Encyclopaedia Biblica/Psaltery-Raca

From Wikisource
Jump to: navigation, search



P33 ^|, iCh.!6s; "to ^33, Ps. 33:2 ; flWDB, fnrUDB, Dan. 3, 5:7, 5:10, 5:15). See Music, 7+.


(TTToAeMAic : 1 Macc. 5:15, 5:22, 5:55, 10:1, 10:39, 10:56+, 10:60, 11:3, 11:22, 11:24, 12:45, 12:48, 13:12, 2 Macc. 13:24-25. Acts 21:7), or ACCHO, RV Acco (131? ; in Judg. 1:31 r &KXOO [BAL]). For Josh. 19:30 see below, 5.

1. Name.[edit]

There seem to have been two forms of the native name, for each of them appears through several languages.

The Heb. 13J7 is confirmed by the Assyr. Ak-ku-u (see below, 6), and is reproduced in the Talmud, ISJf (Neubauei, Geog. du Talm. 231), and even on crusading coins as Accon (De Saulcy, Num. de la. Terre Sainte, 153).1 But the earliest extant inscriptions, the Egyptian (below, 4), give A-ka and -ka; 2 the Phoen. (on coins of Alexander the Great, 7) was x^y and -jy; the Greek was AKT [ake]) (so Diod. Polyb. Menander [in Jos. Ant. 9:14:2 where, however, Niese reads Ap/cr; [arke] ], Strabo, 16:2:25, and Josephus in Ant. 8:2:3, etc. ; see 7) : the Latin Ace or Acce (Pliny, HN 5:17), and the Arabic down to the present day Akka, or Akka. The difference may have been originally only one of inflection.

From the form Akka the Crusaders produced Acre, one of the earliest instances of the vulgar addition of r to a terminal a (cp vulgar English Indiar). The fuller modern name St. Jean d'Acre was properly the title of the establishment of the Knights Hospitallers, but was carelessly extended to the whole town. On the origin of the name Ptolemais see below, 7.

2. Site and neighbourhood.[edit]

At the N. end of the sandy coast of the Gulf of Akka, there rises a short rocky promontory, on which lies the modern city. Tne site is favourable for fortification. On two sides and a half (W., S., and 0.5 E.) is the sea ; round the other side and a half (N. and E.) the disposition of the rock has rendered easy the construction from sea to sea of the present lines of wall and ditch. From the S. end of the promontory a few ruins of crusading times (PEFM 1:160) running E. into the sea represent an ancient mole ; the remains of another lie under the sea S. from the SE. corner of the present city. The anchorage is good. To the N. the coast extends for some distance unbroken ; the nearest coast town is ez-Zib (ACHZIB) some 9 mi. away. Inland the maritime plain extends nearly 4 mi., opposite the city, to the foothills of Galilee and farther S. bulges to a greater breadth towards the entrance to Esdraelon. That the plain holds much water, is proved by the Nahr Na'man, the ancient Belus, which, rising in a marsh (probably the Cendevia of Pliny [36:26]) at the foot of Tell Kurdaneh, becomes in its short course of 5 mi. or so a considerable body of water. It reaches the sea a little more than a mile S. from the city. The sandy mouth of the Belus was famed for the manufacture of glass (cp GLASS), and of purple dye (cp PURPLE) from the shells of the murex once gathered there in great quantities and still to be found. 'I have succeeded in extracting the dye from some of these I have collected here' (Laurence Oliphant, Haifa (2), 1887, p. 103). There are rich gardens and groves between the river and the town. Indeed the whole plain and the foothills beyond it are very fertile.

All these various opportunities and endowments of the town are represented on its ancient coinage. On a coin of Trajan (De Saulcy, 159), Ptolemais is represented as a woman with a turreted crown, seated on a rock, in her right hand some ears of corn, at her feet a river. On other pieces the cornucopia and ears of corn are frequent, and sometimes an olive tree is given ; whilst the command of the sea is symbolised by Neptune or a dolphin or a rudder {Ib. 153-169 and PI. viii. ; see also Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet. iii. 305 ; Head, Hist. Num. 676).

Within a radius of 7 mi. from Akka there are some villages and ancient Tells more of course on the foot hills than on the plain. There is not, however, and never has been a city large enough to hold Akka as its port. Nothing dominates the town. The nearest mound, Tell el-Fokhkhar (96 ft. above sea level) is over 0.75 mi. from the present fortifications ; but probably the ancient city extended nearly to this Tell. Gue rin (Gallile, 1:502-525) found remains up to nearly 800 metres E. , and about the same distance N. of the present walls. The next mound, Tell et-Tantur (260 ft. high), is about three miles and a half distant.

1 Cp Church of St. Nicholas Aeons in Lombard Street (Wilson, in Smith s DBft) 1:22a).

2 Wi. (KB 5) transliterates Akka.

3. Importance.[edit]

The strength and isolated character of the position, its standing on the coast and near the mouth of the great plain of Esdraelon, the comparative security of the harbour, and the fertility of the neighbourhood form for the town an assurance of fame. It is no exaggeration to say that in and around Akka, as much history has been transacted as upon any site in Palestine, with the exception perhaps of two or three. Pietschmann (Gesch. der Phonizier, 29-30, 79-80) regards Akka's political inferiority to Tyre and Sidon in ancient history as due to the absence from its 'Hinterland' of those enormous mountain ranges which so fully protect them. He is wrong, however, in supposing (p. 80) that Akka was more shut off than her sister cities from the great lines of traffic across Syria. All commerce between Egypt and Mesopotamia which followed the Phoenician coast must have visited them alike, whilst she lay nearer than the rest to the other line which bent inland to Damascus. Indeed Akka, not Tyre or Sidon, is the natural port not only for Galilee and the plain of Esdraelon, but also for Damascus, Hauran, and Gilead, the roads from which reach it without having to cross either of the Lebanons. Not 'a small piece of the world' (as Pietschmann says) but all Galilee, Esdraelon, and the country E. of Jordan found their clearest outlet through Akka. At the present day during harvest some thousands of camels enter it daily with the grain of Hauran ; : and its bazaars contain a greater motley of people than those of any other coast towns. Hauran peasants, and Druses from Jebel ed-Druz, Damascus merchants, the fellahin of W. Palestine and Gilead, merchants from Nablus - and all this in spite of the recent rivalry of Haifa at the opposite end of the Gulf. The commercial activity of Akka cannot have been less in ancient times. It is true that in OT and NT the city is mentioned only twice, possibly thrice : as Acco in Judg. 1:31 (cp Josh. 19:30 LXX [below, 5]), and as Ptolemais in Acts 21:7 ; but the monuments of Egypt, Phoenicia, and Assyria, the Books of Maccabees, Josephus, and Latin and Greek writers supply us with material for a larger estimate of its ancient importance.

1 According to Schumacher 4000-5000 daily.

4. Early Egyptian relations.[edit]

Akka first comes into the light of history during the Egyptian occupations of Syria in the fifteenth and following centuries B.C. In the lists of the Syrian conquests of Thotmes III. (1503+), No. 47 is read by W. M. Muller (As. u. Eur. 181) as 'A-ka; but Flinders Petrie (Hist, of Eg. 232; cp PALESTINE, 15) reads A'aag (=Ajjah), and neither Tyre nor Sidon is given in the lists. In any case all three cities must have passed at this time, or previously, into Egyptian hands, for in his last campaign Thotmes is said to have taken Arkatu ( = Arka) to the N. of them all ; he is said elsewhere to have subdued the inhabitants of the 'harbour towns' (Pietschmann, 255), and in the following century Akka is represented as (apparently long since) an Egyptian fief. In the Amarna despatches, one of the letters is from Zitaadna of Akku protesting his fidelity to Egypt (Fl. Petrie, Hist. Eg. 2:277, no. 44, Wi. KB 5:158, 5:160) a second is from the same announcing a revolt (Petrie, 46, Wi. 159) ; whilst a third addressed to Amenhotep IV. (1383-1365) from the king of Karduniyas complains that Zitaadna has murdered the king s ambassadors and appropriated the gifts they were carrying to Egypt (Petrie, 48, Wi. u). This last shows the position of Akka in the line of traffic between Egypt and Mesopotamia. A list of Sety I. in Abydos gives '-ka which Muller (op. cit. 191) identifies with Akka : in any case 'Akka fell with the rest of Phoenicia as far as the Nahr el-Kelb under Sety's successor Rameses II. It is not mentioned under Rameses III.

5. In OT.[edit]

Akka lay within the land assigned by biblical writers to Asher. The MT of Josh. 19:24-31, which defines the limits of Asher, does not contain its name, but for the first word of v. 30, where we should expect to find it, LXX{B} reads Apx^fi [archob], which suggests the emendation of the Hebrew ncy to rny or my (O.KKU [akkoo] is the reading of a number of cursives in H and P). In Judg. 1:31 (J) it is stated that Asher did not dispossess the inhabitants of Akka. There is no allusion to Akka either in the account of transactions between Phoenicia and Judah or Israel, or in any diatribe of the prophets on the Phoenician cities. Its absence from the former is not altogether explicable. Akka was of no use in the trading between Solomon and Hiram - Tyre was nearer the cedars and Joppa the port for Jerusalem ; whilst between Phoenicia and N. Israel, if all commerce was not by land, Dor and the harbour of Athlit would be more convenient for Samaria, the capital of the Israelite dynasty most closely connected with Phoenicia. Yet Dor and the ancient representative of Athlit and Akka are alike unnoticed by the Books of Kings ; as striking a proof as we have of the fragmentary character of those historical records. Akka would have been the natural port for the Galilean fugitive, Jonah, to have been brought to in that prophetic narrative. 1 That Joppa has been chosen instead is another indication of the late and Jewish origin of the Book. The absence of Akka from the prophetic passages on Phoenicia is due, no doubt, to Akka's political inferiority to Tyre and Sidon a fact amply proved by the Assyrian monuments. 2

1 [Does not this add fresh plausibility to the view of Jonah as traditionally a prophet of the Negeb given in PROPHET, 44? T. K. c.]

2 It should be noted, however, that Reland s suggestion that in Mic. 1:10 ']]_ stands for i^jn has found favour with many scholars. But see We. Kl. Proph. l.c.

6. On the Assyrian monuments.[edit]

Akka is not mentioned among the states which Assyria encountered in the fight at Karkar (neither are Sidon and Tyre) nor does it occur among the Phoenician towns paying tribute about 840 to Shalmaneser II., or about 804 to Adad-nirari. Shalmaneser IV. and Sargon held all Phoenicia subject, but still Akka is not mentioned ; and its first appearance in the Assyrian annals is as one of the towns of Luli of Sidon, whom Sennacherib overthrew (1 Rawl. 37:42). It is noticed in Esarhaddon's annals, and the first Assyrian mention of it, apart from Tyre, is after the subjection of the latter by Ashur-bani-pal, when he reports that he punished Usu and Akku at the time (640) that he fought against the Arabians. All this makes it clear that till Tyre fell Akka was but one of her subordinate towns, and explains the silence of the prophets. On this Assyrian evidence see Schrader, KA T, 173, 288, 291, ET 1, 161, 281, 284 ; and Del. Par. 284.

7. In Greek times; Ptolemais.[edit]

Akka is not much in evidence during the Persian empire ; but it is now that we have the first clear instance of its military importance as a place of muster for large armies, which distinguished it during the Greek and Roman period, for according to Diodorus Siculus (15:41) Artaxerxes Mnemon gathered his troops there for his invasion of Egypt (cp Strabo, 16:2:25). There are extant a very large number of coins of Alexander the Great struck at Nay or -jy as it is called in Phcen. letters on some of them. 1 As Schurer says, they prove the importance of the place from Alexander s time onwards ; yet the fact that Heracles not only appears in Greek coins of "A/cry ['ake], as the town is now called, but is associated by a Greek legend 2 with the origin of the town, proves that Akka s subordination to, and close connection with, Tyre lasted into Greek times. The town was obviously subject to Tyre religiously as well as politically. After the death of Alexander, Akka was at first under Antigonus, then under Ptolemy Lagi, who destroyed it in 312 when Antigonus forced him to retire (Diod. Sic. 19:93).

During the next century we have no particular data for the history of Akka, and are therefore unable to decide with certainty when it received the official name of Ptolemais (IlToAe/ucus [ptolemais]). This can hardly have been during its brief occupation by Ptolemy Lagi (against Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phon. 76), but may have been due to Ptolemy II. whose conquest of Phoenicia was more permanent (see Schurer's note, op. cit. 92 ; he quotes in evidence the Pseudo-Aristeas}. In any case the name appears to have displaced that of AKTJ ['ake] among the Greeks by the close of the third century B.C. In describing the occupation of the town by Antiochus the Great in 219, Polybius (5:61-62) implies that it was then called Ptolemais ; yet a more conclusive proof that the name had been bestowed long before this is found in the fact that the Seleucids did not attempt to alter it, but suffered this record of their enemies' previous possession and patronage of the town to remain on its coins, alongside that of their own.

The inhabitants obtained the envied right to call themselves Ai Tioxe S oi fv IlroAejitaiSi ['antiocheis - oi en ptolemaidi]; and received equal privileges with their old superiors of Tyre ; the titles on some of the Seleucid coins are iepo. atrvAos [iera asulos] and iepa ovToi o/itos [iera autonomos] (Eckhel, op. cit. 3:305-306 ; De Saulcy, op. cit. 153+. , Gardner, Catal. of Gk. Coins in Brit. Mus. : Seleucid Kings, 41).

We now reach the detailed history of Ptolemais furnished by Greek historians but especially by the Books of Maccabees and Josephus, a history which describes the naturally increasing importance of a town, so favourably situated for the enterprises first of its Greek and then of its Roman masters. For Egypt, for Asia Minor, for the Greek Isles and mainland, and for Italy its harbour was (even after the building of Caesarea by Herod) the most convenient on the Syrian coast ; and its history till the end of the NT period is that of the arrivals of great men from those shores, of the muster of large armies, of the winter camps of the invaders of the Syrian Hinterland, and of bitter conflicts between Greeks and Jews.

In 164-3 Ptolemais participated in the general hostility of the Syrian Greeks against the Jews ( 1 Macc. 5:15). Simon the Maccabee routed the Greeks up to its gates (ib. 22 ; Jos. Ant. 12:8:1, 12:8:2, 12:8:6). In 153 Alexander Balas took it from his rival Demetrius (1 Macc. 10:1 ; Ant. 13:2:1).

While it was in Alexander's hands Demetrius cleverly bribed the Jews by assigning it and its lands to the Jews 'for the expenses that befit the Sanctuary at Jerusalem' (1 Macc. 10:39). When Alexander defeated Demetrius he married Ptolemy s daughter at Ptolemais in 151- 150, and Jonathan the Maccabee met the two kings there and was greatly honoured by them (ib. 48-66 ; Ant. 13:41:69). It was at Ptolemais also that Jonathan in 143 by treachery fell into Trypho's hands (1 Macc. 12:45+ ; Jos. Ant. 13:6:2, BJ 1:2:1).

In 104 Alexander Jannaeus besieged Ptolemais (Ant. 13:12:2), but raised the siege out of fear of Ptolemy Lathurus (ib. 13:12:3), who in turn besieged (ib. 13:12:4) and took the town (ib. 13:12:6) ; which, however, soon after fell into the hands of Queen Cleopatra of Egypt, his mother (Ant. 13:18:12). Soon after 70 it was taken by Tigranes of Armenia (ib. 13:16:4), and relinquished by him under fear of the Romans. The Ptolemaitans received Pacorus of Parthia (BJ 1:13:i).

1 They run from the year 5 to the year 46 of the Alexandrian era - i.e., they were struck with Alexander's name long after his death. See Schurer, Hist. 2:1:91, n. 143.

2 The name Aicrj was derived from the supposed healing (aice o/tiai [akeomai]) of Heracles, through a plant discovered on the site, after he was poisoned by the Lernasan Hydra. See Steph. Byzant. Ilepi HoAewi [peri poleoon] , s.v. AKTJ [ake].

8. Under the Romans.[edit]

Herod landed at Ptolemais from Italy (BJ 1:15:3 , Ant. 14:15:1), came there from Antioch (Ant. 14:15:11), entertained Caesar there (Ant. 15:67, cp BJ 1:20:3), and endowed the town with gymnasia (BJ 1:21:11). The town had an era dating from Caesar's visit, 47 B.C. (for this see Eckhel, op. cit. iii. 425 ; De Saulcy, op. cit. 154+). Akka had now to suffer the rivalry of Caesarea ; but however fine might be the harbour which Herod built there, and however suitable for official traffic between Jerusalem and Italy, Caesarea could not compete with Ptolemais for the commerce with Damascus and eastern Palestine. This too was the period of Galilee s greatest prosperity, and Ptolemais was the port of Galilee. It does not appear by name in the Gospels ; but lying only some 14 m. from Nazareth and in constant communication with the towns on the Lake of Galilee, it must have helped to supply the Jews with that knowledge of Gentile ways which appears in all the evangelists, and Jesus with 'the vision of all the kingdoms of this world'.

The next stage in the history of Ptolemais dates from its establishment as a colonia by Claudius (Pliny, HN 5:17; colonia Claudii Caesarii quae quondam Ace; for the coins with col. Ptol. see, as cited above, Eckhel and De Saulcy) without, (however, the rights of a colony (see Schurer s quotation, 94 n. 161, from the Digest). To this point belongs the visit of Paul coasting from Tyre to Caesarea, the more natural port for his goal in Jerusalem (Acts 21:7).

9. The territory of Ptolemais.[edit]

1 Macc. 10:39 mentions a certain territory as 'appertaining' to Ptolemais in the second century B.C., and it is possible from data supplied by Josephus to define the extent of this during the first Christian century. How far N. it extended is uncertain. On the E. it was bounded by Galilee (BJ 3:3:1 ; 'Ptolemais the neighbour of Galilee' ), the border of which lay 60 stadia from Ptolemais (id. 2:10:2), i.e. , along the base of the foothills.

BJ 2:189 says that Cestius advanced from Ptolemais en-i TrdAif Knprepav r>js FoAiAatas Za/SovAioi 17 KaAetrat av&piav. Schlatter (Zur Topog. u. Gesch. Palast. 355 n. i) - so also Niese - proposes to read Xa/SouAwi/ [chabouloon], i.e., the modern Kabul, on the plain just off the foothills, and some nine miles SE. from Ptolemais, which Josephus elsewhere mentions as a border town of Galilee (Vit. 43-45). Schlatter proposes to delete avSptav [audroon] as a dittography for a subsequent avSpiov [audroon], but ij KaAeirai av&piav [e kaletai audroon] seems rather to be the gloss of some scribe who confused Xa/SovAuv [chabouloon] with another town of Galilee on this Ptolemaitan border, viz., Ta(3apa [gabala] or Te/Sapa [gebara] (as if from QHi2il = d Spd>c [audroon]) to which Vespasian advanced from Ptolemais (BJ 3:7:i ; for Ta.Sa.pa [gadara] read Pa/Japa [gabara]]; cp Vit. 15 where TaSapeis [gadareis] should be Parapets [gabareis]], and 25). There is little doubt that it is the modern Kh. Kabra, due E. from Ptolemais on a direct road from ihe latter into Galilee - the present Wady esh-Shaghur. Farther S. the territory of Ptolemais appears to have run more inland upon the plain of Esdraelon. Josephus Vit. 24 cp BJ 2:18:i, 3:3:i) gives two towns on the border, Geba and Besara. Neither has been satisfactorily identified with a modern site ; 1 but Josephus's description of the former as on the great plain and on Carmel and 60 stadia from Simonias (mod. Semuniyeh) implies a position well inland on the NE. slopes of Carmel. 2 This would agree with the probability that Carmel itself, which was always in Phoenician or Greek hands, lay within the territory of Ptolemais ; and indeed Josephus affirms that the maritime districts of Judaea extended to Ptolemais (BJ 3:3:5).

10. The Civil War.[edit]

In the war between the Jews and the Romans Ptolemais formed the main base of the Romans so long as the war was waged in Galilee. Varus (BJ 2:5:1; Ant. 17:10:9), Vitellius (Ant. 18:5:3), Petronius (BJ 2:10:3+; Ant. 18:8:2) and Cestius (BJ 2:18:9) all mustered or wintered their troops at Ptolemais, and it was a constant port for Italy (Ant. 18:6:3). Placidus and Josephus faced each other in front of it (Jos. Vit. 43). Ptolemais was also Vespasian s base (BJ 3:2:4; 3:6:1-2 ; 3:9:1), and Titus from Egypt joined him there (3:4:2). There is a description of the town at this time in BJ 2:10:2.

In Christian times Ptolemais became a bishopric and its bishops were present at the councils of Caesarea (198), Nice (325), Constantinople (381), Chalcedon (451), and Jerusalem (536). In 638 Ptolemais was taken by the Mohammedans, under whom its political, but not its commercial, importance dwindled. In 1103 it was captured by Baldwin I. and in 1187 it surrendered to Saladin. In 1189 Guy de Lusignan began the long and doubtful siege, which Saladin attempted to raise. He was defeated and the town taken (in 1191) and further fortified. St. Louis increased the fortifications in 1252 ; but in 1291 the town finally fell to the Saracens (under Sultan Melek el-Akraf) and was ruined. Marino Sanuto (1322) gives a plan of the city as it was under the Christians (Liber Secretorum Fidelium Crucis in Orientalis Historia [1611], Tom. 1:1.) reproduced in PEF Mem. 1 163. See also Key, Monuments des Croises en Syrie, 172. There is a double wall round the landward end, with two moles from the SW. and SE. corners. In 1558 the ruins were visited and described by the Chevalier d Arvieux. In 1749 the Sheikh Dhaher el Amer began the reconstruction. In 1799 Napoleon besieged Akka, but was prevented from taking it by a British fleet under Sir Sydney Smith. In 1831 the town was taken from the Turks by Ibrahim Pasha and the fortifications were partly rebuilt out of the ruins of Athlit. In 1840 it was bombarded by the fleets of Britain, Austria, and Turkey, and has since been in Turkish hands.

Besides the works already cited see Reland's Palestina; Robinson, LBR 115+; and Hildesheimer, Beitreige, 11+.

G. A. S.


AV PTOLEMEUS or PTOLEMEE (TTTOAeM&lOC - i-e., 'the warlike' ; Ptolemaus), a name apparently of Macedonian origin, which became the dynastic name of the Greek kings of Egypt. For a complete list of these kings see EGYPT, 71-73, and for full details of their history see, besides the histories of Israel, Mahaffy, The Ptolemaic Dynasty.

1. Biblical references.[edit]

The only Ptolemy expressly mentioned in the Greek Bible is Ptolemy VI. [VII. ] Philometor ( 1 Macc. 1:18, 10:51+, 11:1-18, 15:16+, 2 Macc. 1:10, 4:21, 9:29; probably also Esther 11:1 [?]). In Dan 11:25 however, the same king seems to be again referred to as 'the king of the south' ; and earlier in the same chapter his five predecessors are alluded to (vv. 5+). See the Commentaries on Maccabees and Daniel ; also the articles MACCABEES [BOOKS] and DANIEL. Cp also Willrich, Juden und Griechen.

1 Guerin (Gal. 1:395-396) places Geba at Sheikh Abrek ; Schlatter at Kh. el-Medina; and Besara = Beth Sara = /3ijcrapa [besara] at Tell Tora (Zur Topog. u. Gesch. 296).

2 Schurer (Hist. 2:1:128, n. 306) denies that Geba can be the present Jebata ; but this is by no means clear.

2. Early Ptolemies.[edit]

i. Ptolemy I., Soter, son of Lagos, 322-285 B.C., is alluded to in v. 5 of Dan. 11. When, on the death of Alexander the Great, the Macedonian kingdom was divided among his generals, Soter became ruler of Egypt. Subsequently, he acquired possession of COELESYRIA [q.v.] and Judaea, and afterwards even attacked and captured Jerusalem, taking its defenders unawares on a Sabbath (see JERUSALEM, 26). He then carried away many Jews and Samaritans to Egypt, but being, as Graetz expresses it, the gentlest of the military followers of Alexander his treatment of the Jews was by no means harsh ; he set an example of leniency which was followed by his immediate successors. See DISPERSION, 7, 15. Ptolemy was not allowed, however, to remain long in undisputed possession of Coelesyria. His ambitious rival Antigonus cast envious eyes on the coveted province ; and at length his son Demetrius confronted Ptolemy with an army. The battle of Gaza (312) resulted in the defeat of Ptolemy. Subsequently, Antigonus and Demetrius made a combined attack on their enemy. Ptolemy was at first obliged to retreat, and the possession of Coelesyria for a time remained doubtml ; but at length in 301 Antigonus was severely defeated and lost his life at Ipsus. The kingdom was then divided between Ptolemy and his allies ; he himself taking Egypt, while Seleucus received the greater part of Asia. This marks the beginning of the Seleucidean era. See SELEUCIDAE.

Ptolemy's kindly feeling did much to foster, if it did not start, the growth of the Jewish community at ALEXANDRIA [q.v.]. See DISPERSION.

2. Ptolemy II., Philadelphus, 285-247 B.C., is alluded to in Dan. 11:6. His daughter Berenice was given in marriage to Antiochus II., Theos ; see DANIEL (BOOK), 7. In Philadelphus reign Coelesyria and Judaea again caused trouble, Antiochus IV. Callinicos instigating them to revolt. It was in this reign that Jewish literature, under the influence of Greek thought, began to undergo such an important development (see HELLENISM, HISTORICAL LITERATURE) ; and it is commonly supposed that under the patronage of Ptolemy Philadelphus the Greek version of the OT was undertaken (see, however, TEXT AND VERSIONS and DISPERSION, 19).

3. Ptolemy III., Euergetes I., 247-222 B.C., who is alluded to in Dan. 11:7, was the brother of Berenice, wife of Antiochus II. His history is supposed to have been closely bound up with that of the adventurer Joseph, nephew of Onias. See, however, ONIAS, 4.

3. Decline of dynasty.[edit]

4. Ptolemy IV., Philopator, 222-205 B.C., is alluded to in Dan. 11:11 (cp 3 Macc. 1:1-5). His reign marks the decline of the Ptolemies ; for, as Cornill says, 'the fourth Ptolemy, a Louis XV, on the Egyptian throne . . . allowed everything to decay and rot, while at the same time in Antiochus III. incorrectly called the Great, the throne of the Seleucidaehad received at least an enterprising and energetic ruler'. Coelesyria again became a bone of contention, and Ptolemy was roused from his life of luxury by the approach of Antiochus. Contrary to what might have been expected, Ptolemy contrived to ward off the attack ; his adversary was severely beaten at Raphia (217), retired and gave up Coelesyria. For this reign, cp ONIAS, 4-5.

5. Ptolemy V., Epiphanes, 205-182 B.C., who is alluded to in Dan. 11:14-15, was only a child when he succeeded his father. He was still in his minority when Antiochus returned to the attack. This time Antiochus met with complete success ; the Egyptians under Scopas were badly defeated, and Palestine and Coelesyria became a province of Syria. Ptolemy Epiphanes married Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus III. (see DANIEL [BOOK], 7). On his death, Cleopatra held the regency during the minority of Ptolemy VI. [VII.], Philometor.

5b. Ptolemy [VI.], Eupator, 182 B.C. He died very soon after his accession to the throne.

6. Ptolemy VI. [VII.], Philometor, son of Ptolemy V. and Cleopatra, 182-146 B.C., is mentioned by name in the Apocrypha (see above). An attempt to recover for Egypt her Syrian provinces resulted in his defeat by Antiochus IV. Epiphanes near Pelusium (170 B.C.). After Philometor's younger brother had been proclaimed king in Alexandria, Antiochus made a second expedition (169 B.C. ) into Egypt. He besieged Alexandria without success. The two brothers, whose rivalry had been encouraged by Antiochus for his own purposes, then became reconciled. Thereupon, Antiochus proceeded to attack them both (168 B.C. ) ; and he was again preparing to lay siege to Alexandria when he was stopped by the Romans, who compelled him to evacuate Egypt and consolidated, at least for a time, the peace between the two brothers. It was on his return from this campaign that Antiochus IV. Epiphanes began his persecution of the Jews. See, further, ISRAEL, 70+, and SELEUCIDAE ; and on Ptolemy IV.'s attitude towards the Jews, DISPERSION, 7-8. For Ptolemy's brother, PTOLEMY VII., Euergetes II., see also EUERGETES.

4. Other Ptolemies.[edit]

Other persons of the name of Ptolemy mentioned in the Apocrypha are :

(1) One of the 'friends' (see FRIEND) of Antiochus Epiphanes, who took part in the campaign of 166 B.C. We learn, further, from 2 Macc. - not a very trustworthy authority, yet our only one ­- that he was son of Dorymenes (445), - probably that Dorymenes who opposed Antiochus the Great on his occupation of Coelesyria (Polyb. 561), - that he was surnamed Macron (10:12), that he had been entrusted with the government of Cyprus by Ptolemy Philometor, but had abandoned the island and withdrawn himself to Antiochus Epiphanes, who rewarded him with the governorship of Coelesyria and Phoenicia. His policy of 'observing justice towards the Jews', and endeavouring 'to conduct his dealings with them on peaceful terms' led to his being impeached before Antiochus Eupator, the successor of Antiochus Epiphanes, with the result that he poisoned himself (10:12-13). This Ptolemy is not to be confounded with the Ptolemy of Megalopolis, son of Agesarchus, who lived at the court of Ptolemy IV. Philopator, and wrote a history of that king.

2. Son of Abubus, and son-in-law of Simon the Maccabee, whom with two of his sons he murdered (1 Macc. 10:11-16 ; cp Jos. Ant. 13:7:4, 13:8:1).

3. Father of LYSIMACHUS, i.

4. Son of DOSITHBUS, 4 ; along with his father he carried to Egypt the 'epistle of Phrurai' alluded to in Esth. 11:1 LXX.


(HX-IS, or [Gen. 46:13 , Nu. 26:23, AV PUA ; RV PuVAH], T mS ; (boYA [BAFL]), father of TOLA, 1 an Issacharite judge (Judg. 10:1), whence both names appear in post-exilic lists as 'sons' of Issachar (Gen. 46:13, AV PHUVAH cboyA [L], 1 Ch. 7:1,-r [B], Nu. 26:23 AV PUA,-A& [L]; ethnic ib. *MSn, PUNITES, cboYWei [B]- A | [A] -Yl [F], -YAAl [!-]) The name is possibly to be read for ma (see PHURAH) in Judg. 7:10-11


(nr-13; <J>OY& [ BAL ]) the name of one of the Hebrew midwives in Egypt (Ex. 1:15).


(nCa- 3), Ezek. 30:17, AV mg, EV PI-BESETH (q.v. ).


(reAcoNHc), Mt. 10:3. See TAXATION, ISRAEL, 90.


(nonAlOc), the 'chief man' (npCOTOc) of Melita (see MELITA, 3), who received and enter tained Paul and his companions after the shipwreck, and whose father was cured of his fever by the apostle (Acts 28:7-8).

Later traditions named him the first bishop of the island, and bishop of Athens after the demise of Dionysus ; and according to Jerome (Vir. III. 19) he died a martyr s death.


(TTOYAHC [Ti. WH]) joins in Paul's salutation to Timothy (2 Tim. 4:21). Even if these salutations belong, at any rate, to a Pauline element in the epistle, we have no right to assume that this Pudens is the husband of the Claudia (Quinctilla) who appears in an inscription in CIL 6 15,066. See CLAUDIA, and cp Lightfoot, S. Clement, 1:76-79.

The name occurs in the list of the 'seventy' given by the Pseudo-Hippolytus; and in that of the : Pseudo-Dorotheusit is said that Pudens, Aristarchus, and Trophimus suffered martyrdom at Rome along with Paul. In the apocryphal Acts of Praxedis and Pudentiana (his daughters) Pudens figures as a disciple of Paul ; in later Roman tradition, he comes into the Peter-legend, and is represented as a senator, and as entertaining Peter at his house on the Viminal.

1 It is perhaps noteworthy that while Tola means the Coccus ilicis, the source of the crimson dye, Puah is the Rubia cinctorum, Linn., another source of a red dye (Low, Pffanzennamen, p. 251).


"7W2*. 1 Ch-2:53 AV, RV PUTHITES (q.v.). See also SHOBAL.


,^S; 4x>Yl r[BAQmg] <?*l +oyO in Africam) Is. 66:19, correct reading O7B. See PUT, n. 2.


7,^S; 4x>Yl r[BAL], 2 K; OAAWX [B], OAAWC [A], OOYA [L], 1 Ch.). In 2 K. 15:19 we read that 'Pul, king of Assyria, came against the land (of Israel) ' ; the historical points raised by this statement are considered elsewhere (see MENAHEM). In 1 Ch. 5:26 the captivity of certain tribes of Israel is ascribed to an impulse divinely given to 'the spirit of Pul king of Assyria, and the spirit of Tilgath-pilneser, king of Assyria'. The language of the Chronicler (we are not here concerned with the historical contents of his statement) 1 led to the supposition that Pul was a different person from Tiglath-pileser III., and several suggestions were made - such as that he was the general of that king that he was a pretender to the Assyrian throne; and that he was a Babylonian ruler (Berossus represents Pul as a Chaldean king) who in troublous times had obtained possession of the Euphrates valley, and descended thence upon Syria and Palestine - 'Assyria' might be a scribe's error for 'Chaldaea'. This explanation received likewise a certain amount of support from the Canon of Ptolemy. which gives xlvfqpos [Chinxeros] and ,+os [pooros] (Ukin-zer and Pul) as having reigned, together, five years, namely, from 731 to 726 B.C. The likeness between Pul and Poros was naturally taken as a confirmation of the theory.

No king Pulu, however, is mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions, and the Babylonian Chronicle only speaks of Tiglath-pileser. whose reign in Babylonia lasted two years, making, with the three years of Ukin-zer, the total of five years given by the Canon of Ptolemy. A second ruler of either country seems, by these statements, to be excluded. There is, therefore, hardly a doubt that the two names indicate one and the same person, and this is confirmed by the fact that the Babylonian Canon (from which the Canon of Ptolemy was to all appearance copied) gives the name of Pulu or Pul after that of Ukin-zer, with the same length of reign as that of Tiglath-pileser, namely, two years (728-726 B.c.). Oppert (PSBA, 1898. pp. 43+) says that there were two rulers named Pul, the earlier beidg more than thirty years anterior to the Pul who was the Poros of the Ptolemaic canon 'the antagonist of Tiglath-pileser, whom he turned out from Babylon at least once if not twice'. In order to make room for the earlier Pul he places a gap of 'just forty-six years (the reign of several monarchs)', between Ashur-nirari and Tiglath-pileser, his successor (the Pulu of the Babylonian canon).

There is more than one possibility as to the reason why this king bore two names. As Pulu occurs in the Babylonian Canon, the question naturally arises whether he may not have received that name on account of the Babylonian opinion of his character (cp Ass. bulu 'wild animal'). It is more probable, however, that, as Pulu is otherwise known (Tablet K. 8143 [Johns, Assyr. Deeds, 8601, col. 2, l. 15) as a personal name in the inscriptions of Assyria, it was his original exchanged for that of Tiglath-pileser on his coming to the throne of the memories connected with those of his predecessors who bore it. 4 Nothing is known of the early life of this king ; but the suggestion that he had been a general in the army of his predecessor on the throne of Assyria, Ahsur-nirari, is as probable as any other.

The Greek forms Phaloch and Phalos seem to suggest that the translators had an ioea that the ord was connected in some war with the element phal in the Greek form Thaglathphallasar (see TIGLATH-PILESER).

[Another view is proposed in Crit. Bib., where evidence is produced to show that in the case of the names of some of the foreign kings with whom Israel came into contact there has been a confusion of traditions. 'Pul', it is there held was really king of the southern Asshur (in N. Arabia), which is supported by the fact that N. Arabia exercised a constant pressure sometimes friendly, sometimes adverse, on the lsraelitish states. 'Pul', or Phaloch (LXX{B]) may he a corruption of 'Jerahmeel' ; cp PHICHOL.]

Liferature. -G. Rawlinson, Five Great Monarchies, 2:386+; ZDMG 25453 f. COT 1219 f.; Murdter-Delitzsch, Gesch. Bab. u. Ass. ii;; Sayce, Assyria, its princes, etc. 37; G. Smith, History of Ba6yloniaP1, ed. Sayce, rr4, and 2nd ed. (1895) ed. Sayce, 111 ; Hommel, GBA 639fl. ; PSBA, 1884, pp. 1 9 3 6 ; jRSA 1887, pp. 656 658 665 673 (Babylonian Chronicle, lines 19-;6) [Schr. KGF422-460 ; KAT (2), 238+]


1 [Schr. (KAT (2) 239, n. 1) remarks that the Chronicler blends the statement of 2 K. 15:2 (which refers to Tiglath-pileser) and 2 K. 17:6 (which refers to Shalmaneser).]

2 Alex. Polyhistor in Eusebius, Am. Chron. 14.

3 Prof. Cheyne (in TIGLATH-PILESER) suggests that the Poros of the Canon of Ptolemy may preserve the more correct form - i.e. Bur, 'child', the second part of the name, which would naturally be the name of a god (eg., Ninib, in accordance with the usual explanation of Tiglath-pileser), having been dropped. Cp Bur-Ramman, Bur-Sin.

4 Another case of a double name is that of Tiglath-pileser III's successor, Shalmaneser IV., who is called Ululaa (Elulaeus 'he of the month Elul') in the Babylonian Canon. As a personal name Ululaa is more common than Pulu, and may likewise have been the original name of its bearer. [Winkler (GBA 221) adds the case of Ashur-bani-pal, the Kandalanu of the Babylonian lists]


EVmg. 'tower' (T^D; BHM&: gradus; Neh. 8:4). Read perhaps ?--s. ma'aleh, 'raised place', the word used in a similar context in Neh. 9:4 (cp STAIRS).


(RVmg. 'herbs') is the rendering in Dan. 1:11 of o*yij,t and, ib. 16, of n*!y?l,f. If the reading is correct, nqyii should be = n.ynl (Is. 61:11, cp Lev. 11:37). The form o,jyy would seem to he a diminutive. It occurs in the Talmud, and may be borrowed from Aram. \ rf*. i (Nold. Mand. Gr. 140). The meaning assigned is 'garden herbs ' : the context is thought tosuggest that fruits or uncooked vegetables are meant (so, e.g., Bertholdt, Marti). The expression, however, is vague and hardly probable.

Cheyne suggests (Crit. Bib.) that o*yirn-ln (v. 12) may be a corruption of n-?pe ny, 'barley-meal', and C*^n (v. 16) of n*?yw, 'barley'. The phrase 'Wn2ap occurs in 2 S. 17:28. In the same passage of 2 S. EV gets over the difficulty which the repetition of '5r occasions by rendering it first 'parched (corn)', and then 'parched (pulse)'. But '7z simply means 'parched grain '; the second is most probably a scribe's error.

1 On the form, cp Barth, NB 42.




('?tea), Nu. 26:23. See PUAH, i.


(]h), NU. 33:42-43. See PINON.


(?a), Esth. 3:7, 9:26. See PURIM.


(il??), Judg. 7:10-11. AV PHURAH (q.v.).


See CLEAN AND UNCLEAN. The words are :-

1. 7nu, tahay, i77i7O, tohorah, Lev. 12:4, 12:6, 2 Ch. 30:19, Neh. 12:45.

2. nXOn, hattath, Nu. 8:7 (ayvicrluos [agnismos]), 19:9, 19:17 (ayvicrua [agnisma]). AV agrees with LXX. RV however, '(water of) expiation', 'a sin offering'; so Dillman. Cp. XOn, Lev. 8:15 (EV 'purify'), Ezek. 48:22-23 (EV 'cleanse'), etc. Cp. SACRIFICE.

3. C'Pi7O, merukim, O'Pi7OP, tamrukim, Esth. 2:3, 2:9, 2:12. Cp. PERFUMES.

4. ayvicruos [agnismos], Acts 21:26 (cp. v. 24), 24:18; ayvi(w [agnizoo], Jn. 11:55. In Ex. 19:10 for w7p. Cp. w7pni7 Josh. 3:5, 1 S. 16:5, 2 S. 11:4, EV. 'to sanctify oneself'

5. Ka0apicruos [katharismos]. Of the 'washings washings' before meals, Jn. 2:6 (cp Mt. 15:2); see MEALS, 5. Of special 'purifications', Mk. 1:44, Lk. 5:14, 22:2, Kd+a$<w [katharizoo] repeatedly of leprosy (e.g., Mt. 8:2-3). On the 'questioning about purifying', Jn. 3:25, see JOHN THE BAPTIST, 6.


(DHUS, Esth, 9:26; pjn^y* [BX*vid AL], -PIM [K"], a feast of the later Jews to further the observance of which is the purpose of the book of ESTHER (q.v., 6-7) : cp Esth. 11:1, the Epistle of PHURIM (RV PHRURAI, apoypai [BL] -A [K*] -IM

1. Inadequacy of meaning 'lot'.[edit]

According to Esth. 9:26 the name is from PUR (as : 0poupar [phrourai] [BK*vid. AL] 0pup [phrur] [Xc]), which is explained in 37 as 'lot' (iBaXw K~*IDOI?E [ebalen klerous] [BKAL]). This derivation of the name, however, has but aslight connection with the story ; still it has a better claim on our acceptance than the narrative in which it occurs (cp ESTHER). Because Haman. the arch-enemy of the Jews, cast lots to ascertain the day favourahle for the execution of the decree against them, the festival (we are to believe) was called in grim irony 'the Lots'. Nothing, however. in the essentials of the festival itself required that the name of it should be of that meaning. On the other hand, if a good independent reason be found for a name Purim, in the sense of 'lots', it is worth considering whether the name, being already in existence, may not have suggested the insertion of the episode of Haman's casting lots, into the story, after its association with the festival.

2. Jewish observances at Purim.[edit]

As actually observed, the institution commenced with a fast observed on the 13th of Adar. This was called 'the fast of Esther', and explained as in memory of the fast which Esther andher maids observed and which she, through Mordecai, enjoined on the Jews in Shushan (Esth. 4:16). This fast was so integral a part of the observance that if the 13th fell on the Sabbath, the fast was put back to the fifth day of the week, the sixth being impossible for a fast, as the preparation of food for the sabbath and the feast days which would follow necessitated tasting the dishes prepared. The 14th and 15th of Adar were feast days. As soon as the stars appeared on the night of the 13th, when the 14th began, candles were lighted in all the honses. as a sign of rejoicing, and the people repaired to the synagogue. After prayer and thanksgiving, the reading of the Roll (Megillah) of Esther began.

This was accompanied by a running translation, with comments, in the vernacular of the district. The reading was dramatic in style so as to bring out the full force of the passages, and the congregation punctuated it with curses on Haman, or 'the ungodly' in general, whenever the name was uttered. This afforded an opportunity to exprobrate Christians as well as Persians, Macedonians, or Amalekites ; the name in the narrative being understood to cover the others according to the nationality most prominent as oppressors at the time. After the Megillah is read through, the congregation solemnly curse Haman, Zeresh, idolators in general, and pronounce a solemn blessing upon Mordecai, Esther, the Israelites, and even the Gentile Harbonah, because he hanged Haman.

Then the people return to a light supper of milk and eggs. In the morning of the 14th. after prayers in the synagogue, the lesson from the Law (Ex. 17:8-16) relating to the destruction of the Amalekites, of whom was Agag, the ancestor of Haman (Esth. 3:1), is read and the Megillah is read again in the same manner as before. It is a sacred duty for all to attend this reading. The 14th day is looked upon as the actual day of deliverance, and in 2 Macc. 15:36 is called Mordecai's day. When the ceremony in the synagogue is over, all give themselves up to rejoicings and feastings, which are continued on the 15th. Excess on these occasions is excused. The gifts given to the poor, and the mutual interchange of gifts, are a custom much honoured. So great was the esteem in which the feast was held that its observance was regarded as certain to survive when the temple and the prophets had failed. If a second Adar occurred, the festival was repeated, if not the fast.

3. Historical occasion of institution.[edit]

There seems no reason to doubt that all this, not intimately connected with the temple, nor altogether in keeping with dominant religious sentiment, was the embodiment of a national feeling of intense joy at some deliverance and a bitter, if veiled, resentment against some specific oppressors The Jews had but too good reason to perpetuate a feeling of resentment, changing the people aimed at, from time to time. The details of the observance may not always have been the same: but in its essential character we can recognise no great change. If we dismiss the account given in the Megillah itself as impossible historically. there seems no event so likely to have been the occasion of the institution as the defeat of Nicanor by Judas Maccabaeus, on, the 13th of Adar, 161 B.C. (1 Macc. 7:49). This gave rise to a festival kept on that day as Nicanor's day, perhaps afterwards transferred to the rqth, as the day on which the victory became known. Such at least is the view taken by Erbt, Die Purimsage, 80. Even the name of Hadassah, Esther’s first name. may he a reminiscence of Adasa, where the battle took place. It seems evident that, at this period, no general observance of Purim by the Jews was in force. In times of such national extremity, popular festivals may have been neglected, even if the religious feasts were kept up.

1 Cp Annales de philosophe chretienne, Jan. 1864.

4. Possible non-Jewish origin.[edit]

But the question arises : Was there no Purim feast before the event just mentioned ? Many attempts have been made to assign to it a more general meaning. A full-moon feast of Adar is a natural suggestion, made by Ewald (GVI 2:496 +). Winckler regards Purim, Saturnalia, Sakaia, etc., as primarily the festival of the supernumerary hamushtu at the end of the year, which was regentless, and an interregnum in the calendar, whence emerged (by lot?) the consuls, eponyms, or other regular annual rulers. His theory serves to connect many of the Esther personages with astral divinities, but seems to demand the last week in Adar for its celebration.

(a) Oppert and Lagarde.- The assumptions that there was such a Purim feast in older times, and that the story of the Megillah is borrowed from non-Jewish sources and is radically connected with Purim, have led to many attempts to discover the source of both in close combination. Guided by the indications of the Megillah itself, Oppert, Revue des Etudes Juives, 1894. p. 34-35, {1} found many words that he regarded as Persian, more or less corrupted. Lagarde, however, showed that the resemblances were fallacious and involved too great a stretch of the imagination. Above all, he showed that no Persian word for 'lot' could be the origin of Purim. He fell back on LXX and especially Lucian's reading of the name, as +boup&a [phourdia] as a foundation for the theory that Purim was a lineal descendant of the Persian Farwardigan, or New Year's Feast. There certainly were elements in the observances of that day which have counterparts in the Purim. Even, however, if we admit the white-washing, etc., of the tombs, vouched for by Schwally, as Persian in origin, there is no evidence of its essential connection with Purim, and all the poetic description of the Persian feast given by Lagarde only shows its dissimilarity to Purim. At both, gifts were distributed to the poor and to mutual friends.

The foundation itself is too slight. The name +wpsia [phourdia] maybe taken as a mere error for +oupaca [phouraia] as is done by Erbt, or may be the attempt of a learned Greek to connect the festivals. The Egyptian colouring of the translation throughout, shows rather that the translator was unfamiliar with Persian terms and aimed at finding an etymology in his own tongue. He mayhave derived Purim from qhvperv [phourein] and given it a form 0oupam [phouraia] to help his derivation.

The transfer of a New Year’s feast to the 14th of Adar remains unaccounted for, and such a change is always a thing difficult to accomplish in practice.

(b) Jensen. - The publication by Jensen of his Elamitische Eigennamen ( WZKM 4:37, etc. ) brought into prominence the Babylonian affinities of some parts of the Megillah. He showed that whilst Esther and Mordecai recall the Babylonian Ihtar and Marduk. Haman can be taken to be Humman the Elamite chief god, and Zeresh may be Girisa, supposing a i [hebrew g] written in error for j [zayin]. Hence, at least some part of the story may go back to a national epos of Babylonia, representing the conflict between the gods of Babylonia and of Elam. Efforts were accordingly made to discover, either in the Creation-story or in the Gilgames epic, a source for this portion. Although, however, there may be reminiscences, there is no known Babylonian account that could be regarded as the literary source of the story.

The Creation-story does not associate Ishtar and Marduk as allies against Elamite gods, as would be required if it were the source. Nor will it admit, in its present form, of their alliance against Tiamat and her helpers, as Erbt ingeniously attempts to show.

In the Gilgamesh-story, even if Gilgamesh as a solar hero be confused with Marduk, a sun god, we should have a sun-god and Babylonian tutelary divinity as champion against Humbaba of Elam, rather than against Humman. There is no place for any other of the Esther personages. A story of national conflicts is the most we could recognise. Ishtar indeed occurs ; but the hero and Ishtar are there essentially hostile.

(c) Zimmern. - At the same time, the resemblances brought out by these attempts do show that the Esther story is indebted for some of its incidents to the sources adduced, unless indeed it is directly drawn from some unknown source, which had already absorbed them. Intimately connected with these attempts was Zimmern's derivation of Purim from puhru, the Babylonian name for the assemblage of the gods, at the Zakmuku, or New Year's festival, when under the presidency of Marduk the fates of the year were determined (see ZATW 11:157-169). With this assemblage of the gods it is possible to connect the earlier portion of the Creation-story, where Marduk takes his place as chief among the gods and controller of the tablets of destiny. Hence it is not impossible that the recitation of this section of the Creation-story may have formed part of the ritual on the Babylonian New Year's Day ; but that proves nothing for the month of Adar.

The derivation of Purim from puhru, however, even after the intervention of the Syriac X7niD, Mandaic xinis X7niD, is difficult. The loss of the h is a grave objection. Besides, puhru does not mean 'lot'. Erbt suggests that after the Jewish fashion a Hebrew etymology was found from a root 113 [PRR], Assyrian pararu, which by meaning 'to break in pieces', could come to mean 'a small stone', after the types of ^nij and i/^gbos. This, however, does not explain why 'lots' needed to be reached as the meaning of the word. If the feast had to be assigned a name, why fix on Purim, even if corrupted from Puhru, unless Puhru had been the name of the feast already ? If that be granted, then Zimmern s view must follow. If, however, the feast was already called Purim, puhru is a difficult derivation. Nor does Erbt s suggestion that puhru may have already become puru in Babylonian help at all. Certainly Jensen would not venture on such an assertion.

1 Cp the present writer's article in Expos., Aug. 1896, pp. 151-154; Jensen, in Wildeboer's Esther, 173.

2 For references to passages see Assyria, Deeds and Documents, vol. iii., p. 156+

5. Present position of inquiry.[edit]

Let us, however, sum up the present position of the inquiry as soberly as possible. It is a fact that in Babylonian puru has these meanings -

  • a small 'round stone', 1
  • a 'counter' ( the origin of the 'circle' to denote the number 10),
  • a 'vessel' for holding oil,
  • a stone 'urn' or 'jar'.

It also means 'lot', and is used of dividing an inheritance 'by lot'. 2 Further, in Assyrian it denotes a 'term of office', specially the year of eponymy. These offices were entered upon at the New Year feast in Assyria. Hence whilst that festival may have been called the Puhru festival, it may also have been called the Puru festival. Such a name for the New Year festival, however, remains undiscovered in cuneiform literature. If it were fully established, we should still have to account for the transference of the date. As on the New Year festival all officials entered on their offices, however, it is conceivable that those offices were previously fixed in Adar. Then the Puhru and Puru festivals would be separate. Marduk's fixations of the fates may have been anticipated by the previous appeal to the 'lot'. True, in historical times, the eponyms appear to follow a regular order, and an appeal to the lot seems out of question. Still, in the later Assyrian times this order is widely departed from, and granting the royal favour to have 'loaded the dice', we may imagine a formal appeal to the 'lot'.

The Babylonian hemerologies have yet to be consulted as to the observances in Adar. Unfortunately, these await publication. But the 13th of Adar was so far a fast day that on it no fish or fowl might be eaten : in one tablet the 13th is marked 'not good', whilst the 14th and 15th are 'good' ; on another the 14th was marked as 'not favourable', whilst the 13th is 'favourable'. On this tablet there is no entry preserved for the 15th ; but we know that at Sippara, in the ninth century B.C., of the six great yearly festivals of Shamash, for which Nabu-aplu-iddin left rich vestments and endowments, one was held on the 1of Adar. Hence, we see that a fast on the 13th, and feasts on the 14th and 15th, are quite in keeping with known Babylonian observances in Adar.

Further, the antagonism of Marduk and Esther outside the Creation-story and Gilgamesh-epic is not so complete that one and the same day might not be sacred to Marduk and Istar, as was actually the case in the second Elul.

Even if it be the case that the real derivation of Purim carries back both name and meaning to Babylonian times, the association of the stories told in Esther with the Jewish festival may have no parallel in its prototype. Indeed, as de Goeje has pointed out, there are elements of the story to be found in the Arabian Nights. Jensen has also shown reason to suppose Judith another Purim legend, with the same motif, though with different nomenclature. Erbt agrees with this, and has further shown that Esther itself is of composite origin. There seems to have been a somewhat wide circle of stories, more or less closely linked by popular association with the original Babylonian Purim festival or its Canaanite relative, and some of them are blended into these Jewish tales, adorned with incidents perhaps originally unrelated, but all twisted to serve the purpose of illustrating God s care of his chosen people and his vengeance on their enemies. That Persian editions of some of these stories may have furnished some further modifications is not impossible ; but the Persian colouring may be artificial, being within the powers of a Jew even in the Macedonian times. Hence whilst the Nicanor day is probably the starting-point of the specifically Jewish festival, which may be artificial and intentional, the older sources of the Megillah are probably Gentile, Babylonian, with some Persian influence, and a free adaptation of material. The observances are appropriate to an occasion of national rejoicing for deliverance from disaster ; but they may preserve non-Jewish features of widely different origin. The time of observance is linked closely with the historic date of institution, but may be identical with previously observed festivals of other origin.

C. H. W. J.

1 [The condition of critocal progress being the full develop ment of a theory, taking in as many data as possible from all sources, we have no hesitation in appending a sketch of J. G. Frazer's view of the origin of Purim (Golden Bought, 3:138-200), to which will be added a very brief sketch of the position necessitated by another inquiry which has the closest bearing on the criticism of the theories so ably and zealously being elaborated in Germany and England. ED.]

6. Further developments in 'Golden Bough'.[edit]


Following Zimmern, J. G. Frazer inclines to hold that Purim was derived by the Jews, probably at the time of the captivity from the Babylonian New Year festival of Zakmuk, which fell about the vernal equinox. Further, adopting the view of Br. Meissner, he would identify Zakmuk with the Sacasa, a Babylonian festival described by Berossus (Athenaeus, 14:6:39c ; cp Dio Chrysostom, Or. 4:6:9-10 M) and Strabo (11:85). A serious objection, however, to identifying Zakmuk with the Sacaea is that, whereas Zakmuk was held in spring, the Sacaea seems to have fallen in summer, probably in July. The two chief features of the Sacaea were (1) its Bacchanalian or orgiastic character, and (2) the appointment of a condemned criminal to be a mock or temporary king (Zoganes), who after enjoying full license for five days, including permission to use the king's concubines, was stript of his royal robes, scourged, and hanged or crucified. Resemblances to these two features of the Sacasa are found (1) in the orgiastic character of Purim, and (2) in the story of Haman and Mordecai, of whom one sought and the other attained a temporary grant of royal honours, while the unsuccessful aspirant perished on the gallows. Further, a vestige of the leave granted to the mock king of the Sacaea to use the king's concubines may perhaps be discerned in the suspicion of Ahasuerus that Haman intended violence to the queen (Esther 78). Following Jensen and others, Frazer identifies Mordecai and Esther with the great Babylonian deities Marduk and Ishtar, and he further inclines to accept Jensen s identification of Haman and Vashti with the Elamite deities Humman and Vashti. Frazer conjectures, however, that this opposition between the native Babylonian deities on the one hand and the deities of the hostile Elamites on the other hand was not original but sprang from a later misunderstanding. Originally, if he is right, Haman and Vashti on the one side and Mordecai and Esther (Marduk and Istar) on the other represented the same divine couple viewed under different aspects. Haman and Vashti stood for the god and goddess of fertility regarded as decaying and dying with the old year ; Mordecai and Esther stood for the same divine beings coming to life again with the new year in spring. He supposes that at the New Year festival the god and goddess were personated by a human couple, a mock king and queen, whose temporary union was meant to promote, by means of sympathetic magic, the fruitfulness of the earth and the fecundity of the flocks and herds for the year. When the mock king (the Zoganes of the Sacasa) had discharged this function, he was put to death, originally perhaps at the end of the year, and his place was taken by a new representative of the deity, who after a similar union with another mock queen shared the fate of his predecessor. Movers pointed out long ago (Die Phonizier, 1:490+) that the legends of Sardanapalus and Semiramis appear to embody reminiscences, both of the debauchery of these temporary kings and queens and of the violent death of the male partner. Thus, on Frazer's theory, Haman and Vashti were originally the outgoing representatives of the powers of fertility, of whom at the end of the year one was slain and the other deposed : Mordecai and Esther ( Marduk and Ishtar) were the incoming representatives of these same powers, who were appointed at the beginning of the year in spring, and after enjoying their regal and conjugal privileges for a season went the way of their predecessors. A reminiscence of a conjugal relation between Mordecai and Esther is preserved in Jewish tradition (J. J. Schudt, Judische Merkwurdigkeiten, ii. Theil, 316). The whole custom may thus have been the oriental equivalent of those popular European ceremonies which celebrate the advent of spring by representing in a dramatic form the expulsion or defeat of winter by the victorious summer ; and it would be intimately related to the custom of personating the powers of vegetation by a king and queen of May. At the Sacaea, at least in later times, the mock king was always a condemned criminal ; so that public opinion was not shocked by the custom of putting him to death.

From the Acts of St. Dasius, published a few years ago by Prof. Franz Cumont of Ghent (Analecta Bollandiana, 16, 1897, pp. 5-16), we learn that in like manner the Roman soldiers at Durostolum in Moesia used to appoint one of their number as a representative of the divine king Saturn, who was put to death at the Saturnalia after enjoying a nominal reign of thirty days. 1 In later times the Jews have been wont to make effigies of Haman and destroy them at Purim. Such a ceremony has not unfrequently been a mitigation of an older practice of putting a man to death. There are some grounds for thinking that all over the ancient world, from Italy to Babylon, there prevailed at a very remote era a custom of annually appointing a human representative of the divine powers of fertility, who exercised his divine and royal functions for the purpose of quickening the earth and the flocks, and then suffered a violent death. Of such a custom both Purim and the Saturnalia are, on Frazer's theory, mitigated survivals.

J. G. F.

7. Probable results of textual criticism.[edit]

The hospitality given to rival though closely connected theories which assume that in the main the MT is correct justifies us in pointing out here that the use of Babylonian material, and the application of a mythological key derived from that material to the problems of the story of Esther is only to a slight extent legitimate if the results of criticism referred to under MORDECAI and VASHTI (cp Crit. Bib. ) are correct. The critical view of the origin of Esther to which they lead is that this book, like Judith, is based on an earlier narrative, the traces of which are still visible in the proper names, and which had a different geographical and historical setting. That Mordecai has no connection with Marduk, but is simply a corruption of a name such as Carmeli (one of the popular distortions of Jerahmeeli), appears to the present writer, from a text-critical point of view, certain (cp Ezra 2:2, Neh. 7:7). Hadassah and Esther seem to be equally remote from Istar, being simply variants of the same name, which in its original form is Israelith (cp Judith). Haman is Heman or Hemam. Hammedatha is an outgrowth of Hemdan (Gen. 36:26). In fact, the original Esther referred to a captivity of the Jews in Edom (cp OBADIAH, BOOK). The Persian element has been exaggerated.

If we reserve the bulk of the text-critical evidence, it may suffice to remark here that in 1 3 D CrnBn TOl DIB V n should be emended into D HEIX! D SxpnT (cp PARAS). With regard to -^3 (3:7 [where jon jtj^ is no doubt an error for D rPN :B?J 9 24) and D HIS (9:26, etc.), one must venture to say that, however plausible the connection with Ass. puru 'a round stone' may be, and willing as one may be to admit the possibility that, when Esther was edited in its present form, there may have been a Hebrew word T19 with that meaning (cp /TI3 and BDB 1740), one can hardly believe that 'the stones' - i.e., 'the lots' - gives the right meaning of Purim. Even from the point of view of a conservative textual criticism, it is difficult to make a connection of Purim with the Babylonian New Year's festival probable, and from a text-critical point of view it is most improbable.

The origin of Purim cannot be finally settled. In the view of the present writer, however, it is not improbable that Pur and Purim are corruptions of a place-name, and that place-name very possibly was some collateral form of Ephrath, for there seems to have been an Ephrath in Jerahmeelite 2 territory ; cp PARADISE, 5, end, RACHEL.

It is at Ephrath that the peril and the deliverance of the Jews are localised. It may, however, be cheerfully granted that, as in the case of the stories of Abraham, Joseph, Moses, a few elements of mythic affinities may have found their way, in a very pale form, into the Esther story. There were doubtless, many such motifs, and narrators could not help using them.

1 The analogy between the treatment of this Roman representative of Saturn and the mockery and death of Jesus was first pointed out by P. Wendland (Hermes, 33, 1898, pp. 175-179). Frazer has also been struck by this analogy. He conjectures that the Jews may have borrowed from the Babylonians the custom of putting a malefactor to death at Purim in the character of Haman, and that Jesus may have suffered in that character. For the details of his theory see The Golden Bought, 3:187+.

2 Jerahmeelite is here used in its proper sense, referring to the land of the Negeb.

This attempted solution of the problem of Purim (and of Ksther)may be supported by a brief reference to a possible similar solution of the problem of the stories of Daniel. 'Daniel', ^XJ"! in Ezek. 14:14, 14:20, 28:3 is most easily explained as a corruption of Jerahmeel, SonT- I is by no means improbable (when we consider the extent to which the editorial transforma tion of certain literary works has gone in the OT) that the hero of the stories in our Hook of Daniel was originally called by some popular mutilation of 'Jerahmeel' such as Carmeli, that 'Babel', ^33, i s a distortion of SDT = l ?NDm (Jerahmeel), that 'Nebuchadrezzar' comes from Nebrod (named after the great North Arabian hero - see NIMROD), and 'Belshazzar' from 'Baal, prince of Missur'. This is supported by the theory (see NERGAL-SHAREZER ; OBADIAH [BOOK], 5+) that the Misrites took part in the siege of Jerusalem, and carried away captives from it, and, in fact, by the arguments already offered in the case of the Book of Esther. It may be added that the force of the evidence for the editorial resetting of biblical traditions is cumulative (see Crit. Bib.),

T. K. C.


For the literature of the subject, see Erbt, Die Purimsage, 1-5. For a discussion of the distinct Esther and Marduk stories and allied stories which afford more or less close parallels, see Erbt, 45-76. For the Babylonian puru see Zimmern, Beitruge zur Kenntniss der Bab. Religion. The indirect contributions of Winckler, AOF, 2ioi 182 353 381, note, etc., are to be read for their suggestiveness, but hardly account for all the facts.

C. H. W. H. , 1-5 ; J. G. F. , 6 ; T. K. C. , 7.


The two sorts of purple dye mentioned in the OT are called respectively joriK, 'argaman (in 2 Ch. 2:7 [2:6] PJHK) and nS^n, tekeleth. For argaman (a bright red kind) EV gives 'purple' ; for tekeleth (a violet blue) the rendering is 'blue'. The two terms often occur together, like their cognates in Assyrian (KAT 154+). It is remarkable that there is only one biblical mention of purple stuffs of native Phoenician origin ; but though it refers nominally to the time of Solomon, it can only be used for the third century B.C. (2 Ch. 2:6 [2:7], 2:13 [2:14]). According to Ezekiel (27:7) both purple-red and purple-blue stuffs were im ported from the 'coastlands of ELISHAH' (q.v. ), as if the Tyrians preferred expensive foreign to cheaper native products an improbable idea, which of itself suggests that an examination of the basis of the view that Tyre is the city meant by Ezekiel is not superfluous (see Crit. Bib. ). Certainly the industry of preparing purple dye in Phoenicia must have been of great antiquity ; the Phoenicians indeed were traditionally regarded as its inventors (cp PHOENICIA, i). To this day large accumulations of the shells of the purple-producing murex are to be found in the neighbourhood of Tyre, 1 and remains of the vats in which the dye was prepared are still found at Sidon. In Europe the S. Italian coasts ( Elishah?) and those of Laconia and the Euripus, in Asia Minor the coast of Caria, and in North Africa the island of Meninx (SE. of Carthage) and the Gaetulian coast are specially mentioned as, besides the Phoenician coast, sources of the murex (cp Plin. HN 9:60).

It is not surprising that the costly purple stuffs were much in request for sanctuaries and sacred officers. Van Hoonacker (Le sacerdoce Levitique, 341+) takes the trouble to show that the purple and violet of the Jewish high priest's dress are no indication of a royal as distinct from the pontifical dignity. Other priests and high-priests wore purple e.g., the chief priest of Hierapolis in Syria (Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 42), the priest of Zeus at Magnesia in Asia Minor (Strabo, 146:48), the priest of Hercules at Tarsus (Athen. 5:54), and the Roman augurs (Serv. ad Aen. 7:6:12). 2 The blue purple seems to have been more used for sacred purposes than the red. See TABERNACLE.

Supplementing the article COLOURS (13, 15) we may draw attention to three biblical passages (about each of which there is something new to be said) which are not specially considered there.

(a) In Cant. 3:10 MT we read that the centre (AV 'covering', RV 'seat' ) of Solomon's grand palanquin was of purple. It is obvious, however, that 'silver-gold-purple-love' form an odd combination. 'Purple' should be algummim = almuggim-wood . 'love' should be 'ebony' (see LITTER).

(b) In 1 K. 12:10 MT makes Ahab and Jehoshaphat sit in their robes of state 'in a threshing-floor' (see RVmg). What the narrator really said was that they seated themselves (at the entrance of the gate of Samaria) 'in purple robes' (argaman for begoren ; Kamph., Ki.). A writer in a Bible Dictionary (Riehm, HWB (2) 1268") says that there is nowhere any reference to the use of purple robes by kings of Israel. If the suggestion just made be accepted this will now be seen to need qualification. It would certainly be strange if so late as the time of Ahab purple robes were unused by the Israelitish kings. The Midianite kings are reported to have worn them (Judg. 8:26), and the Books of Daniel (5:7, 16:29) and Esther (8:15) speak of the gift of purple raiment as a signal mark of favour from Babylonian and Persian kings.

(c) In Bar. 672, to heighten the effect of the sarcasms on idolatry, it is said (cp Jer. 10:9) that the idols are seen to be no gods by 'the purple and * * that rots upon them', TTJ? 7rop<upo? Kai r>js napfjiapov [eis porphyras kai tes marmarou] (BAQ) ; Vg. 'a purpura quoque et murice' ; EV 'bright purple', RVmg. 'purple and brightness'. The key to this passage (supposed to be desperate) is Cant. 5:15, where LXX has napudpLvos [marmarinos] for V\S [ShSh - with accents]. The writer of Bar. 6:72 most certainly translates from a Hebrew original ; he confounds VV [ShSh - with accents] 'white marble' with VV [ShSh - with not quite the same accents] 'fine linen'. 1 'Purple and fine linen' is a natural combination (Esth. 1 6 8 15 7ni t13)-

1 The lats Heb. name for the murex is [V ?n ; in Shabb. 26a the collectors of the shells are spoken of (See Jastrow, Lex.).

2 The references are from Dillmann-Ryssel (Ex. Lev. 342).


1 i. D S 3 is thus rendered only in Pr. 1:14; elsewhere it is translated 'bag'. See BAG, 2.

2. /3<xAdi/rioi/ [balantion], Lk. 10:4 etc. See BAG, 5.

3. (,<avt\ [zoone], Mt. 10:9, Mk. 6:8. See GIRDLE.


(JTIE^n), referred to in Job 6:6 RVmg The general sense of the context is clear (see FOWLS, 4) ; but expositors waver between 'white of an egg' and 'purslain' as the rendering of hallamuth. This is not such a trifle as it may seem ; the first reply of Job to Eliphaz (see JOB [BOOK], 5) is so fine that we cannot endure that our impression should be spoiled at the opening by the very poor sixth and seventh verses. It is one step towards the recovery of sense to substitute 'purslain' for 'white of an egg', if this can be justified.

First, as to 'white of an egg'. This sense is thought to be supported by the Talmudic W lDSn, 'yolk of an egg' (Terumoth 10:12 ; Aboda. zara, 40a), as if the 'slime (?) of the yolk of an egg' were a natural phrase for 'white of an egg'. Next as to 'purslain'. For this the Syrian k'lemta, NH JVD?n are compared. It is true, this means not strictly 'purslain', but the anchusa, Germ. Ochsenmaul (see Low, Aram. Pffanzennamen, no. 120), a plant such as only the poorest would eat, like the borago, which indeed is related to the anchusa. The English reader, however, would gain nothing by the substitution of anchusa , let us therefore conventionally retain 'purslain'.

The rest of the verse, however, is quite impossible, and the correction, though it has been missed, lies close at hand. Instead of AV's

Can that which is unsavoury be eaten without salt,
Or is there any taste in the white of an egg?

we should probably read thus,

Can I eat my morsel with leaves of mallow,
Or drink purslain broth?

'My morsel' is suggested by LXX (apros [artos]) ; 'leaves of mallow' by Job 30:4 (emended text), a passage fully explained elsewhere (see JUNIPER), which combines these two plants - mallow and purslain (rather anchusa), as foods of the poorest and meanest class. Those who read vv. 5 and 6 together now, will not be disappointed. Cp MALLOW.

The Hebrew is moWi pno rrnrx-CK n l p- -V3 PS Sakn. The latter part occurs in a corrupt variant in v. 7b ; on v. 7a, (which is misplaced) see Duhm.

T. K. C.


AV (twice) PHUT (1MB Gen. 10:6, 1 Ch. 1:8, Jer. 46:9, Ezek. 27:10, 30:5, 38:5, Nah. 3:9+; {2} 0oud [phoud] {3} in Gen. [ADE] and Ch. [BA], also Judith 2:23, elsewhere At/Sues [libyis] [BAQ] except in Nah. TTJS <vy>)s [tes phyles] [BNA] ; AV has 'Libyans' once and 'Libya' twice).

According to the present form of Jer. 46:9, Ezek. 27:10, 30:5, 38:5, Neh. 3:9, a people which, like Lud (Lydians?), supplied mercenary troops to Egypt and to Tyre. Doubt has been thrown, however, on the authenticity of the text of these passages. It is very possible that prophecies which originally referred to North Arabian regions have been so altered, partly by accidental corruption, partly by editorial manipulation, as to refer to Egypt and Egyptian cities and to countries connected, locally or otherwise, with the Nile-valley (see NO-AMON, and Crit. Bib. ).

1 From Piip<r<t [byrsa] ; see LEATHER.

2 On Ezek. 38:5 see PARAS, and on Nah. 8:9 see LUBIM.

3 LXX{BAQmg} also gives <t>ovS [phoud], where MT has ^3, in Is. 66:19. Probably {3153 is the true reading.

1. In Gen. 10:6.[edit]

At any rate, if we grant (see CUSH, 2) that D lxoi BOD in Gen. 10:6 (1 Ch. 1:8) means the North IIP lOfi Arabian regions called Kush and Musur, it becomes reasonable to hold that the region intended there by B'S lay between Musur (see MIZRAIM) and Canaan ; and the corruption of names being such a common phenomenon in the MT, we can hardly avoid supposing that n?s in Gen. 10:6 comes from riB Ts or possibly from nt?>^9 or n^9, into which (see PELETHITES) ns-,x (Zarephath) appears to the present writer to be sometimes corrupted. How important and troublesome a population in early times the Zarephathites were, is shown elsewhere. 1 See ZAREPHATH, and cp LETUSHIM.

2. Elsewhere.[edit]

The determination of the locality of the true Put (if we may admit its existence) is not easy. This at least is clear - that Put is not the land of Punt (famous from Queen Hatsepsut's expedition ; see EGYPT, 48, 53), for Punt never supplied Egypt with warriors. Nah. 3:9 (best reading ; see LUBIM) suggests a better view of Put and Ludim as the 'helpers' of No-Amon (the Egyptian Thebes) in the latter part of the Assyrian period ; cp Jer. 46:9, Ezek. 27:10. Put and Lud (or Ludim) might therefore be the Carian and Lyclian mercenaries of the later Egyptian kings. (This suggests a not impossible explanation of Ludim, in Gen. 10:13. ) This view may perhaps be confirmed by a cuneiform fragment on the war of Nebuchadrezzar against Amasis, published by Strassmaier, and translated by Sayce (Acad. 11th April 1891, 25th July 1892) and Winckler (AOF 1:511-512). It is there stated that in the course of his campaign Nebuchadrezzar had to do with an ally of Amasis whose city or land was called Putu-Yaman, and is described, with another town of the same prince, as 'far regions in the midst of the sea'. Krall (Acad. 23rd May 1891) identified Putu-Yaman with Cyrene, Sayce with Pelusium. It seems more natural, however, to think of some remoter country, such as the island of Samos (so Wi. ), or at any rate of some part of the coast of Asia Minor, such as Caria, close to which Samos lay. Such conjectures as these are necessary if we accept the traditional text of the prophetic passages referred to above. But the question is whether 'Put' may not be simply due to textual corruption - whether the editor may not have retained it out of conscientiousness, and without holding any opinion as to the connection of a region called Put with Mizraim or Egypt.

T. K. C.

1 To complete this statement it should be added that Qn (Ham) in Gen. 10:5 is not improbably a fragment of ^NDnV (Jerahmeel).

2 It is significant that the first temple to the living Augustus was erected in Puteoli, by a private person ; cp Marq. RSm. Staatw. 1 201, n.


(rroTioAoi, Acts 28:13), called by the Greeks Dicaearchia, was a colony from the neighbouring Cyme (Cumae), itself the first Greek colony planted on Italian soil. It lay on the northern shore of the bay of Naples : about 5 mi. eastward was Neapolis (Naples), also a colony from Cumae. The name Puteoli ( = 'Wells' ; mod. Pozzuoli] was probably given to Dicaearchia by the Romans in 194 B.C., when a citizen colony was planted there (Strabo, 245). The harbour was excellent ; and Ostia and Puteoli became the great marts, not only for Syrian unguents and Egyptian linen, but also for the faith 2 of the East (Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, ET 3437).

The transmarine traffic, chiefly one of imports, was concentrated in those two harbours, the traffic in luxuries being mainly directed to Puteoli, in the immediate neighbourhood of which town was a market hardly inferior to that of the capital itself - viz., the district of Baiae, which was the great resort of the wealthy.

In the last years of the Republic and the early period of the Empire, Puteoli was the great Italian port for the Mediterranean trade (cp Stat. Silv. 8575, litora mundi hospita), especially for that of its eastern half. 1

Puteoli had attained this importance even before the ruin of Delos (Strabo, 486) ; but that event assured its supremacy, and gained it also the name itself of 'little Delos' (cp Festus, 122, minorem Delum Puteolos esse dixerunt quod Delos aliquamio maximum emporium fuerit totius orbis terrarum, cui successit postea Puteolanum, etc.). Though the town was 150 mi. from Rome, travellers going to the capital often preferred to land at it (e.g. , Cicero, see Pro Plane. 20:65, cum. . . . decedens e provincia Puteolos forte venissem ; from Sicily. Cp Jos. Ant. 17:12:1, 18:7:2; Jews journeying to Rome from Palestine).

The accumulation of sand at the Tiber's mouth compelled the grain-ships also to anchor at Puteoli, if they were not to be unladed in the open sea at Ostia (cp Strabo, 231 ). In the second year of Claudius a new harbour at Ostia was begun (Dio Cass. 60:11), which was completed under Nero, and known as the Portus Augusti. The construction of this harbour sealed the fate of Puteoli (cp CIL 10:182-183 ; Beloch, Campanien, 114-115) ; but some years would elapse before the trade was permanently diverted to the northern harbour. The latter may not yet have been completed when Paul landed at Puteoli (60 A. D. ): or the ship, as Ramsay suggests (St. Paul the Traveller, 345), proceeded to Ostia. Seneca gives a graphic account of the arrival of the Alexandrian fleet at Puteoli (Ep. 77). All ships entering the bay were obliged to strike their topsails (suppara), except the grain-ships, which could therefore be distinguished at a distance. It was also the practice to send forward fast-sailing vessels (tabellariae) to announce the coming of the fleet, whose safe arrival meant so much for the populace of Rome (cp Suet. Aug. 98).

It was a natural result of the intercourse of Puteoli with the East, that Paul found Christians there (v. 14).

After the time of Domitian, the road to Rome went along the coast (the Via Domitiana) to Sinuessa, where it joined the great Via Appia. In Paul's time the Appian Way was joined at Capua by the cross-road called the 'Campanian' Road, leading from Cumae Baiae and Puteoli (cp Suet. Aug. 94 ; Pliny, HN 18:29 ; Hor. Ep. 1:15:10-11).

W. J. W.


( <i n-1S, cp PITHON [firVB]; Meid>ei6ei/v\ [B], rifaOav [A], a<p<j>ov8L [L] ; Vg. Aputhei; AV, by a misprint [corrected in RV], PUHITE), a post-exilic family of Kirjath-jearim (1 Ch. 2:53). See SHOBAL.


(^tp-IS; <|>OYTIHA [BAL]), apparently the father-in-law of Eleazar (Ex. 6:25 [P]). The name of the child of the daughter of Putiel was Phinehas, and both Putiel and Phinehas have been thought to have an Egyptian origin. In the case of Putiel, indeed, it is of course only the first part which comes into question (cp the hybrid form Pet-baal [Brugsch, GA 197:239]) ; but it is conceivable that the Hebrew el was substituted by P for the Egyptian ph-ra (cp POTIPHERA). Upon this theory 'Putiel' means 'He whom El (God) has given'.

[In the Egyptian Aramaic inscriptions and papyri of the end of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. we often find cS as an element of names (cp Gk. compounds like irer-o<ripts [pet-osiris]= Aram. ^D1B3> CIS1 138 A). A still earlier example is quoted from an inscription belonging to Teima in Arabia (see CAS 2:113).]

But though Hommel (AHT 293) treats 'Putiel' as a genuine Israelitish name of the Mosaic epoch, we must bear in mind the frequency of corruption in the genealogies. Phinehas, too, is most likely corrupt ; the name should probably be Jerahmeel. When we remember the strong S. Palestinian connection of Levi, a half-Egyptian origin of Putiel is very improbable. Most likely Puti is an ethnic, and 'l simply an afformative (cp 'Nethaneel', etc.); on the Put of S. Palestine or N. Arabia, see PUT.

T. K. C.

1 Cp CV10i797, a dedication to L. Calpurnius Capitolinus by the mercatores qui Alexandriai Asiai Syriai negotiantur. See Beloch, Campanien, 121 f,


(!tlS), Gen. 46:13 RV, AV PHUVAH. See PUAH i.


(jb^t, dishon; 'leaper' [?]; nyr^Proc - i.e., 'white-rumped' [BL], TTY&APrOc[A]; pygargus), a clean animal mentioned only in Dt. 14:5+ (see CLEAN AND UNCLEAN, 8). The rendering of EV, derived from LXX, is improbable, and the AVmb 'bison' is almost certainly incorrect. Targ. Pesh. favour 'mountain-goat', which is the meaning of the doubtless related Ass. word dashshu. 1 Dishon is identified by Tristram with the Addax 2 (Addax nasomaculatus) ; this denizen of Arabia and Northern Africa, it is true, can hardly be said to have been known in Palestine, in recent times at least ; but it is improbable that the ancients distinguished clearly between the species. Herodotus (4:192) uses the word to denote some Libyan deer or antelope ; but possibly any antelope with a white rump may have been meant.

The Addax is rather over than under 3 ft. in height, of a yellowish-white colour, with a brown head, neck, and mane ; the horns attain a length of nearly 3 ft., measured along the spiral, and are ringed at the base. The Bedouins regularly hunt the Addax in the deserts and wastes which it frequents ; the flesh is eaten. The name recurs as that of a Seirite clan ; see DISHON.

A. E. S. - S. A. C.

1 For the Ass. analogy cp Del. Ass. Studien, 1:54 ; Hommel, Saugethiere, 391 ; and see TSBA 5346 and Ball, PSBA 11 395 (who translates 'spotted deer' ). For the Pesh. |yX. 9 , raima, see UNICORN.

2 This is supported by addacem (in the accus.) which, according to Pliny, is the African name for the Strepsiceros (cp mod. Ar. names adas, akas; cited by Houghton, Smith's DB).


(TTYPPOC [Ti.WH]), Acts 20:4 , father of SOPATER (q.v.).


(TTNeyMA nyOcoNA), Acts l6:16, EV mg, EV a spirit of DIVINATION (q.v.).


(l, selaw, Kr. v, shelayw ; MHTP&; 1 coturnix}. Mentioned in EV in Ex. 16:13, Nu. 11:31-32, Ps. 105:40, Wisd. 16:2, 19:12-13 ; cp rp 3 rpy, Ps. 78:27. That the quail, not the sand-grouse (?) or the locust (Hasselquist's alternatives, Travels, 443) or the crane (Dean Stanley and H. S. Palmer, see 2, note 2) is meant, is generally recognised.

1. Identification.[edit]

The Ar. word for 'quail', salwa, which is a loan-word, was found by C. Niebuhr (1774) to be still in use in Egypt. Another word for it is sumana, given to it because of its 'fatness', and Lagarde (Uebers. 81) has proposed to connect the name with Eshmun-Iolaos, the god who restored Heracles to life by giving him a quail to smell at. The quail was annually sacrificed among the Phoenicians in the month Feb.-Mar. to commemorate the reviving of Heracles (Athen. 947, referred to by WRS, Rel. Sem.f-) 469). There is no trace, however, of the sacred character of this bird among the Arabians or the Hebrews.

The Coturnix communis or C. dactylisonans of ornithologists is well-known in the Sinaitic peninsula, where it passes, migrating northward in spring, in immense flights. Tristram found them in the Jordan valley (Land of Israel, 460). They arrive in Palestine in March and April - though a few remain there during the winter on the way to their breeding-places in the plains and cornfields of the upper country. Even these flocks are said to be surpassed in numbers by the autumn flight when they return S. to their winter- quarters. The quail flies very low, which Dillmann supposed to explain the important clause at the end of Nu. 11:31 (but see 2). It is soon fatigued, and hence falls an easy prey to man. 160,000 have been captured in a season at Capri, where their plump flesh is esteemed a delicacy, as indeed it is all along the shores of the Mediterranean. They were salted and stored as food by the ancient Egyptians (Herod. 277).

A. E. s. s. A. c.

1 dptuypounTpa [ortygrometra] means properly (see L and S) 'a bird which migrates with quails', perhaps = KpeE [krex], the land-rail, Rallus crex; but Photius and Hesychus explain as = 'a large dpTuE [ortyx]'(Di.). The right Gk. word for quail, oprvf [ortyx], is given by Jos. and Gr. Ven. On Rabbinical notices see Joma, 75b. Cp also FOWL, i, col. 1159, and n. i.

2. The quails of the wanderings.[edit]

There are two references to a supply of quails for the food of the Israelites - viz., in Ex. 16:12-13 (scene, the wilderness of Sin, on the way to Sinai), and in Nu 11:18-23, 11:31-34 (scene, Kibroth-hattaavah , after the departure from Sinai). The former belongs to P . He has just made Moses and Aaron tell the Israelites that in the evening they shall know that Yahwe has brought them out of Egypt, and that in the morning they shall see Yahwe s glory (vv. 6-7). The evening event is the arrival of the quails ; the morning event is the lighting down of the manna. The redactor has omitted P's account of the fall of the manna, the passage from 'the dew lay round' to 'has given you to eat' being J's (see Baentsch). The narrative in Nu. 11 [J] is much more detailed. The announcement of the quails specifies a month as the period during which quails should be eaten ; after this the flesh was to become loathsome to the eaters. The coming of the quails is thus described (vv. 31-34), 'And a wind from Yahwe [a SE. wind, Ps. 78:26] took up quails from the sea [read D i rB KVI " nxp mil], 1 and made them to fall by the camp, about a day s journey on this side, and a day's journey on the other side, round about the camp, like heaps of wheat 2 (ovrijTisa) on the face of the ground'. The appropriateness of the figure is clear from what follows. 'And the people rose up all that day, and all the night, and all the next day, and gathered the quails ; he that gathered least gathered ten homers, and they spread them all about for themselves [to dry them] round about the camp'. But the result was a fatal malady. 'While the flesh was yet between their teeth, ere it was chewed, the anger of Yahwe was kindled against the people', etc. The story (with which cp Ps. 78:26-31) is told to account for the name 'Kibroth-hattaavah' (graves of lust) ; it belongs to the large class of astiological legends. The more correct name, however, is probably 'Taberah'. See KIBROTH-HATTAAVAH. T. K. C.

1 [The traditional text contains two improbabilities - J DJ, applied to a wind (Pasek should put us on our guard), and U l ((P, efeWpacrei ), from "3, which occurs again only in Ps. 90:10, where (see Che. Ps.W) it is corrupt. Both words spring out of the reading Ntj 3, which alone suits the sense. The corruption, however, must be very old because of Ps. 78:26. T. K. C.]

2 [The text has about two cubits (DTISN2), which the commentators suppose to refer to the very low flight of the quails. Dean Stanley, however, (SP, 82) thought that large cranes (storks?) three feet high might be meant. Only our subservience to MT has prevented us from seeing that the true text must be C aTjnDS, a figure which occurs again in Ex. 15:8 (ic-iyr-iriss). T. K. c.]

3. The malady.[edit]

The peculiarity of the incident needs some better explanation than a reference to the statement of Aristotle (d. Plant. 1:5 ; cp Bochart, 2:1:15) that quails eat poisonous things - e.g. , hellebore - which are harmful to men. It may be more instructive, therefore, to give a parallel case from the Elizabethan voyages. The ship 'Desire' belonging to Cavendish's last and ill-fated expedition to the east by way of the Pacific, put back for home from the Straits of Magellan in 1592. They came to anchor at a harbour in Patagonia, named after the vessel Port Desire, and found on an island near it such numbers of penguins that the men could hardly go without treading on them. A party of twenty-two men was landed on the island to kill the birds and dry them on the rocks. From 30th Oct. to 22nd Dec. they killed and dried 20,000 ; the captain (John Davis), the master, and John Lane, the narrator, were able to make a small quantity of salt by evaporating sea-water in holes of the rocks, wherewith they salted a certain number of birds. 'Thus God did feed us even as it were with manna from heaven'. Only 14,000 dried penguins could be got on board. The crew were put on rations of which the principal part was five penguins every day among four men. It was not until some time after that disease broke out, the dried birds having begun to breed a large worm in appalling numbers in the warmer latitudes.

Various symptoms of the malady here described are sufficiently characteristic of the acute dropsical form of the disease called beri-beri (some derive the name from the Arabic) ; there are, however, dropsical conditions caused by parasitic worms apart from the special dietetic errors to which beri-beri is commonly ascribed. But, however this may be, the parallelism between the two narratives is obvious. There is the same generic cause, and the quail is a fat bird, like the penguin, which would corrupt the more easily if it were dried with its fat. In St. Kilda, where the diet used to be of air-dried gannets and fulmars, it was customary to remove the fat before curing. C. C.

A. E. s. s. A. c., i ; T. K. c., 2 ; C. C. , 3.


(RVmg 'graven images' ; Dv pQ ; TOON (-AYTTTCON idola, Judg. 3:19, 3:26+). The pesilim near Gilgal are a well-known landmark. Heb. usage of pisel favours the sense 'sculptured sacred stones' (so Moore, Budde). Many scholars find an allusion to the stones mentioned in Josh. 4:8, 4:20. If so, pesllim is used in its original sense of 'hewn stones'. Cp Ass. pasallu, a pillar ; Tg. Pesh. give 'quarries', a guess.

The view of the Ehud-story advocated elsewhere (see JERICHO, 2), which detects an underlying form in which the place-names, now corrupted, were of the Negeb, throws doubt on both the above theories. Among the possible corruptions of SxyCB" (Ishmael) is ^53 or 7 QO! cp SHELEPH. In order to escape to Seirah (for the reading adopted by the present writer see SEIRAH), Ehud had to pass an outpost of Ishmaelites ( = Jerahmeelites); for Eglon, the Misrite king, was a Jerahmeelite (see v. 13, where 'Ammon' and 'Amalek' both = 'Jerahmeel' ). For C <S DE> read therefore probably C ^NVH^"-

2. Josh. 7:5 RVmg., see SHEBARIM. T. K. C.


(nnWQ-|b ), Jer. 51:59 RVmg See SERAIAH, 4.


(KOYARTOC [Ti. WH]) adds his salutation to that of Tertius, addressed to the Christians in Rome, at the close of Rom. 16 (vv. 22-23). It has been conjectured that he may have been one of those Jews who were expelled from Rome by Claudius. See, further, SIMON (the Cyrenian).

In the lists of the seventy disciples by the Pseudo-Dorotheus and Pseudo-Hippolytus he appears as bishop of Berytus. In the apocryphal Acts of Peter and Paul he is a member of the praetorian guard, one of the soldiers who have charge of Paul in Rome.

1 Probably reading K3X, as in 8:2, 19:13.

2 Contamination from LXX, which is otherwise demonstrable in this verse.


(TeTp<\AlON : Acts 12:4 ), a guard of four soldiers.


(DV?L ; n n3^p ; 6 H BACI- Aicc<\ TOY OYP&NOY- except Jer. 7:18 H CTR&TIA TOY YP^NOY 1 [ Ac l- s ) m - Theod. B&ciAicCH] ; Vg. regina caeli ; Pesh. pulhan shemayya, except Jer. 44:19 malkat shemayya. 2 Tg. N EJJ 712212),

1. Cult.[edit]

An object of worship to which offerings were made by inhabitants of Jerusalem and other cities of Judah in the seventh century and by Jewish refugees in Egypt after the fall of the kingdom ; see Jer. 7:16-20, 44:15-30.

The peculiarity of this worship appears, from Jeremiah's description, to have been the offering of a special kind of cakes which were made by the Jewish women with the assistance of their families ( 'the boys gather firewood and the fathers kindle the fire and the women knead dough to make cakes', etc., Jer. 7:18 ; cp 44:19). The cakes were offered to the deity by fire (44:15, 44:17+, 44:21, 44:25; kitter, 7ap, erroneously translated in EV, 'burn incense' ), and the burning was accompanied by libations (44:17-18) These rites were performed 'in the cities of Judah and in the streets of Jerusalem' (7:17, 44:17) ; the worship seems to have been domestic, and perhaps specifically a woman's cult (see 44:15, 44:19, 44:25); 1 that the men assist in the preparations (7:18) and assume their share of the responsibility (44:15+) is not inconsistent with the latter view, nor are the expressions in which the prevalence of the worship is affirmed (44:17). 2

The cakes (kawwanim, c Ji|, Jer. 7:18, 44:19+; {3} LXX ^ai tD^es [chauoones], and in the latter passage xouavej [chananes] [Q*], Xai /Sajves [chauboones] [N*] ; Vg. placenta; Pesh. zauthare, a species of sacrificial cakes ; 4 Tg. jani3 or 1'oma, perhaps XovSpIrai [chondritai], 5 Gen. 40:16) were rightly compared by Chrysostom and other early commentators to the iroirava [popana], or Trtfj.fj.aTO [pemmata], of the Greeks, of which there were many varieties. 6 Some of these were made in the likeness of a victim ; others imaged or symbolised the deity to whom they were offered. 7

It has been thought by many that the kawwanim of the queen of heaven represented the moon, 8 - or upon a different view of her nature - the planet Venus (see below, 3). Jer. 44;19 has been understood to testify to the iconic character of these cakes, the verb rnsi H 1 ? being connected with C 2S>5, (IDOL, 1b), 9 and translated 'to image her' ; but both the text and the interpretation are extremely doubtful.

2. Title.[edit]

The translation Queen of Heaven (EV) represents malkat hashshamayim ; and this interpretation - the only one which would naturally suggest itself to one who read the words c Deri n^So in an unpointed text - is supported by the oldest exegetical tradition (LXX). The vowelled text, however, gives roSrj (rntUkct), treating ro^D as a defective spelling of roK ro from ttatt^D. 1 'work', and this view of the derivation of the word is represented by Pesh. pulhan shemayya (religious work, cultus). The Jewish scholars with whom this interpretation originated doubtless thought that the worship of the o Crn roSa in Jer. 7:44 was the same as the worship of the 'host of heaven' (c CC n K2!), Jer. 8:2, 19:13, Zeph. 1:5, Dt. 4:19, 17:3, etc.

This identification, suggested perhaps by a general comparison of the references to these cults, would seem to be confirmed by the passages in which the worship of the C CCTl rC*?2 appears to be equivalent to burning offerings or making libations 'to other gods' (see 7:18, 44:15; cp 17-19), as though the cult were addressed to a collective object such as the heavenly bodies. A warrant for taking the word n^xVo in tn s sense was found in Gen. 2 where nDN^C ('God's work which he wrought' ) in v. 2a is obviously parallel to j<3^ in v. 1. {11} This opinion was known to Jerome, who writes (Comm. on Jer. 7:18) : 'reginae caeli . . . quam lunam debemus accipere, vel certe militiae creli, ut omnes Stellas intelligamus', and is given a place in the margin of AV, 'frame, or workmanship of heaven'.

Modern scholars, however, almost without exception, have adopted the older and more natural interpretation, 'queen of heaven'. This prevailing opinion was vigorously assailed by Stade in 1886 ; he maintained that c DBTt nata (? malkut) was a collective, 'the rule, that is, the ruling powers, of heaven', a more comprehensive term than 'host of heaven' ; at a later stage of the controversy he was inclined to conjecture that m^D (ro^Sc. 'work' ; cp Gen. 2:1-2) had been substituted for N3S by a scribe or editor to whom the word nax was offensive. Stade did not, however, establish his main contention that the rendering 'queen of heaven' must be rejected ; the result of the discussion upon this point was rather to confirm the conviction that that is the only satisfactory interpretation of the words. 1

1 Peritz, JBL 17 121 (1898), without apparent reason, connects 2 K. 23:7b with this cult.

2 See, for the opposite opinion, Stade, ZATW 6:127+


4 [See Lagarde, Ges. Abh. 42, 108.]

5 Jastrow, Dictionary, s.v. [otherwise Levy, Targ. HWB, 384/L

6 See Lobeck, Aglaophamus, 1060 ff.

7 See Stengel, Griech. Kultusaltertumer (2), 90 ; for similar customs among other peoples see Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde, 436+

8 Comparing the a*i</>t(J)a>vTe? of Artemis at the Munychia, Athen. H645 A i Preller-Robert, Griech. Mythologie, 1312.

9 So Sym., Tg., Rashi, and others.

10 Omission of silent K [aleph]. Examples of tbis spelling occur in Phoenician inscriptions e^., CIS 1 no. 86 A //. 6 q. On the other hand, many Hebrew MSS in our passage have introduced K into the text.

11 Abarbanel on Jer. 44:15, as the opinion of older interpreters. Similarly Stade, ZATW 6:339. See also Debarim rabba, 10 end.

3. Identification.[edit]

It is not probable that a deity invoked as queen of heaven, to whose displeasure at the neglect of her worship the contemporaries of Jeremiah could attribute the calamities that had befallen them and their country, was a minor figure in the Semitic pantheon ; the presumption is that the rites described by the prophet belonged to a specific cult of the great goddess Astarte. The title seems also to indicate that the worship was addressed to one of the heavenly bodies, and was one of the particular cults embraced in the general prophetic condemnation of the worship of the 'sun and moon and the whole host of heaven'. From an early time it has been disputed whether the queen of heaven in the sky was the moon 2 or the planet Venus. 3 The former opinion was probably in its origin only an application of the general theory which in the last centuries of the ancient world identified all manner of goddesses with the moon ; in modern times it has appeared to follow from the current though ill-founded belief that the Astarte of the western Semites was a moon goddess. (See ASHTORETH, 4. ) In the Babylonian system, which was at the height of its influence in the W. in the seventh century, the star of Istar was the planet Venus, whilst the moon was a great god, Sin. The traces in Syria and Arabia of cults similar to that described by Jeremiah connect themselves with the worship of Venus. Thus the name Collyridians was given to a heretical Arab sect because their women offered cakes to the Virgin Mary, to whom they paid divine honours. 4 See also Isaac of Antioch, ed. Bickell, 1:244+.

More than one of the questions discussed above would be put beyond controversy if it were established that malkatu, or malkatu sa shame, the literal equivalent of the Heb. malkat hashshamayim, occurs in cuneiform texts as a title of Ishtar ; 5 but that the ideogram A A should be read malkatu is at best a plausible conjecture, on which no conclusions can properly be based. Ishtar is called, however, belit shame and sharrat shame. 6 the latter exactly corresponding in meaning to the Hebrew malkat hassamayim, 'queen of heaven'. In a catalogue of the names of Venus in various regions and languages preserved by Syrian lexicographers we are told that Venus was called malkat shemayy by the Arzanians, 7 that is the inhabitants of Arzon, a diocese in the province of Nisibis (ZDMG 43:394 n. ). The list shows in other particulars accurate information, and may be taken as evidence that a cult of Venus with the epiklesis 'queen of heaven' survived in that locality into Christian times.

Herodotus (1105) sets it down that the temple of Aphrodite Urania in Askalon was the oldest seat of her worship ; thence it passed to Cyprus and Cythera. 8

According to Pausanias (1:367) the religion was of 'Assyrian' (Syrian) origin, 1 taken up by the people of Paphos in Cyprus and of Ascalon in Phoenicia ; the Cytherans learned it from the Phoenicians (cp 3:23:1) ; it was introduced into Athens by Aegeus. We may take these passages as evidence of the belief of the Greeks that the worship of the heavenly goddess ( A<j>po5ir7) Ovpavla [aphrodite ourania], more often simply i) Otipavia [e ourania]) 2 was of oriental origin. It is highly probable that in this they were right, 3 and that the epiklesis is in some way connected with the title Queen of Heaven in the Semitic religions. 4

The goddess of Carthage, in the inscriptions T-n-t (pronunciation unknown), must have had a similar title, since by Latin writers and in Latin inscriptions she is called Ccelestis. 5

Milkat in Phoenician and Punic proper names, on the other hand, is more probably the divine sovereign of the city or community (cp Milk) than of the heavens.

1 See especially Kuenen, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 186-211. [Cp, however, Crit. Bib. T. K.C.]

2 Jerome, Olympiodorus, and very many down to our own time.

3 Tg., Isaac of Antioch, and others.

4 Epiph. Hirr. 78 c. 23. 79 c. 1, 79 c. 18. Epiphanius recognises the identity with the worship of the queen of heaven in Jer. 7:44. It is in fact one of those direct transfers of a Venus cult to Mary of which there are many examples. See Rosch, Astarte-Maria, St. Kr. 1888, pp. 265^

5 Schrader ; for titles see below, 4.

6 Eerdmans, Melekdienst, 86.

7 Bar Bahlul, col. 244; some codd. have Darnftye. See Lagarde, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 16.

8 See also Herodot. 1:131.

4. Literature.[edit]

G. F. Meinhard, 'Dissertatio de selenolatria', in Ugolini Thesaurus, 238n jff. (in Thesaurus theolvgico-philologicus, 1808+, this dissertation appears under the name of Calovius ; the older literature very fully given and discussed) ; Frischmuth, Dissertatio de Melechet caeli, in Tlicsaur-us theologico- philologicus, 1 866 jf. ; J. H. Ursinus, Quastiones tioticte, 221-25; J- G. Carpzov, Apparatus antiquitatum, 510 f. ; B. Stade, Die vermeintliche Konigin des Himmels, ZATW, 6123-132 (1886); Das vermeintliche aramaisch-assyrisches Aequivalent der n CK H fl^D. J eT - 7 44, ZA TW 6 289-339 (1886); E. Schrader, Die Q CE n mSn und ihr Aramaisch- assyrisches Aequivalent, SBBA, 1886, 1477-491; Die Gottin Istar als tiialkatu, ZA 8353-364; A. Kuenen, De Melechet des Kernels, I erslagen en mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akadoiiie van Wetenschapen, Afd. Letterkunde, 1888, pp. 157-189 (Germ, trans. [1894], Kuenen, Gesaininclie Abhand- lungen, 186-211 ; Eerdmans, Melekdienst, 53^. , Scholz, GStzen- dicnst und Zaubcnvescn, yx>/., cp ZTiff. , Griinbaum, Der Stern Venus, ZDMG, 1888, pp. 45-51. G. F. M.


(CYPTIC : Acts 27:17), RV Syrtis, q.v.


P^l), 1 S. 19:13, 19:16, RVmg. See BED, 3, 4 (b).


See APPLE, 2 (4).


(2 Macc. 11:34 ). See MEMMIUS


(KYPHNioc[Ti. WH], Lk. 2:2 ).

1. Life.[edit]

The name of this official is given in an inscription as P. Sulpicius Quirinius. The main facts of his life are given by Tacitus, Ann. 3:48. A native of Lanuvium, of an undistinguished family, he was elected consul in 12 B.C. ; some years later he was sent on an expedition against the Homonadenses in Cilicia, who had vanquished Amyntas, king of Galatia. For his successes against these mountaineers he received the honour of a triumph. When Gaius Caesar was sent out to the East in 2 A. D. , Quirinius accompanied him as his tutor. In 6 A.D. Quirinius was appointed as legatus of the Emperor Governor of Syria, and in that capacity took over Judtea on the deposition of Archelaus, and made a census of the newly annexed district (Jos. Ant. 17:13, 18:1). At this post he remained four or five years. At a later time (Tac. Ann. 822) he caused some scandal in Rome by accusing his divorced wife, Lepida, of having long before tried to poison him. Unpopular at Rome, he retained the favour of Tiberius, who in 21 A.D. procured him a public funeral.

To these facts one of importance is added by the celebrated Lapis Tihurtinus (CIL 14:3613), which inscription, though much mutilated, appears to prove that Quirinius proconsulate of Syria in 6 A.D. had been preceded by an earlier tenure of the same office. The view of Mommsen is that this previous tenure was in 3-1 B.C., and that the crushing of the Homonadenses, who dwelt in Cilicia, at that time attached to the province of Syria, was an event of this first proconsulate. It cannot well be dated earlier, because Sentius Saturninus governed Syria 9-7 B.C., and Quinctilius Varus from 7 B.C. to after the death of Herod (Tac. Hist. 5:9), since he put down a sedition which arose when Herod died.

1 Cp CIA, 2168627 1588.

2 Cp also Herod. 3:8 (Arabs). 'Heavenly' was originally meant in a physical sense ; the ethical significance Plato gives it (Sympos. 180 u) is arbitrary, and in conflict with what we know of the attributes and cult of Urania.

3 Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, 2:620-621, 2:629-630, 2:746-747

4 See Theodoret on Jer. 44:17.

5 Oupan a [ourania] Herodian, Ab exc. div. Marc. 56; cp Philastrius, Harr. i;. See Ruscher, 2:614+. ; Cumont, in Pauly-Wissowa, 3:1247+ ; cp PHOENICIA, 11.

2. The census.[edit]

Amid these facts, the statements of Lk. as to the date and circumstances of the birth of Jesus (2:1-5) raise intricate questions. The miraculous events preceding the birth cannot be discussed from the historical point of view ; but the asserted census in Judaea and the journey of Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem come within the field of historical investigation.

Lk.'s statements are as follows : -

(1) Caesar Augustus decreed a general census of the Roman world. Of such a general census nothing is known from other sources, though Augustus made a census of Roman citizens only. However, we need not delay over this statement, which is unimportant for our purpose, and may be merely an exaggeration.

(2) This census was first carried out in Palestine in the days of Herod, when Quirinius was governor of Syria. Here several difficulties arise. From the above- cited testimony of Tacitus, it appears that Quirinius was not proconsul of Syria until after the death of Herod. Palestine being not strictly a part of the Roman Empire, but a dependent or protected kingdom under Herod, a Roman census would not be carried out in that district. On the other hand, we know that when in 6 A.D. Archelaus the son of Herod was deposed from his tetrarchy of Judaea, and the district was annexed to the province of Syria, Quirinius, who was then for the second time proconsul of Syria, carried out a census in Judaea, which caused, as we learn from Josephus (Ant. 18:1:1), much disaffection in that country. It is not unnatural to suspect that Lk. may have misdated his census.

(3) For the purposes of the census every man went to the abode of his family or clan ; thus Joseph went to Bethlehem the town of David, 1 and with him his affianced wife, Mary. It is, however, pointed out that in a Roman census every man reported at his place of residence. No instance is known to us in antiquity in which the citizens of a country migrated to the ancestral home of their family, in order to be enrolled. In any case, no ancient census would require the presence of any but the head of a household. Women would certainly not have to appear in person.

1 [On the birthplace of David, see DAVID, 1 ; DEBIR; JUDAH, 4.]

2 A summary, and refutation of their views will be found in Schurer's GVI (3) 510-543 (ET i. 2:105-143).

3. Ramsay's Theory.[edit]

These considerations have led many historians, such as Mommsen, Gardthausen, Keim, Weizsacker, and Schurerto the view that Lk.'s statements about the census of Quirinius are altogether mistaken. On the other hand, some writers, such as Huschke and Wieseler and many English theologians, have adopted an apologetic attitude in regard to Lk.'s statements. 2 The most recent apologetic work on the subject is that of Prof. W. M. Ramsay, Was Christ born at Bethlehem? in which work it is pointed out in regard to Quirinius that Lk. does not say that it was he who conducted the census, but only that it was made when he was in some position of authority in Syria (yyffjubv [hegemoon], not dvBi nraTos [anthypatros], pro consul). He may have been in command of troops of the Syrian province against the Homonadenses at the time. It is further maintained that a census conducted by Herod in his own dominions might decidedly differ from a Roman census, especially in the point that the people might be numbered not by domicile, but by clan or family.

A new element has been introduced into the discus sion by the discovery from papyri published by Messrs. Grenfell, Kenyon, and others, that an enrolment occurred in Egypt at intervals of fourteen years from the year 20 A. D. onwards, and probably from the time of the regulation of Egypt by Augustus, that is, also in the years 6 A.D. and 8 B.C., and further that this enrol ment was a census by families, not a mere valuation of property. One or two definite, though not conclusive, pieces of evidence, seem to indicate that this periodical census was not confined to Egypt, but was, in some cases at all events, extended to Syria.

Arguing on the basis of this new discovery , Prof. Ramsay maintains that a census may probably have been held in Syria in 9-8 B.C., and gives certain reasons why, if Herod at the same time proposed a census in Judaea, he should have postponed it to the year 6 B. C. , and then carried it out on a different plan from that usual in a Roman census. The date 6 B.C. Ramsay accepts as probably that of the birth of Jesus.

To set forth Prof. Ramsay's arguments at length is impossible, and they are so minute as not to bear compression. But if we grant their validity they leave unexplained several difficulties. Why should a census in Judaea be dated by Lk. by the irrelevant fact of a campaign being at the time fought by Quirinius in Cilicia? Even if an enrolment by tribes was carried out by Herod, would this be likely to involve a journey of all Jews to the native town of their family? How could the presence of Mary be required at Bethlehem, when it was a settled principle in all ancient law to treat the male head of a family as responsible for all its members? In Palestine especially it is difficult to imagine such a proceeding as the summoning of women to appear before an officer for enrolment. On all these questions the new discoveries shed no light.

The last difficulty is further increased by the use by Lk. of the word ejucJicrreuju.e i T) [emnesteoomeene] (unless, indeed, it be an early emendation of the text by some scribe). For this word implies that Mary at the time was not the wife of Joseph, but only betrothed to him. In such circumstances her travelling with him to Bethlehem is even more inexplicable. She would not go as an heiress, or in her own right, as we have no reason to suppose that she was descended from David, and indeed from the context it is clear that she was not.

Josephus tells us that the census of Quirinius was a great innovation, causing alarm and revolt ; it is therefore not easy to think that a similar census can have been held twelve or fourteen years earlier, and passed off with so little friction that Josephus does not mention it. It is true that Prof. Ramsay discriminates in character the earlier census which he supposes from the Roman census of Quirinius of 6 A. D. ; but it is doubtful how far this view is maintainable, especially as Lk. uses the same word (d.Troypa.(f>ri [apographe]) to designate the known census of Quirinius and the supposed earlier census (Acts 5:37). Thus there can be no doubt that the supposition of errors of fact in Lk. would, from the purely historical point of view, remove very great difficulties. The question which remains is whether our opinion of Lk. as a historian is so high that we prefer to retain these difficulties rather than to suppose serious errors in his narrative of the birth of Jesus. See, further, CHRONOLOGY, 57+ ; GOSPELS, 22, and cp NATIVITY, NAZARETH. p. G.


i. nB" N, ashpah, cp Ass. ishpatu ; <t>apfTpa ; pharetra; literally in Job 39:23 (LXX om.) Is. 22:6; figuratively in Is. 49:2, Ps. 127:5 (LXX en-iflu/niW [epithymion]) Lam. 3:13, Jer. 5:16 (LXX om.)t. In Lam. 3:13 arrows are called 'sons of the quiver'.

2. 7PI, teli, fyaptTpa, pharetra; Gen. 27:3. t The sense, however, is uncertain. LXX, Vg., Tg., Ps.-Jon., Ibn Ezra, render 'quiver', but Onk., Pesh., Rashi, 'sword'. v .tSl means 'to hang, suspend'. Possibly -j ^rt is a corrupt repetition (dittogram) of the preceding "J ^D, which word (EV 'thy weapons' ) would quite well refer to the quiver and arrrows. Cp WEAPONS.


(flpin; pefMA [BAD^EL] [A]), one of the sons of CUSH [q.v.] Gen. 10:7 (but NDin ; 1 Ch. 1:9 RV Raama). Raamah is also grouped with Sheba in Ezekiel's list of trade centres (27:22 ncjn ; papa [B], pay/j.a [ragma] [AQ]). A Sabaean inscription (Glaser, 1 155) refers to 'the hosts of Saba and Havilan' as attacking certain people 'on the caravan-route between Ma'an ( = Ma'in, ? Bab. Magan) and Ragmat' (Hommel, AHT-z^o ; cp ZDMG 30:122). Here we have at any rate one Raamah. Glaser, however, places Raamah near Ras el-Khaima, on the Persian Gulf (Skizse, 2:252). Against identification with Regma, on the Arabian side of the same gulf, see Dillmann. Cp GEOGRAPHY, 23, and Crit. Bib. on Gen. 10:7, Ezek. 27:22 where 'Raamah' is brought nearer to Palestine. See CUSH, 2 ; SABTA.


(PTOin, 'Yahwe thunders?' cp 3 R, 67, 46 c d, where Ramman, the storm-god, is called the god sha rimi, i.e., 'of thunder' [Del. Ass. HWB, 605] ; the Phoen. proper name NJTOin is no support, the true reading being KJTOin), one of the twelve leaders of the Jews, Neh. 7:71t (5ae/uta [daemia] [N], peeX/wi [A], datfuas [L], va.afj.ta [B], j/ae/uia [B ab ] ; the last two readings are due to the proximity of NAHAMANI [q.v.]). Cp GOVERNMENT, 26.

In Ezra 1:2 the name is miswritten as REELAIAH, and in Zech. 7:2 (probably) as REGEMMELECH (q.v.). All these forms seem to come from 'Jerahmeel' . The race-element counts for much in the later history of Israel [Che.].


(DDJplH), Ex. 1:11. See RAMESES and cp PITHOM.


The use of Tl, rab, 'chief, head, leader' in compound titles descriptive of rank or office (corresponding to the Gr. &PXI- [archi-]) is sufficiently well exemplified in Assyrian, Phoenician , and Aramaic.

Typical examples are :- rab dup-shar-ri 'head scribe' (see SCRIBE), and rab nikasi 'treasurer' (cp Heb. C D3J), see Del. Ass. HWB 609b, Phoen. tJ in 31, 'head workman' (CfS 1 64), DIED 31, 'head of the scribes' (ib. 86:14), C:ri3 3-,, 'head of the priests' (ib. 119), Palm. xS rt 3% 'general', NnTB 31, 'leader of the caravan' (in Gk. bilinguals <TTpan)Aar>)s [stratelates], (rvvoSidp^rj^ [sunodiarches]), pits 31i 'chief of the market' 2(cp N1JN 31, 'head of the ayopd [agora]' ) ; and Nab. Njvig o 3"li 'chief of the camp(s)'.

This usage of ]7 seems to be wanting in the S. Semitic stock, and in Hebrew is not frequent. Here the more common term employed is sar (7W, peculiar to Heb. ) which is frequently found in pre-exilic writings (cp PRINCE), and its occurrence in the later literature should be looked upon in some cases, perhaps, as a survival of a once popular idiom, and in others as an intentional archaism.

In the sense of 'great' the Heb. rab is not common 3 in the early writings ; the best instances being the poetical fragment Gen. 25:23 ( 'elder' opposed to 7'ys), Nu. 11:33 (J or E), 1 K. 19:7, Am. 62. In agreement with this is the usage of the Heb. compounds of ]7 which express a rank or office. Of foreign origin, on the other hand, are the compounds Rab-saris, Rab-shakeh, and Rab-mag, which appear to be titles borrowed from the Assyrian. The rest occur in later literature only, and are mere descriptions of office.

It is very probable that they have been formed simply upon Assyrian or Babylonian analogy; (a) C n2n 31, 2 K. 25:8 (in an exilic or post-exilic narrative, see KINGS, 2 n. 2) ; cp Dan. 2:14+ ; 1 EV 'captain of the guard', AVmg. 'chief marshal' (apxWyf tpo [archimageiros] 187 BAQL]),2 see EXECUTIONER, i. Contrast with this D nasn IE-, Gen. 37:36, 39:1, 41:12; (b) rra 31, Esth. 1:8+, officer of the household (otKOi/ojuo? [oikonomos] [BKAL/3]) ; and (c) VD 10 31, Dan. 1:3+ (see RAB-SARIS), but O D lD.l IE-, Dan. 1:7-11, 1:18+ (ifXievfoOxos [archieunouches] [8:7 BAQr ]). IJf must probably be looked upon here as an intentional archaism. The writer has modelled the narrative of Daniel to some extent upon that of Joseph (Bevan, Dan. 31), and remembers the D EIK,! IE , D pSPBrr ib, and DTOB.l 1B>, which recur in Gen. 39-41.


1 2ucoiapx)5 [sunodiarches], apparently, only in inscriptions. Liddell and Scott cite Bockh, 4489.

2 De Vogue, La. Syrie centrale, nos. 6, 7, 15, 28, etc.

3 The exact opposite is the case, however, with 31, 'much, many' (as opposed to BJ?P).


1. Name.[edit]

RABBATH of the Ammonites (Hin, Din pStf "0?, pa/30a, Josh. 13:25 [A], Am. 1:14, 6:2, 1 Ch. 20:1 [B bis, once pappav as accusative]; pa.pBa.0. 2 S. 11:1, 12:27, 12:29, Jer. 49:2 [A], 1 Ch. 20:1 (bis A]; pa/3/3a uiw a^ntov, 2 S. 12:26 [B], 17:2, 17:17 [A], Ezek. 21:20 ; ptftftaS Jer. 49:3 [ K J ; paj3/3u>0 Jer. 49:3 [Q*vid.J ; pa /3o9 Jer. 49:2 [K] ; pa/Sad vlitv_\ftn<ov, j 2 S. 12:26 [A], 17:27 [B]. In Dt. 3:11 LXX translates ev rfj aupa riav viiav Anfiiav [en te akra ton nioon Ammoon] and in Ezek. 25:5, TTJC iroAii TOV A/ufiioi [ton polin ton Ammon]. In Josh. 13L25, B reads ApaS [arad]. The Vulgate has Rabbet or Rebbath according to the Hebrew construction, except in Jer. 49:3, Ezek. 25:5 where we have Rabbath for rial. In Polyb. Hist. v. 7:4, it appears as paS/Sara^cn-a [rabbatamana]).

2. History.[edit]

Rabbah is mentioned in Dt. 3:11 as the location of Og's bed or sarcophagus (see BED, 3); also in Josh. 13:25, in connection with the borders of Gad. In 2 S. 11-14, 1 Ch. 20 we have an account of the siege and capture of Rabbah by Joab and David. In the oracles against Ammon by Amos, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, Rabbah represents Ammon, as being its one important city. Jer. 49:4 refers to the treasures and the well-watered valleys of Rabbah, and Ezek. 25:5, Amos 1:14 to its palaces. These oracles announce the ruin of Rabbah as part of the punishment of Ammon. In Ezek. 21:20 Nebuchadrezzar hesitates whether to march against Jerusalem or Rabbah, but decides for Jerusalem by casting lots. Thus Rabbah was the capital of Ammon during the whole period of the history of the Ammonites, and shared their fortunes throughout (see AMMON). It has been suggested that Rabbah may be the Ham (see HAM, 2) of Gen. 14:5.

Rabbah continued an important city in post-exilic times. It is not mentioned in OT in connection with the Jewish history of the period ; but the Ammonites are referred to in Nehemiah, 1 Maccabees, and Judith, and doubtless Rabbath remained their capital. Ptolemy Philadelphus, 285-247 B.C., gave it the name of Philadelphia, and probably by erecting buildings and introducing settlers gave it the character of a Greek city ; it became one of the most important cities of the Decapolis, Eus. Onom. Pa/xa5 [ramad] and Afj.fj.av ['arran].

In 218 B.C. it was taken from Ptolemy Philopator by Antiochus Epiphanes, Polyb. 5:17. In the time of Hyrcanus (135-107 B.C.) we read of a Zeno Cotyles, tyrant of Philadelphia, Jos. Ant. 13:8:1, 13:15:3. According to a conjecture of Clermont-Ganneau, Rabbath should be read for Nadabath in 1 Macc. 9:37 ; see NADABATH. In 63 B.C. it was held by the Arabs (Jos. BJ 1:6:3), who were defeated there by Herod, 30 B.C. (1:19:5 and 1:19:6 ). The extensive Roman remains show that it participated in the prospeiity of Eastern Palestine in the second and third centuries A.D. Later, it was the seat of a Christian bishopric. The city is said by Abulfeda (Ritter, Syr. 1158) to have been in ruins when the Moslems conquered Syria.

1 In Dan. also | J3D 31, 248 (see DEPUTY), and N T "Eain 31> 4:6, 5:11 (see MAGIC, 20).

2 Compounds of ]7 and *\iy are alike rendered in LXX by ap\t- [archi-].

3. Site.[edit]

Rabbah (the mod. Amman} was situated on one of the head-waters of the Jabbok, about 22 mi. E. of the Jordan. 2 S. 12:26-28 apparently distinguished between the 'royal city' or the 'city of waters', and 'the city'. The 'waters' referred to in the second of these names may be the Nahr Amman, a stream rich in fish, which takes its rise at the site of Rabbah (so Buhl, Pal. 260 [ 132]). In that case the first two names belonged to a lower quarter of the town in the valley (cp 4). The 'city' may be a designation of the citadel, which was situated on a hill N. of the valley. One would naturally like to find some Ammon- itish ruins. There are old rock-hewn tombs, and the remains of the outer walls of the citadel seem very ancient, being formed of great blocks of stone without any cement. What is left of the city walls may belong to the time of the Ptolemies. Conder even thinks that the remains of a reservoir and aqueduct may belong to the subterranean passage which enabled Antiochus to capture the citadel. If so, they may carry us back to Ammonite times, and show how the ancient citadel was supplied with water. The great bulk of the ruins - baths, colonnades, temples, theatres, and tombs - are Roman. There is a small building, which Conder regards as Sasanian or early Arab; and ruins of a Christian cathedral (sth or 6th cent. ?) and two chapels. Rude stone monuments (dolmens, etc. ) have also been found.

4. Literature.[edit]

Conder, Heth and Moab, 157-167, Palestine, 175-7, and in PEF Survey of Eastern Palestine, 1 19-64 (a very full and exact account of a thorough survey of Amman, with many fine illustrations) ; PEFQ, 1882, pp. 99-116 ; G. A. Smith, HG, 595-608; L. Gautier, Au delii du J onrdainft] , 93 ff. (1896). [Cheyne (Exp.T, Nov. 1897 ; Feb. 1899) discusses the titles of Rabbah in 2 S. 12 26^, and emends both naiSon TV and Q On into C3^D TV ; Wellhausen, however, emends rt31?Drt into D Ort- See TAHTIM-HODSHI, 2, and cp Crit. Bit.}

W. H. B.


(Hinn, as if the Rabbah ; cooOHBA [B], ApeBBA. I/^L,], Arebba], mentioned with Kirjath-jearim in Josh. 15:60. Read most probably 'Kirjath-Jerahmeel the great' (Che. ). See SOLOMON, 3.


(pABBei [Ti. WH], many MSS pA BBl ; Heb. S 3"1), a title of honour and respect given by the Jews to their learned doctors, more especially to their ordained teachers and spiritual heads (cpHAN*us [LAYING ON OF]). >3T (lit. 'my great one', - with the suff. as in Heb. JIN, Syr. -i^O ; cp Fr. monsieur, etc.) is from ]7 (see RAB) which at a later period among the Jews was frequently used in the narrower sense not only of a master as opposed to a servant, but of a teacher as opposed to a pupil (cp Aboth, 16 and Ber. 636 where ]7 and ToSn are used of Yahwe and Moses respectively) ; see DISCIPLE, 1. Rab (an older pronunciation is Rib) was especially used as the title of the Babylonian teachers, and designates par excellence Abba Areka, a noted exegete of the beginning of the third century A. D. Rabbi, on the other hand, was the title given to Palestinian teachers, 1 and, used alone, applies to Jehudah Hannasi, the chief editor of the Mishna.

In the NT, Rabbi occurs only in Mt. , Mk., and Jn. It is once applied by his followers to John the Baptist (Jn. 3:26), but everywhere else is used in addressing Jesus (Mt. 2:6, 2:25, 2:49, Mk. 9:5, 11:21, 14:45, Jn. 1:38, 3:2, 4:31, 6:25, 9:2, 11:8). 2 Lk. and Mk. both favour the use of 8i8a.<TKa.\e [didaskale] (see DISCIPLE, TEACHER), which in Jn. 1:38 is the Gr. translation of pa/3/3ei [rabbei], but ew-to-rdra [epistata] occurs only in Lk. (e.g. , 5:5, 8:45, etc.). Almost synonymous with pa3j3ei [rabbei] are the terms Trarr/p [pater] and KaOrjyrjT^ [kathegetes] (Mt. 23:9-10) which are probably equivalent to the Aramaic N3N and (so Wtinsche) rn io. 3

From its use in the NT it is evident that Rabbi had not yet come to be employed as a title, but was merely a form of address (cp Dalman, Der Gottesname Adonaj, 21), whence Mt. 23:7-8 appears to be an anachronism (cp Gratz, Gesch. 4:500). Ewald's argument (Gesch. Is. 525 n. 2), from the words of Abtalion in the Pirke Aboth, 1:16 (nuayriK tub), that ]7 and ja7 must have been in use for a long time, rests on an erroneous interpretation of rn:2T (lit. 'lordship' ; cp Strack 'herrschaft' ).

A fuller form is Rabboni (Mk. 10:51, Jn. 20:16, pafi/3ovi>(i [rabbounei] [B], papfiovl [rabboni] [minusc. ], paftpuvei [A in Mk. and D in Jn.]), cp the Aram, ribbon (pan) another form of rabban (jai), but with the retention of the a sound in the first syllable. 1 !'an in Aram, is used by a slave of his master, or a worshipper of his God, and is, like Rabbi, explained as meaning 8i8dffKa\e [didaskale] (Jn. l.c.). According to Aruch (s. "ax), a jan was more honourable than a an, and a an than a an, but greatest of all was one whose name alone was mentioned (icjy pin ^vu). The title jan was first held by Gamaliel I. (see GAMALIEL).

For the Jewish use of these various titles, see EB( 9 \ s.v. Rab, Rabbi, and for NT usage, "Dalman, Die H ortejesu, 272^!

S. A. C.

1 The Targ. on 2 K. 2:12 makes Elisha call Elijah Rabbi ; cp Targ. on Ps. 55:14.

2 The AV frequently has MASTER ; cp Mt. 26:25, 26:49, Mk. l.c., Jn. 4:31, 9:2, 11:8. The Pesh. renders by ) and in Jn. 1:38, 3:26, 4:31, 6:25, 9:2, 11:8 by +^9.

3 Against this see Dalman, Die Worte Jesu, 276, 278-279. N^N as a term of address seems to be unknown to the Targumists. It is rather a title of respect. (caftrjyijTr [kathegetes])*, according to this scholar is a Gr. variant to fiifiacrieaAos [didaskalos] - v. 10 being another recension of v. 8.


(rvann ; AABeipcoN [B], pABBooe [AL]), a city in Issachar, properly ha-Rabbith, Josh. 19:20.+ Identified with Raba, N. of Ibzik (Buhl, 204). C. Niebuhr (Gesch. 1:367 ; cp LXX{B} ) reads rna-n, DABERATH [q. v.] ; cp Josh. 21:28. But perhaps the true reading is ni2fn. and P's original authority related to the Negeb (cp SHUNEM). T. K. c.


See RABBI, end.


P0~in ; rab-mag), a title applied to NERGAL-SHAREZER [q.v.] (Jer. 39:3 ; p^BAMAG [B], i Na.mp ~AK L^J "&F L cj P& M&T L^ J B<\M&T [N c - a? ] ; v. 13 ppBOMOf [Theod. in Q" i? ] om. LXX) ; see RAB.

1. Name.[edit]

Older critics explain chief Magian ; but the Magians (MAfOl) are a Median tribe according to Herodotus (1:101), and have no place in Babylonia. Rab-mugi is said to be the title of a physician referred to in an Assyrian letter (tablet K 519) respecting a sick man (Pinches in RP (2) 2:182 ; cp Wi. OLZ, Feb. 1898, col. 40). Schrader (KAT (2) 417-418) and Hommel (Hastings, DD 1:229a), however, derive mag from emku, emgu, 'wise', and Frd. Delitzsch (Heb. Lang. 13-14) from mahhu 'prophet', 'soothsayer' (= eshshepu, ^N). From a text-critical point of view these suggestions have no probability. There is strong reason to believe that iDan is corrupt. See NERGAL-SHAREZER.

T. K. C.

2 Assyrian equivalent.[edit]

The Assyrian term referred to is generally rab mugi, also rab mugu. There is nothing in K. 519 to connect this officer even remotely with a physician : see Harper's Ass.-Bab. Letters, 97, for text, and Chr. Johnston's Epistolary Literature of the Assyrians and Babylonians, 163, for transliteration and translation. The writer, Ardi-Nana, is the Court Physician (as Johnston shows). The rab mugi only reports, or brings the report of, the sick man's condition. He is likely to have been an express messenger. There was a rab mugi of the bithalli and another rab mugi of the narkabati (on Rm. 619, no. 1036, see Johns Assyrian Deeds and Documents, 2, no. 1036). Hence the Rab-mag may have had to do primarily with chariots and horses, and been the master of the horse in the Assyrian Court.

T. K. C. , I ; C. H. W. J. , 2.

1 Pressel in PRF. s.v. 'Rabbinismus', explains the a to be a Galilean provincialism; cp Kautzsch, Grant. Bibl. Aram. 10. The change of a and i is similar to that in Syr. pesha and Tra<T\a [pascha].


(Ecclus. 48:18), RV RABSHAKEH.


(Dnp JI), the title (so RV mg, and see RAB) of

  • (a) an officer sent by the king of Assyria to Hezekiah (aKISi?; pAcpeic [B], pABcApeic [A], pA4>eic [L] ; rabsaris], and *(b) an officer present at the capture of Jerusalem (Jer. 39:3, NABoyCApeiC [B], -CAPIC [N Q]. -ceeic [N*] and pABcApic [Q mg - it. and Theod. in v. 13 where BNA om. ; rabsares).

In both passages, however, we should possibly read either aij; IIS N, 'Arabia of Asshur' (cp TARSHISH) or D zny IB>, 'the prince of the Arabians' (see NERGAL-SHAREZER) ; indeed in the case of Jer. (l.c. ) the probability is very strong. As to 2 K. (l.c. ) a doubt is permissible (cp SENNACHERIB, 5), and we therefore offer the views of Rab-saris which are possible on the assumption that an Assyrian invasion was really referred to in the original narrative. The title has often been interpreted 'chief eunuch', and Schrader (KAT (^) 319) thinks that it may be the translation of a corresponding Assyrian phrase (so Uillm. -Kittel, Jesaia, 312). This, at any rate, is not very probable.

Winckler conjectured (Unters. 138) that it was a reproduction of an artificial Ass. phrase rab-sha-ris - a learned scribe's interpretation of rab-sag- (RAB-SHAKEH), which is half Sumerian ; while, according to Pinches (letter in Acad., June 25, 1892), rab-sha-reshi, 'chief of the heads' was the title of the special officer who had charge of the royal princes (cp Dan. 1:3). Finally, Del. (Ass. HWB 694a) registers sha-rish as the title of a court-official of uncertain meaning. We may plausibly hold that the second element in rab-saris is both Hebrew and Assyrian, but primarily Assyrian (see EUNUCH), and that rab-saris (= Heb. rab-sharish) means chief captain. If so, it hardly differs from RAB* SHAKEH (q.v.).

How vo"iD 31 in Dan. 1:3 (cp v. 7) is to be understood, is not quite clear. The context suggests that the writer misunderstood the phrase which he found already corrupted in 2 K. 18:17 ; for eunuchs, having the charge of royal harems, were frequently employed in superintend ing the education of princes. See EUNUCH. Even if the story of Daniel has been recast, this explanation may, at any rate, serve provisionally. T. K. c.


(HiX -IT!; P Ay AK Hc[BXAQrOCL]; ra&saces), the title (so RVmg ; see RAB) of the officer sent by the Assyrian king to Hezekiah (2 K. 18:17-19 ; Is. 36-37, and in the Heb. original of Ecclus. 48:18, AV RABSACES ; pABcAKNC, Is. 36:2 [B] 34:4, 36:12, 36:22, 37:4 [BQmg], 36:13 [Q mg], 37:8 [B Qmg 1 *-]). In its Heb. form it has been taken to mean 'chief cup-bearer' ; but a cup-bearer would not have been intrusted with important political business. The word is the exact reproduction of the Assyr. rab-shake 'chief of the high ones' (i.e. , officers) - for so the Rab SAG or Rab SAG {pl} - of the inscriptions should be read (Del. Ass. HWB, 685a). This was the title of a military officer, inferior to the Tartan, but of very high rank. A rab-sake was despatched to Tyre by Tiglath-pileser III. to arrange about tribute (KB 223, cp Del. l.c. ). Just so the Rab-shakeh goes (with the Tartan, according to 2 K. ) to Jerusalem. He is acquainted both with Hebrew ( 'the Jews' language', 2 K. 18:26) and with Aramaic ; such a leading diplomatist needed no dragoman. Since the time of Tiglath-pileser III. there was a large Aramrean population in Assyria. Cp Schr. KAT 320 ; ARAMAIC, 2. If, however, the original narrative referred to a N. Arabian rather than an Assyrian incursion, the name underlying Rab-shakeh may very possibly be Arab-kus, 'Arabia of Cush'. Cp RAB-SARIS. T. K. c.


( P AXA [Ti.], PAKA [Treg. WH] ; probably an abbreviated form of the Rabb. xp T ; cp Kau. Gram. Bibl. Aram. 10 ; Dalm. Aram. Gram. 138, n. 2 ; for interchange of K and % cp Dalm. ib. 304, n. 2, and see ACELDAMA, i),a term of abuse in the time of Christ, Mt. 5:22-23. Whether it conveys a more or a less offensive meaning than (j.upt [moore] (EV, 'Thou fool' ) is disputed; indeed, the whole passage, as it stands, is obscure. According to Holtzmann, there is a double climax in the clauses introduced by 'But I say to you' ; (1) from wrath in the heart to its expression in a word, and (2) from the denial of the intellectual capacity of a brother to that of his moral and religious character, while the punishments referred to range from that awarded by a mere local court ( 'Beth-din' ) to that by the Sanhedrin, and finally to that of the fiery Gehenna. Holmnann, however, understates the offensiveness of Raca and exaggerates that of pupt [moore]. Raca (cp Jn. 9:4 ) involves moral more than intellectual depreciation, and /xwpoy [mooros] nowhere in the NT bears the sense of 'impious' (the OT Saj [NBL] ; see FOOL). Nor is it at all probable that Jesus would have recognised the provisional institution of the Sanhedrin side by side with the Messianic punishment of Gehenna, and assigned the punishment of one abusive expression to the former, and of another to the latter. The text must have suffered a slight disarrange ment ; the clause about Raca should be parallel to the clause about murder. Read probably thus, 'Ye have heard that it was said to the ancients, Thou shall not murder, and whosoever murders is liable to the judgment, and whosoever says "Raca" to his brother, is liable to the Sanhedrin. But I say nnto you, Every one who is angry with his brother is liable to the (divine) judgment, and whoever says, Thou fool, is liable to the fiery Gehenna'. The Law as expounded by the Rabbis treated libellous expressions J as next door to murder. But such gross offences as murder and calling another 'Raca' could never occur if on the one hand anger were nipped in the bud, and on the other even such seemingly harmless expressions as 'thou simpleton' (/txwp^ [moore]) were scrupulously avoided. So first J. P. Peters (JBL 10:131-132 [1891]; 15:103 [1896]), except that he prefers to repeat 'It was said', etc., and 'But I say', avoiding rearrangement. See FOOL. T. K. c.

1 On the importance attached to words like Raca, cp Koran, 17:24, 'And say not to them, Fie', and Ghazali's description of the weighing of a man's actions ; 'But the angel bringeth yet a leaf which he casteth into the scale of the evil actions. On this leaf is written the word " Fie ! " Then the evil actions outweigh the good. . . . The order is given to cast this man into hell'. (La per le precieuse de Ghazali [Gautier], 1878, p. 80.)

2 Gruneisen {Ahnencultus, 257) proposes to read Aharhel for the Judahite name AHARHEL, comparing LXX{BAL} a6eA</>ou P)\a0 [adelphou rechab] (also the Benjamite AHRAH, mnx, LXX ia^a)A [iaphael]). [According to Cheyne Rachel may be a fragment of SxDnT, Jerahmeel ; see JACOB, 3, SHAPHAN, and for a similiarly doubtful name, see LEAH.]