Encyclopaedia Biblica/Lazarus-Levitical Cities

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(AAZApoc [Ti. WH]).

1. Name.[edit]

The name, which is a contraction of ELEAZAR 2 (<?-v.) i.e. 'God has helped' was specially appropriate for the central figure in any story illustrating the help of God.

For OT examples see Ex. 18:4, 2 S. 23:9-10. In the period of Judaism we may expect to find the divine help more distinctly recognised. Cp Ps. 46:1 [2] 'a very present help in trouble' ; 70:6 [5] 'I am poor and needy; make haste unto me, O God: thou art my help and my deliverer'. When poverty and piety were synonymous it was natural to favour such names as Eleazar and Eliezer. Eleazar is the name given to (2 Macc. 6:18-31) the scribe called by Chrysostom (12:58) "the foundation of martyr dom," a type of those who (4 Macc. 7:19) believe that, 'to God, they do not die' (and see 3 Macc. 6:1-2).

1 Strack, EM. in den Talmud, 1894; Schur.G/rP)! 87-115, where further reference to the extensive literature will be found.

2 Hot: Hebr. on Lk. 16 20 (and cp ib. on Jn. 11 i) quotes Juchasin : Every R. Eleazar is written without an N i.e., R. Lazar.

3 D and Syr. Sin. om. now.

4 The Arabic Diatess. (ed. Hogg) alters order and text thus (Lk. Iri), (15) Ye are they that justify yourselves . . . the thing that is lofty before men is base before God. (19) And he began to say, A [certainl man was rich . . . This, besides indicating that a parable or discourse is commencing, gives it a logical connection with the charges just brought against the money-loving Pharisees.

8 Iren.iv. 24 (see Grabe s note on Grzecorum et Latinorum Patrum mutuus consensus ). Non autem fabulam might pos sibly mean not a mere tale but a tale with a lesson ; but see also the inferences deduced from the story in Iren. ii. 34 i, and Teitull. De Anim. 7. Tertullian, however, guards himself against the conclusion that nothing can be inferred from the story if it is imaginary.

2. Unique story in Lk.[edit]

In Lk. 16:19-31 Lazarus is introduced thus : . . . and he that marries one that is put away . . commits adultery. Now 3 there was a certain rich man . . . and a certain beggar named Lazarus was laid at his gate full of sores. * It is not surprising that the context, and the giving of a name to the central figure of the story, induced early commentators to suppose that this was a narrative of facts. 6 Certainly if the story is one of Jesus parables, it is difficult to see why, contrary to usage, the principal character in it receives a name. Taking this mention of a name together with other unique features of the story (the elaborate details about Hades, and the technical use of the phrase Abraham s bosom ), may we not conjecture that we have in Lk. 1619-31, not the exact words of Jesus, but an evangelic discourse upon his words (placed just before it by the Arabic Diatessaron) that which is exalted among men is an abomination in the sight of God ? If so, the insertion of the name Lazarus ( = Eliezer) will be parallel to the insertions of names (e.g. , Longinus) in the Acta Pilatl ; the typical character of the name has been indicated already (see above, i). The final words of the story ( neither will they be persuaded etc. ) seem more like an evangelic comment after Christ s resurrection than like a prediction of Christ before it.

3. Unique narrative in Jn.[edit]

The narrative in Jn. 11 opens thus, 'Now (5^) there was a certain man sick, Lazarus of (air6) Bethany from (K) the village of Mary and Martha her sister'. Now (65) Mary was she that anointed the Lord with ointment and wiped his feet with her hair : and it was her brother that (?)s 6 adf\(j)6s) was sick. The sisters, therefore, sent to him, saying, Lord, he whom thou lovest is sick. 2 Lazarus is here referred to as one who required an introduction. This view is confirmed by the fact that his name is mentioned only in the unique narrative in Lk. 16:19-31, the historical character of which is very justly disputed. The sisters of Lazarus too are not named at all by the first two evangelists. Yet the name of this Lazarus, about whom the Synoptists are silent, is connected by Jn. with the greatest of the miracles; for it appears from Jn. 11:39 that Lazarus, when Jesus arrived, had been four days dead, a cir cumstance that differentiates this miracle from the parallel miracle at NAIN-* (q.v.}, and makes it the climax of Christ s wonderful works. The synoptic silence has never been explained.

To remark that for the Jews and for the evangelists alike it was one of "many signs" (11:47), and not essentially dis tinguished from them, -* is to ignore Jn.'s dramatic power in delineating character. For the blind Pharisees no doubt this stupendous wonder was but one of many signs ; but only in Jn. And this was because Jn. wishes to represent the Pharisees as being stupendously blind. It was plainly not one of many signs for the multitudes in Jerusalem who flocked to meet Jesus (Jn. 12:18) because they heard that he had done this sign. In the same way the Pharisees think nothing of the healing of a man born blind. The blind man, however, reminds them that such a sign was never worked since the world began. The Acta Pilati represents the Roman Governor as unmoved by all the other evidence of Jesus miracles ; but when he hears of the climax, the raising of Lazarus after he had been four days dead, he trembles. 5

The distinction drawn above between the Fourth Evangelist and the Synoptists unfairly discredits the latter. We must not maintain, without any evidence but their silence, that the Synoptists were as stupid or as perverse as Christ s most bigoted and vindictive adversaries.

The common-sense view of the Synoptic omission of this miracle is like the common-sense view of the omission in the book of Kings of the statement made in the parallel passages of Chronicles - that God answered David and Solomon by fire from heaven. The earlier author omitted the tradition because he did not accept it and probably had never heard it. It was a later development. 1

1 Cp the prepositions in Jn. 1 447^ 46 742 52.

2 "\\v 6e M. has an exact parallel in Jn. 18 14. Such clauses of characteiisation are frequent in Jn. (e.g. , 7 50, and cp 1^39 he that came to him before, or, by night ). They keep before the reader the personality of the person described and prepare him for a new manifestation of the personality.

3 See Acta Pil. 8 and cp Hor. Hebr. on Jn. 11 39. For three days the spirit wanders about the sepulchre expecting if it may return into the body. But when it sees that the form or aspect of the face is changed then it hovers no more but leaves the body to itself. Cp JOHN, 20.

4 Westcott on Jn. 11 i. On the argument from the silence of the Synoptists see further GOSPELS, 587;

5 Acta Pil. 8. And others said, " He raised Lazarus . . ." Why does not Lazarus himself testify before Pilate, like the man who (Jn. 5 i) had been diseased thirty-eight years, and Bartima^us (not mentioned by name, though) and the woman with the issue, and others, a multitude both of men and women ? Was he supposed to be in hiding, or dead? A Lazarus is mentioned (*& 2) as one of twelve Jews who testify that Jesus was not born of fornication.

4. On what traditions is the account based?[edit]

Is then the record of the Raising of Lazarus a fiction ? Not a fiction, for it is a development. But it is non-historical, like the History of the Creation in Genesis, and like the records of the other miracles in the Fourth Gospel ; all of which are poetic developments (attempts to summarise and symbolise the many 'mighty works' of Jesus recorded by the Synoptists in seven typical 'signs' expressing his work before the Resurrection). The words of Jesus the Fourth Evangelist has obviously not attempted to pre sent in the form and style assigned to them by his predecessors, and the same statement applies to the Johannine account of the acts of Jesus. This, however, does not prevent us from discerning in many cases one original beneath the two differing representations. For example, we can see a connection between the healing of the man born blind and the Synoptic accounts of the healing of blindness ; and in Jn.'s account of the miraculous draught of fishes after the Resurrection we perceive clear traces of Lk.'s account of a similar event placed at an early period. So in the present case, if we are to study the Raising of Lazarus, in which a very large part is assigned to the intercession of Martha and Mary, the first step must be to go back to traditions about the sisters, and to attempt to explain the origin of the belief that they had a brother called Lazarus and that he was raised from the dead.

5. Anointing in Bethany.[edit]

Before we proceed to this, however, it may be well to remind the reader of the influence exerted by names and sometimes by corruptions of names on the development of traditions. a The student of the evangelic traditions is repeatedly called upon to apply this key, and we shall have to do so in studying the parallel narratives of the anointing of Jesus in Bethany given by Mk. , Mt. , and Jn. respectively. Mk.'s preface is (Mk. 143) 'And while he was in Bethany in the house of Simon the leper, while he was sitting down to meat' (ei> Ty oiniq. Ziyuwvos rou \firpov KaTa.Kei/j.tvov ai roD). Mt. 26:6 has simply TOU 8 "IrjcroO yevo/j-evov v B. fv oiKta S. TOV \eirpov. Now, tv rrj ot /a p in Mk. 9:33, 10:10 means in the house, i.e., indoors, no name of owner being added. Hence Mk. is capable of being rendered, While he was in Bethany in the house, Simon the leper himself [also] sitting down. The parallel in Jn. is (Jn. 12:1-2) 'Jesus therefore . . . came to Bethany where was (Sirou Jjv) Lazarus ... So they made him a supper there, and Martha was serving, but Lazarus was one of them that sat at meat with him' (6 5e A. ets fy (K rdv d.va.KftfJLei ui avv ai Tui), which certainly suggests, though not definitely stating, that the house belonged to Lazarus. It has been pointed out elsewhere, however, (GOSPELS, 10), that belonging to the leper might easily have been confused with Lazarus, so that the name may have sprung from a corruption of the phrase. As regards the dropping of the name Simon, an analogy is afforded by Ecclus. 50:27a, where, according to the editors of the recovered Hebrew text, 3 it is probable that the son of Sirach was originally called Simon son of Jesus, but that Simon son of was dropped.

But at this point, if we are to understand the steps by which Jn. was led to his conclusions concerning Lazarus, it is necessary to realise the obscurity that he must have found hanging over the story of the anointing of Jesus in the house of Simon the Leper, where Lazarus seemed to him to have been present.

1 See the writer's Diatessarica (287-9) f r an explanation of the possible confusion between answering a sacrifice-by-fire and answering a sacrifice by-fire. The Hebrew sacrifice-by-fire is almost identical in form with the word meaning fire.

2 For OT instances see the author s Diatessarica (46-54).

3 See their note ad loc. It seems worth while, however, to add that <B, while dropping for Simon (pvCE 1 ?)! adds lepoo-oAu/uei njs (N* has iepeiis 6 SoAujoteirr;?). May not the latter be a confused representation of the former? Owing to its similarity to other common words and phrases, "Simon," in Hebrew, might easily be inserted or omitted in translating from Hebrew. See note on Lk. 7 36 below.

6. 'The leper' an error.[edit]

Such a surname as the leper is antecedently improbable, 1 and it is omitted by Jn. ; but its difficulty indicates that it was not an interpolation but a corruption, possibly a conflation of the name of the place commonly called Bethany. Jn. alone appears to call this (Jn. 11:1) a village ; and he places it (ib. 11:18) 15 furlongs, which is exactly two Talmudic miles 2 i.e., a Sabbath day's journey with return from Jerusalem. This fixed the position, of course, for the first Christian pilgrims, and subsequently for the Church. But it did not succeed in imposing the name on the natives, who call the spot defined by Jn. , not Bethany, but el-Atarlyek. This fact, and Lk. s comparative silence, 3 and the total silence of Josephus (even in the details of the siege), and the Talmudic variations of spelling and of statement (connecting it with 'unripe figs' and 'shops' ), and Mk.'s description of Bethany as apparently nearer to Jerusalem than Bethphage (Mk. 11:1, 'to Bethphage and Bethany' ) - all indicate that Bethany was not really a village, but simply (like Bethphage) a precinct of the city, a part of the great northern suburb minutely described by Josephus.

1 In i K. 11:26, Jeroboam's mother is certainly called Zeruah, but this is either a deliberate insult or a corruption (see col. 2404, n. 2). Cp Levy, NHIVB (mn)> on the recognised impropriety of giving people nick-names from personal blemishes (a custom common among the Romans, but not among the Jews).

2 liar. Hebr. 1 262.

3 Lk. only mentions the exact Synoptic name once (Lk. 24:50) as far as to( wards) (eW irpos) Rftliany, in connection with the Ascension, the return from which is desciibed as (Acts 1:12) from the mountain called the Place -of -Olives ( EAaia>i>os), which is near Jerusalem, a. sabbath day s journey. Lk. 19:29 has Bnfacto, not BrjOanW.

  • The article before KatfoiroAii/ may he explained as a

blending of the notions New Town and the new town. Strictly speaking, it ought to be -rqv B. re, not TIJI- re B. But the irregularity might easily be paralleled from Thucydides. Moreover the text may be a condensation of TTJK rr)v re B. KO.I iV K. Trpoo-ay. which is called the Bezetha and the Kainopolis. It seems clear from the next extract that Bezetha, or Bezethana, was the Jewish name for Kainopolis or New-town, and that the two names did not denote different places. If Josephus wrote in every case BcgtMr, it might easily be corrupted into Bee0<, being written Be0a. There is one previous mention, also casual, describing Roman soldiers forcing their way up to the temple (BJ\\. 15s) through what is called Bezetha Sia TTJ? Bf0A <caAouM>")- As variants Niese s Index cites B<<Tada,

7. 'Bethany' perhaps 'Bezetha'[edit]

This suburb is casually mentioned as (Jos. BJ ii. 194) what is familiarly-called both Bezetha and The-New-City (^ *- v ^ T ^ v re ^frO*" Tpoaayopfvot^itriv , J- KO.I rr\v KaivoiroXiv). 4 Then, describing its gradual growth, and its subsequent enclosure in a wall by Agrippa, the historian speaks of (ib. v. 4:2) the hill (\6<pov) that is called (KaXfirai) Bezethana (so Big. and Voss. , but Ruf. /.ebethana, Huds. Bezetha ) ; and he goes on to say (ib. ) But by the people of the place the new-built portion was called Bezetha (^K\r)dr) 5 eirixupius Be~e0a r6 vtoKTiGTOv fdpos), perhaps meaning that the citizens contracted Bezethana to Bezetha, but more prob ably that the name, in both forms, was vernacular and difficult to represent exactly in Greek. He does not directly and straightforwardly say that Bezetha means new city, but that (il>. ) being interpreted, / / would be called in the Greek tongue new city ( K\\d8i y\ui<rcrri fraiPT} \tyoir &i> TTO\IS). This may well mean that new city would be the way to express in Greek a Jewish name not capable of being at once literally and briefly translated : 1 and this view is confirmed by the fact that he never introduces the name without a sort of apology ( the people call it, etc. ).

That there was such a vernacular name appears from four parallel versions of a Jewish tradition given by Griitz (Gesch. ^^3,ff}, to the effect that Jerusalem had as a suburb two Slices, 2 a lower (no doubt corre sponding to the lower Kainopolis of Josephus) and a higher. The higher was considered by common people, the lower even by strict Pharisees, as part of the Holy City, for the purpose of eating the meat of sacrifices, and so forth. The word for Slice is Betze or Beze, which, with the addition of the word lower, might easily correspond to Josephus Beze thana. 3 And having regard to the many variations and abbreviations probable in a vernacular name, and to those actually existent in Josephus, we can well understand how such a name may have been confused by some with the Mt. of Olives, and by others called Bethany. * It is also similar to the Hebrew for leper. 5 Lastly, it may throw light on the parallel tradition in Lk. (7:36) about a Pharisee asking Jesus to eat (bread). 6

1 That Josephus never dreamed of identifying Bezetha with the Har-hazaithim - i.e., (Zech. 144) Mt. of Olives - is clear from many passages and especially from BJ v. 12:2, ' He (Titus) built the wall to the lower New-City (+v xarordpo Karv6rohrv) . . . and thence passing through Kedron to the Mount of Olives. Levy (Chald. Lex.) does not mention ' Beth-zaithim, House of Olives', as one of the names by which the Mt. of Olives was called. It seems to have been regularly called the Mt or Hill of Olives or the Mt. of Oil.

2 'Slice' is intended to express the vernacular use of the word, and also the fact that the word is especially applied, in New Heb., to the 'breaking of dread'; cp Levy (Chald. Lex. 1 ~md) l*yiyq, 'Brotstucke'. Gratz renders it here 'Parcellen', 'Terrainstucke'.

3 That Josephus should transliterate the Heb. <; (s) by the Gk. $(z) can excite no surprise : He regularly does this in the name Zoar, for example. Also the interchange of j and % (as in Tyx) is frequent (Buhl, 209^). Lower is, in Gratz s extracts, n:innn, tahtonah. Levy (NHtt K) gives y^3 as synonymous with yi3, and with "1x3. Be(t)zertha ({<rn S3> Levy, Chald. Lex. 1 109 a) is the late Heb. for the separate place (Ezek. 41 12-15) n h g temple; but as regards NONI3 (suggested in Hastings, 2 594) the forms of the root given by Levy (Chald. Lex.) are said by him to mean only division of booty, plunder. It is perhaps worth adding that the only place-name in OT beginning with J3> Josh. 1628, Biziothiah (rvnvin), s rea ^ by & nmj3> lit. her daughters i.e., suburbs, and is conflated accordingly, ai Ko^ai aimav icat ai tn-auAeis avrtav.

  • Cp Mk. 11 19, And when it was evening they used to go

forth outside the city, Mt. 21 17 he came forth outside the city to Bethany, Lk. 21 37 coming forth he used to lodge in the mount that is called [the mount] of Olives. The divergences can perhaps be best explained as springing from an original to Bezetha(na), paraphrased by Mk., conflated by Mt. with Bethany, and taken by Lk. as Place of Olives. It should be noted that two of the versions of Gratz s above-quoted tradition begin Two Slices were on the Mount of Oil, the third has " (3) Jerusalem, and the fourth there. The third seems likely to have preserved the original, which perhaps meant connected with Jerusalem. As the suburbs were outside Jerusalem proper, in was naturally altered.

5 Reading pys3 as pyso ( a corruption very frequent in ) we have a word very similar to ynsc, leper."

6 Not only is yi 3, slice, or fragment, the regular N. Heb. word for breaking bread, but also pyi^s was a name given (Levy 4 i43-^) to a class of hypocrites that aped the practices of the stricter Pharisees. Space fails to indicate all the traces of Hebrew influence on the narratives of the Anointing of Jesus. But one may be given. Lk., without introducing the host by name, represents Jesus as addressing him by name, thus (Lk. 740) Simon, I have somewhat to say unto thee. This is unexampled in the gospels. Yet it is most improbable that Lk. inserted. in this extraordinary place instead of at the com mencement what was not in his original, merely because a Simon the Leper had been mentioned in the Synoptic narrative. More probably the original had Hearken (xj-ycs;0 or hearken- to "^( jyOB 1 ), and Lk. mistook this for nycc , Simon. It may also be of use to point out that in Jn. 12:1 'where was Lazarus, whom Jesus raised from the dead', Delitzsch expresses 'where was ' by the Heb. 'place ' or 'home', nip. But this differs so little from Q pCi raise up, that the two are repeatedly confused by the LXX, Nah. 1 8 the / lace thereof, <B they that are raised

  • /> Jer. 10:20 and to set up, LXX place (and see 2 S. 22:49,

rise up against me, <5 [L] my place ). By themselves, these facts would have no weight ; but taken in conjunction with the instances of apparent Hebrew influence (see Diatessarica, " 334> containing Index to passages from Jn.) they suggest the possibility of a conflation in Jn. ; and they are worth mentioning here in order to help the reader to realise that Jn., as well as Lk. (though in a manner different from Lk. s), may have attempted to correct existing histories, not by inventing, but by giving shape and order to vague and floating traditions.

8. First inferences.[edit]

It is essential for the reader to keep steadily in view the traces of obscurity in the earliest Christian traditions in order that he may understand Jn.'s attitude towards them. Jn. is to be regarded neither as a fallacious historian nor as a poet putting aside history, but as a believer, so penetrated with the sense of the power of Christ s spirit, and at the same time so conscious of the obscurity, uncertainty, and inadequacy of the extant historical records of Christ, that he felt impelled towards a new representation both of his words and of his deeds. To describe the latter, he remoulded the gospel, fusing old traditions and new, written and oral, inferring, amplifying, spiritualising, but not inventing.

If, therefore, Jn. was led to believe that a man named Lazarus owned the house in which the anointing occurred, what inferences would he naturally make in accordance with his principle of blending scattered tradi tions? He found in Lk. (10:40) an account of a supper made for Jesus where Martha was cumbered about much serving, while Mary sat at his feet and heard his discourse ; and this he might identify with the meal at which the anointing took place. Martha, however (without name of husband or father of the house), was mentioned by Lk. as the hostess. 1 It followed that the house must have belonged in some sense to her as well as to Lazarus, and consequently that Lazarus must have been a younger brother. Hence would arise Jn.'s de scription of Lazarus as the brother of Mary and Martha ; for indeed it was in this inferential way that Jn. had reasoned out the existence of a Lazarus.

9. Developments.[edit]

The next step was to connect the name with Lk.'s Lazarus who was raised from the dead. The last words of Lk. s Lazarus-narrative are, 'Neither will they believe though one went to them from the dead', which might become the basis of a tradition that 'the Lord said concerning a man named Lazarus, who died and was buried, that the Jews would not believe' (i.e. , refused to believe) though one went to them from the dead. But if this Lazarus who sat at meat when Martha served and Mary anointed Jesus feet, had been raised from the dead by Jesus, and that, too, after he had been buried it followed that such a sign was the climax of all the signs and would naturally come last of all. It must have been wrought at Bethany, since Lazarus s house was there. Yet Jesus could not have been at Bethany when Lazarus died so the Evangelist would argue for how could he remain and look on, and permit the death and burial? Jesus must therefore have been at a distance. In that case, Martha and Mary must surely have sent to him. Yet he must have known even at a distance what was happening ; and if he knew, why did he not come ? And how would the sisters endure his not coming? Upon the basis of all these inferences and questions the Evangelist proceeds to describe how the two sisters sent, and what they said when Jesus came, and how he answered their intercession the result being the raising of Lazarus, the climax of Jesus signs.

1 'Martha' in New Heb. means sometimes mistress (Levy, NHWB i> 234 6), the mistress (nmD) of the house who received us.

10. The motive.[edit]

Some commentators maintain that the graphic style of the evangelist proves that he had seen or heard the scenes or discourses he describes. Among his most graphic passages, however, are the dialogues with Nicodemus and with the Samaritan woman, at neither of which was he present.

The fact is, that Jn. writes as a mystical poet, im bued with Jewish traditions from Egypt as well as from Palestine, with a keen eye for human characteristics, but with a still deeper insight into the unfathomable love and spiritual power of Jesus, and with a desire to subordinate every word of his Gospel to the purpose of manifesting that love and that power to mankind. 1

11. Symbolical Allusions.[edit]

(1.) The book called Sohar, Zohar (Schottgen on Mt. 2:18), represents the Messiah as weeping when Rachel wept for her children. By Justin (Tryph 134). and Irenaeus (4:21) Rachel was recognised as the type of the Christian Church, and Justin saw in Leah the type of the Synagogue, (ii. ) The Apostolic Constitutions (7:8) mention Lazarus with Job, apparently recognising in the raising of Lazarus a fulfilment of the famous prediction found in the received text of Job 19:26.- Tradi tions about Rachel and Job, as well as the Philonian explanation of Eliezer, 3 may very well have been in the evangelist s mind when he described the intercession of the two sisters and put into the mouth of Martha the words by this time he stinketh. Nor is it farfetched to see a contrast between Lazarus - leaving the tomb still bound with grave-clothes and with the napkin round his head and Jesus who, when he rose, 'left the linen cloths lying' and the 'napkin . . . rolled up in a place by itself'.

12. Greek allusions.[edit]

The Greek allusions are of a different kind.

(i.) 11:33, 'He rebuked in his spirit' (ei e/3pijuj<raTOT<f)7rci!0xa7i); cp ll:38, again rebuking in himself. In Mk. 1:43 Mt. 9:30 the word e/u/3pijxnofttti is applied to Jesus addressing, severally, a leper and two blind men. Probably Jn. wishes to dispel the impression that the half-suppressed exclamation of anger that sometimes accompanied Jesus' acts of healing was directed against the sufferer, whereas it was directed against the suffering regarded as Evil. 4

(ii.) 11:33, 'he troubled himself'. This is probably an allusion both to (a) the refrain in Ps. 42 (41) and 43 (42) () 'Why art thou exceeding-sorrowful, my soul' (TrfpiAun-os, RV cast down ), and why dost thou troiible-me-ivitk [? myself] (trvi Tapao-erets, RV disquieted within me ), and (b) to the synoptic use of the passage. The Greek 'exceeding-sorrowful' (wepiAujros) is rare in the LXX (see Concord.). In NT the word occurs in four passages, including Mk. 14;34 Mt. 26:38, My soul is exceeding- sorroiuful even unto death. These words are not in Lk. But an early interpolation in Lk., or edition of Lk., substituted (Lk. 22:44) an account of Christ engaged in a conflict (or, agony). The problem of avoiding a word that might be a stumbling block, because it signified grief to excess, and yet of inserting a fulfilment of scripture, corresponding to that in Mk. , is solved here by Jn.'s using the other half of the Psalmist s sentence, namely, trouble me with myself in the form he troubled him self. By this extraordinary expression he indirectly meets an objection that must have occurred to the many thousands of Greeks and Romans who were familiar with the fundamental doctrine of Epictetus, Be free from trouble. Jn. teaches that the Father himself wills that his children, including the eternal Son, should be troubled for one another. But what he wills, he does ; and what he does, the Logos does. Therefore the Logos, here, troubled himself. Later the Logos will be (12:27) 'troubled in soul', and last of all, by the treachery of Judas (13:21), 'troubled in spirit'.

To enter fully into the allusions with which this narrative teems would be to write a commentary on it. Without some insight into a few of them, however, no reader can dispassionately judge what is meant by the Johannine name Lazarus or the poem of which it is the centre. K. A. A.

1 Regarded as a nariative of fact this story, like others in Jn., is defective. Even such commentators as Lightfoot and West- cott have severally inferred that the journey from beyond Jordan to Bethany occupied three days {Bibl. Essays), about a day (Westc. ad loc.).

2 Orig. Comm. on Jn. 15 (ed. Huet, vol. ii. , p. 4 E) oSiofiora vexpov a.vetm)<rev, Anaphor. Pilat. he raised up one that had been dead four days. . . . when the dead man had his blood cor rupted and when his body was destroyed by the worms produced in it and when it had the stink of a dog.

3 Being interpreted, Eliezer is God my Help. For the mass [of flesh] imbued with blood is by itself liable to speedy dissolution, being indeed a corpse ; but it is kept compact and quickened with a vital spark by the providence of God (>p. I 4 8i).

4 In a passage quoted by Eusebius {HE v. l6o) from a letter from the churches of Lyons, ejxjSp. seems to mean loudly cursing (not muttering curses ). Lucian uses it to express the deep angry bellowing of Hecate (vol. i., p. 484, Necyoni. 20, ive- /Spi/nrjo-aTO 17 Bpi^ioj). Cp Ecclus. 183, The rich man wrongs you and bellows at you besides (Trpoo-eye/jpejoitjo-aTo). Celsus (Orig. Cels. 2 76) complains that Jesus threatens and reviles on light occasions, and complains of Jesus saying woe unto you. Jn. never uses the word woe. It is hardly likely that the difficulty of Mk.l43 Mt.93o would have escaped educated assailants of the Gospels at the beginning of the second century.




(JYISy, dphcreth [see note below] ; MOXiBoc, MoAyBoc [/vxoAiBAoc, /woAyBAoc]; plumbum). Though lead was doubtless well-known to the Hebrews from an early period, its applications were comparatively unimportant, and the OT references to it are not many.

(a) Its weight is alluded to in Ex. 15:10 (cp Acts 27:28), and the mason s and carpenter's plummet was no doubt as often made of lead as of tin, though the latter happens to be the material men tioned in Zech. 4:10. Indeed, the distinction between lead and tin (see TIN) was in early days but imperfectly realised.

(b) Before the use of quicksilver became known, lead was employed for the purpose of purifying silver, and separating it from other mineral substances (Flin. /INZ iy). To this Jeremiah alludes where he figuratively describes the corrupt condition of the people : In their fire the lead is consumed (in the crucible); the smelting is in vain, for the evil is not separated (Jer. 6:29). Ezekiel (2:18-22) refers to the same fact, and for the same purpose, but amplifies it with greater minute ness of detail. Compare also Mai. $2f.

(c) On Job 19:23-24, see WHITING. For the use of leaden tablets as writing material cp Faus. ix. 31 4 (leaden tablet, very time-worn, with the Works of Hesiod engraved on it) and Plin. H.N. 13 n.

(d) Although the Hebrew weights were usually of stone, and are indeed called stones, a leaden weight denominated andk^ (px C P tne Arabic word for lead) occurs in Amos 7:7-8. See PLUMBLINE.

(e) The employment of lead for the conveyance of water known to the Greeks (Paus. iv. 35 12) and very familiar to the Romans may perhaps have been resorted to by the Israelites, but does not seem to be alluded to in OT.


(Hs ; A[e]lA [BADEFL]) ; some scholars compare Ar. la'y, 'wild cow' ; so Del. Pro!. 80, \VR$ Kin. 195, 219, and doubtfully No. ZU/(;40 167 [1886]; P. Haupt compares Ass. li'at, 'mistress' ; but on the possible analogy of Rachel [see JACOB, 3] we may still more plausibly suspect Leah [Leah?] to be a fragment of Jerahme el [Che. ]). The mother of the non-Josephite tribes of Israel. It was in the house of Joseph that the truest stock of Israel historically lay ; in fact it was, according to E, only by underhand dealings on the part of the Aramrean Laban that the Leah tribes ever really became Israelite. Still, even the Ephraimite traditions made the Leah tribe of Reuben Israel s firstborn, and did not even deny him a place in its account of the origin of Joseph (Gen. 30 14). See also RACHEL, TRIBE.


(HlStf? ; roy ATTOKPIGHNAI [BNA]) Ps. 88 title, RV m K- for singing (so Baethgen). Haupt (JI)L, iqoo, p. 70) explains, to cause to respond i.e., to cause God to grant the prayer which is at any rate not unsuitable to the contents. The analogy of the corrupt vain 1 ? and iaSS, however (38 70 60, in titles), suggests a different solution. mjy 1 ? is an easy corruption of roSy. which the scribe wrote as a correc tion of the corrupt n^rc- On Alamoth see PSALMS, 26 [4


Although the word leather (or leathern ) occurs only three times in EV, once of the girdle of Elijah (2 K. 18 lij; niiK, fcii ij dep/jLarivr)) and twice of that of John the Baptist (Mk. 16 RV, AV a girdle of a skin ; Mt. 84), on both which see GIRDLE, i, and the word tanner 1 is met with only in Acts 943 10632, there can be no doubt that the Hebrews were familiar with the use of leather and the art of preparing it from the earliest times. Cp SKIN, PARCHMENT.

The leathern vessels (niyn S?), frequently referred to in Leviticus, may be supposed to have included shields and the like as well as belts and straps, bottles, quivers and chariot -fittings, sandals and shoes (cp SHOES). The Egyptian monuments illustrate very graphically various stages in the working of leather (see, e.g. , Wilk. Anc. Eg. 1232 2 187 f. ), though it would \>e hazardous to use this as an argument for the acquaintance of the Israelites with the higher branches of the art in the Mosaic age (Ex. 25s, P), of which we have no contemporary records.

1 The Heb. words iiniilt and ifhtrttk find their analogies in the Ass. anakii and aMru, both of which are variously rendered lead or tin "(see Muss-Arnolt who cites also antimony for a&ilrti). Both words are not unfrequently mentioned on Ass. inscriptions among articles of tribute, abilru in particular being sent from such districts as Commagene, Kue, Byblos, Melitene and Tabal ; cp Del. Ass. H WH 9 b and re ff.


1. Leaven explained.[edit]

LEAVEN is a general term for whatever is capable of generating the process of fermentation in a mass of dough ( panary fermentation ). Various substances were known in ancient times to possess this property. J The locus classicus for the leavens of NT times is Pliny, HN 18:26, according to which the most highly prized leaven was made in the vintage season by kneading millet or fine bran of wheat with must. In most cases, however, according to the same authority, the leaven employed was the same as that which alone is mentioned in OT or NT (see BREAD, i), namely a piece of fully fermented dough retained for the purpose from the previous day s baking ( tantum pridie adservata materie utun- tur ). Such a piece might either be broken down in water in a basin before the fresh flour was added (Af/ndAotA5i end) or it might be hid in the flour (Mt. 13:33), and kneaded along with it. The Hebrews named this piece of fermented dough INJ; , if or so always in MT, in the Mishna TUTC-, I IND, "htty and I lira LXXandNT &/J.T) (Ex. 12:15-19, 13:7, Lev. 2:11, Dt. 16:4, Mt. 13:33, etc.).

-1Kb is derived from an unused root INC akin (according to Ges. Thes. 1318 l>) to TD> an d Arab, thilra (efftrbuif); cp f,\ni.i\ from eto, and fermentum from ferret? , also leaven (mid. Lat. leuamen) from levare. In RV sfor is now consistently rendered throughout by leaven, AV having in Dt. 164 leavened bread 1 (see below).

The mass of flour, water, and salt, in the kneading- trough, w*.yVr A(rn*tc B) 2 with or without leaven after being kneaded was termed 'basek' (pss), dough or 'sponge' (Ex.123439 28. 138Hos. 74 Jer. 7i8); orcus, <rr<?as, or ffrtap, NT ((>vpafj.a ; in the Mishna most frequently rtD j; (from DDJ; to squeeze, knead [not as Levy from irony]). If the dough contained no leaven and was baked before spontaneous fermentation had set in, the result was nxa. tnassdA (for etymology see Ges. -Bu.< 13 , s.v. j ss), more fully nso cnS, unleavened bread (fij~i>/*os [fi/rroj]), but most frequently in OT in the plur. Tiixc, massoth, unleavened cakes. Dough that had thoroughly risen under the action of leaven or by spontaneous fermenta tion (Affnd/wth 5i) was termed rcn, A times, leavened (from j-cn, Arab, hamuda, to be sharp or sour ; cp Ger. Sauerteig, 1 Eng. 'sour dough' ), and bread made therefrom, j-cn DnV, leavened bread (Lev. 7:13). In all other passages, however, ppn is used substantively, as synonymous with niiDrtp 3 (Ex. 12:19-20), that which is leavened. 4 For the two words se'or and hames are not synonymous, as has been asserted, but related as cause and effect (cp the Vg. renderings ferment urn and fermenhitum). In the OT at least Par is always leaven ; the verb Spx, to eat, is never applied to it, but to hdmcs (hence we read, Talm. Pesahim t>a, lyxcJ TINS? nS DN 1 ? i"ii leaven which is not fit for eating).

1 See Bliimner, Technologic, etc., der Gewerbe bei Griechen unti Kouiern , 1 s8_/I

- This word should probably be pointed miff re th (rnKL 1;), from

the same root -|jl M ( see above), to rise, that in which the dough rises. In Ex. 7 28 12 34 <S, followed byV g. (consj>ersantfari>iai}, has taken the word in an active sense, that which rises, viz. dough (</>iipa/ua).

3 Mr. James Death has devoted a book, The Beer of the Bible, one of the iinkrurwn leavens of Exodus (1887), to an abortive attempt to prove that nXCna is to be identified with an ancient Egyptian beer, similar to the modern buza.

4 In half the passages /tames is correctly rendered by (85 as (vniaTOv (Kx. 187 Lev. 2 1 1), [aproi] fu/ourai (Lev. 7 13 [3]), a. i>H<o/ueVot (Lev. 23 17), in the rest (Ex. 12 15 [cod. 72, fbpMffr] 13 3 23 18 34 25 Dt. 16 3) incorrectly by vn>7.

In the later Hebrew of the Mishna, however, this distinction is not always observed ; hence we find st ar applied not only to leaven proper, but also to the dough in the process of leavening (usually nDy). Thus, in the interesting passage, Pesah. 85, in answer to the question how the beginning of the process of fermentation is to be recognised in the dough (liN b), two replies are given : When the surface of the dough shows small cracks, like the antennae of locusts, running in different directions, and again : When the surface has become pale, like (the face of) one whose hair stands on end (through fear) !

The leaven of OT and NT, then, is exclusively a piece of sour dough. In the warm climate of Palestine, fermentation is more rapid than with us, and it is said that if flour is mixed with water, spontaneous fermenta tion will set in and be completed in twenty-four hours. It is often stated, and is not improbable, that the Jews also used the lees of wine as yeast; but the passages cited by Hamburger (viz., Pfsdhim 3i and /////* 1 7) do not bear this out.

2. Leaven in the cultus.[edit]

The use of leaven being a later refinement in the preparation of bread (see BREAD, i), it may be regarded as certain that offerings of bread to the deity were from the first unleavened. The cakes of the shewbread, according to the unanimous testimony of Philo, Josephus, Talmud, and Midrash (see reff. under SHEWBREAD), remained unleavened to the end. In all cereal offerings, any portion of which was destined to be burnt on the altar, the use of leaven, as of honey, was excluded (Lev. 2:4-11, 7:12, 8:2, Nu. 6:15); 1 though where the offering was not to be placed upon the altar, but to be eaten by the priests, it might contain bread that was leavened (Lev. 7:13 23 17 [Pentecostal loaves]; cp Am. 4:5 [cakes of thank-offer ing], 2 also Menahoth 5:1+). The antiquity of this exclusion of ferment from the cultus of Yahwe is vouched for by the early enactment Ex. 34:25a. (from J's decalogue), and its parallel 23:18 (Book of the Covenant). It is possible, however, that the former passage may refer only to the Passover, for which, as for the accompany ing festival of Afassoth, unleavened cakes (as the name denotes), elsewhere named the bread of affliction Dt. 16:3), were alone permitted. According to later enactment, still scrupulously and joyfully observed in Jewish households, search had to be made in every nook and cranny of the house with a lighted candle on the eve of the Passover for leaven, which when found was de stroyed by burning (Pesah. 1:1; for details see PASSOVER). It is important to note the precise ritual definition of the leaven (s e or) to be destroyed. Under s e or, for the purpose of this enactment, were included (1) pieces of leavened or sour dough of the meal of any one of the five cereals, wheat, barley, and the less common spelt, fox-ear and shiphon (see FOOD, 3) which had been kneaded with cold water, and (2) certain articles of commerce, composed, in part at least, of the fermented grain of the above cereals. Such were Median spirits, Egyptian beer, Roman honey, paste, etc. Not in cluded, on the other hand, were (i) the same cereals when mixed with any other liquid than cold water, as, e.g. , the juice of the grape or other fruit (JTITS D ; cp the passage from Geop. 233 quoted by Blumner, Techno- logie, etc., 159, n. 5, on the use of grape juice as a leaven), milk, wine, and even hot water, since these liquids were not held capable of setting up the prohibited fermentation, and (2) the meal of other plants, such as beans, lentils, millet, even when kneaded with cold water (see Pesahim 3:1+, with the commentaries; Maimonides, nsoi f Dn niD^n).

1 The forms which such gifts of unleavened dough (vtassdh) might take were various. Besides the ordinary ntassdth or unleavened cakes kneaded with water, we find cakes of fine flour kneaded with oil, and wafers spread with oil, for which see RAKEMEATS, if.

2 Some recent scholars of note have maintained, chiefly on the strength of this passage of Amos, which shows that leaven was admitted in the cultus of the Northern Kingdom, that the exclusion of leaven from the altar is not of great antiquity (see Now. HA 1-2o-]f.)\ but the view taken above certainly repre sents the better tradition of the cultus of the South.

The raison d'etre of this exclusion of leaven from the cultus is not far to seek. In the view of all antiquity, Semitic and non- Semitic, panary fermentation repre sented a process of corruption and putrefaction in the mass of the dough. The fact that Ezekiel makes no provision for wine in his programme of the restored cultus (40+) is probably due to his extending this conception to alcoholic fermentation as well. Plutarch s words (QucBst. Rom. 109) show very clearly this associa tion of ideas : Now leaven is itself the offspring of corruption and corrupts the mass of dough with which it has been mixed (17 5 fiV?7 /cal ytyovtv tic <p6opas O.VTT] /cat (ftdfipft. rb </wpa/iia /j.Lyvv/j.evij). Further, as has been pointed out by Robertson Smith (Rel. Sem.^zoj,, < 2 22o), the prohibition of leaven is closely associated with the rule that the fat and the flesh must not remain over till the morn ing ( Ex. 23:18, 34:25). He points also to certain Saracenic sacrifices, akin to the Passover, that had to be entirely consumed before the sun rose. The idea was that the efficacy lay in the living flesh and blood of the victim ; everything of the nature of putrefaction was therefore to be avoided. The flamen dialis, or chief priest of Jupiter at Rome, was forbidden the use of leaven (fermentata farina, Aul. Cell., 10:15) on the grounds suggested, no doubt rightly, by Plutarch (I.c.). At certain religious ceremonies of the phratria of the Lalyadag, according to an inscription recently unearthed at Delphi, Sapdrat (unleavened cakes, according to Athenaeus and Hesychius) played an important part. 1 The Roman satirist Persius, finally, employs the word fermentum (leaven) in the sense of moral corruption

3. Figurative use of leaven.[edit]

In the NT leaven supplies two sets of figures, one taken from the mode, the other from the result, of the process of fermentation. Thus Jesus likened the silent but effective growth of the 'kingdom' in the mass of humanity to the hidden but pervasive action of leaven in the midst of the dough (Mt. 18:33). The second figure, however, is the more frequent, and is based on the association, above elucidated, of panary fermenta tion with material and moral corruption (cp Bahr, Symbolik d. mos. Kultus, 2322). Thus the disciples are warned against the leaven of the Pharisees (Mt. 16:6+, Mk. 8:15, Lk. 12:1+), of the Sadducees (Mt. ib.}. and of Herod (Mk. ib.). See HERODIANS. Paul, again, twice quotes the popular saying, a little leaven leavens the whole lump (1 Cor. 5:6, Gal. 5:9), as a warn ing against moral corruption. The true followers of Christ are already unleavened (tLfv/j.oi, 1 Cor. 5:7), and must therefore keep the feast, that is, must live the Christian life in the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth (5:8).

In late Jewish literature, finally, we also meet with the figurative designation of the inherent corruption of human nature as leaven. Thus in Talm. Berdklwtk \-ja it is said : Rabbi Alexander, when he had finished his prayers, said: Lord of the universe, it is clearly manifest before thee that it is our will to do thy will ; what hinders that we do not thy will? The leaven which is in the dough (nD J, 2C> flNb , cp Gen. Rabba, 34, cited by Levy, s.v. niNb), explained by a gloss as the evil impulse (jnn ir) which is in the heart. (For this Talmudic doctrine of original sin see Hamburger, Realtttcycl. 212307^; and in general the works of Lightfoot [on Mt. 16:6], Schoettgen [on i Cor. 5:6] and Meuschen.) A. K. S. K.

1 MS note by Dr. J. G. Fiazer.


(iO?, 69 ; AA.BANA [BKA], AoBNA [L]), a family of NETHINIM (q.v.) in the great post- exilic list (see EZRA ii., 9), Neh. 7:48 = Ezra 2:45 Lebanah (n:^", 1 -white ? AABANOO [BA]) = i Esd. 629, LABANA.


1. Name and position.[edit]

The name (p32^, AlBANOC ; once [01.825] JJ37, ANTlAlB&NOC [also in Deut. 1:7, 3:2, 11:24, Jos. 1:4, 9:1, cp Judith 1:7]; Phoen. }33^ ; Ass. labnana. In prose the article is prefixed except in 2 ch 2:7b [8b]; in poetry the usage varies), which comes from the Semitic root laban, to be white, or whitish, 1 probably refers, not to the perpetual snow, but to the bare white walls of chalk or limestone which form the characteristic feature of the whole range. Syria is traversed by a branch thrown off almost at right angles from Mt. Taurus in Asia Minor, and Lebanon is the name of the central mountain mass of Syria, extending for about 100 m. from NNE. to SSW. It is bounded W. by the sea, N. by the plain Jun Akkar, beyond which rise the mountains of the Nusairiyeh, and E. by the inland plateau of Syria, mainly steppe -land. To the S. Lebanon ends about the point where the river Lltani bends westward, and at Banias. A valley narrowing towards its southern end, now called el- Buka. , divides the mountainous mass into two great parts. That lying to the W. is still called Jebel Libnan ; the greater part of the eastern mass now bears the name of the Eastern Mountain (el-Jebel esh-Sharki). In Greek the western range was called Libanos, the eastern Antilibanos. The southern extension of Antilibanus, Mt. Hermon, may be treated as a separate mountain (see HERMON, SKNIR). For map see PHOENICIA.

2. Description.[edit]

Lebanon and Antilibanus have many features in common ; in both the southern portion is less arid and barren than the northern, the western valleys better wooded and more fertile than the eastern. In general the main elevations of the two ranges form pairs lying opposite one another ; the forms of both ranges are monotonous, but the colouring splendid, especially when viewed from a distance ; when seen close at hand, indeed, only a few valleys with perennial streams offer pictures of landscape beauty, their rich green contrasting pleasantly with the bare brown and yellow mountain sides.

1 So with rr in Neh. ace. to Baer, Gi.

3. Geology.[edit]

The Lebanon strata are generally inclined, bent, and twisted, often vertical, seldom quite horizontal. Like all the rest of Syria, the Lebanon region also is traversed by faults, at which the different tracts of country have pressed against and crumpled one another. The buka between Lebanon and Antilibanus came into existence in the place of a former trough or synclinal between two anticlinals, by a tearing up of the earth s crust and a stairlike sub sidence of a succession of layers. The principal ranges of the Lebanon and Antilibanus along with the valley of the Buka have the same trend as the faults, folds, and strata viz. , from SSW. to N N E.

The range is made up of upper oolite, upper cretaceous, eocene, miocene, and diluvium.

The oldest strata in Lebanon itself, forming the deepest part of some of the valleys (Salima, Salib), are of Glandaiia lime stone, 600 ft. in thickness, containing sponges, corals, echino- derms, etc. (the best-known fossils being Lidaris glandaria and Terebratula [diverse species], found in the Salima \alley near Beyrout). By its fossils this limestone belongs to the Oxford group. Under this limestone still older strata of the Kelloway are found only in the Antilibanus, on Mt. Hermon.

Above the upper oolite follow, in concordant order, strata of upper cretaceous. First, there is the Nubian sandstone of Ceno- manian age, a yellow or brown sandstone distinguished by the presence of coal, dysodile, amberlike resin, and samoit (?), with im pressions of plant leaves. To the period of the formation of this member of the system belong volcanic eruptions of basaltic rock and also copious eruptions of ashes, which are now met with as tufa in the neighbourhood of the igneous rocks. These eruptive rocks are everywhere again overlaid by the thick sandstone. The sandstone stratum (1300 to 1600 ft. thick) has a great influ ence upon the superficial aspect of the country, having become the centre of its life and fertility, inasmuch as here alone water can gather. In its upper beds the sandstone alternates with layers of limestone and contains (at the village of Abeh) many shells of gasteropods and bivalves and especially of Trigonia syriaca as typical fossils.

The second subdivision of the cretaceous formation consists of beds of marl and limestone with numerous echinoderms, oysters, and ammonites (Buchiceras syriacum, von Buch), which show that these strata belong to the chalk marl (Cenomanian). The third subdivision is the Lebanon limestone a gray or white limestone, marble, or dolomite, about 3000 ft. in thickness, of which the great mass of the mountains of Lebanon is composed. Here is the zone of the Rudistes (Radiolites,Spha:rulites). At several localities are also found thin limestone beds with fine fish remains.

The last member of the cretaceous formation isthe chalk, a white oryellowish-white soft chalky clay, which in its lower half shows the famous fish- bed of Sahel Alma, and in its upper half alternates with beds of flint. These most recent strata of all are met with only at the western and eastern foot of Lebanon (baths in the western half of the town of Beyrout) and in Antilibanus. On the Jebel ed-pahr between the Litani and Jordan valleys they contain many bitumen beds, and also asphalt.

The eocene (nummulitic formation) occurs only very sporadi cally in Lebanon, especially in the Buka , but predominates in the eastern offshoots of Antilibanus. It consists of nummulitic limestones and unstratified coral limestones. The miocene is represented in the form of marine limestone of upper miocene age, which is the material of which two mountains on the coast line are composed the St. Dmitri hill at Beyrout, and the Jebel Terbol near Tarabulus.

Of pliocene formation there are a few comparatively unim portant patches (near Zahleh)of fresh-water limestone, deposited from small lake basins and containing fresh-water snails (Hy- drobia, Bithynia). To this pliocene period belong also considerable eruptions of basalt in the N. of Lebanon, near Horns. Not till after these terrestiial pliocenes had been deposited did the great movements to which the country owes its present configuration occur. The diluvial period was marked by no very noteworthy occurrences. On an old moraine stands the well-known cedar grove of Dahr el-Kadib.

4. Vegetation.[edit]

The western versant has the common characteristics of the flora of the Mediterranean coast ; but the eastern portion belongs to the poorer region of the steppes and the Mediterranean species are met with only sporadically along the water-courses. Forest and pasture-land in our sense of the word are not found : the place of the forest is for the most part taken by a low brushwood ; grass is not plentiful, and the higher ridges maintain a growth of alpine plants only so long as patches of snow continue to lie. The rock walls harbour some rock plants ; but there are many absolutely barren wildernesses of stone.

(1) On the western versant, as we ascend, we have first, to a height of 1600 ft., the coast region, similar to that of Syria in general and of the south of Asia Minor.

Characteristic trees are the locust tree and the stone pine ; in Melia Azcdarach and Ficus Sycoinorus (Beyrout) we have an admixture of foreign and partially subtropical elements. The great mass of the vegetation, however, is of the low-growing type (inaquis or garrigue of the western Mediterranean), with small and stiff leaves, frequently thorny and aromatic, as for example the ilex (Quercus cocci/era), Smilajc, Cist us, Lentiscus, Calycotonte, etc.

(2) Next comes, from 1600 to 6500 ft., the moun tain region, which may also be called the forest region, still exhibiting sparse woods and isolated trees wherever shelter, moisture, and the bad husbandry of the inhabi tants have permitted their growth.

From 1600 to 3200 ft. is a zone of dwarf hard-leaved oaks, amongst which occur the Oriental forms Fontanesia philly- raoides, Acersyriacunt, and the beautiful red-stemmed Arbutus Andrachne. Higher up, between 3700 ft. and 4200 ft., a tall pine, Pinus Brutia, Ten., is characteristic. Between 4200 and 6200 ft. is the region of the two most interesting forest trees of Lebanon, the cypress and the cedar. The cypress still grows thickly, especially in the valley of the Kadisha ; the horizontal is the prevailing variety. In the upper Kadisha valley there is a cedar grove of about three hundred trees, ammigst which five are of gigantic size ; it is alleged that other specimens occur elsewhere in Lebanon. The Cedrus Litani is intermediate between the Cedrus Dcodara and the C. atlantica (see CEDAR). The cypress and cedar zone exhibits a variety of other leaf- bearing and coniferous trees ; of the first may be mentioned several oaks Quercus Mellul, Q. subalpina (Kotschy), Q. Cerris, and the hop-hornbeam (Ostrya) ; of the second class the rare Cilician silver fir (Abies ci/icica) may be noticed. Next come the junipers, sometimes attaining the size of trees (// - perns e.rcelsa, J. rufescens, and, with fruit as large as plums, J. drtif-acea). The chief ornament of Lebanon, however, is the Rhododendron ponticutn, with its brilliant purple flower clusters ; a peculiar evergreen, Vinca libanotica, also adds beauty to this zone.

(3) Into the alpine region (6200 to 10,400 ft.) pene trate a few very stunted oaks (Quercus subalpina, Kotschy), the junipers already mentioned, and a bar berry (Berberis cretica), which sometimes spreads into close thickets. Then follow the low, dense, prone, pillow-like dwarf bushes, thorny and gray, common to the Oriental highlands Astragalus and the peculiar Acantholimon. They are found up to within 300 ft. of the highest summits. Upon the exposed mountain slopes rhubarb (Rheum Ribes] is noticeable, and also a vetch ( Vicia canescens, Lab. ) excellent for sheep. The spring vegetation, which lasts until July, appears to be rich, especially as regards corolla-bearing plants, such as Corydalis, Gagea, Bulbillaria, Colchicum, Pusch- kinia, Geranium, Ornithogalum, etc.

The alpine flora of Lebanon connects itself directly with the Oriental flora of lower altitudes, and is unre lated to the glacial flora of Europe and northern Asia.

The flora of the highest ridges, along the edges of the snow patches, exhibits no forms related to our northern alpine flora ; but suggestions of such a flora are found in a Draba, anAntirosace, an Alsine, and a violet, occurring, however, only in local species. Upon the highest summits are found Saponaria Pumilio (resembling our Silene acaulis) and varieties of Galium, Euphorbia, Astragalus, Veronica, Jurinea, Festuca, Scrophu- laria. Geranium, Aspliodeiine, Allium, Asperula; and, on the margins of the snow-fields, a Taraxacum and Ranunculus demissus.

5. Zoology.[edit]

There is nothing of special interest about the fauna of Lebanon. Bears are no longer abundant ; the panther and the ounce are met with ; the wild hog, hyaena, wolf, and fox are by no means rare ; jackals and gazelles are very common. The polecat and the hedgehog also occur. As a rule there are not many birds ; but the eagle and the vulture may occasionally be seen ; of eatable kinds partridges and wild pigeons are the most abundant. In some places the bat occasionally multiplies so as actually to become a plague.

6. Geography of Lebanon.[edit]

The district to the W. of Lebanon, averaging about six hours in breadth, slopes in an intricate series of plateaus and terraces to the Mediterranean. The coast is for the most part abrupt and rocky, often leaving room for only a narrow path along the shore, and when viewed from the sea it does not lead one to have the least suspicion of the extent of country lying between its cliffs and the lofty summits behind. Most of the mountain spurs run from E. to W. ; but in northern Lebanon the prevailing direction of the valleys is north westerly, and in the S. some ridges also run parallel with the principal chain. The valleys have for the most part been deeply excavated by the rapid mountain streams which traverse them ; the apparently inaccessible heights are crowned by villages, castles, or cloisters embosomed among trees.

Of the streams which are perennial, the most worthy of note, beginning from the N., are the Nahr Akkar, N. Arka, N. el- Barid, N. Kadisha, the holy river (the valley of which begins far up in the immediate neighbourhood of the highest summits, and rapidly descends in a series of great bends till the river reaches the sea at Tripoli), Wady el-Joz (falling into the sea at Batriin), "Wady Fidfir, Nahr Ibrahim (the ancient Adonis, having its source in a recess of the great mountain amphitheatre where the famous sanctuary Apheca, the modern Afka, lay), Nahr el- Kelb (the ancient Lycus), Nahr Beirut (the ancient Magoras, entering the sea at Beyrout), Nahr Damur (ancient Tamyras), Nahr el- Auwaly (the ancient Bostrenus, which in the upper part of its course is joined by the Nahr el-Baruk). The Anwaly and the Nahr ez-Zaherani, the only other streams that fall to be mentioned before we reach the Litani, flow NE. to SW., in consequence of the interposition of a ridge subordinate and parallel to the central chain.

On the N. , where the mountain bears the special name of Jebel Akkar, the main ridge of Lebanon rises gradually from the plain. Valleys run to the N. and NK. , among which must be mentioned that of the Nahr el-Kebir, the Eleutherus of the ancients, which takes its rise in the Jebel el-Abyad on the eastern slope of Lebanon, and afterwards, skirting the district, flows westward to the sea. To the S. of Jebel el-Abyad, beneath the main ridge, which as a rule falls away suddenly towards the E. , occur several small elevated terraces having a southward slope ; among these the Wadi en-Nusur ( vale of eagles ), and the basin of the lake Yammuna, with its intermittent spring Neb el-Arba in, deserve special mention. Of the streams which descend into the Buka , only the BerdonI need be named ; it rises in Jebel Sunnin, and enters the plain by a deep and picturesque mountain cleft at Zahleh.

The most elevated summits occur in the N. ; but even these are of very gentle gradient, and are ascended quite easily. The names and the elevations of the several peaks, which even in summer are covered with snow, have been very variously given by different explorers ; accord ing to the most accurate accounts the Cedar block consists of a double line of four and three summits respec tively, ranged from N. to S. , with a deviation of about 35. Those to the E. are Uyun Urghush, Makmal, Musklya (or Neb esh-Shemaila), and Ras Dahr el- Kadib ; fronting the sea are Karn Sauda, Fumm el- Mizab, and Dahr el-Kandil. The height of Makmal by the most recent barometric measurement is 10,207 ft- ; that of the others is somewhat less. S. from them is the pass (8831 ft.) which leads from Baalbek to Tripoli ; the great mountain amphitheatre on the W. side of its summit is remarkable. Farther to the S. is a second group of lofty summits.

Chief among them is the snow-capped Sannin, visible from Beyrout; its height is 8554 ft., or, according to other accounts, 8805 ft. Between this group and the more southerly Jebel Kuneiseh (about 6700 ft.) lies the pass (4700 ft.) now traversed by the French post road between Beyrout and Damascus. Among the other bare summits still farther S. are the long ridge of Jebel el-Baruk (about 7000 ft.), the Jebel Niha, with the Tomat Niha (about 6100 ft.), near which is a pass to Sidon, and the Jebel Rihan (about 5400 ft.).

The Buka , the broad valley which separates Lebanon from Antilibanus, is watered by two rivers having their watershed near Ba albek (at an elevation of about 3600 ft. ) and their sources separated only by a short mile. The river flowing northwards, El- Asy, is the ancient Orontes ; the other is the Litani. In the lower part of its course the Litani has scooped out for itself a deep and narrow rocky bed ; at Burghuz it is spanned by a great natural bridge. Not far from the point where it suddenly trends to the W. lie, immediately above the romantic valley, at an elevation of 1500 ft., the im posing ruins of the old castle Kal at esh-Shakif, near one of the passes to Sidon. In its lower part the Litani bears the name of Nahr el-Kasimlyeh. Neither the Orontes nor the Litani has any important affluent.

The Buka used to be known as COELESYKIA (q.v. ) ; but that word as employed by the ancients had a much more extensive application.

At present the full name is Buka el- Aziz (the dear Buka ), and its northern portion is known as Sahlet Ba albek (the plain of Baalbek). The valley is from 4 to 6 m. broad, with an undulating surface. It is said to contain a hundred and thirty- seven hamlets or settlements, the larger of which skirt the hills, whilst the smaller, consisting of mud hovels, stand upon dwarf mounds, the debris of ages. The whole valley could be much more richly cultivated than it is at present ; but fever is frequent.

7. Geography of the Antilibanus.[edit]

Antilibanus is mentioned only once, in Judith 1:7 (avTi\i()ai>os), where 'Libanus and Antilibanus' means the land between the parallel ranges i.e. , Coelesyria. The Antilibanus chain has in many respects been much less fully explored than that of Lebanon. Apart from its southern offshoots it is 67 mi. long, whilst its width varies from 16 to 13.5mi. It rises from the plain of Homs, and in its northern portion is very arid and barren. The range has not so many offshoots as occur on the W. side of Lebanon ; under its precipitous slopes stretch table-lands and broad plateaus, which, especially on the E. side looking towards the steppe, steadily increase in width. Along the western side of northern Antilibanus stretches the Khasha a, a rough red region lined with juniper trees a succession of the hardest limestone crests and ridges, bristling with bare rock and crag that shelter tufts of vegetation, and are divided by a succession of grassy ravines. On the eastern side the parallel valley of Asal el- Ward deserves special mention ; the descent towards the plain east wards, as seen for example at Ma liila, is singular, first a spacious amphitheatre and then two deep very narrow gorges. The perennial streams that take their rise in Antilibanus are not many.

One of the finest and best watered valleys is that of Helbiin (see HELBON). The highest points of the range, reckoned from the N., are Hallmat el-Kabu (8247 ft.), which has a splendid view; the Fatly block, including Tal at Mfisfi (8755 ft.) and the adjoining Jebel Nebi Bariih (7900 ft. [?]) ; and a third group near Bludfin, in which the most prominent names are Shukif Akhyar, and Abu 1-Hin (8330 ft. [?]).

Of the valleys descending westward the first to claim mention is the Wady Yahfufa ; a little farther to the S. , lying N. and S. , is the rich upland valley of Zebedani, where the Barachl has its highest sources. Pursuing an easterly course of several hours, this stream receives the waters of the romantic Ain Fijeh (which doubles its volume), and bursts out by a rocky gateway upon the plain of Damascus. It is the Amanah (RV" <> r -)of 2K. 5 12; the portion of Antilibanus traversed by it was also called by the same name (Cant. 48). See AMANA. The French post road after leaving the Buka first enters a little valley running N. and S. , where a projecting ridge of Antilibanus bears the ruins of the ancient cities Chalcis and Gerrha. It next traverses the gorge of Wady el-Harir, the level upland Sahlet Judeideh, the ravine of Wady el-Kam, the ridge of Akabat et-Tin, the descent Daurat el-Billan, and finally the unpeopled plain of Dimas, from which it enters the valley of Barada. This route marks the southern boundary of Antilibanus proper, where the Hermon group begins. From the point where this continuation of Antilibanus begins to take a more westerly direction, a low ridge shoots out towards the SW. , trending farther and farther away from the eastern chain and narrowing the Buka ; upon the eastern side of this ridge lies the elevated valley or hilly stretch known as Wady et-Teim. In the N. , beside Ain Falfij, it is connected by a low watershed with the Buka ; from the gorge of the Litani it is separated by the ridge of Jebel ed-Dahr. At its southern end it contracts and merges into the plain of Banias, thus enclosing Mount Hermon on its NW. and W. sides ; eastward from the Hasbany branch of the Jordan lies the meadow-land Merj Ayiin (see Ijox).

8. Political history and population.[edit]

The inhabitants of Lebanon have at no time played a conspicuous part in history. There are remains of prehistoric occupation ; but we do not even know what races dwelt there in the historlcal period of antiquity. Probably they belonged partly to the Canaanite but chiefly to the Aramiean group of nationalities ; editorial notices in the narrative books of the OT mention Hivites (Judg. 8:3, where, however, we should probably read Hittites ) and Giblites (Josh. 13:5 ; see, however, GEBAL, i). A portion of the western coast land was always, it may be assumed, in the hands of the Phoe nician states, and it is possible that once and again their sovereignty may have extended even into the Buka. Lebanon was also included within the ideal boundaries of the land of Israel (Josh. 13:5 [D2]), and the whole region was well known to the Hebrews, by whose poets its many excellencies are often praised . see. e.g.. Is. 37*4 60i3 Hos. 145-7 Ps.72i6 Cant.4n; but note that the phrase the wine of Lebanon (Hos. 148) is doubtful : see WINE. Jeremiah finds no better image for the honour put by Yahwe on the house of David than the top of Lebanon (Jer. 226). The cedars of Lebanon supplied timber for Solomon s temple and palace (i K. 56, 2 Ch. 28), and at the re building of the temple cedar timber was again brought from the Lebanon (Ezra 3:7 ; cp JOPPA). These noble trees were not less valued by the Assyrians ; the in scriptions of the Assyrian kings repeatedly mention the felling of trees in Lebanon and Amanus. Cp CEDAR ; also EGYPT, 33.

In the Roman period the distiict of Phoenice extended into Lebanon ; in the second century Phoenice, along with the inland districts pertaining to it, constituted a subdivision of the pro vince of Syria, having Emesa (Horns) for its capital ; from the time of Diocletian there was a Phoenice ad Libanum, with Emesa as capital, as well as a Phoenice Maritima of which Tyre was the chief city. Remains of the Roman period occur throughout Lebanon, and more especially in Hermon, in the shape of small temples in more or less perfect preservation ; the splendid ruins of Baalbec are world-famous. Although Christi anity early obtained a footing in Lebanon, the pagan worship, and even human sacrifice, survived for a long time, especially in remote valleys such as Afka. The present inhabitants are for the most part of Syrian (Aramaean) descent; Islam and the Arabs have at no time penetrated very deep into the mountain land.

9. Literature.[edit]

Ritter, Die Erdkunde von Asien; Die Sinai - Halbinsel, Palastina, u. SyrienC^ (1848- 1855) ; Robinson, Later Biblical Researches in Palestine and the adjacent Regions (1856), and Physical Geography of the Holy Land (London, 1865); R. F. Burton and C. F. Tyrwhitt Drake, Unexplored Syria (1872); O. Fraas, Drei Monate ii Lebanon (1876); Porter, Handbook for Travellers in Syria and Palestine (1858,12 1875); Socin-Benzinger, Palestine and Syria! 3 ) in Baedeker s series of hand books for travellers (ET, 1898); GASm. HG 45 ff. (1894; additions, 1896). For maps see Burton and Socin-Baedeker, also Van de Velde s Map of the Holy Land (Gotha, 1858 ; Germ, ed., 1866), ami the Carte du Liban d"apres Us reconnaissances de la brigade topographique du corps expfditionnaire de Syrie en 1860-61, prepared at the French War Office (1862). A. S.


(n lN3/), Josh. 15 3 2. See BETH-LEBAOTH. and note that Lebaoth and Bealoth (Josh. 152 4 ) are probably the same name. Cp BAALATH-BEER.


(AeBB&ioc or AeBaioc [NL]) occurs in AV (cp TR) of Mt. 10s as the name of the apostle who was surnamed (o eTTiKAHGeic) THADIXEUS \_q.v.\ The conflate reading of TR is from the Syrian text ; Ae/3/3. is a strongly but insufficiently supported Western reading, adopted by Tischendorf in Mt. 10:3, but not in Mk. 3i8. If Ae/3/3cuos = "aV, we may with Dalman (Pal. Gram. 142, n. i ; cp Worte Jesn, 40) compare the Phoen. xaV and Sin. xaS- It is possible, however, according to WH, that the reading Ae/3/J. is due to an early attempt to bring Levi (\ei>eir) the publican (Lk. 527) within the number of the Twelve. Cp LEVI. Older views (see Keim, Jesu von Nasara, 2310 ; ET 8380) are very improbable.


("PP/3 1 ?, the heart [i.e.. centre] of my adversaries ; cp Aq. AV), usually taken to be a cypher-form of Kasdim (D^T;*?), Chaldasa ; BXA1 2, however, has XAAAAioyc. or -Aeoyc (Jer. 51 1), and Giesebrecht and Cornill place c iso in the text. Cer tainly, Leb-kamai might be the trifling of a very late scribe, a specimen of the so-called Athbash-writing (on which see SHESHACH). It is possible, however, that it is a corruption of VnDnT (Jerahmeel), and that Jer. 50 51 is directed against the much-hated Erlomites or Jerahmeelites, as well as against the Chaldreans. So Cheyne in Crit. Bib. See MERATHAIM, PEKOD.

Other cyphers were known as n3 3N ar> d D^ ^N, on which see Buxt. de Abbrev. Hcb. and Leric. Chald. s.v. ; (for an alleged example of the C^ SN species, see TABEEL).


(rm; THC AeBtoNA [B], TOY AI-BANOY THC AeB. [AL]), or (since llbonah, frankin cense, was not a Jewish product) Lebanah or Libnah, a place to the N. of Shiloh (Judg. 21 19), identified by Maundrell (1697) with the modern el-Lubban, a poor village on the slope of a hill 3 m. WNW. from Seilun (Shiloh), with many old rock tombs in the neigh bourhood. The story in Judges mentions Lebonah in connection with a vintage -festival at Shiloh. This suggests to Neubauer (Gtogr. 83) that Beth-laban in the mountains (cp NAZARETH) from which wine of the second quality was brought for the drink offerings in the temple (MtndkStk9j) may be our Lebanah (Lebonah).


(PD?; AH X A [B]. -AA [A], AAIXA [L]), apparently the name of a place in the territory of Judah, descended from Er b. Shelah, iCh. 421. If so, it is perhaps an error for Lachish (Meyer, Entst. 164). More probably, however, mySi ns 1 ? 3N is a cor ruption (with some dittography) of "?Narn\ and the meaning is that MARKSHAH (q.v. ) was of mixed Judahite and Jerahmeelite origin. T. K. c.


For D aVty, ttlabblm (from aW ; cp Syr., of the rung?, of a ladder; -riav f^exo^fviav) i K. 728/Tt;see LAVER.

For niT, yadoth (a.s>\i\ xetpii/ [BA], RV stays ), i K. 7 3$f., see LAVER. For 33 13, karkob (ecrxa-pa bis [BAF] in Ex. 27 5), arula, Ex. 27:5, 38 4 t, RV (A V compass ), see ALTAR, 9 a.

For miy, \iztirtiA, Ezek. 43 14 17 20 (lAaoTiJptoi ) 45 ig(iep<$y), RVnig. ledge, EV settle, cp ALTAR, 4 ; also MERCY SEAT.


The word T Vn, hasir, which usually means grass (see GRASS), is in Nu. 11:5 rendered leeks by all the ancient versions. Although the correctness of this interpretation cannot be exactly proved, it has all tradition in its favour and harmonises well with the context. The leeks of ancient Egypt were renowned (Plin. HN, xix. 33 no) ; and rxn is used in this sense at least once in the Talmud (Low, 228). The garden leek (Allium Porrum) is only a cultivated form of Allium Ampeloprasum, L. , which is a native of Syria and Egypt. N. M. w. T. T. -D.


(AepooN [Ti.WH]), Mk.5gis Lk.8 3 o. See ARMY, 10 ; GOSPELS, 16.


(D nr6), one of the sons of Mizraim, Gen. 10 13 (A&BieiM [AEL]) = i Ch. 1 nt (A^BeiN [A], AABieiM [L]), either a by-form or a corruption of LUBIM (q.v.).

Another possible view is that D 3n? comes from D [n].J73 = D [j]]n?3. Baalah was in the S. of Judah towards Edom (Josh. 1529). This stands in connection with a hypothesis respecting the name commonly read Mizraim which explains a group of difficult problems, but deals freely with MT. See MIZRAIM ; Crit. Bib,


pnp, i.e. , jawbone ; in Judg. 15:9 Aey[e]l [BA], Ae\6l [L], and in Judg. 15i 9 CN TH ClAfONi [B], THC ClAfONOC [AL], in Judg. 15 14, ciAfONOC [BAL]) or, more fully (v. 17), RAMATH-LEHI (Tip DEI, i.e., the hill of the jawbone, IiAI -, &N<MpeciC ClApONOC; riOl is surely not an explanatory gloss [Doorninck]), the scene of one of Samson s exploits (Judg. log 14 17 19). According to most scholars the place derived its name from something in its shape which resembled a jawbone (cp the peninsula Onu- gnathus in Laconia), upon which resemblance the popular wit based a legend. The explanation of Beer-lahai-roi proposed elsewhere (JERAHMEEL, 4 [c]), however, sug gests the conjecture that Lehi and Ramath-lehi are early corruptions of Jerahmeel. There were probably many places of this name. If so, the place derived its name from some ancient written source, the text of which had become corrupted.

Most scholars since Bochart (to Driver s list add now Bu. and H. P. Smith) have found a reference to the same place in 28. 23 n (reading were gathered together to Lehi, !Tri{? [en-i viayova, L ; eis TOTTOV <ria.y6va, Jos. Ant. vii. 123] instead of fl ITJ [ei? 0>;pi a, BA]). The omission, however, in i Ch. 11 13 shows that the same words and the Philistines were gathered together to battle occurred in the Chronicler s text of the narrative of 2 Sam., both in v. 9 and in v. n. rrn 1 ?, therefore, must be a fragment of nsnSaS, to battle (Klo.). The scene of the exploit was probably the valley of Rephaim (read with Chr. CV *EDNJ, were gathered together there, refening back to v. 9 [see PAS- DAMMIM]).

As to the site of the Lehi of Judges, we know from Judg. 15:8-13 , that it lay above ETAM (q.v. ), and Schick l identifies it with a hill (with ruins) called es-Siyydgh (from ffiaywv?), at the mouth of the Wddy en-.\~ajtl, and mentions a fountain called Ain Nakura to the east Conder (Tent-work, 1276), has a still more far-fetched identification. See EN-HAKKORE, and, on the legend and its explanation, see, further, JAWBONE, Ass's.

T. K. c.

1. ZDPV 10:152+. The name Siaghah is attached to the shoulder of the mountain above Ayiin Musa, called Jebel Nebfi (PEFQ, Oct. 1888, p. 184). Cp PISGAH.


(TO?), Gen. 4 18 5 25 AV m sr-, EV LAMEC?


fatfttfy, pNiO 1 ?, [belonging] 'to God' ? see NAMES, 22, 37) the name of a youthful king, mentioned, if the text is correct, in Prov. 31:14. : The form, however, though possible, is improbable (see LAEL) ; if a name is intended, the present writer thinks it is probably Jerahmeel ; we might with much prob ability read mtlek yUrahmi cl, a king of Jerahmeel. The following word massd can mean neither poem nor a supposed Arabian kingdom ; it should rather be masal (Gratz, Bickell). Bickell, however, thinks that VND^, in v. 4, has arisen out of Vc 1 ? in D 3^oS (written D SNSo 1 ?, as in 2 S. 11:1). 2 ^Nia 1 ? was then supposed to be a personal name, hence the repetition of DoSc Stf after it. From v. 4 ? was copied into v. i. This would require the rendering, The words of a [nameless] king, a wise poem which his mother taught him. The former view seems preferable. Cp AGUR, PROVERBS, also Bickell (ZjO/5297) ; Del. and Toy, ad loc.\ Cheyne, Job and Solomon, 154, 171. T. K. C.


(mjpn, Ex. 22 24 [25]; AANizeiN Lk. 634), and BORROW (TW, Ex. 822; AANICACGAI, Mt. 5 4 2). See LAW AND JUSTICE, 16 ; TRADE AND COMMERCE.


RV lentils i.e., En um lens, L. (D^CHi;, dddsim; (h&KOC; Gen. 20:34, 2 S. 17:28, 23:11, Ezek. 4:9 ; cp also Mish. Shabb. 7:4 often), rightly so rendered by all the ancient versions, as is shown by the use of the Ar. adas for the same plant to this clay (BR\^d). The pottage [TTJ] which Esau obtained from Jacob he called dm (CIN). As lentil-pottage, which is one of the commonest among simple people at the present day, is of a peculiar brownish green, 3 MT must be wrong in vocalising dm in v. 30, adorn, red. Read Uddm Arab, idam, a by-dish (cp col. 1333, n. 2 ) : Feed me with some of the idom, that idom. The nutritive properties of lentils are well known. According to De Candolle (Origine, 257^) W. Asia was probably the earliest home of the lentil, and it has been cultivated in that region since the dawn of history. Cp FOOD, 4, i, col. 1541, and for another conjectured reference to lentils (2 S. 6:19, 1 Ch. 163) see FRUIT, 5, 2.


pEO, Aram. 1O? ; n<\pAd,AlC ; Is. 11:6 Hos. 137 Jer. 56 13*23 Hab. 1:8 Cant. 4:8 Dan. 7:6 Ecclus. 28:23 Rev. 13:2-3). A wild beast, noted for its fierceness, its swiftness (Hab. 1:8), and its spotted skin (Jer. 18:23). Its name (namer) also occurs in place-names (BETH- NIMRAH, NIMRIM [y</.v.]), which suggests an interesting enquiry (see below). On the expression the mountains of the leopards (Cant. 48 || the lions dens ) see CAN TICLES, 15, col. 693, top. Apart from the textual phenomena, it is true, we should not be suspicious at the mention of leopards in Lebanon and Hermon.

Felis pardits may be less common now than it probably was in OT times ; but it is still found, according to Tristram, round the Dead Sea, in Gilead and Bashan, and in the wooded districts of the West. Bloodthirsty and ferocious in the extreme, it will even kill more victims than it requires, simply to satisfy its craving for blood. It is in the habit of concealing itself at wells and at the entrances of villages (Jer. 5:6), lying in wait for its prey, upon which it will spring from a great distance ; it has an appetite for dogs, but men are seldom attacked, f. pardus has a wide distribution, extending almost throughout Africa, and from Palestine to China in S. Asia ; it is also found in many of the larger Kast Indian islands, f. jubatus (the Cheeta) is scarcer ; it can be found in the wooded hills of Galilee, and in the neighbourhood of Tabor. In dis position it is much less fierce than F. pardus and is com paratively easily tamed ; in India it is trained for hunting antelopes, etc. (cp Thomson s statement respecting the panther in Palestine, LB (1860), p. 444). It has almost as wide a distribution as its congener ; but does not reach so far K.

The Sinaitic Arabs relate that the leopard was once a man, but that afterwards he washed in milk and became a panther and an enemy of mankind (WRS, Kin. 204). The occurrence in Arabic of the tribal names namir, dimin. nomair, pi. anmar, and also the Sab. DTD:N, taken in connection with the above story, seems to point to a primitive belief in a supposed kinship with the panther, and it is probable that the clan which first called itself after the leopard believed itself to be of one kin with it (cp also the leopard-skin worn, as is well known, by a certain class of priests in their official duties). 1 We may further compare the occurrence of the place-names BETH- NIMRAH, NIMKIM (qq.v.), and the fact that four similarly formed names are said to be found in the Hauran (cp 7,DMG 29437). A place-name po: also occurs in Sabnean inscriptions. Finally, Jacob of Serugh mentions bar nemre, son of panthers, as the name of a false deity of Haran ( ZDMG 29 1 10 ; cp WRS, /. Phil. 993 ; Kin. 201).* A. E. s. s. A. c.

1 (pRNA has in v. I for ~hs ,N?D? 13^1, oi cfiol Adyoi eiprji-rat virb 0eoO /3a<riAeW ; and in v. 4 for *?NicS D 3^? "?C, /xera


2 The scribe began to write C DN^o ?, but wrote by accident VKD^- As usual, he left the error uncancelled and wrote straight on correctly. This is no doubt the meaning of Bickell s condensed statement.

3 This green colour is the colour of the pottage. The raw husks are brown and the raw grain, stripped of its covering, red.


The word njns. sara'ath, occurs some twenty-eight times in Lev. 13 _/;, also in Dt. 248 2 K. 5 3:6-7, 27, 2 Ch. 20:19, and is invariably translated Ac irpa in , lepra in Vg. The root is jps, meaning originally (probably) to smite ; the participle I "!* , silril" , is met with in Lev. 13 44/ 143 224 Nu. 5:2 (Aen-pd?; leprosus\ and jniS3, JHi P, tnesdra, in Ex. 46, Lev. 14:2, Nu. 12:10, 2 S. 3:29, 2 K. 5 111127 738 15 5 2 Ch. _ (} 2o/ 23. NT has Arpa in Mk. 142 Lk. 5 i 2 /, Aen-pos in Mt. 82 lOa 115 2tJ6 Mk. 1 40 143 Lk. 4 27 7 22 17 12. In Is. 684 Vg. has et nos putavimus eum quasi leprosum, where AV has stricken.

1. Meaning in Greek and Latin.[edit]

The word X^Trpa [lepra], in Hippocrates and others, meant some scaly disease of the skin, quite different from A^<a5 [elephas] or Xe< * >a " r atr J [elephantiasis]: of the two lepra corresponds on the whole with psoriasis (scaliness), elepha(ntiasi)s with common or tubercular leprosy. It is probable that in LXX the word lepra was meant to be generic, or to include more than the X^irpa of medical Greek ; if so, it would have been a correct rendering of the generic Heb. 3 ( = stroke, plaga, plague). The lepra of the Vg. , however, became specially joined in mediaeval medical writings to what is technically known as leprosy, so that lepra Arabum meant exactly the same as elephantiasis Grecorum. Thenceforward, consequently, all that was said in the OT of sara'ath was taken as said of leprosy, which thus derived its qualities, and more especially its con tagiousness, not so much from clinical observation as from verbal interpretation. This confusion belongs not to the Hebrew text, but to translations and to mediaeval and modern glosses.

1 See Wilk. Anc. Eg. 1 184, fig. 12, and cp DRESS, 8 ; ESAU. The origin of the hanging of the leopard s skin in the house of Antenor (Paus. x. 27 3) is obscure.

2 Among the idolatrous objects destroyed by Hezekiah (2 Ch. 31 i) and Tosiah (if>., 34 34), the Pesh. enumerates nentri (MT, C"1C>K, D TDB). To the translators of the Pesh., at any rate, images of leopards were apparently not unknown.

3 In Ar. the cognate word is used especially of epileptic fits or the falling sickness.

2. Leprosy of (a) houses, (b) garments.[edit]

So generically is the Hebrew word used, that two of the varieties of sara'ath are in inanimate things - viz. clothes clothes or leather work (Lev. 13:47-59), and the walls of houses (14:33-53). The conjecture of some, that the leprosy of the garment was a defilement of garments worn by the leprous, is against the sense of the text, to say nothing of the silence of the context on so essential a point. Again, the suggestion of Michaelis that the leprosy of the walls of a iiouse was the peculiar nitrous exudation or crust that sometimes appears, like a scabby state of the skin, on newly plastered walls, would imply that means of a very drastic kind were used against walls merely because they looked leprous, just as if one were to root out trees because of bolls and leprous- looking excrescences on their bark. The leprosies of walls and garments were real troubles in those things, which required skill and energy to surmount ; and the obvious meaning is that they were parasitic invasions of vegetable moulds or of the eggs of insects.

(a) The description of the house-leprosy (greenish or reddish patches, lower than, or penetrating beneath the surface of, the inner wall, Lev. 14:37) does not exactly identify the condition ; but the steps taken to get rid of it the removal of a part of the wall, the scraping of adjoining parts, the carrying of the dust so scraped off to an unclean place, the rebuilding, the replastering, and the resort to still more thorough demolition if the first means had not been radical enough and the plague had come again are very much in the manner of dealing with dry rot ; whoever has had occasion to eradicate that spreading fungus from some wall or partition, will see the general fitness of the steps to be taken, particularly of the precautions against leaving any spores lurking in the dust of neighbouring parts.

The mycelium of the dry-rot fungus (Polyforus destructor, or Merulius vastator, or M. lachrymeins) not only eats into wood work, but may form between the lath and plaster and the stone or brick, large sheets of felt-like texture, half an inch or more thick, the fresh broken surface of which will look greenish yellow or red. It is most apt to come in damp structures shut out from the circulation of air. Without contending that the plague, or the fretting leprosy (1851, DlNpS njnx, perhaps rather a malig nant leprosy) of the walls of a house was precisely the dry-rot of northern countries, one must conclude that it was a parasitic mould of the same kind.

(b) The leprosy of the garment (Lev. 13:47-59) was in woollen, or linen, or in any work that is made of skin. This excludes the suggestion of Michaelis that it may have been a contagion of the sheep clinging to its wool. A greenish or reddish colour, and a tendency to spread, are the chief indications given as to its nature. If it changed colour with washing, it might be cured by rending out the affected piece ; otherwise the garment or article made of skin was to be burned. Such marks are perhaps too general for scientific identification ; but there are various moulds and mildews (such as Afucor and Penicillium), as well as deposits of the eggs of moths, which would produce the appearances and effects, and would call for the remedial measures of the text.

1 An eruption of the skin. The word is connected with scale ; cp Chaucer, under thy locks thou mayst have the scall [so Mr. Scrivener].

3. Leprosy in Lev. 13-14.[edit]

Such being the probable nature of two of the varieties of sara'ath - namely, parasitic spreading moulds or fretting insects upon inanimate substances - we shall probably not err in discovering the same parasitic character in some, if not in the whole, of the human maladies in the same context. The most clearly identified of the parasitic skin-diseases are the plague upon the head or the beard, or the scall 1 (pna, Lev. 13:29-37), and the leprosy causing baldness (v. 42). These are almost certainly the con tagious and often inveterate ringworm, or scald-head, mentagra, or sycosis, of the hairy scalp and beard. To them also the name of leprosy is given ; and indeed the most striking part in the ritual of the leper, the rending of the clothes, the covering the lip, and the crying out unclean, unclean, follows in the text im mediately upon the description of an affection of the head which was probably tinea decah-ans (ringworm), or favus, tinea favosa (scald-head), which are still com paratively common among poor Jews as well as Moslems (this, says Hirsch, is perhaps to be explained by their religious practice of always keeping the head covered). J ityriiisis versicolor, which affects the trunk especially, and produces spots of brownish or reddish discolora tion, is another parasitic skin disease common among the same classes [cp Schamberg 1 (commenting medically on Lev. 13)]. The white spots often referred to probably included leucoderma or vitiligo.

Vitiligo is a disease not uncommon in the darker-skinned races, being characterised by white spots, bounded by dusky red, especially on the face, neck, and hands, and on hairy parts such as the scalp, armpits, and pubes. The disease begins as white dots, which spread slowly and may become large patches. In the negro they produce a piebald effect ; they occur also in the horse and the elephant. The chief reason for discovering vitiligo among the varieties of sara ath is that the reiterated symptom of patchy whitening of the hair in Lev. 13 is more distinctive of that disease than of any other. On the other hand, vitiligo is not contagious, is not attended by rawness of the flesh, and admits of no cure. If it be the disease in which patches of hair turned white (as Kapori and other dermatologists suppose), the prominence given to it must have been superstitious (elephants with vitiligo are sacred). As a matter of practical concern, scabies or itch ought to have found a place ; its best sign is the sinuous white line marking the track of the female acarus through the epidermis, but none of the references to a white spot is precise enough for that ; however, scabies may have been diagnosed by its attendant eruptions (various) which would be included under rising or eruption.

The disease of 13:12-17, which was placed in the clean class because it concerned all the body, may have been psoriasis ( English leprosy ), a scaly disease in which the characters of brightness and whiteness of the spots are most marked ; when complicated with eczema, as it often is, the element of raw flesh would come in, and therewith perhaps the priestly diagnosis of unclean- ness. On the other hand, the dull white tetter of vv. 38 and 39 is clean. For none of these diseases are the written diagnostics at all clear ; but within the meagre outline there may well have been a more minute know ledge preserved by tradition in the priesthood. It is only in P that the subject is handled at all ; JE make no provision whatever for the diagnosis, isolation, etc., of diseases.

The chief question remains, whether true leprosy is anywhere pointed at by the diagnostics.

It may be doubted if any one would ever have dis covered true leprosy in these chapters but for the trans lation of sara'ath in LXX and Vg. Even those (Hensler and others) who identify white or anaesthetic leprosy with the white spots, bright spots, white risings, or the like, do not profess to find any traces of tubercular leprosy, which is the kind that lends itself most obviously to popular superficial description, and is the most likely form of the disease to have received notice. The strongest argument of those who discover true leprosy in Lev. 13 is that it would have been important to detect the disease in its earliest stage, and that the beginnings of all cases of leprosy are dusky spots of the skin, or erythematous patches, which come and go at first, and then remain permanently, becoming the white anaesthetic spots of one form of the developed disease, and the seats of nodules (of the face, hands, and feet) in the other. This line of argument assumes, however, a scientific analysis of the stages of leprosy such as has been attained only in recent times (igth cent.).

1 J a Y F. Schamberg, M.D., The nature of the Leprosy of the Bible, reprinted from the Philade Iphia Polychrome, vol. vii., nos. 47_/C (igth and 26th Nov., 1898).

3 Especially associated by the ancients with Egypt ; cp Pliny, xxvi. 1 5, Lucret. 6in 4 /

4. True leprosy.[edit]

It will be convenient to set forth briefly some characters of leprosy, as they are uniformly found at the present time in many parts of the globe. A case of leprosy that would be obvious to a passer-by is marked by a leprosy, thickened or nodulated state of the features, especi ally of the eyebrows, the wings of the nose, the cheeks, the chin, and the lobes of the ears, giving the face some times a leonine look (leontiasis), or a hideous appearance (satyri- as-s). The same nodules occur, also, on the hands and the feet, or other exposed parts of the limbs, making a thickened, lumpy state of the skin, whence the name elephantiasis? In some cases the nodules on the fingers or toes eat into the joints, so that portions of the digits fall off, the stump healing readily as in an amputation (lepra mutilans ).^ Nodules in exposed situa tions, or subject to friction and hurts, are very apt to become sores, yielding a foul sanies which may make a sordid crust. Besides the skin, certain mucous membranes become the seat of nodules or thickenings the front of the eyeball (fatinus leprosus), the tongue and mouth, and the larynx, the thickened and roughened state of which reduces the voice to a hoarse tone or husky whisper. These are the most superficially obvious of all the signs of leprosy, forming together an unmistakable picture.

A large part of all leprosy, however, perhaps the half, wants these more obvious characters. A person may be truly leprous, and have nothing to show for it in the face, or on the hands and feet perhaps only a nodule here and there along the course of the nerves of the arms or other part. Many cases, again, have only a number of blanched or discoloured patches of the skin, in the same situations where other lepers have nodules or tubercles ; these correspond to the variety of white leprosy, or macular leprosy (lepra albicans, waculosa, etc.). The macular and nodular characters may concur in the same person.

Underlying all these external marks, whether nodules or spots, is the most significant of all the morbid changes of leprosy the loss of function in the nerves of the skin. Based upon that was one of the mediaeval tests to prick the skin along the course of the posterior tibial nerve behind the ankle on the inner side. In the modern pathology of the disease, the disorganisation or degenera tion of the nerves is recognised as fundamental ; it leads to loss of sensibility, to loss of structural integrity or of tissue-nutrition, and to a profound lowering of the whole vitality and efficiency of the organism, whereby leprosy becomes a much more serious affection than a mere chronic skin-disease. These more profound characters of the disease, it need hardly be said, are nowhere reflected in the biblical references.

The causes of this great and incurable constitutional disorder are believed by many to be something corrupt in the staple food. One of the most probable dietetic errors, known to prevail in many, if not in all, parts of the world where leprosy is now met with, is the eating of fish in a semi-putrid state very often the more insipid and worthless kinds of fresh-water or salt-water fish which are preferred in a half-corrupt state of cure on account of the greater relish. The dietetic theory of the cause of leprosy does not exclude, of course, other corrupt articles of food besides fish, the mediaeval writers enumerating several such. Also it is probable that various unwholesome conditions of living must work together with corrupt diet, and that there must be a certain susceptibility in the individual constitution or temperament, which would be handed down and intensified by descent and intermarriage. It should be said that the dietetic theory is not received by all, and is apt to be resisted by those bacteriologists who make the bacillus lepne the sufficient cause. A primary dietetic cause does not conflict with a certain possibility of transmitting leprosy by infection. An acquired or inherited constitutional malady may develop an infective property ; the one character does not necessarily exclude the other ; but in experience it appears that leprosy is seldom produced by any other means than habitual errors of nutrition (or other endemic conditions) in the individual or his ancestry.

1 This appears to be alluded to in Dt. 28:35 where the smiting in the knees and legs is specifically mentioned.

5. History of leprosy.[edit]

i. In antiquity this disease was specially, and indeed exclusively, associated with Egypt - 'circum flumina . . . neque prasterea usquam', says Lucretius ( 6:1113-1114). Perhaps the limitation was only because other countries were less familiar ground. Herodotus does not mention leprosy in Egypt ; but he says enough (277) on the use of uncooked fish and on the ways of curing fish, fowl, and other animal food, to make leprosy probable accord ing to the etiological theory. On the other hand, he mentions (1:138) a certain skin-disease of the Persians, \evK7j, sufferers from which were obliged to live outside the towns. In a passage of Hippocrates (Progn. 114) this white malady is one of a group of three skin-diseases \fiXyves KCLL \4irpai Kal XfVKai. A high antiquity is assigned to leprosy in Egypt by certain legends of the Exodus, which are preserved by late Greek writers (especially the Egyptian priest Manetho) known to us from Josephus s elaborate reply to them in his apology for Judaism (Contr. Ap. 12634; cp Ant. iii. 114). Cp EXODUS, 7.

One form of the legend is that leprous and other impure persons, to the number of 80,000, were separated out and sent to work in the mines or quarries E. of the Nile, that they were afterwards assigned a city, and that Moses became their leader. Another form of it is that the Jews in Egypt were leprous and scabby and subject to certain other kinds of distempers, that they begged at the temples in such numbers as to become a nuisance, and that they were eventually got rid of the lepious by drowning, the others by being driven into the desert.

Behind these legends there is the probability that the enslaved population of Egypt, occupied with forced labour in the Delta, would have been specially subject to those endemic influences (including the dietetic) which gave the country an ancient repute for leprosy. Still, if one person in a hundred, whether of the enslaved foreign, or the free native, labourers, was leprous, it would have been a rather larger ratio than is found anywhere at present in the most wretched circumstances. Whilst it is thus probable that there were cases of true leprosy in the early history of Israel, no extra-biblical reference to it in Palestine occurs until the first century B.C. The army of Pompey was said to have brought leprosy to Italy, for the first time, on returning from the Syrian campaign of 63 B.C. (cp Plut. Symp. 7:9) ; which should mean, at least, that the disease was then prevalent in Syria, as it has probably so remained continuously to the present time (communities of lepers at Jerusalem, Nablus, and other places).

ii. The individual cases of leprosy in the OT, how ever, are not all clearly the true disease. Miriam's leprosy, Nu. 12:10-11, appears to have been, in the mind of the narrator, a transient thing. The four leprous men outside the gate of Samaria during the siege by Benhadad (2 K. 7:3) are sufficiently like the groups of lepers under a ban in mediaeval and modern times. On the other hand, the leprosy ascribed to Naaman (2 K. 5), who had perfect freedom of intercourse with his people, looks like some more tractable skin-disease. Nor is it perhaps unlikely that the curative direction of the prophet, if we assume a generic truth in it, was dictated, not merely by a belief in the sanctity of the river Jordan, but also by an acquaintance with the medicinal properties of some spring in the Jordan valley. At any rate, the prophet s method of healing has strong pagan affinities. Thus Pausanias(v. 5 11, Frazer) tells us that in Samicum, not far from the river, there is a cave called the cave of the Anigrian nymphs. When a leper enters the cave he first prays to the nymphs and promises them a sacrifice, whatever it may be. Then he wipes the diseased parts of his body, and swimming through the river leaves his old uncleanness in the water and comes out whole and of one colour. The other OT case is that of king Uzziah (or Azariah), who was a leper unto the day of his death, dwelling in a several house l (2 K. 15:5-6) ; he was stricken because he encroached upon the pre rogative of the priesthood (2 Ch. 26:16-23). As regards Job's disease, the allusions to the symptoms may be illustrated by the authentic statements of careful Arabian physicians translated by Stickel in his Bitch Hiob (1842), p. 169 /. One of these may help to justify the references to bad dreams and (perhaps) suffocation in Job 7:14 f. During sleep, says Ibn Sina (Avicenna), frequent atra bilious dreams appear. Breathing becomes so difficult that asthma sets in, and the highest degree of hoarseness is reached. It is often necessary to open the jugular vein, if the hoarseness and the dread of suffocation increases.

iii. In the NT there are only a few notices of leprosy; but from Mt. 108 it would seem that the cleans ing of lepers was regarded as specially a work of Jesus disciples. There is a striking description of the cleans ing of a leper by Jesus himself in Mk. 1:40-44 (cp Mt. 8:2-4 Lk. 5:12-14). There he is said to have touched the leper, and to have spoken a word of power. The cleansed man is then told to fulfil the Levitical law of the leper (Lev. 14:4-10). There is no touch recorded in Lk. 17:12-19, however, where the ten lepers are told to show themselves to the priests, and are cleansed on the way. The Lazarus of Lk. 16:20 is only called eiXKO^^cos i.e. , ulcerated. It liecame usual, however, to regard him as the representative of lepers ; and in the mediaeval church the parabolic Lazarus of Lk. and the real Lazarus of Jn. 11 were both alike (or perhaps conjointly) associated with leprosy. Hence lepers were called lazars, and the Lazarus of Jn. became a patron saint of leper-houses (as in the dedication of the great leper hospital at Sherburn, near Durham, in which Lazarus is joined with his sisters Mary and Martha). It was perhaps with reference to the Lazarus whom Jesus loved that lazares or leprosi were otherwise called pauperes Christi (12th and I3th cent. ). c. c.

1 So AV and RV (with marg., or lazar-house ). The mean ing of the Heb. n PBnn rra (in Chr. Ktb. me-Bnn n) is un certain, and the correctness of the text disputed. See UZZIAH.


(Dt? ; Aece/w and AeceN (&&N) [A], A<\xeic and A&ceNN (AAK) [B], AeceN (A<\N) [L]), the name of the northern city Dan, according to Josh. 19:47.

Probably it should rather be Lesham, another form of LAISH (q.v.) ; for the formation cp DB J/ from B J?. So Wellh. dt Gentifrus, 37 ; CH 15.


(AecCAOY [A]), 2 Macc. 14:16 RV, AV DESSAU (q.v.}.




pap, 2 S. 11 14, etc. ; erriCToAH, Acts 28:25). See EPISTOLARY LITERATURE, WRITING.


(ATTOYC [A]), i Esd. 829, RV ATTUS = Ezra 82, HATTUSH (i).


(Dtr-ltt 1 ? ; AAToycieiM [AEL], -pieiM [D], and Leummim (D EN 1 ? ; Aou>/v\ei/v\ [A], -/v\eiN [DE], -MieiM[L]), sons of DEDAN (Gen. 25s), the third in MT being ASSHURIM. In <S five sons are assigned to Dedan : payovyX ([AEL] i.e. , Sijijrii see REUEL ; patrov [?7\] [D]), ?a/35e?;\ ([ADEL], i.e., Via-m AD- BEEL), a<rou/>i/u., Xarowna/u, Xow/xeiytt. In i Ch. 132 the sons of Dedan are omitted in MT and <S, except by <S A which enumerates five, as above. Criticism has not yet led to definite results as to any one of the three sons of Dedan. If, however, we are right in restoring the doubtful text of Gen. 106 thus : J And the sons of Jerahmeel ; Cush, and Mizrim, and Zarephath, and Kain, and if jtrp-, Jokshan in Gen. 202/. is mis- written for jtyia, Cushan = t3, Cush (the N. Arabian Kus), we v may conjecture that mitj N is an expansion of Diir (Suram or Siirlin) i.e. , cniB J (Gesuram or Geiurim) that DC taS comes from cntrSs, and ultimately from cns i ?!i = DnBii (Sarephatham or Sarephathlm), and that cMoN 1 ? comes from D^KDm 1 (Jerahme elam or Jerah- me elim). Thus the main difficulties of the two Dedanite genealogies are removed. For another possible occur rence of the (corrupt) ethnic []c?aS, see TUBAL-CAIN.

The Tgg. and Jer. (Qita-sf. and Ononi.) assume the three names to be appellatives, indicating the occupations or modes of life of different branches of the Dedanites (similarly Hitz. and Steiner, see articles in L, and cp Margoliouth, in Hastings, DB 3 99/>). For other guesses see Dillmann on Gen. 25 3, and cp ASSHUKIM. T. K. C.

1 See CUSH, PUT, and Crit. Bib.

2 ^7, a servant of the sanctuary, from Ij^njji with abstract or collective signification, Begleitung, Folge, Gefolgschaft.


( ; Aey[e]i. also Aey[e]ic [AE], accus. AeyeiNi 4 Mace. 2ig), i. Jacob s third son by Leah, Gen. 29:34 (J). The story in Genesis (I.e.) records a popular etymology connecting Levi with mV, Idvdh, to be joined (cp Eccles. 815) ; see also Nu. 1824 (P), where it is said that the tribe of Levi will join itself to Aaron. Some modern critics too support this con nexion. Thus Lagarde ( Or. 2 20 ; J// tth. 154^) explains Levi as one that attaches himself. If so, the Levites were either those who attached themselves to the Semites who migrated back from the Delta, therefore Egyptians, or perhaps those who escorted the ark ; the latter meaning is virtually adopted by Eaudissin 2 (Priesterthum, 72, n. i). Land, however (De Gids, Nov. 1871, p. 244, n.), explains bine Levi as sons of conversion 1 i.e. , the party of a reaction to primitive nomad religion. But it appears impossible to treat iS (Levi) as an adjective, against the analogy of all the other names of Israelitish tribes, and especially against that of Simeon and Reuben, and Gesenius's old-fashioned rendering of Levi ( associatio ) can hardly now be quoted in support of Land's theory. If Levi is original it may be best regarded as the gentilic of Leah (so We. Prol. (3), 146 ; St. A TW 1 i ,6 [1881]) ; NAPH- TALI (cp frit. Bib.), if an ethnic, may be adduced as a parallel.

The present writer, however, thinks that Levi is a corrup tion, and conjectures that LEAH [y.v.] and some at least of her sons, derived their names, not from animal totems, but from their ethnic affinities i.e., that Levi comes from Jerahmeel (pl L =p3 s = pC s = s N21= l ?NSnT ). SeeCrit.BM. Forother views see We. Heid.C^, 114, n. ((2) O m.); Hommel, AHTz^f. ; Aufsatze, 1 307". On the Levi-traditions see also MOSES, SHECHEM.

2. A name occurring twice in the genealogy of Jesus (Lk. 3 24 29!). See generally GENEALOGIES ii., 3/.

3. A disciple of Jesus, called when at the toll-office (rf\4vi.ot>) , son of Alphceus [Mk.], Mk. 2i 4 Lk. 5 27 t (XfVfiv, accus. [Ti. WH] ; cp Mt. 9 9 [call of Matthew]). Three courses are open to us.

(1) We may suppose that this disciple had two names, one of which (Matthew) was given him by Jesus after he entered the apostolic circle, and consequently dis placed the earlier name, as Peter superseded Simon.

The supposition that he had two names might pass; but the view that one of them was bestowed by Jesus appears hazardous. There is no evidence that the name Matthew, the meaning of which is still disputed, was regarded in the evangelic traditions as having any special appropriateness to its bearer. It might be better to conjecture with Delitzsch (Riehm, HWB&, 919 b) that the full name of the disciple who was called from the toll-office was Matthew, son of Alphaeus, the Levite O. 1 !? 1 ! 1 ) ! C P Acts 4:36, Joses who was surnamed Barnabas, a Levite. It is at any rate in favour of the identification of Levi and Matthew that the circumstances of the call of Levi agree exactly with those of the call of Matthew ; Levi and Matthew are both in the Capernaum toll- office when the thrilling speech Follow me is addressed to them. Must not the same person be intended ? May not Levi be an earlier name of Matthew ? So, among moderns, Meyer, Olshausen, Holtzmann.

(2) We may suppose that whilst the same fact is related both by Mk. and Lk., and by Mt., the name of the man who was called by Jesus was given by Mt. as Matthew by mistake, the author or redactor of our first gospel having identified the little-known Levi with the well-known apostle Matthew, who may very possibly have been a reXwi/rjs (EV publican ), and was at any rate regarded by the evangelist as such (so Sieffert, Ew., Keim \Jesu von Nazara, 2 217] ). We know how much the re\u)j>cu were attracted to Jesus (note Mt. 9:10 Mk. 2:15 Lk. 15:1, 19:2-3); it is very possible that more than one may have been found worthy to be ad mitted into his inner circle.

It has been pointed out by Lipsius (Apokr. Apostel- geschichten) that the fusion of Levi and Matthew is characteristic of later writers. In the Afeiiologia Matthew is called a son of Alphpeus and a brother of James, and in the Breviarium Apostolorum it is said of Matthew, Hie etiam ex tribu sua Levi sumpsit cog- nomentum. On the other hand, Lipsius (1 24) mentions a Paris MS of the gospels (Cotelier, Patres Apost. 1 271) which identifies the Levi of Mk. with Thaddceus and Lebbceus, and Lk. s Judas of James. In the Syriac Book of the Bee (Anecdota Oxon., Sem. ser., i., part ii., ed. and transl. by Budge) it is said (chap. 48, p. 112) that Levi was slain by Charmus while teaching in Paneas.

(3) It would be difficult to form a decided opinion if we could not regard the subject from another and a somewhat neglected point of view. It will be admitted that transcribers and translators of Hebrew or Aramaic names were liable to many mistakes. Now AX0cuos (cp ALPHAEUS and HELEPH) represents most probably WM (a derivative of NsSnx, ship ?). Surely it is very possible that the initial letters N may have become illeg ible in the document upon which Mt. 9:9+. is based. There remains fl7, which in Aramaic Hebrew characters might easily be mistaken for i? i.e., Levi. The original narrative very possibly had Ilphai the son of Ilphai by a scribe s error for Mattai the son of Ilphai ; and it is open to us to hold that Xe/3/3atos = Sin. >Na 7 (Dalman) has also arisen by corruption out of fl^N. Cp LEKB/BUS.

That Levi appears in the Talmud as a name of Rabbis does not make Levi a probable name for a common man of Caper naum. The occurrences in Lk. :i 24 29 are also precarious supports for the Levi in our text of Mk. and Lk.

T. K. C.


Leviathan (see BEHEMOTH AND LEVIATHAN ; CROCODILE) is described in Job 41 [40 25- 41]. The last two verses of the description (41 33 [25]) have been misread (cp LlON) and therefore misunder stood. 1 Who is made without fear is a very question able rendering; read . . . to be lord of the beasts, changing niT^a 1 ? into P n Vjia^ There is an exact parallel to this in Job 40:19, where Behemoth, if we adopt a necessary critical emendation, is described as he that was made to be a ruler of his fellows ( it vn v^an t ljS). Among the other passages which refer to Leviathan is Ps. 104:26, where 'there go the ships' is unsuitable to the context. TVJN, ships should cer tainly be DTjr, dragons (Ps. 74 13 148 7 ; N and n con founded ; cp Judg. 931), and at the close of the verse ia~pna >l ? should probably be ^a~CMjS. The psalmist found this reading in his copy of Job (at 40:19), unless indeed we suppose that he read there 1 3~prtr^, and copied the phrase which the Hebrew text (MTand <@) now gives in Ps. 104 26. The verse becomes There dragons move along; (yea), Leviathan whom thou didst appoint ruler therein ; 13 refers to B n (v. 25). T. K. C.




(\eyic [A]), iEsd.9i 4 = Ezra 10 i S , Levite. See SHABBETHAI, i.


1. Secular Tribe.[edit]

The Levites (D ; AeyteliTAi) are defined according to the usual methods of Hebrew genealogical history as the descendants of Levi (Gen. 29:34); hence their other name b'ne Levi ("<h "32). In Hebrew genealogies, however, we are not necessarily entitled to look upon the eponym of a tribe as more than an ideal personality. Indeed, the only narrative in which, on a literal interpretation, Levi appears as a person (Gen. 34), bears internal evidence of the intention of the author to delineate under the form of personification events in the history of the tribes of Levi and Simeon which must have occurred after the arrival of Israel in Canaan. 2 The same events are alluded to in Gen. 49:5-7, where Simeon and Levi are plainly spoken of as communities with a communal assembly (Ka/ial, Sip) ; see ASSEMBLY, col. 345.

Simeon and Levi were allied tribes or brothers ; their onslaught on the Shechemites was condemned by the rest of Israel; and its results were disastrous to the actors, when their cause was disavowed by their brethren. The b'ne Hamor re gained possession of Shechem, as we know from Judg. !, and both the assailing tribes were scattered through Israel, and failed to secure an independent territorial position. Cp SHECHEM.

The details of this curious portion of the earliest Hebrew history must remain obscure (cp DINAH, SIMEON) ; Gen. 34 does not really place them in so clear a light as the briefer reference in Gen. 49 ; for the former chapter has been recast and largely added to by a late writer, who looks upon the action of the brethren in the light of the priestly legislation, and judges it much more favourably than is done in Gen. 49. In post-canonical Judaism the favourable view of the zeal of Levi and Simeon becomes still more dominant (Judith. 9:2-3; Bk. of Jubilees, chap. 30, and especially Theodotus, ap. Poly- histor, in Miiller s fragm.Stijfti an ^ the curse of Jacob on the ferocity of his sons is quite forgotten. 1 In the oldest history, however, the treachery of Levi and Simeon towards a community which had received the right of connubium with Israel is represented as a crime, which imperilled the position of the Hebrews and was fatal to the future of the tribes directly involved.

1 The critical emendations are due to Gunkel, Giesebrecht, and Cheyne.

  • Jacob in 34 30 is not a personal, but a collective idea, for he

says, I am a few men, and the capture and total destruction of a considerable city is in the nature of things the work of two tribes rather than of two individuals.

2. Priestly tribe.[edit]

Whilst, however, the Levites were scattered throughout Israel, their name does not disappear from the roll of the tribes (cp Dt. 27:12). In the blessing of Moses (Dt. 33), where Simeon is passed over, Levi still appears, not as a territorial tribe, but as the collective name for the priesthood. The priesthood meant is that of the northern kingdom under the dynasty of Jehu (on the date of the chapter, see Deuteronomy, 26) ; and in fact we know that the priests of the important northern sanctuary of Dan traced their origin to a Levite (Judg. 17:9), Jonathan the son of Gershom, the son of Moses (Judg. 18:30). 2 That the Judrean priesthood were also known as Levites in the later times of the kingdom appears from the book of Deuteronomy, especially from 10:8-9, 18:1-2; and we learn from Ezek. 44:10-11 that the Judasan Levites were, not confined to the service of the temple, but included the priests of the local high places abolished by Josiah.

It may even be conjectured, with some probability, that the Levites (like the remnants of the closely-related tribe of Simeon) had originally settled in Judah and only gradually afterwards spread themselves northwards. Micah's Levite, as we know, was from Bethlehem-Judah (Judg. 17:7). :1 But cp MICAH i., 2.

Alike in Judah and in the N. the priestly prerogative of Levi was traced back to the days of Moses (Dt. 10:8, 33:8) ; 4 but in later times at least the Judrean priesthood did not acknowledge the Levitical status of their northern colleagues (i K. 1-31). It must, however, be observed that the prophets Amos and Hosea never speak of the northern priesthood as illegitimate, and Hos. 4 certainly implies the opposite. Presumably it was only after the fall of Samaria, and the introduction of large foreign elements into the population of the N., that the southern priests began to disavow the ministers of the sanctuaries of Samaria, most of whom can no longer have been representatives of the old priesthood as it was before the northern captivity (2 K. 17:28, Judg. 18:30, 2 K. 23:20, in contrast with v. 8-9).

1 According to Wellhausen s analysis (JDT1\ 435 /.), the old narrative consisted of Gen. ^37* n f. 19 25^.* 30 f.. the asterisk denoting that only parts of the verses marked by it are ancient. The most satisfactory discussion is that of Kuenen and Gunkel s commentaries, ad Inc.

2 Read not Manassch but Moses ; see JONATHAN, 2.

3 Cp Budde, Comm. zu Ri. 113 118. Sec also GENEALOGIES i., 7jv.].

[For the difficult TV ? read with Ball, PSBA, 1896, p. 123, Tp^DH, thy lovingkindnesses.]

3. Levites and priests.[edit]

In the most developed form of the hierarchical system the ministers of the sanctuary are divided into two grades. All are regarded as Levites by descent ( cp. eg. Ex 6:25), but the mass of the Levites are mere subordinate ministers not entitled to approach the altar or perform any strictly priestly function, and the true priesthood is confined to the descendants of Aaron. In the documents which reveal to us the actual state of the priest hood in the northern and southern kingdoms before the exile, there is no trace of this distinction.

Perhaps, indeed, it must be conceded to Van Hoonacker (i95/".) and Baudissin (TL7., 1899^.362; cp also his Gesch. d. Alt. Priestertums, 113) that Ezekiel has taken over from the phraseology of the temple of Jerusalem the distinction between the priests, the keepers of the charge of the house, and the priests, the keepers of the charge of the altar, which he refers to as already existing; but as against Van Hoonacker, Baudissin observes with justice that we are not entitled to infer from this that Ezekiel is aware of a distinction be tween priests (sons of Zadok, or of Aaron) and Levites ; on the contrary, in 40:45 he uses the designation priests for those whom he elsewhere calls Levites (44:10-11, 44:14, 45:5 ). It is better to say that every Levite is a priest, or at least is qualified to become such (Dt. 10:8, 18:7 ).

The subordinate and menial offices of the tabernacle are not assigned to members of a holy guild; in Jerusalem, at least, they were mainly discharged by members of the royal body guard (the Carians and footmen, 2 K. 11:4 RV ; see CARITES, but also FELETHITES), or by bond slaves, the ancestors of the later Nethinim in either case by men who might even be uncircum- cised foreigners (Ezek. 44:7-8). A Levitical priest was a legiti mate priest. When the author of i K. 12:31 wishes to represent Jeroboam s priests as illegal he contents himself with saying that they were not taken from the sons of Levi. The first historical trace of a modification of this state of things is found in connec tion with the suppression of the local high places by Josiah, when their priests were brought to Jerusalem and received their support from the temple offerings, but were not permitted to minister at the altar (2 K. 23:9). 1

4. Country priests.[edit]

The priests of the temple, the sons of Zadok, were not prepared to concede to their provincial brethren all the privileges which Dt. 18 had proposed in compensation for the loss of their local ministry. Ezekiel, after the fall of the temple, in planning a scheme of ritual for the new temple, raises the practical exclusion from the altar to the rank of a principle. In the new temple the Levites who had ministered before the local altars shall be punished by exclusion from proper priestly work, and shall fill the subordinate offices of the sanctuary, in place of the foreigners who had hitherto occupied them, but shall not be permitted to pollute Yahwe's house in future by their presence (Ezek. 44:7+). In the post- exilic period this principle was actually carried out; priests and Levites are distinguished in the list in Ezra 2, Neh. 7, 1 Esd. 5 ; but the priests, that is, the descendants of the pre-exilic priests of the royal temple, greatly outnumber the Levites or descendants of the priests of the high places (cp Ezra 8:15+). Nor is this at all surprising, if it be remembered that the duties falling to Levites in the temple had little that was attractive about them, whilst as long as they re mained in exile the inferiority of their position would be much less apparent.

5. Singers, etc.[edit]

At this time other classes of temple servants, the singers, the porters, the NETHINIM and other slaves of the sanctuary (but cp SOLOMON'S SERVANTS CHILDREN OF), whose heredi tary service would, on Eastern principles, give them a pre-eminence over other slaves of the sanctuary, are also still distinguished from the Levites ; but these distinctions lost their significance when the word Levite itself came to mean a subordinate minister. In the time of Nehemiah, Levites and singers, Levites and porters, are very much run into one (Neh. 11+, see PORTERS), and the absorp tion of the other classes of subordinate ministers into the hereditary guild of Levites is at last expressed in the shape of genealogies, deriving the singers, and even families whose heathenish and foreign names show them to have originally belonged to the Nethinim, from the ancient stock of Levi. Cp GENEALOGIES i., 7 (ii.).

i Baudissin s essentially different view of this verse (223-6) has been successfully disposed of by Kuenen (Abh.

6. Priestly legislation.[edit]

The new hierarchical system found its legal basis in the priestly legislation, first publicly accepted as an integral part of the Torah under Ezra and Nehemian (ISRAEL, 59). Here the exclusion of the Levites from all share in the proper priesthood of the sons of Aaron is precisely formulated (Nu. 3-4) ; their service is regu lated from the point of view that they are essentially the servants and hereditary serfs of the priests (3:9), whilst, on the other hand, as has already found vivid expression in the arrangement of the camp in Nu. 2, they are recognised as possessing a higher grade of holiness than the mass of the people. This superiority of position finds its justification in the artificial theory that they are a surrogate for the male first-born of Israel, who, belonging of right to Yahwe, are handed over by the nation to the priests (cp FIRST BORN, col. 1526).

The Levites are endowed with the tithes, of which in turn they pay a tithe to the priests (Nu. 18:21+). These regulations as to tithes were enforced by Nehemiah; but the subordinate position of the Levites was hardly consistent with their permanent enjoyment of revenues of such importance, and we learn from the Talmud that these were finally transferred to the priests. Cp TAXA TION AND TRIBUTE. 1

Another provision of the law i.e., the assignment to the Levites of certain cities with a definite measure of inalienable pasture-ground (Nu. 35 Lev. 25:34) was ap parently never put in force after the exile. It cannot be reconciled with the prohibition against the holding of property in virtue of which the Levites in common with the other needy classes are commended to the com passion of the charitable.

This prohibition is clearly expressed in the same priestly legislation (Nu. 18:20, 26:62), and particularly in D. See e.g., Dt. 10:9, Levi hath no part nor inheritance with his brethren ; 18:1. From Dt. 18:6 we gather that the Levites were dispersed as sojourners in various Israelitish cities i.e.. they had no ter ritorial possession (cp Gen. 49:7). In accordance with this Ezekiel propounds an idealistic reform according to which the Levites were to have a domain apportioned to them, where they were to live together. Josh. 21 (P), i Ch. 13:2 cannot of course be quoted in support of the prohibition. It should be observed too that many of the so-called Levitical cities did not become Israelitish till quite late, and that some of them were so near each other that the pasture-land assigned to one city would have overlapped that assigned to its neighbour (e.g., Hebron and Holon, Anathoth and Almon), whilst the pasture-land of Hammoth-dor would have included part of the Sea of Galilee. See Di. Num.-Deut.; Now. HA 2 129; Addis. Hex. 2 448 /.

As the priestly legislation carried its ordinances back into the time of Moses, so the later developments of the Levitical service as known in the time of the Chronicler (on the date, see HISTORICAL LITERATURE, 157) are referred by that author to David (i Ch. 15 16 23) or to Hezekiah (2 Ch. 29) and Josiah (2 Ch. 35) ; and by a similar projection of post-exilic conditions into pre- exilic times, we find, among other modifications of the original text (such as 1 S. 6:15, 2 S. 15:24, 1 K. 8:4), various individuals who had been prominent in connection with matters of worship invested with the character of Levites; this has been done not only in the case of Samuel (comp. i S. 1:1 with i Ch. 6:12-13, 6:18+), but even in that of a foreigner like Obed-edom of Gath. 2 The chief point is the development of the musical service of the temple, which has no place in the Pentateuch, but afterwards came to be of the first importance (as we see from the Psalter) and attracted the special attention of Greek observers (Theophrastus, ap. Porph. De Abstin. ii. 26).

7. Post-exilic development.[edit]

For the reconstruction of the post-exilic history of the relation of Levites to priests, we are thrown for the most part on pure conjecture, which, accordingly, Vogelstein has used with conspicuous acuteness. He supposes that the period of prosperity enjoyed by the Levites under Ezra and Nehemiah was followed by one of threatening collapse against which they sought - and with success - to defend themselves by alliance with the singers and doorkeepers. The excessive pretensions of the party thus reinforced, however, led to renewed adversity (Nu. 16), after which they were ultimately able, by peaceful means (cp the work of the Chronicler), to establish a tolerable modus vivendi. Vogelstein s attempt is to be accepted at least to this extent : it has con clusively shown that the post-exilic history of the Levites did not proceed in a straight line, either upwards or as Van Hoonacker has tried to make out downwards.

The Levites appear, it is true, to have sunk to a position of complete insignificance at the close of the history, that is to say at the close of the OT period; to this Van Hoonacker has very appropriately called attention. In the NT they are mentioned only in Lk. 10:32, Jn. 1:19 and Acts 4:36. If, on the other hand, their position in Ezra-Nehemiah is only relatively a favourable one, that is far from justifying Hoonacker s conclusion that Chronicles, in which they are represented as enjoying a more favourable position (for the most part comparable to that of the priests), must be taken as representing the con- ditionsof pre-exilic times. Baudissin (Rel.-gesch. 45) has shown that even within the priestly legislation it is possible to trace a growing respect for the Levites. In his judgment, accord ingly, we cannot say that in the post-exilic time any con siderable vicissitudes in the condition of the Levites are to be observed, and he adds the suggestion, well worthy of attention, that this fact, coupled with the ultimate subordina tion of the Levites to the singers and porters, points to the conclusion that the Levites strictly so-called were merely an artificial creation a creation of the prophet Ezekiel. 1

1 See Mishna, Ma'asser Sheni 5:15 and the Jerusalem Gemara (3:259 of Schwah’s tralslatiod) ; Yebamoth f. 86a, Kethuboth, f. 26a: Sa@, 9:10, Carpzov, A#jarutirs hist.-crif. 1748, p. 624; and Hottinger, De Decimi s jud., 1713, (i 8 il 17; cp v. Hoonacker, 60 f. 400 _/., who, on the authority of some passages in the Talmud, considers the Levites tithe to have been exacted as early as in Ezra s time.

2 [If the text is correct; on this, see OBED-EDOM: cp also GENEALOGIES i., 7 [v.] end.]

8. Traditional view, secular and priestly tribe.[edit]

Whilst it is not difficult to trace the history of the Levites from the time of the blessing of Moses and Deuteronomy downwards, the links connecting the priestly tribe with the earlier fortunes of the tribe of Levi are hardly to be determined with any certainty.

According to the traditional view, the scheme of the Levitical legislation, with its double hierarchy of priests and Levites, was of Mosaic ordinance. There is too much evidence, however, that in the Pentateuch, as we possess it, divergent ordinances, dating from very different ages, are all carried back by means of a legal convention to the time of the wilderness journey (cp HEXATEUCH). If, too, the complete hierarchical theory as held in post-exilic times was really ancient, it is inexplicable that all trace of it was so com pletely lost in the time of the monarchy, that Ezekiel speaks of the degradation of the non-Zadokite Levites as a new thing and as a punishment for their share in the sin of the high places, and that no clear evidence of the existence of a distinction between priests and Levites has been found in any of the Hebrew writings that are demonstrably earlier than the exile. 2 It has indeed been argued that (i) the list of Levitical cities in Josh. 21, and (2) the narrative of the rebellion of Korah imply that the precepts of the post- exilic law were practically already recognized; but (i) it is certain that there was no such distribution as that spoken of in Josh. 21 at the time of the settlement, because many of the cities named were either not occupied by Israelites till long afterwards, or, if occu pied, were not held by Levites.

The Levitical cities of Joshua are indeed largely identical with ancient holy cities (Hebron, Shechem, Mahanaim, etc.) ; but in ancient Israel a holy city was one which possessed a noted sanctuary (often of Canaanite origin), not one the inhabitants of which belonged to the holy tribe. These sanctuaries had, of course, their local priesthoods, which in the time of the mon archy were all called Levitical; and it is only in this sense, not in that of the priestly legislation, that a town like Shechem can ever have been Levitical.

(2) So again, the narrative of Korah has proved on critical examination to be of composite origin ; the parts of it which represent Korah as a common Levite in rebellion against the priesthood of Aaron belong to a late date, and the original form of the history knows nothing of the later hierarchical system (see KORAH ii).

1 TLZ , 1899, p. 361.

2 Defenders of the traditional view, the latest being Van Hoonacker, 92 f., have sought such evidence in I K. 8 4. There are many indications, however, that the text of this part of Kings has undergone considerable editing at a pretty Ue date. The LXX translators, B 1 -, did not read the clause which speaks of priests and Levites, and the Chronicler read the Levite priests (but l& oi iepeis (tat oi Aeueirai) the phrase characteristic of the deuteronomic identification of priestly and Levitical ministry.

9. Alternative theory.[edit]

It has thus become impossible to entertain the idea of carrying back the distinction of Levites and Aaronites in the later sense to an early date. We cannot use the priestly parts of the Pentateuch and Joshua as a source for the earliest history. It is probable, however (note the case of Micah s Levite in Judg. 17-18), 1 that the kin of Moses had a certain hereditary prerogative in connec tion with the worship of Yahwe (cp Dt. 10:8). In the earliest times the ritual of Yahwe's sanctuary had not attained such a development as to occupy a whole tribe ; but if, as appears probable, the mass of the tribe of Levi was almost annihilated at an early date, the name of Levite might very well continue to be known only in connection with those of the tribe who traced kin with Moses or remained by the sanctuary. Cp MOSES, 5. The multiplication of Hebrew holy places was effected partly by syncretism with the Canaanites, partly in other ways that had nothing to do with a central sanctuary, and so arose a variety of priestly guilds which certainly cannot have been all of Levitical descent.

It is possible, perhaps, that in some cases where Canaan- ite sanctuaries were taken over by the Israelites certain Canaanite priestly families may have contrived to retain possession of the priestly office. Whether even Zadok himself, the ancestor of the Jerusalem priesthood, was of Levitical origin must remain an open question, the answer of Chronicles not being trustworthy enough to be decisive (see ZADOK, i).

As the nation was consolidated and a uniform system of sacred law (referred to Moses as its originator) came to be administered all over the land, in the hands of the ministers of the greater sanctuaries, the various guilds may have been drawn together and have aimed at forming such a united body as we find described in Dt. 33. -* This unity would find a natural expression in the extension of the name of Levites to all priesthoods recognized by the State in Ex. 4:14 Levite is simply equivalent to a professional designation. If this was the course of things we can hardly suppose that the term came into large use till the Israelites were con solidated under the monarchy, and in fact the integrity of the text in i S. 15, 2 S. 15:24, as well as in i K. 8:4, is open to question (cp ARK). Down to the time of David and Jeroboam, as appears from the cases of Samuel, Zadok, Eleazer (1 S. 7:1), as well as from 1 K. 12:31, the priesthood was not essentially hereditary; but, like all occupations that required traditional knowledge, it must have tended to become so more and more, and thus all priests would appear as Levites by adoption if not by descent.

Thus also, doubtless, the great number of the priests at Nob, who are reckoned as of the family of Ahimelech, but can hardly all of them have been personally related to him, is to be taken as evidence of the effort to maintain the fiction of a priestly family as deriving its coherence from common descent. 3 The interesting parallel case of the Rechabites shows us how easy to the thinking of those early times was the transition from the idea of official relationship to that of relationship by blood.

Wellhausen (Prol. (">>, 139 /".) has argued from Dt. 33:9 that the northern priesthood was not an hereditary guild, but involved the surrender of all family con nection ; the words, however, are more naturally understood as praise of the judicial impartiality which refused to be influenced by family ties. Our data are too scanty to clear up the details of this interesting piece of history; but it can hardly be doubted that the development of a consolidated and hereditary priestly corporation in all the sanctuaries was closely bound up with the unification of the state and the absorption of tribal organisation in the monarchy. The reaction of tribal feeling against the central Government, of which there are many traces in the history of Ephraim, has perhaps its counterpart in the opposition to the unified priesthood which is alluded to in Dt. 33:11 {1}

There have been many attempts on the part of recent writers from the time of Vatke downwards to deny that Levi was one of the original tribes of Israel ; but they all break down before the testimony of Gen. 49. And with them break down the attempts at an appellative interpretation of the name Levi. See LEVI, and cp Kuenen s refutation of the theory of Land, Theol. Tijdschr. 5, 1872, pp. 628-670: De Stum Levi, and Kautzsch, Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1890, p. 771 f. Graf, ZurGeschichte des Stammes Levi, "in Merx s Archiv, i (1869) 68-106; 208-236: Stade, GV! 1152 /f. See further the literature cited under PRIESTS. W. R. S. A. B.

1 See MICAH, 2. Add also that of the family of Eli, i S. 2 27 f. ; cp ELI, JERAHMEEL, 3 (end).

2 Cp Ex. 8-225-29,3 related passage, doubtless secondary, which reads like a commentary to Dt. i-Wg. In it the choice of Levi to the priesthood is carried back to a reminiscence of a (possibly historical) action of vigorous faith on the part of the fellow-tribesmen of Moses [cp MASSAH AND MERIBAHJ.

  • Cp Benzinger, HA 409.


See LEVITES, 6, 8.