Jer. 19 13 Zeph. 1 5 etc. ); cakes of a peculiar form were offered to the Queen of Heaven (Jer. 7i8); the sun-god had a chariot and horses stabled in the temple in Jerusalem (2 K. 23 n); the worshippers of the sun stood with their faces to the east (Ezek. 816); children were sacrificed to the divine king at the Topheth in the Valley of Hinnom (Jer. 7 31 etc. ; see MOLOCH) ; the women of Jerusalem made a mourning for the death of Tammuz (Ezek. 814); the gardens of Adonis are referred to by Isaiah (17 to/. ); lectisternia to Gad and Meni by a post-exilic writer (Is. 65 n). An examination of the seemingly irrational prohibitions in the legislation, in the light of comparative ethnology, yields considerable information about the older cults and superstitions which were put under the ban by the religion of Yahwe ; but into this field it is impossible to enter here.

1 Cp Gen. 864, jewels buried at the foot of a sacred tree. See also DRESS, 8.

2 Cp Scholz, 55.

3 On the dances of the priests in Syrian cults see Herodian, v. 815 and passim; Lucian, Dea Syr. 50.

4 Hdt. 1 199 ; Strabo, 745 ; Baruch, 642/1; Lucian, Dea Syria, 6, etc. Cp HARLOT.

7. History.[edit]

The Israelites when they invaded Canaan brought with them the common ideas of the nomadic Semites ; they had their holy mountain (Horeb), holy wells (Beer-sheba), and fountains (Kadesh); the standing stone or stone-heap (altar) represented the deity in sacrifice ; domestic idols were probably not unknown (see TERAPHIM). They found in Canaan a people of kindred race, possessed of an agricultural civilisation which the newcomers adopted. The Canaanite high places became Israelite sanctuaries (see HIGH PLACE), and the massebdhs and dsherahs beside the fire-altars and beneath the holy trees were taken over with them ; if new sanctuaries were founded, they were furnished with a similar apparatus. The prophets and prophetic historians regard the idols also as adopted from the Canaanites ; and, speaking generally, this is doubtless true. The Baals and Astartes, the gods of the land, were worshipped by the side of Yahwe. The founding of the national kingdom gave rise to international relations and led to the introduction of foreign religions (Phoenician, Moabite, Ammonite, iK.ll), which were externally much like that of Israel. The worship of the Tyrian Baal in the reign of Ahab, however, provoked a reaction which overthrew the dynasty of Omri. The larger political horizon in the eighth and seventh centuries, and especially the long-continued friendly relations of Judah with Assyria, opened the way for the introduction of many foreign cults, among which the worship of the HOST OF HEAVEN, the QUEEN OF HEAVEN, the MOLOCH -worship, and the rites of mourning for TAMMUZ are the most important ; 2 K. 23 $ff. shows us the state of things in Jerusalem and its suburbs in 621.

The reforms of Josiah made no permanent change, as is evident from the prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel ; the latter gives us glimpses of the strange rites which were introduced or revived in the last years of the city (Ezek. 8). In the Persian period the strongest foreign influence was Aramaean ; this is seen not only in the gradual displacement of Hebrew by the Aramaic vernacular, but also by the allusions to Syrian cults such as those of GAD and MENI (Is. 65 n ; see FORTUNE). Under the successors of Alexander, the Jews in Palestine as well as in Egypt and Syria were brought under the spell of Hellenic civilisation, and the liberal party, especially strong among the priestly aristocracy, showed no prejudice against the Greek religions, 1 until the violent measures of Antiochus Epiphanes provoked an equally violent reaction.

1 See Scholz, 419^

2 On the attitude to foreign gods in general, see Baudissin, Sent. Rcl.-gesch. 1 V)ff.

8. Religious leaders.[edit]

Molten gods (massekahs), which were doubtless regarded as distinctively Canaanite, are prohibited in the oldest laws (Ex. 34:17). Jeroboam's calves were of this kind, and we may well believe that they were condemned in his own time by men who looked with jealous eyes upon the assimilation of the religion of Yahwe to that of the baals of Canaan (on the untrustworthy record iK. 13, see JEROBOAM, i [end]). The Deuteronomic historians are in error, not in assuming that there was opposition from the first to the Canaanitizing of Israel, but in ascribing this opposition to higher religious ideas like their own. The prophets of the eighth century, particularly Hosea and Isaiah, zealously declaim against the images, of which the land was full (Is. 28); under the influence of Isaiah, Hezekiah probably made an effort to root out the idols (2 K. 184). The older aniconic representatives of the deity, the massebahs, were not yet assailed the command to destroy the Canaanite sacred stones has a different motive. In the succeeding period these also fall under the condemnation of idolatry : no such symbol shall stand by the altar of Yahwe (Dt. 1621 /. 123/. Lev. 26i etc. ); no image of any kind is to be tolerated (Ex. 264 Dt. 58 etc.). In Dt. 415-19 (sixth century) a reason is annexed to this prohibition : at Horeb, where Yahwe revealed himself to Israel, they saw no visible form in which they might image him. Violation of these laws incurs the severest penalties, for the individual, capital punishment (Dt. 17 *ff-\, for a city, the ban (Dt. 13); for the people as a whole, national ruin (29 i-off. etc. ).

9. Hostility to foreign cults.[edit]

With the prophets of the seventh century begins the contemptuous identification of the gods of the heathen with their idols, and in the sixth the trenchant satire upon the folly of making gods of gold and silver, of wood and stone, which runs on through the later Psalms, Wisdom, Baruch, the Jewish Sibyllines, etc. (see IDOL, 5 end), to be taken up again by Christian apologists. The attack of Antiochus Epiphanes upon their religion made offering sacrifice to idols the very act of apostasy ; faithful Jews submitted to martyrdom rather than obey the king s command ; the Maccabasan revolt was a rising against the attempt to force idolatry upon them. With the memories of bitter persecution, of heroic struggle and glorious victory, there was instilled into the breast of every true Jew an inexpugnable hatred of idols at which the ancient world wondered. Their Roman masters were more than once surprised by the outbreaks of this to them incomprehensible fanaticism. Pilate s first collision with the Jews was occasioned by his bringing the military ensigns (see ENSIGNS) from Csesarea to Jerusalem (Jos. Ant. xviii. 3i); the order of Caligula that his statue should be set up in the temple would have precipitated the Jewish revolt had not the good sense of Petronius interposed delays, and the death of the Emperor put an end to the plan (Ant. xviii. 8, BJ ii. 10); the desperate war under Adrian was provoked by the setting up of a temple and image of Jupiter on the site of the ruined temple (Dio Cassius, 69 12 ; cp Jerome on Is. 29).

10. Comparison with Greece.[edit]

It is instructive to compare this history with that of the Greek religion. Some of the greatest of Greek philosophers had protested against idolatry almost as strongly as the prophets of Israel. Heraclitus, Xenophanes, Empedocles had satirised the folly of praying to images ; Zeno declared that neither temples nor idols befitted the gods. 1 Their words, however, made no impression upon the popular religion ; and later philosophers had no difficulty in discovering good reasons for the use of images. 2 In Israel, on the contrary, a whole people had been trained to the worship of God without visible embodiment or symbol.

11. Bibliography.[edit]

On Idolatry in general the older works of G. J. Voss, and A. van Dale may still be consulted ; from a modern standpoint, Tylor, Early History of Mankind, chap. 6; Prim. Cult.P) 1 -K&ff. ; Lippert, Cultur-gesch. 2 438^ ; further, J. Selden, de Dis Syris, with the Additamenta of A. Beyer, 1672 ; P. Scholz, Gotzendienst u. Zauberwesen bei den alien Hebraern u. den benachbarten Volkern^-;-/ ); Baudissin, Studien zur sent. Rel.- gesch. 1 ( 76) ; 2 ( 78) ; WRS Rel. Sem.W ( 94). G. F. M.

1 See Welcker, Griechische GStterlehre, 2 1 n/.

2 Plotinus, Ennead. iv. 3 1 1 ; Porphyry in ~E.useb.Pmp.Ev. 3 7 ; cp Dio Chrysost. Or. 12 405 Reiske ; Maxim. Tyr. Diss. 8.


(lAOYHAOC [BA]), i Esd. 843 EV, mg. ARIEL, i.


RV Edom : Is. 34s/ Ezek. 35is 36 S ), Idumsea (IAOY/WAIA : Mk. 3s), Idumeans, RV Idumaeans (lAoyMAioi t A ]- 2 Macc - 1Ql6 )- See EDOM.


(ieAAi&c[A]), i Esd. 926 RV = Ezra 10 25, JEZIAH.


OT1PN, ^T^K), Nu. 26 3 of RV. See ABIEZER.


[B]), Esd. 9:26 RV- = Ezra 10:25. JEZIAH.


(ht*V, he [God] ransoms, 1 53).

1. Issacharite spy :Nu. 13? P (lAaoA. [B], iyoA [AF], iy\ai> [L]). See JOSEPH i. i n.

2. b. Nathan of Zobah, one of David s heroes(2 S. 2836! : yaoA. [BA], u,A [L]). Cp JOEL, 3; NATHAN 3; MIBHAK.

3. AV Igeal, a descendant of Zerubbabel (i Ch. 3 22 : iwjjX [BA], teyaaA [L]).


(-irrjny, lEGBDEUA [Vg.], probably a mere error for GEOALIAH [y.z>.],cpyo5oAtov [BAQ, om. N], K VlJ [Pesh.] 37), father of HANAN, 7 (Jer.354>.


If true religion is 'wisdom' or 'knowledge', false religion must be folly or ignorance (cp Wisd. 1422), and in the Bible religion includes practice as well as theory. This antithesis is constantly present to the minds of the biblical writers, though they may not always develop the antithesis in the same way. Legislation drew a broad distinction between intentional sins (nan T3, with a high hand ) and sins committed by error (mjtpa ; RV unwittingly ). The modern Christian standard must of course not be applied too rigorously to the details of the law, and the extreme anxiety (cp Ps. 19 13) produced by the ease with which sins of ignorance could be committed appears to us not to be a feature of an ideal character. However, the principle of discrimination recognised by the legis lators is still acknowledged in Christendom, and self- distrust, if coupled with trust in the higher self the indwelling Spirit is an undeniably Christian quality (2 Cor. 12 9 ).

Another variety of ignorance shows itself in doubts of the divine justice ; so foolish was I and ignorant ( Ps. 7 3 22 92 6 [7] ). There are mysteries which , if handled at all, should be handled wisely ; and who can keep off the mystery referred to by the Psalmist ? On the other hand, a mystery such as the cause of Israel s blindness (Rom. 11 25) is one which does not touch the ordinary Christian so closely that he must either solve the problem or suffer spiritual shipwreck.

The spiritual ignorance of the heathen and of unbelieving Jews is a point which is variously treated by the OT writers. Sometimes it is assumed that the heathen deliberately neglect the elementary divine laws (Is.24s Ps. 9i7[i8]?, cp Ps.2227[>8]); sometimes it is stated or implied that God allows each nation to follow its own course in religion ; the course may be a foolish one, but it is at least natural and uncondemned (Jer. 2 u Mic. 4s). Even in the NT we find a certain variety of view. In Rom. 1 20-23 idolatry is repre sented as a deliberate silencing of the conscience, which leads to the manifestation of the wrath of God (v. 18). In Acts 17 30, however, the Paul of the Acts of the Apostles excuses the error of Jews and heathen in the times before Christ as ignorance (&yvoia) which God has winked at (inrepiStliv ; D*, irapidwv) a phrase which reminds some of us of the term ignorance applied in Arabic to pre-Mohammedan paganism. If, with Denney ( Hastings, DB 2 449* ), we attempt to combine these two passages, we arrive at the difficult view that God can wink at or excuse something which is in the last resort due to an immoral suppression, and even extinction, of divine light. If, on the other hand, we recognise that the speeches in the Acts of the Apostles are literary compositions, we shall at once see how well these speeches are adapted to effect their assumed purpose. See, for instance, Acts 817, 1827, and, to illustrate inrtptSuv, 14 16, who in time past suffered all the nations to walk in their own ways. It is true that Paul himself speaks of the passing over (rj}v irdptffiv] of the sins done aforetime, in the forbearance of God (Rom. 825, RV); but the sins of the past (irpoyeyovdra a^aprrifj-ara) are the whole mass of human sins, with no special reference to heathenism. Since only in the sacrificial death of Christ could the righteousness of God be satisfied, it was theoretically necessary to maintain that God had shown forbearance to the sins of the pre-Christian period, to those of a Moses or an Ezra not less than to those of an idolater.

That ayvorifia and a/napria are practically synonymous will appear from Judith 5 20 and from the parallelism in i Esd. 8 75 [72] Ecclus. 232 ; see also Heb. 9 7 (cp 63).

The beautiful application of the legal phrases ayvo^a and ayvoelv in the Epistle to the Hebrews should be noticed. The ideal High Priest is one who can bear gently with the ignorant and erring (TOIJ ayi/oov<n icai TrAai/oojieVois), for that he also is compassed with infirmity (Heb. 62 RV); Jesus can do this, without ever having yielded to sin (Heb. 4 15). Nor does the author ignore the terrible possibility of sinning willingly (eicouauDs), i.e., with a high hand," after having been once enlightened (Heb. 10 26, cp 6 4-6). Cp Is. 22 14, i John 5 16.

T. K. C.


(Q <l> r, i.e., -heaps ).

1. A city of Judah on the Edomite border (Josh. 15 29!: /SaicuK [B], aveifi. [AL]). Robinson s Bet Attrwa (31 30 N. 34 56 E.) seems too far N. Possibly a corrupt anticipation of the following o^j;.



(RV IYE-ABARIM: D^3rn "17 i.e., heaps of the Abarim : Nu. 21 n xoAyaei jeie TOV ircpav [B], axeAyat irepav [AFvid.], ax<-A<iju. \aieiiJi r<a itipav [L] ; 8844 yat *v TU> Trcpa[i>] [BAF], yi cv TCJ> ire pav [L]), otherwise IIM or IYIM (Nu. 33 45 yat [BAF] yi [L]). See ABARIM, and WANDERING, WILDERNESS OF, n.


or rather lyyon (Jl l? ; <MN [BL], NAIN [A; the first v is a dittograph], in K. ; 10) [B], MOON [AL] in Ch. ), is mentioned with Dan and Abel-beth-maacah (or Abel-maim) in i K. 1520 (|| 2 Ch. 164) as conquered by Benhadad in the reign of Baasha, and again in 2 K. 1629 with Abel-beth-maacah, Kedesh, etc., as carried captive by Tiglath-pileser in the reign of Pekah ; prob ably also in 28. 246 (see DAN-JAAN). The place and name are apparently as old as Thotmes III. ( a-y-na, WMM As. u. Eur. 393, cp 159). No wonder, there fore, that the name should still survive in that of the Merj*Ayun (the Campus Alergium of William of Tyre), a rich plain, oval in shape, at the foot of the mountains of Naphtali, near the bend of the river Litany. The Talmud speaks of the pass (Nropu) of Ijon (Neub. Gdogr. 1 8), which favours the identification of Ijon with Tell Dibbin, a large mound in a commanding position near the northern end of the Merj Ayun. See Rob. .frff 8375; Guerin, Gal. 22087.


(^j?y, crooked, 66; eKKHC [BA], -KI [L]), a Tekoite, father of IRA, 2 S. 23 26 (eioDta [B], <cas [A]), i Ch. 11 28 ((t T>) [B]) 27 9.


(fyv), i Ch. Il2 9 t = 2 S. 23 2 8t ZALMON, 2.


(iXi&AOYN [A], eiAiAAoyN [B]), i Esd. 5 5 8 RV, AV MADIABUN (q.v.).


(iXAYPIKON [Ti. WH]). The inhospitable district between Istria and Epirus, which, with its wild series of mountain-caldrons broken neither by river-valleys nor by coast-plains and arranged like scales one above another, and with its chain of rocky islands stretching along the coast, separates rather than connects Italy and Greece (Momms. Hist, of Rome, 8172, ET; cpStrabo, Sij). 1

Illyricum in its widest sense denoted the entire region S. of the Danube from Rhaetia (or at least Noricum) to Moesia. _ As first known to the Romans it was the region between the river Drilo and Epirus (fllyris Grtrca). Illyris Barbara extended northwards towards the head of the Adriatic ; part of it was distinguished by the name Dalmatia. In 11 A.D. the district was divided into Lower Illyricum (Pannonia) and Upper Illyricum (Dalmatia) [but see Ptol. 2i6]. The name Illyricum applied in this narrower sense to the region between the Arsia (Arsa) and the Drilo was gradually displaced by the name Dalmatia, which, from the time of the Flavian emperors, was the regular term.

1 For the Illyrian stock see Mommsen, Prov. of Rent. Eif>. 1 199, and Hirt in the Festschrift fur H. Kiepert ( 98), 1 79.X

The mention of Illyricum in the NT is confined to Rom. 15 19, where Paul affirms that he has fully preached the gospel round about unto Illyricum (KVK\tf} u^XP L T v TXXqpMfwP). Two questions are raised by the passage viz. the exact meaning of (i) Illyricum, (2) unto (/j.xpi). Illyricum may here be understood of the southern part attached to Macedonia, which con tained the important commercial cities of Epidamnus (in Roman times Dyrrhacium = modern Durazzo] and Apollonia -the two termini of the Via Egnatia, which runs a distance of 500 m. , from the Hebrus to the Adriatic. The great landing-place on the Macedonian sidewasDyrrhacium(cpCatull. 8615: Adrias tabernam, Strabo, 283, 329). The apostle might easily have under taken the transcontinental journey from Thessalonica or Beroea during 57 A.D. 1 (see CHRONOLOGY, 71).

On the view that Paul always uses geographical terms in their Roman sense (Zahn, Einleit. 1124), Illyricum must be taken to denote the Roman Province N. of the Drilo. In favour of this interpretation are the facts (i) that Paul is writing to a Roman church, in which his words would naturally be taken in their Roman sense ; and (2) that he uses not the Greek form IXXupi s ( IXXupta), but the adjectival form IXXvpticd? ( = Lat. Illyricum].

Applying the same reasoning to the use of the term Dalmatia (2 Tim. 4 10), we shall be compelled to take that also as denoting the Roman Province, and hence to trace in the NT writings the change in Roman usage with regard to the name of the Province which has been above explained. All the more striking appears the variation when it is remembered that it is in writing to a Greek that the word Dalmatia is used in preference to the (to a Greek) more familiar form Illyria [see DALMATIA].

The decision of the question whether by Illyricum Paul meant Illyris Grceca or the Roman Province Illyricum (Dalmatia) really lies in the answer given to the further question whether unto (fn^xP 1 ) is used in an inclusive or exclusive sense.

Mexpti perhaps, need not involve the inclusion of the word with which it is combined, hence an actual cross ing of the frontier of Illyricum from Macedonia is not to be proved.

An unprejudiced reader, however, would here un doubtedly understand Illyricum to lie -within the circum ference of the ever-widening circle of missionary enter prise pictured by the phrase dirb lepovcraX^/j. /cat w/cXy (t^XP 1 r v "IXXupticftS. For in fact, if Berea, the most westerly recorded city (Acts 17 10), is taken to have been the most westerly point actually reached in this region by Paul, he was still nearly 100 miles east of the Illyrian frontier and therefore the employment of Illyricum to mark the extreme limit of preaching can with difficulty be justified. We hold, then, that Paul s words imply actual work in Illyricum i.e. , probably in Illyris Grceca (cp his apparent familiarity with Nicopolis, Tit. 812) ; but a visit to, e.g. , Salona ( Colonia Martia Julia Salona), the capital of the Roman Province Illyricum (Dalmatia) may also have found a place in the itinerary of which we get this solitary glimpse.

That the phrase unto Illyricum might have been legitimately used even if his [Paul s] apostolic labours were entirely to the eastward of the mountains (sc. Mt. Scardus), in the country watered by the Strymon and the Axius (Conybeare and Howson, 2 156), cannot be maintained by reference to the vague use of the word Illyricum to designate the region S. of the Danube (e.g., Tac. Hist. 1276 285, where Illyricum = Pannonia Moesia and Dalmatia; jV. Ann. 146244, where it = Pannonia Rhaetia Noricum).

See Poinsignon, Quid prcecipue apud Romanes adusque Diocletiani tempera Illyricum fuerit ( 46), Zippel, d. rom. Herrschaft in Illyrien bis auf Augustus ( 77), and Bahr, D. Ursprung d. ro m. Provinz Illyrien ( 76). W. J. W.

1 Cp Acts 20 2. For other views see Zahn, Einl.\2g$, M Giffert, Apost. Age 254.


see IDOL, i.


(AV SIMALCUE, C INMAAKOYH[A], KOYe [NV], EMALCHU-EL [Vg.], TONMAAXON DS. Ant. xiii. 5i], ofl^AB [Pesh.], MALCHUS [Vg. cod. Sangerm.]), an Arabian prince who had charge of the young ANTIOCHUS \$.v., 4] (i Mace. 1139).

The name is clearly equivalent to n^D , a name found in Palm. and closely allied to the common Nab. name i;i 7 ,-. According to Diodorus (who gives the name as Jamblichus"),! the prince reigned near Chalkis (Miiller, Frag)n. hist. grcec. 2 17, n. 21) ; see Schur. GJV\ 184, n. 24, and the authorities quoted there. He was perhaps related to ZABDIEL, or the son and successor of Diodes in whose hands Balas placed Antiochus (Diod. Fr. xxxii. 10 1).


-(n7O\ he is full, 54 ; cp Palm, name , Vog. Syr. Centr. 85 ; i K. 228) or Imla (K^P" 1 ; 2 Ch. 187), father of Micaiah the prophet (in K. ie/v\l6.c [B ; in v. 9 -ta], ie/v\AA [A], NAMAAl [L] ; in Ch. leMAAC [B ; in v. 18 -aa], ie/v\A& [A],


a symbolic name, meaning 'With us (is) God' (cp Judg. 61216), found twice in EV, viz. (a) in Is. 7 14, and (b) in Is. 88.

In (a) there is no doubt that the expression is to be viewed as a proper name, whether with Baer we adopt 7WJQV, or with Ginsb. 7X UBj; as the Mass, reading. All the versions are here agreed (18, Mt. 1 23, efi/uai/ou7)/\. [BNAQr]). In (b), however, whereas Vg. Pesh. recognise Immanuel and MT, which gives 7X ?3Sy> does not exclude this view, NBAQF renders /uefl ri/jLuv o fledy, i.e., 'God is with us' an affirmation of the favourableness of God to the people of Judah, and Tg. closes the verse with the words, thy land, O Israel.

1. Various theories.[edit]

The historical occasion on which the prophecy of Immanuel was given is described elsewhere (see ISAIAH i. , 3 ). We have now simply to record the answers which have most recently been given to the question, Who is meant by noVjrn ( the 'almah' lit. the 'maiden' or 'young woman'), 2 and by Immanuel?

(a) Lagarde, M Curdy, and, with some hesitation, Porter, identify the almah with the wife of Ahaz, or (at least) with some one of the inferior members (cp Cant. 68) of the royal harem. In this case, it is natural to take the further step of identifying Immanuel with Hezekiah.

As M Curdy points out, the chronological objection still urged by some scholars rests upon disputable grounds. Those who go thus far may also wish to modify the vocalization of one Heb. word (reading nxn^l), 3 so that the formal naming of the child will be entrusted to the father.

(b} Hitzig and Reuss identify Immanuel with Maher-shalal-hash-baz, the child whom the prophetess bore to Isaiah soon after his meeting with Ahaz (Is. 83).

Riehm and H. Schultz, however, suppose that an elder brother of this child may be meant, and the former accounts for the phrase the maiden by conjecturing that Isaiah had recently become a widower and had married again.

(c) Weir, Hofmann, and Orelli explain the phrase the maiden allegorically.

The people of Israel is often described as the bride of Yahwe (e.g., Is. 54s Ezek. 16 Hos. 2), and Mic. 63 [2] (cp 4io) may be plausibly understood as interpreting the maiden in Is. 7 14 of the faithful Israelitish community. According to Hofmann, the child Immanuel means the regenerate people of Israel ; Weir, however, thinks that child-birth is simply an allegory of deliverance from danger, though, inconsistently, he admits a secondary reference of the passage to the Messiah. 1

1 Schurer refers to the Lat. Jamlicus in the Corp. Inscrip. Rhenan., ed. Brambach, no. 1233.

2 On the sense of noSy see BOB, s.v., and cp Che. Proph. Is. P) 2i39/; WRS Proph. 424. The prophet chooses the most comprehensive word he can find (cp Pr. 30 19), so as to include all classes of women ; the article is best viewed as generic (see e below). On most of the theories which will be mentioned (a, b, c, d), the term constitutes a real and perhaps an insuperable difficulty. At any rate the maiden need not be explained of any single well-known individual. The phrase may be Hebraistic for one who is a maiden (i.e., a young woman of marriageable age) ; cp i S. 17 34, there came the lion (so literally ; EV a lion ).

3 This pointing is supported by <S (except Q* (caAeo-ere, and F KoAecr[ou<Ti]i ), Aq., Theod., Symm. In Mt. 123 the more general Kahetrovcriv is substituted for KoAe trcis, which might be paraphrased men shall call.

(d) Ewald and many other critics take the maiden to be the mother of the Messiah, and it has been regarded as Isaiah s chief distinction that he had thus early an intuition of this grand eschatological figure.

The vagueness of the title the maiden may be intentional ; we are meant to fix our attention on the personality of the child, whose speedy advent and strange experience will be the divinely appointed sign of the truth of Israel s prophecy. This view was formerly that of the present writer, and is still maintained by Guthe, G. A. Smith, and Skinner. If it be correct, Is. 7 14 is the only prophecy of the Messiah addressed by Isaiah (whose authorship of 9 6 [5]^ 11 i-o is here assumed) to any but his attached disciples, and there Isaiah kept silence as to the Davidic origin of the mysterious child.

(e) Roorda ( 40), Kuenen, W. R. Smith, Smend, Duhm, Cheyne, Marti take a different, and. at first sight, a startling view, which, however, is in perfect accordance with Hebrew grammar. It does not appear that he [Isaiah] pointed his hearers to any individual. He says, only, that a young woman, who shall become a mother within a year, may name her child "God with us." For before the babe begins to develop into intelligent childhood, the lands of Pekah and Rezin shall be laid waste (WRS Proph.W 272). Those who take this view will most naturally regard ^N uay in 88 (as well as in v. 10) as a statement that God is with Judah, not as a proper name ( thy land, O Immanuel ), and will, by a very slight rearrangement of the Hebrew letters, read '... of the land. For with us is God'. Various considerations, critical and exegetical, almost irresist ibly urge this theory upon us (see Duhm, Is., and cp Che. SBOT, and Intr. Is. 32-37).

(f) F. C. Porter (JBL 14 26 ff. [ 95]) suggests that Immanuel expresses not the prophet s faith, but the false faith, the ungrounded confidence of the king and the people.

" Yahwe is with us " was a popular expression of religious faith (Am. 5 14) ; Amos denies it of Israel as a nation." So Hosea and Micah, the one by the names of his children, the other by express contradiction, oppose this superstition. Jeremiah too denies it in its more recent form (Jer. 88). Immanuel, then, would be a name which a Jewish woman soon to give birth might naturally give to her son, but which the experiences of such a son even in his earliest infancy would contradict. The sign consists not in the name nor in the lot of the boy, but in the relation of the two, in the contradiction of the name by the lot. Thus the name forms a climax to the announcement of judgment in Is. 88.

That the historical meaning of Is. 7 14 should be for gotten in the post-exilic period was only natural. It then became essential to fill the old prophecy with a new meaning for the scriptures (men thought) should throb with life from end to end, if they were indeed divine. This was done by giving the passage a reference to the gradually developing doctrine of the last things.

We find the first certain trace of this in Mic. 5 3,2 which is not from the pen of Micah, and is rooted, not in contemporary history, but in the deductive theology or rather eschatology of post-exilic times (se Gesch. d. isr. Rel. 255, Kaiser- Marti). Jewish Christians interpreted the passage on the same principles. Just as they explained Is. 9 i [8 23] of the residence of Jesus at Capernaum, and Hos. 11 i of the flight into Egypt, so they interpreted Is. 7 14 of the virgin birth of Jesus.

1 Che. Proph. /j.(3) 1 48.

2 If Is. 9 6 [5] be post-exilic, it may also be mentioned here as implying (probably) that Immanuel is the Messiah.

2. Other points.[edit]

Several interesting points must necessarily be passed over here,

(1) The controversial use of Is. 7 14 belongs specially to the history of the OT in the Christian Church (cp Diestel's useful work, 69).

(2) The LXX rendering of nojjjn also requires attention.

J. P. Peters has suggested that the true reading in Is. 7 14 maybe n?W3[t. If so, a view of the meaning of Immanuel which a recent commentator describes as purely fanciful (mentioned above as c) becomes almost forced upon us. Most scholars, however, will doubt this bold conjecture, and think that TI\ napBfvos in & is a trace of the belief that the Messiah was to be born of a virgin. Hadham (Acad. 8th June, 95) has adduced much evidence to show that such a belief was current among Palestinian and Alexandrian Jews. Aq., Sym., Theod. have t\ veavif.

(3) The relation of the Immanuel prophecy to Is. 92-7 [1-6] and to Ps. 46 is critically important. See the special introductions.

(4) The meaning of signs in Hebrew prophecy deserves special study. We can here only quote a Mohammedan illustration of ordinary non- miraculous signs such as that given to Ahaz by Isaiah. It was a common belief among early Moslems that the coming of the prophet had been announced by various signs to the world at large. One of the non- miraculous signs is thus described by Ibn Hisham. A Jew was speaking of resurrection and judgment to heathen Arabs, who demanded a sign of the truth of his statements. A prophet, he answered, sent from yonder country (Mecca). But when, they asked, do you think he will come ? Then he looked at me, and said, If this boy reaches the full term of life, he will see him. Here, as Bevan remarks, 1 it is not merely the doctrine of a future state which receives a sign. The sign that there is a future state consists in the coming of the prophet, and the sign that the prophet is really coming consists in the fact that the boy who is singled out will live to see him. The applicability of this illustration to Is. 7 14 is obvious. Whether Immanuel is an individual, or a whole genera tion of children, makes no difference. Cp also Ex. 812, which is strikingly parallel to Is. 7 14, and equally requires illustration.

See Giesebrecht, Die Immanuelweissagung, St. Kr., 1888, pp. 217-246; Guthe, Das Zukunftsbild des Jesaia, $of. ( 85); Smend, A T Rel.-gesch. 214^ ; M Curdy, Hist. Proph.. Man. 14:7-420; Porter (JBL, as above); Kirkpatrick, Doctrine of the Prophets, 185-189; and the commentaries. Cp also GOSPELS, 21, MESSIAH, NATIVITY. T. K. C.


("ISN ; eMMHp [AL]), a place mentioned with CHERUB and ADDAN in Ezra2s9 (e/v\Hp [B]) = Neh. 76i (IGMHP [BXA 1 ], M . [A**M-]) = iEsd. 5 3 6 where the name is AALAR, RV ALLAR (&AA&P [B], AA&p [A]). See CHERUB, 2.


("I8X, 68, sheep (?), or cp AMARIAH ; eMMHp[BNAQL]).

1. The father(?)of the priest PASHHUR (Jer. 20 i, pre-exilic). The (post-exilic) genealogy of Immer is given in i Ch. 9 12 (<TI*)P [B]) = Neh. 11 13 (BNA om. t^wp Nc.a mg.inf.); the same family- name occurs in i Ch. 24 14. There is frequent reference to the post-exilic family of B ne Immer (Ezra 2 37 ; 10 20 aju./u.rjp [N*] ; in Neh. 7 40 om. B, x M V W) , cp Neh. 3 29 (Zadok). In iEsd.92i the name appears as EMMER (s/u-rjp [B]), and ib. 5 24 as MERUTH, RV EMMERUTH (epjiijpov [B]), e/ayu7)pov0[AJ).

2. See AMON, 2.


There, is no equivalent in Hebrew: in Prov. 1228 DID ^X cannot grammatically mean no death (EV) or immortality (Ew. ), nor is immortality within the wise man's circle of ideas. See ESCHATOLOGY, 15^

1. aQavavia ; immortal! tas : i Cor. 15 53^ i Tim. 6 16. Also Wisd. 84 ( hope full of immortality ), 4i ( in the memory of virtue is immortality ) 81317 ( in the kinship of wisdom is immortality ), 163 ( to know God is the root of immortality ). Cp also 4 Mace. 14 5 1613. adav<no<; occurs in Wisd. 1 15 ( righteousness is immortal ), Ecclus. 1730 ( son of man not immortal ). Cp Ecclus. 51 9 [A], 4 Mace. 7 3 [N] 146 1823 [A a N c.a y] _

2. afiBapvia, incorruptio : Rom. 2 7 i Cor. 1642 50 53_/C Eph. 624 2 Tim. 1 10 ; in RV always incorruption (in Eph. un- corruptness ). a.<j>Oa.j>Tos is rendered immortal in i Tim. 1 17 AV. Elsewhere EV has incorruptible. a<>dap<rt a occurs also in Wisd. 223 (man created for incorruption), 619 (incorruption brings near to God). Cp 4 Mace. 9 22 17 12. a<f>0aproy in Wisd. 12 i (of the spirit of God), 18 4 (of the light of the law).

1 Bevan, JQR 1894, pp. 220-222.


(WO, 53, [God] keeps off ]), name in a genealogy of ASHER (q.v. 4, ii. ), i Ch. 7sst (iMANA [BA], IAMN& [L]). Cp perhaps Nab. nj?:o (see Cook, Aram. Gloss., s.v.), and see TIMNA.


(rnr??, 53, [God] determines or measures ; leMNA, [ADL]).

i. b. ASHER (q.v. , 4, i. ), Gen. 46i 7 (AV JIMNAH) = NU. 2643 [44] (AV JIMNA ; IAMGIN [BAFL])=lCh. 73 (|NIN<\[B], lAMN&LL]); gentilic Imnite, AV JIMNITES, Nu. 2643^4] (iAM[e]- IN [e]i [BAFL]).

2. A Levite, father of Kore : 2 Ch. 31 14 (ai/otav [B]). We should perhaps transpose and read jo fj i.e. ID !! 1 , Heman ; see KORE.


(mp\ he resists, 53 ; cp MERAIAH), in a genealogy of ASHER (q.v., 4, ii.), i Ch. [B], leMpA [A], -BRA [L]).


("HPK, 52 ; abbrev. from AMARIAH).

1. A Judahite, i Ch. 9 4 ; see AMARIAH, 3.

2. Father of ZACCHUR^) in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH, i/, EZRA ii., 16 [i], 15^) : Neh. 82! (apapei [BNL], piapi [A]).


is the perfume arising from aromatic substances during combustion, and the substances themselves which are burned to produce the perfume.

1. Terms.[edit]

In EV incense translates two Hebrew words, one of which (rnbp, fctoreth, 6v/j,ia/jt,a) properly denotes smoke, specifically the smoke of offerings to the deity by fire ; the other (nji^i I bhondh, Xi(3avos), more frequently rendered frankincense, is the name of a species of gum (see FRANKINCENSE).

K toreth is used of the savoury smoke of victims (Homeric Kvia-rf), Dt. 33 10 (mbp, k tordti), Is. 1 13 Ps. 66 15 ; l and the verb (~TC?jp, kilter, Piel) means cause to smoke upon the altar, e.g., the fat of a sacrifice (i S. 2 15 f, falsely pointed as Hiphil, cp IBp in 16), an oblation of bread (Am. 4$; not ); more frequently without direct object (Hos. 4 13 11 2 Jer. 19 13 etc.). Then, as the burning of at least a portion of the offering was an essential part of the religious rite, by a development analogous to that of rm> zebak ( slaughter, sacrifice ) fitter means offer sacrifice. Later, kftoretk is used specifically of the sweet smoke of frankincense and other aromatics ; of the incense-offering (as in TOR rnbp., Ex.308 etc.); and of the material burned in this offering (Ezek. 8 n Lev. 10 i and frequently) ; the last meaning finally predominates. 2 The compound prescribed in Ex. 30 34 is D EDrt rnbp, the incense of aromatics. The verb ordinarily used in this connection is VGpn, hiktlr (Hiph.), which pre dominates in the later literature in all uses.

2. Incense in other religions.[edit]

The use of incense in religious ceremonies is very widespread, and a great variety of substances has been used for the purpose - woods, barks, dried flowers, grasses, seeds, resins, gums. 3 In Egypt the offering of incense by a king is a very frequent subject on the monuments ; 4 enormous quantities of incense were consumed in the temples ; 5 and expeditions were re peatedly sent to the land of Punt (Somali) to bring back the fragrant gums. 6 In the religion of the Baby lonians and Assyrians incense (kutrinnu) was also much used : the hero of the Deluge after leaving the ark offers sweet calamus (nap), cedar wood, and fragrant herbs (?) ; 7 references in the royal inscriptions, hymns, and magical texts are not infrequent. 8 Herodotus says that a thousand talents weight of frankincense was offered on the great altar of burnt offerings at the annual feast of Bel (1183). Sabaean inscriptions, some of them on censers, name various substances used for incense.

1 The Arab, kutdr is the scent of flesh-meat roasted on live coals, and, secondarily, according to some scholars, of aloe-wood burnt for fumigation.

2 In this sense the word is found in Phosn. inscriptions ; see CIS 1 no. 166 6 334 3 f.

3 For a list of substances used in the East in ancient and modern times, see Birdwood in EB($) 12718.

4 See Wilkinson-Birch, Anc. Eg. 8398-400, 414-416 ( 78).

5 See the reckoning of the gifts of Ramses III. during his reign, Erman, AZgypten, 407/1

6 Erman, 669, 673, 677; Naville, Deir el Bahari, ^iff. ( 94) ; cp also Gen. 37 25.

Bab. deluge-story, 147 jf,

8 See RITUAL (Assyr. Babyl.), 2 ; Del. Ass. HWB 600 ; Tallquist, Maqlu, 2gf, 6gsf.

9 Mordtmann and Miiller, SabdischeDenkmcilcr, 78 8i^f! See in general Dillm. Exod. 11. Lev. on Ebc. 30:34+, Birdwood in EJ3W, s.v. Incense.

3. Earliest use in Israel.[edit]

The gums and resins of Syria were carried to market in Egypt through Palestine (Gen. 3725) ; the perfumes for which Southern Arabia was famous were brought to Jerusalem in Solomon's time (i K. 10:10-11.); but there is no reference to the use of incense in Israelite worship before the seventh century B.C.

The prophets of the eighth century, in their picture of the ostentatious religion of their contemporaries (Am. 44y". 621^ Is. 1 n_^I ; cp also Mic. 6f), could hardly have failed to make some allusion to this feature of the cultus, if it had been customary in their time. Nor is there any mention of it in the older historical books or laws ; 1 it is, indeed, at variance with the fundamental principle of the older laws, that the material of sacrifice should be the gift of Yahwe i.e., the product of his land. Jeremiah is the first to speak of it : What care I, says Yahwe, for frankincense (rU3^) that comes from Sheba (cp Is. 60 6) and sweet calamus (31^ njp) from a distant land (6 20, cp 41 5 ; 17 26 is post-exilic) ; see, further, Is. 43 23 f. Yahwe did not burden Israel with a costly cultus, frankincense and calamus (see REED [6]) bought with money. 2 The earliest determinable use of K toreth for the material of incense is Ezek. 8 ii significantly enough, in a description of a heathenish mystery -cult ; see also 23 41.

It is to be conjectured, therefore, that the use of these imported aromatics in the worship of Yahwe came in, with other innovating imitations of foreign religions, during the reign of Manasseh. 3

4. OT usage.[edit]

We may distinguish (i) the use of incense as the concomitant of certain oblations, and (2) the offering of incense by itself -

( 1 ) In the first case the oblation consists of fine flour and oil (the ordinary minhah), or roasted ears or grits (first-fruits) and oil, with frankincense ; a handful of 

the flour or grain, and all the accompanying frank incense was burned on the great altar (the azkdra; see SACRIFICE).* On the table of shewbread pure frankincense was placed (in two golden vessels, Jos. Ant. iii. 10/, M. Mindch. lls if- ) , when the bread was removed on the following sabbath, the frankincense was burned on the great altar, as an azkdrdh to the bread (Lev. 247-9). I n a ll these cases frankincense alone is prescribed.

(2) In the offering of incense ketoreth by itself, the older use was to burn it in censers, 5 of which it seems to be assumed that each priest had one.

So in P ; Nadab and Abihu are destroyed by lightning from Yahwe because they put profane fire (coals not from the great altar) in their censers, and offered incense to Yahwe (Lev. 10 iff.) , cp also Nu. 16 (laymen presume to usurp a priestly function), and 17 1 1 (16 46) (Aaron carries his censer through the camp to stay the plague). This was the common mode in Egypt (see Wilkinson, as in preceding col. n. 4, and CENSER ; cp also Ezek. 8 1 1).

This practice survived in the ultimate ritual of the temple only in the ceremonies of the Day of Atonement in Lev. 16, where precisely this part belongs to the older stratum (P) connected unmistakably with Lev. 10 ; see ATONEMENT, DAY OF, i 3, LEVITICUS, 12.

In a later stratum of P a permanent golden altar is provided in the Holy Place, upon which the stated incense-offering (TCH) is burned morning and evening (Ex. 30 1^; see ALTAR, n, and EXODUS ii. , s[i.]). The pan, or rather shovel (^nno, see CENSER), which formerly served as a censer, is now used only to take the coals from the great altar and carry them to the altar of incense.

1 The silence of Kings must be compared with the frequent references in Chronicles. See Wellh. Prol.( 4 ) 64^. ; Nowack, HA 2 246.

2 The fragrant calamus is an ingredient of the holy chrism, Ex.3023.

3 In Greece and Rome, also, the use of imported odorifera in worship was a refinement of a more luxurious age (Porphyr. De abstinent. 2 5 ; Arnob. C. gent. 1 26) ; in Greece it seems to begin about the seventh century.

  • See Ley. 2 if. i$f. 6 15 [8] ; cp Neh. 185. In two instances

it is prescribed that the minhah shall not be accompanied by frankincense (Lev. 5n Nu. 615).


5. Ritual prescriptions.[edit]

In the same late stratum of P we find directions for the ceremonial : Aaron (i.e. , the high priest) shall burn incense on the golden altar every morning when he dresses the lamps, and every evening when he replaces them on the candelabra ; this is a Ton map (EV 'a perpetual incense' ), corresponding to the stated morning and evening offerings on the great altar (Ex.30:7+).

The incense is of a peculiar composition, and is very sacred ; the use of any other kind in the temple, or of this compound for any other purpose, is a mortal sin (Ex. 30 34-38). To offer incense is a high prerogative of the priesthood : the story of Uzziah (2 Ch. 26 16-21) illustrates the peril at which others intrude upon it.

6. Composition of Incense.[edit]

The formula for compounding the sacred incense is given in Ex. 30:34-38.

The ingredients are four fragrant substances (Q GO, sammlm), viz., 1W, nataph(<najiTti ; EV STACTE), nWlB , &hcieth(ow ; EV ONYCHA, &ehocith ; EV GALBANUM , and H2T HJ37, Icbhonah zak- ; EV pure FRANKINCENSE ).! These in equal parts, with a seasoning of salt, are to be made into a perfume incense according to the perfumer's art, and reduced to a very fine powder.

In the Herodian temple was employed a much more elaborate compound containing, according to Jos. (BJv. 5s), thirteen constituents. This agrees with the Talmudic testimony, which names eleven aromatic substances, besides salt and a certain herb. 2

The additional ingredients are myrrh, cassia, spikenard, saffron, costus (ats lp), mace (nSl^lp), cinnamon (Jer. Yomd, 4s ; Bab. Kcrithoth, 6a). These were combined with the four pre scribed in Exodus in such quantities as to make for the year s supply a total of 368 minas (say, roughly pounds), one for each day of the solar year, and three additional for the rites of the Day of Atonement. With the aromatics was mixed a small quantity (J kab) of Sodom salt, and a certain herb which had the property of causing the smoke to ascend in a vertical column. With this formula we may compare the description which Plutarch gives of the Egyptian incense (and medicinal) compound called kuphi, which consisted of sixteen ingredients (De Isid. et Osir. p. 383). 3 Cp also Jubilees 3 27 16 24. Accord ing to Apoc. Mosis, 29, Adam was allowed to take with him, when he was expelled from Paradise, the sweet-smelling plants used for incense.

The proper compounding of the incense was an art and mystery.

Some of the ingredients required previous preparation : the onycha or sea-shell (nSnty), e.g., was purified with vegetable alkali, and steeped in a particular kind of wine to take off the rankness of the odour. The materials were powdered in a mortar, the workman repeating as he pounded, bray it well ! and the incense was left in a fine powder, not made up into pastils or osselets such as we see in Egyptian representations. The stress laid on the prohibition of honey, though it has a general warrant in Lev. 2n, may be a side -glance at the Egyptian mode of preparation, in which honey was probably used to make the mass.

In the last age of the temple the fabrication of the incense was in the hands of the family of Abtinos (Euflwos or ~Evdvvovs), who had a room in the precincts assigned them for the purpose. They alone knew the herb which caused the column of smoke to ascend straight to the roof before it spread out ; no others could get this effect (Jer. Yomd, 3 9 ; Bab. Yomd, 38a, etc. ). They are said to have had a secret book of formulas.


2 The repetition of C DD in Ex.3034 made possible an exe gesis which gave a warrant for improvement.

3 See also Dioscor. 1 24.

6. Ritual of Herodian temple.[edit]

The ceremonial also became with time much more complicated. Instead of the high priest, the duty of burning the incense was assigned daily by lot (cp Lk 1:8-10) to a priest who had not previously enjoyed this distinction.

Three others assisted : one removed from the altar of incense the ashes from the preceding day ; another filled a shovel or pan with coals from the south-western of the two fires on the great altar, put them upon the altar of incense, spreading them out evenly, made his prostration, and withdrew. The officiating priest then entered the Holy Place, carrying the proper quantity of incense (i mina) in a cup with a lid (-jij) l set inside a shallow- vessel (rp) with a handle, over which a cloth was laid. Another priest accompanied him ; when they reached the altar the assistant took the vessel and poured into the hands of the officiating priest every grain of the incense ; he then made his prostration and withdrew. At the word from the master of ceremonies (rmcp), Incense! OBjpri), the priest sifted the incense on the coals, then made his prostration and retired. 2 During this ceremony no one was allowed to be in the temple, nor within the court between the altar and the front of the temple. 3

The exact moment for burning the incense was carefully fixed in the series of rites, and served to mark the time of day (Judith 9 1 Lk. 1 10). On the ritual of the Day of Atonement, see ATONEMENT, ii. 7.

8. Significance.[edit]

Philo (Quis rerum divin. heres, c. 41) finds in the four ingredients of the incense (Ex. 8634) symbols of the four elements . water - earth, air, fire ; the composition represents the universe. Josephus (BJ v. 5 5) thinks that the thirteen ingredients, gathered from the sea, the desert, and the inhabited earth, signify that all things are of God and unto God. Maimonides (More Nebokhim, 3 45) sees in the incense only a means of over coming the slaughter-house stench arising from the sacrifice of so many victims.

That it is a symbol or vehicle of prayer is suggested by a natural association with the sweet smoke rising heavenwards (cp Ps. 1412 Rev. 8s/. 58). 4 The more subtle speculations of modern symbolists, such as Bahr, testify to the authors ingenuity rather than to their sobriety.

Many recent scholars remark the fondness of the Orientals for perfumes and the common use of fumi gations in honour of guests and rulers 5 (cp Prov. 7 17 Cant. 36 Ps. 45 9 [8]). The perfuming of garments by fragrant smoke, and the use of fumigatories after meals are frequently alluded to in the later Jewish literature. The use of incense in worship is thus explained : men believe that what is so grateful to themselves is pleasing to the deity. That there is truth in this explanation need not be questioned ; and it is not improbable that in Israel this was the prevailing conception. 6

This is not the whole truth, however, any more than the theory that the origin of all sacrifice is the offering of food to the gods. We have only to recall the wide use of fumigation as a demonifuge, of which Tobit6i-7 81-3 are familiar instances. In Nu. 1646 \\li-L\ff., where Aaron with his censer stands betsveen the living and the dead and stays the plague, the incense is called an atonement (cp Wisd. 1821); but the back ground of older belief is not concealed. The use of fumigation in magical rites is also to be noted, one striking example of which is found in Baruch 6 43 [42] ; the Babylonian women who exposed themselves to prostitution by the wayside burnt bran for fumigation, with which the commentators properly compare Theo critus 233, where a girl, in the course of a complicated magical ceremony to win back the affection of her lover, burns bran to Hecate (cp Verg. Eel. 882 sparge molam ). On incense in magical ceremonies see also Test. Salom. ed. Fleck, 119.

9. Literature.[edit]

The principal texts have been cited in the foregoing. A clear description of the ritual, using all the Talmudic material, is given by Maimonides, Misnf Tora, Temidin u-musaphln, %iff., cp Kele hamikdash, 2 \. Some older monographs are collected in Ugolini, Thtsaurus 11, to which may be added Schlichter, De si ffitu sacra Hebrirorum ejusque mysterio l 1754. The subject is treated in the Comm. on Ex. SO, esp. in Kalisch and Knobel-Dillmann, and in the works on H\VB s.m>. Rauchern, Raucherwerk. For the Altar of incense (rncpn mTCi. Kx. 8027) see, besides 4 above, CENSER, i ; ALTAR, n ; and SACRIFICE. G. F. M.

1 Cp the spherical, covered pastil-holders in Egyptian repre sentations (Wilk. 8398).

2 The high priest on the Day of Atonement was forbidden to prolong his prayer in the Holy Place, lest the people should fear that something had happened to him (M. l 5rna,5i, cp Lk. 1 21).

3 M. Tamid, 869 5 2 i,f. 6 1-6 ; cp Lk. 1 10.

4 See also Test. xii. Pair., Levi, 3 ; esp Apoc. Mosis, 33.

6 See, e.g., Lane, Mod. /."^-.i 5 | 203, cp 138^. ( 60) ; classical examples, Herod. 754, Curt. v. 120 viii. 923, Herodian, iv. %g/. , 11 3; Dillm. on Ex. 8034^

6 See, e.g., the Zulu quoted by Tylor, 1y,$/., or the Baby lonian Deluge myth cited above, g 2.


(-nh; H iNAiKH [HXAVL0]). That the Pishon of Gen. 2n is the Indus, and that Havilah is India properly so-called (i.e., the region watered by the Indus) ; that the wood brought to Solomon from Ophir (i K. 10 n/.) was sandal-wood, and that ships of Tarshish imported for him Indian ivory and animals (i K. 1022), are opinions which have been widely held, but are now, to say the least, seriously threatened by recent investigations (see HAVILAH, IVORY, APE, PEACOCK, ALMUG TREES, OPHIR, TRADE AND COMMERCE). That Indian wares did sometimes find their way to Palestine, is possible enough ; but no distinct knowledge of India, or direct intercourse with it on the part of the Jews, can be imagined before the time of Darius (see Herod. 894 98) or confidently assumed before the time of Alexander. It is in Esther (a work of the Greek period) that we find the first mention of India under the term Hod(d}ii (or perhaps rather Hiddu : cp the form hiildus 1 in the Old Pers. cuneiform inscrip tions, also Syr. hendu, Ar. hind, all derived ultimately from Sanskr. sindhu, sea, great river 1 ). From Hod(d)u [Hiddu? EV " India "J to Cush [EV "Ethiopia"] is the description of the range of the dominions of Ahasuerus in Esth. li 89." In i Mace. 637 we read of the Indian ruler of the war-elephants of Antiochus V. (see ELEPHANT), and in i Mace. 88 India is included among the dominions of Antiochus the Great, transferred by the Romans to Eunienes.

The statement in i Mace. 88, which is plainly unhistorical (see EUMENES), raises a text-critical point of some delicacy. It is scarcely fair to say with Rawlins on (Speaker s Apocr., ad loc.) that attempts have been made to save our author s credit by turning "India" into "Ionia" and "Media" into "Mysia." The simple fact is that names of countries were very liable to be miswritten, and in Acts 2g we find a very similar difficulty viz. Judiea (iovSaiav without the article) coupled with Cappadocia, which, as Blass truly says, is intolerable, especially here." In both passages (i Mace. 8s Acts 2g) we should probably read Ionia 3 (for India" and Judaea ).

These are all the references to India in the biblical writings. The hypothesis of Hitzig that Sanskrit words underlie some of the names in old Hebrew legends was only possible before the renascence of Semitic archaeology. Nor can Sanskrit etymologies of names of precious stones be trusted. T. K. c.


( nbrt)), Gen. 31 14. See LAW AND JUSTICE, 18.


( VI, cp MH id., Aram. NHI 1 ^, *J uncertain; MeA&rsl)- Once in OT, Jer. 8618, where Baruch says that he wrote Jeremiah s prophecies in the book with ink. @ B X A Q does not express via (some cursives [e.g. 22 36 48 51] however ev ^\a.vt). If the reading is correct, it may imply that the words were written indelibly. 4 Robertson Smith, however (OTJC 1 71 n. ) thinks the ancient ink of tke Jews could be washed off (Ex. 8233 Nu. 623). In any case, via is not very probable.

Rothstein (Kau. 7/5) reads VSD, at his mouth ; but a repetition of this word is hardly probable. Giesebrecht, "V3, but the antithesis, with his mouth by my hand, is unpleasing.

Probably via is a corruption of c"Ui[n] (Che. ). /ji^Xav occurs thrice in NT, 2 Cor. 83 2 Jn. 12 3Jn. 13. See WRITING MATERIALS.

1 For the form Hindus (=India)see /?/ 9 70 (text of Perse- polis, designated I. by Lassen).

2 Cp <E5 of Esth. 3 12 (not L a ), i Esd. 3 2, Dan. (87)8 i, and Apoc. Est. 13 i Hi i.

s Ionia in i Mace, goes back to the time of Luther. In Acts, Blass has proposed Syria, Hemstershuis and Valckenar more plausibly Bithynia. Ionia, however, seems easier, and the passage in i Mace., where Ionia seems the only possible emendation, gives a support to it. Cp Is. 6(3 19 (Jewish exiles in Javan = Ionia).

4 Cp Galen, De vir. medic, simfilic. n, TOV jttrj jSAaTTTeif

ypa.fyoij.eva. (quoted by Wetstein, Nov. Test. 1 if 4). 70 2169


In Ezek. 9 2, 6 E/3/xuos in Orig. Hex. renders npp ($&VT\ [BAQ]) by fj.t\av KCU /cdXa^uos ypd- tpews, and so EV. 1 Inkhorns no doubt contained both ink (in the cup) and reed-pens, as they still do in the East. On the writer-angel referred to, see NEBO.

The name ktseth was borrowed with the object from Egypt; the scribe s box (see illustration inToy s Ezekiel, SHOT 113) was called in Eg. gstyi.e., that which is in two parts. (WMM, OLZ,, Feb. 1900, col. 50.)


(P/E. ^^ g enera l y inn ; Gen. 42 27 ofr KareAvcrai , 4321 ets TO KaraAvo ai, Ex.424 tv T<a Ka.Ta\vfi.a.n ; Jer. 9 i [2] Q n~)N [i^p, EV a lodging-place of wayfaring men ; but Giesebr., after <B s <TTO.BII.OV eVxarof, plHK P?!? the furthest lodging - place ; Lk. 2 7 tv TU> /caraA. ; 1634, els irapfioKiov ; cp Talm. p~mB, Ar. funduk and Span.yo</rt).

A 'malon' (jiVn) is a station for the night, a lodging- place ; the same word can be used for the night-quarters of an army (Josh. 438 Is. 1629 2 K. 1923 = Is. 8/24, see SHOT) ; a KaTa\vfj.a. is a place where burdens are loosed for a night s rest. The warm commendations of hospi tality in the NT show that even in the Roman period the buildings set apart for strangers to lodge in were of a simple character in Palestine ; hence a description of a modern khan or karavanserai (the former term properly belongs to an inn within or near a town) may be not without some illustrative value. Let the reader imagine, then, a large building, in the form of a square, whose sides, each about 100 yards in length, are surrounded by an external wall of fine brickwork, based on stone, rising generally to the height of 20 feet. In the middle of the front wall there is a wide and lofty archway, having on one or both sides a lodge for the porter and other attendants ; the upper part of it, being faced with carving or ornamental mason-work, and containing several rooms, surmounted by elegant domes, is considered the most honourable place of the building, and is therefore appropriated to the use of the better sort. This archway leads into a spacious rectangle, the area forming a courtyard for cattle, in the midst of which is a well or fountain. Along the sides of the rectangle are piazzas extending the whole length, and opening at every few steps into arched and open recesses, which are the entrances into the travellers apartments. An inner door behind each of these con ducts to a small bare chamber, which derives all its light from the door, or from a small open window in the back wall. In the middle of each of the three sides, there is a staircase leading to the flat roof, where the cool breeze and a view may be enjoyed. In the few buildings of this sort which have two storeys, the travellers are accommodated above, whilst the under flat is reserved for their servants or as warehouses for goods.

Such superior karavanserais, however, are not often met with. The most part are but wretched lodging- places, which supply neither necessaries nor comforts. The only service the traveller can depend upon receiving from the keeper, besides water for man and beast, is attendance in sickness. For one of the qualifications of this functionary is the possession of a knowledge of simples and of the most approved practice in case of fracture or common ailments. Hence the good Samaritan in the parable (Lk. 1034), although he is obliged, in the urgency of the case, himself to apply from his own viaticum a few simple remedies for wounds, may be supposed to leave the wounded man in full con fidence that he will be nursed by the keeper of the khan (6 iravSoKfiJS, or -doxefa [W H]), whose assiduities in dressing the wounds of his patient will be quickened by the prospect of an adequate remuneration. See HOUSE.

Surely we cannot venture to suppose, with Jiilicher (Gleich- nissreden, 590) that the Good Samaritan s (cardAn/no. was a Gasthausot hostelry. It is much more probable that the lodging- place differed but slightly from the so-called Good Samaritan s Inn on the way to Jericho, which bears the name of Khan 1 latrura.

Nor would it be reasonable to suppose that a different sort of lodging-place is meant by the (caroAu/ota (EV inn) of Lk. 27; that Lk. uses different words in 2 7 and in 1034 may only arise from a difference in the literary source. It is true that in Lk. 22 1 1 icaToAujua seems to mean a room that was lent to pilgrims (for the passover) ; but the context in 2 7 is as adverse to the meaning guest-chamber as to that of inn. That the gernth Ckiinham of Jer. 41 17 (RV ng- the lodging - place of Chimham ) is meant, is quite impossible, though this has been suggested (cp Plummer, St. Luke, 54). See CHIMHAM, and cp NATIVITY.

That an Oriental manger (<f>d.Tvi\) was not like those of the West is shown at great length by Kitto (Pict. Bil>. Lk. 27), who states that when persons find on their arrival that the apart ments usually appropriated to travellers are already occupied, they are glad to find accommodation in the stable, particularly when the nights are cold or the season inclement, and adds that the part of the stable called " the manger " could not reason ably have been other than one of those recesses, or at least a portion of the bench which we have mentioned as affording accommodation to travellers under certain circumstances.

1 Field suggests a confusion between D ^3 (which occurs just before) and V13 ; but this seems improbable. Aq. f 1 ) has KO.<TTV jLaTCias, Aq.f-) nf\avo&o\tioi> yp., Symm. wivaKtSiov ypa<j)C<as. 2170




(HOt?:), Job 328, RV breath. See SPIRIT, PROPHET.


(^6T^3), i Ch. 15i6. See MUSIC, zff.


(f^P). Gen. 42 23 Job 8823 EV, and elsewhere. See AMBASSADOR, i ; PARACLETE.


P V), Gen. 4613 RV, a corruption of JASHUB, i.


RV Iphdeiah (H^S 11 , 30, Yahvve redeems ), b. Shashak in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (q. v. , 9, ii. p), i Ch. 8 25 t decfcepeiA [B], ie4>AAi& [AL]).


(nna), Josh. 15 4 3 RV; AV JIPHTAH (q.v. ).


(VlKVinai), Josh. 19 14 RV ; AV JIPHTHAH-EL (q.V.).


CW), i Ch. 7i2f. See IRI, i.


(N-yi;, watchful ? [ e ]ipAC [BAL]).

1. b. Ikkesh, the Tekoite, was one of David s heroes (28. 23 26, iSae [L] ; i Ch. 11 28, wpcu [BKA]) ; in i Ch. 27 9 (eipa. [A], oSowas [B], 16. [L]) he is at the head of the sixth division of David s army. Marq. (Fund. 19) would read N^V (cp L and B in Ch.)and identify him with the Iddo in i K. 4 14 ; see IDDO (iii. 4).

2. The ITHRITE (q.v.), another of David s heroes, 2 S. 2838 (oiafi [L]), i Ch. 11 40 (,pa [B], la [], r,pa [L]).

3. The JAIRITE ( "IN .I) /.^.,aman of jAiK(aGileaditeclan) was one of David s priests (in 1 ? i?3); 28. 2026; cp Dr. TBS 220 (eipas o lapeiv [B], e. o laeipci [A], icuSae o teSep [L] ; Pesh. fc^-^^!O). Perhaps for IN rt we ought to read "W ?, i.e., the Jattirite (so Th., Klo., after Pesh.; cp L). See ABIATHAR.


(TVI7: p-AlA^A [ADEL] ; IRAD), Gen. 4i8f. Philo explains, 7cu5a5 8 epfj-yveverai. Trolfj.vioi> (de Post. Caini, Mangey, 1237); possibly he read yaidap, which the copyists altered. The best reading seems to be -pry, Erad (cp ^>3 #, Mt. Ebal) ; but Lagarde (Orien- talia, 233) prefers Edad.

To read Tnj/, ArOd, wild ass, and compare the sons of Hamor, i.e., members of the Ass-clan (?), Gen. 33 19 does not suit the character of the genealogy, nor are we helped by the proper name Arad. The name is probably of Bab. origin. See CAINITES, 7. T. K. C.


(DTI?), a phylarch (alliiph) or rather clan (ilepti) of Edom (Gen. 8643 [(55 om.], i Ch. A ; Aip. L]). In Gen. I.e. < s Hebrew text had (a variant of IBS) ; so also B reads in Ch. I.e. B. W. Bacon, following Ewald, suggests that originally Zepho (iss) stood before Irain, thus making the number of clans twelve. But from of Gen. 36 n (see ZEPHO) we shall do better to adopt the reading isi- 'Zophar' (cp ZOPHAR), and may then with probability emend GTJ; into noIK (Omar) which precedes Zepho in Gen. 36n, so that all the sons of Eliphaz but GATAM [g.v.], will be included in the list of clans of Edom. It is also possible, however, with S. A. Cook, to connect Iram with the S. Judahite names IRA, IRU ; cp GENEALOGIES i. , 5 n. W. R. Smith suggests a connection with Aireh, the name of a village near the ruins of Petra (see SELA, 2). See also Haupt s note in Ball, SBOT, Gen. 94.

See Lag. Septuaginta-Studien, ii. 1017887270, cited by Nestle, Marg. 12, where the order is * Magediel, Eram, Fazoin (Fazon). T. K. C.


P"}" 1 !?, 76, my watchman ? ; cp IRU, and see IRAM).

1. b. Bela in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (g.v., 9, ii. a) ; i Ch. T7(ovp[e]i[BA],-pias[L], URAI[\z.},i.e.*-w). In i Ch. 7 12! the name is IR (Ti? : [vioi]pa[(oji] [15], u>pa [A], [uioi] ifpi[fj.ovO] [L ; note that Jerimuth precedes Iri in v. 7], HIK [Vg.]), on which see also AHEK.

2. i Esd. 862 AV(oupi [A]). See URIAH, 4.

  1. Ruben (PSBA, June '98) keeps נלחה and too boldly explains it 'is frightened,' from Assyrian.