Encyclopaedia Biblica/Racal-Resurrection

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See generally HELLENISM, 5 (with references), WRESTLING.

'Race' is an apt rendering of (rrdSiov [stadion] in 1 Cor. 9:24 (RVmg 'race-course' ) and of aywv [agoon] (lit. contest) in Heb. 12:1. In Ps. 19:5 RV preferably renders 'orah (mf;) by 'course'. In Eccles. 9:11, n eros (j"nc) is properly an abstract = 'running' (EV's rendering of n^nD> 2 S. 18:27).


(Mtl 5 ), RV RAHAB.


RV, RACAL. For 'in Rachal' (V:n2) in 1 S. 30:29 we ought, probably, following LXX{BL} (EN KApMHAco, but eisi pAXHA [A]), to read 'in Carmel' (7D132); so all critics - 'A necessary emendation' (Bu. , SBOT). See CARMEL, 2.


(?rn, 'ewe', see WRS Kin. 219, 2 pA\HA [BXADEQL]), the 'mother' of the tribes of Israel settled in the highlands of West Palestine, between the Canaanite strips of territory at Esdraelon and Aijalon. Rachel died when Benjamin or Benoni was born (Gen. 35:16+).

1a. No mere name.[edit]

Was there, we may ask, at some remote period, a distinct clan with the ewe 'Rahel' as its totem, and the massebah of Rachel's grave (see RACHEL'S SEPULCHRE) as its chief sacred spot ? The members of such a clan would be b'ne Rahel. They all lived in Ephraim ; but in time some came to be banded together, as Jeminites (BENJAMIN, i). Then, perhaps, the others began to drop the name b'ne Rahel in favour of something else (cp JOSEPH i. , 2 ; EPHRAIM, 5 ii. ; MANASSEH, 2). Rachel, certainly, as far as we can see, was no mere name, as in historical times was Leah. In Jer. 31:15 (cp Mt. 2:18) we hear of Rachel weeping for her children (although there is no explicit indication who these are understood to be) ; and at a later date, in the story of Ruth, Rachel and Leah are the builders of the 'house of Israel' (Ruth 4:11). According to the legend as we know it (both J and E) Rachel was the beloved wife, a feature that it is natural to connect with the acknowledged superior splendour and power of northern Israel. There is a remarkable passage in J, however, where Jacob seems to speak as if he had had only two sons (Gen. 42:38). The question therefore arises whether there may not have been an older form of the story where Rachel was the only wife, just as Rachel's double, 'Rebecca', was the only wife of Isaac. This question Steuernagel answers in the affirmative (Einwanderung, 39). He also makes the interesting suggestion that there may be a monument of the importance of Rachel in the name Israel. As the men of the Gad tribe were called Ish Gad (see GAD, i), so, Steurnagel suggests, the men of the Rachel (or Jacob, or Joseph) tribe were perhaps called Is-Ra-el (on s see SHIBBOLETH, and on the change of h to ' in words containing a liquid, see REUBEN, col. 4092, n. 9.

1b. Relation to other wives.[edit]

We must now consider Rachel's relation to Bilhah. Rebecca has no such attendant (DEBORAH q.v. , 2), is not represented as a concubine of Isaac). Sarah however has Hagar; and in Sarah's as in Rachel's case, the son of the wife is not born till after the son of the concubine. This is obscure (cp MANASSEH, 3). In Rachel's case the most natural conjecture would be that 'Joseph' was not born till after the sons of Bilhah were settled in Canaan. So Guthe (GVI 41). Steuernagel thinks that Rachel (or rather Jacob-Rahel) entered Palestine from the E. just in the rear of Bilhah (Einwanderung, 98 ; cp Guthe, GVl 42), and that it was because the Bilhah tribes (Dan and Naphtali) came to be treated as 'brothers' of Joseph that their 'mother' Bilhah came to be called a concubine of Jacob. Why only Rachel was a full wife is often explained by the importance of the Rachel tribes in historical times. There may, however, have been religious grounds (so, for example, Steuernagel, Einwanderung, 45). Of what race her maid came we are not told (on the statements in later writings, see ZILPAH, i); but Rachel herself was a daughter of Laban, which appears to point to a belief in the presence of Aramaean elements in N. Israel (differently, LABAN, REBEKAH). If Rachel was the chosen wife of Jacob, she was not the only one. The surreptitious introduction of Leah seems an important feature of the story. Quite as difficult of clan-historical interpretation is the representation of Rachel as Leah's sister. 1 Are we to infer that there were once actually two tribes, a Ewe tribe and a Wild-cow tribe, living in association? If so, where and when? Or is it that when the northern Ephraim tribes came to be associated with the southern tribes they came all to be regarded as brothers, and therefore as having a common father though different mothers? The theory is attractive. It explains, however, why Rachel and Leah are fellow-wives, hardly why they are sisters. 2

1 In Test. 12 Patr., Naph. i, etc., Bilhah and Zilpah also are sisters. See ZILPAH, i.

2 Perhaps they were sisters simply because of the frequency of such a marriage of sisters in the society in which the story was told (see MARRIAGE, 2, (i)). [For a different view, see REBEKAH.)

1c. Other points.[edit]

The points that remain are the stealing of the teraphim, the initial barrenness, and the story of the duda'im. The stealing of the teraphim by a woman, as a feature in this quaint story tells us something of the light in which the teraphim came to be viewed (Gunkel compares the case of Michal, cp HPSm. Sam. p. 34). It is through the initial barrenness that Dan and Naphtali come to be older than Joseph (see NAPHTALI, 2). The real origin of the story of the duda'im is not clear (see ISSACHAR, 2, REUBEN, 3, NAPHTALI, 2). E does not mention them ; but in the original J they no doubt cured Rachel s barrenness. This is now obscured, as the birth of Zebulun precedes that of Joseph. According to the dates assigned to the births in the present text of Jubilees, 28:23-24, however, Joseph comes immediately after Issachar, before Zebulun, although it is Joseph and Zebulun, not (as it ought to be) Joseph and Issachar that are born in the same year. On the general question of the order in which the tribes are enumerated, see TRIBES. H. W. H.

2. Rachel's death.[edit]

The death of Rachel is related in Gen. 35:16-20 (JE) ; the narrative throws much light on the earlier phase of the tribal traditions, but needs perhaps to be studied in connection with a comprehensive textual criticism.

As pointed out in JACOB, 3, the phraseology of Gen. 29:1 suggests that, according to a very early form of the tradition, the home of Laban was among the Jerahmeelites of the S. Evidence which was not in the writer s hands when that article was written, or at least was not fully appreciated by him, is now before him in abundance, showing that this was indeed the case - i.e., that Laban was indeed originally regarded as an Aramaean or Jerahmeelite (Q-IN = ^KCnT) of the S. Laban's Haran was, however, not Hebron but a district of the Negeb which also supplied to Sanballat (?) the designation <j-)n (MT Horoni), 'Haranite' (see SANBALLAT). It was there that Rachel and Leah - a distinction without a difference, if jm and rm^ are both corrupt fragments of Jerahmeel - dwelt, according to the early tradition and the 'Bethel', where the divinity appeared to Jacob was, if not, strictly speaking, 'in the land of the b'ne Jerahme'el' (29:1), at any rate, at no very great distance from it, for, like Haran, it was in the Negeb. In the Negeb, too, was the Gilead of the famous story of the compact between Jacob and Laban, and of not a few other much misunderstood O T passages, and in the Negeb was 'Shechem' - i.e., Cusham (see SHECHEM, 2). It therefore became superfluous to emend the 'Ephrath' of Gen. 35:16, 35:19 into 'Beeroth', a change which on a more conservative view of the tribal traditions (see EPHRATH, i ; JOSEPH i., 3) was helpful, and indeed necessary. The 'Ephrath' of the story of Rachel's death is the Ephrath of the Negeb (in Gen. 2:14, Jer. 13:4+. it appears to be called Perath ; cp PARADISE, 5; SHIHOR); its other name, according to the gloss in v. 19, was cn^ rVSj a popular distortion of "?ncrw n 3> 'Beth-jerahmeel'. See RACHEL'S SEPULCHRE. Thus 'Rachel' (the vocalisation is of course relatively late, and not authoritative for the early tradition) - i.e., Jerahmeel - was fitly enough buried at one of the leading centres of the Jerahmeelite race in the Negeb. Before her death she gave birth to a son variously called Ben-oni and Ben-jamin. 'On' is one of the place-names of the Negeb (see ON, i) and 'Jamin' is, in its origin, a popular corruption of an abbreviated form of 'Jerahmeel'. (There is in fact, enough to warrant the surmise that Benjamin's original home was in the Negeb). The early tradition also made a statement respecting the distance between the place where Rachel died and Ephrath or Beth-jerahmeel.

There was but kibrath ha-ares (["ixnrraj) to come to Ephrath when Rachel travailed. None of the explanations of kibrath in Ges. Thes., or elsewhere is satisfactory, 1 and in the Psalter px and rn have a tendency to get confounded. Probably we should read kim'at ha-orah, rnxn cyps, 'a trifle (left) of the way'. See RACHEL'S SEPULCHRE.

H. W. H. , 1 a-c ; T. K. c. , 2.

1 IVOD is conventionally regarded as a measure (LXX imroSpofios [hippodromos]; Pesh. a parasang). Of course, the Ass. kibrati, 'a quarter of the world', can hardly, by any ingenuity, be made illustrative. It is clear that the text is corrupt. So also in 2 K. 5:19 pj ni33 (no article before JHK) is shown by the context to be corrupt (see NAAMAN).


The biblical references are

  • (a) Gen. 35:19b (JE),
  • (b) 48:7 (R).
  • (c) 1 S. 10:2-3.
  • (d} Jer. 31:15,
  • (e) Mt. 2:16-18.

It is generally supposed (see Buhl, Pal. 159, and Dillm. on Gen. 30:19) that either (1) there was a double tradition with reference to the site of Rachel's grave, one (a, b, e} placing it near Bethlehem in Judah, another (c, d) in the border of Benjamin towards Ramah (so Nold. . Del. <*>, Dillm. ) ; or (ii. ) the gloss 'that is Bethlehem' in (a) and (v), which (e) appears to follow, is based upon a geographical confusion and is to be disregarded (so Holzinger, Gunkel, and Ox/. Hex. ). The weak point in i. is thought to be that Rachel has nothing to do with the S. kingdom, and the weak point in ii. certainly is that a N. Ephrath is undiscoverable. Before proceeding further we must criticise the text (see Crit. Bib. ).

(a) and (b) cnSvi 3 | s a popular corruption of ^NCnV JV3- 'Ephrath' and 'Beth-jerahmeel' are both place-names of the Negeb. We have no reason to doubt that the gloss in Gen. 35:19b and 48:7b is correct, and that Beth-jerahmeel either had Ephrath as its second name, or was in the district called Ephrath. We must remember that Ephrath was traditionally the wife of Caleb (2 Ch. 2:19 ).

(c) The geographical description has suffered serious corruption. The text should run, 'When thou departest from me to-day, thou shall find two men by Beth-jerahmeel in Shalishah'. See SHALISHA, ZELZAH.

(d) Jer. 31 being most probably of late origin, we could not be surprised if it contained a statement based on a misunderstanding of the Rachel tradition. It is quite possible, however, that the Ramah spoken of is the same that is meant in the underlying original of Jer. 40:1+, which probably referred to a Ramah ( = Jerahmeel) in the Negeb, which was the starting-point of the captives who went to a N. Arabian exile. If so, the writer may also conceivably have known of Rachel as having died and been buried in the Negeb. Taking, as was supposed, a profound interest in the fortunes of her descendants, Rachel had never ceased to grieve over the tribe of Joseph, which had gone into exile with other N. Israelites in N. Arabia (see Crit. Bib. on 2 K. 17:61 ). When, however, the Jerahmeelite setting of the early Israelite legends, and the N. Arabian exile of the two sections of the Israelite race, had passed into oblivion (partly through corruption of the texts), it was natural that the sepulchre of Rachel should be transferred to the N., in spite of the fact that no Ephrath was in existence to impart to this transference a superficial plausibility.

According to JE, the site of Rachel s tomb was marked by a sacred pillar (see MASSEBAH), which existed in the writer s time (Gen. 35:20). The tomb known in our own day as Rachel s has plainly been restored, though the tradition has attached to the same spot throughout the Christian period. It is a short distance from Bethlehem, on the road to Jerusalem. According to Clermont- Ganneau, 2 it may perhaps be the tomb (cenotaph) of the Jewish king Archelaus (cp HEROD, 8) referred to by Jerome (OS 101:12). T. K. c.


( Tl), son of Jesse, and brother of DAVID [q.v. 1a, n.] (1 Ch. 2:14 t; ZA.AAAI [B], Z A.BA. [B ab ], p&AA&l [A], peA&l [L])- Ewald identifies with him the corrupt jn (Rei) of 1 K. 1:8, see SHIMEI 2. The name is more probably a corruption of nai (see Marq. Fund. 25 cp LXX{B ab} ) ; see ZABDI.


(n n;n), 1 K. 4:23 [5:9 ]. See SHIP, i.


i. See RAGES.

2. (payav [ragan] [Ti.WH]), Lk. 3:35, RV REU. See GENEALOGIES, ii. 3.


(PAP-AC, TOON, TOIC [TH TH BA 6:10 is uncertain ; in Tob. 4:20 N Appoic]. rages [Vg. ], raga [Syr.]), an important city in NE. Media, situated in the province of Rhagiana, near the celebrated Caspian Gates, and hence a place of great strategical importance. It is frequently mentioned in the above form in the Book of Tobit (1:14, 4:1, 4:20, 5:5, 6:13 9:2). In Judith (15:15) the name appears as Ragau (payav, ragau [Vg. ], 'plain of Dura', 3 and regu [Syr.]), which is apparently identical with REU [q.v.]

This city, which is frequently mentioned by classical writers, occurs as Rhaga in the Avesta (Vend. ch. 1), and also in the Behistun Inscription of Darius Hystaspis 2:13). After suffering various changes, it fell into decay ; but the name may perhaps survive in the huge ruins of Rhey, situated some 5 mi. SE. of Teheran. See Rawlinson, Monarchies, 2:272-273; Curzon, Persia, 1:345-352; Smith's Dict, of Gr. and Rom. Geog. , s.v.

1 It is there shown that there has been a confusion between two captivities of N. Israel, an Assyrian and a N. Arabian.

2 Recueil d archeol. orientate, 2:134+.

3 Cp jnn nyp3 Dan. 3:1, and see DURA. Duru was not an uncommon Babylonian name.



  • (2) a man of the tribe of Naphtali (Tob. 6:12 ; cp 1:1, 7:4), related to Tobias ; husband of Edna, whose only daughter Sara became the wife of Tobias RAfOYHA. 3:7, 3:17; -HAoc)-

In Enoch 20:4 Raguel is the name of one of the archangels. Perhaps this was suggested by Tob. 3:17, where the name Raguel occurs in connection with Raphael (both names may have a similar origin ; see REUEL, RAPHAEL). That the name has any reference to this angel's role as a chastiser (Charles on Enoch 20:4) is hardly probable. T. K. C.


(2rn), a synonymous term for the DRAGON (q.v. ) in post-exilic writings, sometimes also applied to Egypt (or, as may plausibly be held, to Misrim, the N. Arabian foe of Israel; see MIZRAIM, 2b), Job 9:13 (K-rfrri TO. VTT ovpav6i>), 26:12 (r6 K^TOS), Ps. 89:10 [89:11] (vTrfprjipavov [hyperephanon]), Is. 51:9 (LXX om. ), 30:7 (dirt fj-arala -f] Trapa.K\r)cri.s vfj.Cov airrr;), Ps. 87:4 + (paa/H [raab]). 1

1. References.[edit]

From Job 9:13, 26:12 we perhaps learn that Rahab was another name for Tiamat, the dragon of darkness and chaos 'God' says Job in his despondency, 'will not turn back his fury; [even] the helpers of Rahab bowed beneath him'. On the helpers of Tiamat, see DRAGON, 5. Later, Job again refers to the fate of Rahab (or is it Bildad, following out Job's suggestions in his unoriginal, way?).

By his power he threatened ("U s) the sea,
And by his skill he shattered Rahab.

Here sea and Rahab are coupled, as sea and Leviathan, probably, in Job 38 (see LEVIATHAN), and in v. 13 the dragon is referred to. In Ps. 89:9-10 [89:10-11] the same parallelism is observable, and since v. n proves that the psalmist has the creation in his mind, the view that Rahab is a synonym for Leviathan or the dragon again becomes plausible. The passage runs, -

Thou (alone) didst crush Rahab as a dishonoured corpse ;
With thy strong arm thou didst break down thine enemies.

The invocation to the arm of Yahwe in Is. 51:9 also refers to Rahab. Here, however, though the allusion to the Dragon-myth is obvious, there is also a special reference to nnaa (see DRAGON), or perhaps to the people called Misrim in N. Arabia. How this was possible we seem to learn from Is. 30:7 (on the text see SBOT, ad loc. ). It has been held (cp Duhm, ad loc. ) that the latter half of the verse is a later addition. Living in an age when the mythological interest had revived, a reader was struck by the resemblance between the characteristics of the dragon of chaos and those of D iso- Both were pre-eminent in strength ; both in the olden time had rebelled against Yahwe ; for D lsc. therefore, as well as for the dragon, the fate of abject humiliation (cp Is. 19) was reserved. In Ps. 87:4 Rahab, according to the exegetical tradition, is simply a synonym for Egypt (as the Targum already explains it), though even here this is not beyond critical questioning.

2. Meaning.[edit]

Rahab in Hebrew would mean 'raging', 'insolence'. This would be not unsuitable as a title of the chaos-dragon, a reference to which is plainly intended in all the above passages except the last. It would not be strange, however, if Rahab were a Hebraised form of some Babylonian mythic name. In the third of the creation-stories mentioned elsewhere (see CREATION) - that which begins 'cities sighed, men [groaned]' - the dragon is repeatedly called by a name which Zimmern and Gunkel would like to read rebbu (for *ruhbu), and to consider the Ass. equivalent of Rahab. The name, if it means 'violence', would be specially appropriate in the story of the tyranny exercised by Tiamat. Unfortunately the reading is uncertain. The polyphonous character of the Assyrian script allows us equally to read kalbu, 'dog', and labbu, 'lion' (Gunkel, Schopf. 29:418). For another theory of the origin and precise significance of the title Rahab we may be allowed to refer to Crit. Bib.

T. K. C.

1 In Job 9:13, 26:12, Is. 51:9 , Symm. has aAa^oi/euj [alozoneia], aAa<Jbi>eia > [alozoneian], in Is. 51:9, 30:7 Aq. op/UTj^a [armema], Theod. irAaros [platos], in Is. 30, Symm. has Topa^oi [tarachai] or -XT; [-che], in Ps. 87:4 Aq. has op/urjfxaTOt [ormematos], Symm. vircprfyaviav [hyperephanian].


(Urn; PAA B), Josh. 2:1, 2:3, 6:17, 6:23, 6:25. The story of Rahab must not be taken literally. She is clearly the eponym of a tribe, and the circumstances of the tribe are reflected in her fortunes. The statements in Josh. 6:23, 6:25 apply to no tribe known to us so well as to the Kenites, who were admitted among the Israelites on relatively unfavourable terms - as sojourners ; hence the term zonah. The name ]n7 is best accounted for as the equivalent of -^n, 'Heber', the second name of the tribe of the Kenites. l See JERICHO, 4 ; RECHABITES.

In Heb. 11:31 Rahab is praised as an example of faith. This is suggested by the edifying speech of Rahab in Josh. 2:9-11, of which, however, only v. 9a is recognised by critical analysis as belonging to the earlier narrative (see Oxf. Hex. 2391). It is no doubt startling that Rahab should be a worshipper of Yahwe - if Rahab is to be viewed as a Canaanite. If, however, Rahab is a symbolic term for the Kenites, all becomes plain, for the Kenites were worshippers of Yahwe (cp KENITES). The attempts of (later) Jewish and Christian interpreters to explain away the term zonah, 'harlot', as 'hostess, innkeeper', also now prove to be doubly unnecessary {see above). On Rahab s good works (James 2;25), cp the Jewish view in Weber, Jud. Theol. 332. The mention of her in the genealogy of Jesus (Mt. 1:5) rests on the assumption that she became the wife of SALMON [q.v.]. No less a man than Jeremiah is stated in Megillah 14b to have been a descendant of Rahab on his mother's side. This passed for an edifying belief.

T. K. C.


(DIT1), son of SHEMA b. HEBRON, b. MARKSHAH, and father of JORKEAM (qq.v. ); 1 Ch. 2:44 (p&Mee [B], P&GM [A], -&M [L]). See REKEM.


(Jer. 31:15), RV RACHEL.


1. Conception of rain.[edit]

That at the present day rain is considered in Palestine as one of God's best gifts, is undeniable. Moslems, Christians, and Jews can unite in imploring heaven for the 'showers that water the earth' (Ps. 726). But it is a question whether the fertilising operation of the Baalim was associated in early times with the rain of heaven, or only with springs, streams, and underground flow (cp BAAL, i). Robertson Smith, who discusses the subject fully in Rel. Sem. lect. 3, comes to the conclusion that originally the Baalim were gods of the streams and fountains, but that, as husbandry spread, the 'gods of the springs' extended their domain over the lands watered by the sky, and gradually added to their old attributes the new character of 'lords of rain' (p. 106). Yahwe in the OT is certainly the rain-giver; Jer. 14:22, 'Can any of the vanities of the heathen cause rain?' In Ps. 65:9 [65:10], according to the traditional text, the early rain is called 'the river of God'. The word used (jSs) is remarkable. Generally it occurs in the plural for the artificial streams used in irrigation (Is. 30:25, 32:2, Ps. 1:3, 119:136, Prov. 5:16, 21:1, Lam. 3:48). Here, if MT is right, there is a similar conception. The rain is imagined as water which has been drawn from the great heavenly reservoirs (Gen. 7:11) and sent down on earth through the solid dome of the sky. This is illustrated by Job 3825, 'Who has cleft a channel for the waterflood' {so RV ; shoteph, rgy, 'torrential rain' ). With this cp v. 28, where the 'rain' (matar, 7an) and the 'parted streams of dew' (read SB ^rj, for So Sjn ; see DEW) are parallel expressions.

Naturally, rain and rain-mist (tal, 7B) are prominent in poetic benedictions. In Dt. 38:13 the 'precious things of heaven above' (reading 7po for 7ec) 2 are the rain, the rain-mist, and the dew. In Gen. 27:28 the fine rain, or rain-mist, of heaven stands first among the blessings called down upon Jacob's land by Isaac. In Dt. 28:12 Moses promises to obedient Israel that Yahwe 'will open his good treasury, the heaven, to give the rain in its season' ; to this treasury the Book of Enoch refers (60:20-21, 69:23) ; cp DEW. The 'self-springing plants of Yahwe' in Is. 4:2 (SBOT) are those which depend on the moisture which God sends from this heavenly store- chamber. Notice, too, that in Ps. 104:13 God is said to 'water the mountains from his upper chambers'. It is a slightly different mythic symbol which a poet in Job uses - 'Who (but Yahwe) can tilt the bottles of heaven? (Job 38:37). To be able to bring rain through prayer was one of the greatest proofs of eminent piety. Elijah 'prayed fervently that it might not rain, and it rained not', etc. (Jas. 5:17); and Josephus (Ant. 14:2:1) relates that, in the time of King Aristobulus, there was a man named Onias, 'righteous and beloved of God', who by his prayers could bring rain to the parched earth. Cp PRAYER.

1 For a less probable view see C. Niebuhr, Gesch. 1:353+

2 Tg., Onk. and Pesh. combine the readings 7ya and 7ea. The former therefore is no modern conjecture.

2. Former and latter rain.[edit]

Palestine is well described in Deut. 11:11 (in contradistinction to Egypt) as 'a land of hills and valleys, which drinks water, when rain falls from heaven'. Shortly afterwards (v. 14) a fuller description is given. See also Hos. 6:3, Joel 2:23, Zech. 10:1-2 (see Nowack), Job 29:23, and Ja. 5:7 (wpHC^ov Ka.1 Siij/ifjLOv ; BX insert \if.rbv [ueton], giving the sense rightly). The distribution of rain is very unequal. On one occasion Thomson found the ground in the Jordan valley like a desert, while at Tiberias the whole country was 'a paradise of herbs and flowers'. Just so it was in ancient times. 'I caused it to rain upon one city, and caused it not to rain upon another city : one piece was rained upon, and the piece whereupon it rained not withered' (Am. 4:7). The prophet continues, 'So two or three cities wandered unto one city to drink water, but they were not satisfied', on which Thomson remarks that this is 'a fact often repeated' in Palestine. 1 The variableness of the climate helps to account for the frequent failure of the crops, both in ancient and in modern times, and gives point to the promises of regularity in the seasons on condition of obedience to the divine commands. 2 The former or autumnal rains (mr, mio) usually begin about the end of October. In Lebanon they may begin a month earlier ; but no dependence can be placed upon this, and according to Thomson (LB 90) the winter rains are sometimes delayed till January. They are usually accompanied by thunder and lightning (Jer. 10:13). The next four months may be called the rainy season. In April rain (the latter rain, E-ipSp \/*"P^ 'to be late' ) falls at intervals; in May the showers are less frequent and lighter, and at the close of that month they cease altogether.

It appears from Glaisher s observations (PEFQ, 1899, p. 71) that the heaviest monthly rainfall in 1897 was 11.21 in., in January ; the next, 6.74 in. in December, and that the total fall for the year was 27.72 in. This refers to Tiberias. At Jerusalem the total fall was 41.62 in. At Tiberias no rain fell from May 25 to Oct. 29, making a period of 156 consecutive days without rain. At Jerusalem, none fell from May 26th to Oct. 20, making a period of 146 consecutive days without rain.

1 The Land and the Book, 395.

2 Ibid. 90

3. Hebrew terms.[edit]

i. C&3, geshem, a violent downpour, 1 K. 18:41 Ezek. 13:11; continuous, Ezra 10:9, 13 ; such as the early or latter rain, Lev. 26:4, Jer. 5:24, Joel 2:23 ; accompanied with wind, 2 K. 3:17, Prov. 25:14.

2 - " ??, matar, a more general term, e.g., 'the rain ('O) of heaven', Dt. 11:11. A torrential rain is 'a sweeping rain' (Prov. 28:3) ; or the two words C&1 [geshem] and ^j;O [matar] may be combined, Zech. 10:1, Job 37:6.

3. D lJ, zerem, a rain-storm, Is. 25:4, 28:2, 32:2, Hab. 3:10, Job 24:8; sometimes accompanied by hail, Is. 28:2, 30:30. The supposed occurrences of a verb denom. (Ps. 77:18, 90:5, MT) are probably due to corruption.

4. and 5. ,TVr, yoreh, and rniD, moreh, the former rain, nnd B*ip7D, malkosh, the latter rain, see 2.

6. D-T3-I, rebibim, EV 'showers', Jer. 3:3, 14:22 Mi. 5:6 [5:7], Dt. 32:2, Ps. 65:11 [65:10], 72:6 t.

7 D P DI, resisim (from -y/DDl, 'sparsit, stillavit' ), sprinkled moisture. In Cant. 5:21 (EV 'drops of the night' ) of the night-mist (see DEW), but probably applicable to rain in general (see C 3 3l)- In Dt. 32:2 Lagarde and Gratz correct D T^t? into D O DI. In Ps. 104:13 also Vp pia should perhaps be read for Tj<fc>j;p nsp. T. K. c.


i. nc*^, kesheth (r6$ov). Gen. 9:13+, Ezek. 1:28, Ecclus. 43:11. On Gen. 9:13+. see DELUGE, 11.

2. Ipis [iris], Rev. 4:3, 10:1.


i. trpiSi-, simmukim, see FRUIT, 4.

2. CT C K, ashishim, Hos. 3:1, RV. See FRUIT, 5.


(D|TJ), 1 Ch. 7:16 EV, pausal form for REKEM, 4.


(n|5"l, 'bank', an Aramaic word? &AK69 [B], peKK&e [A], p&. [L]), 'a fenced city' of Naphtali, mentioned between Hammath (S. of Tiberias) and Chinnereth (on the upper part of the E. side of the Sea of Galilee), Josh. 19:35. Two identifications of Rakkath are offered in the Babylonian Talmud in the same context (Meg. 5b, 6b). According to R. Johanan, Rakkath was the important city of Sepphoris. But the etymological midrash attached to this identification is such as entirely to discredit it. Raba, on the other hand, refers to a generally received opinion that Rakkath is Tiberias, and according to Neubauer (Geog. du Talm. 209) the use of the name Rakkath for Tiberias lasted into the fourth century A. D. Certainly the position of Rakkath in the list of cities at least permits this view. Only, (1) we must not suppose that Tiberias stood exactly on the site of the ancient Rakkath. For, as Josephus informs us (Ant. 18:2:3), the land upon which it was built had been occupied by tombs, which implies that the ancient town (however it was named) had lain at a short distance from the site of the new city. And (2) it is possible enough that npn is a fragment of rrnp (city of), and should be prefixed to JVUD (Chinnereth). T. K. c.


(f ljjn, not in LXX{BA} . ^L H peKKO)N), Josh. 19:46 (probably a vox nihili}. See ME-JARKON.


(DT; p&M [BAL]).

i. The name of a Judahite family, whose eponym is variously described as the second son of Hezron the grandson of Judah (1 Ch. 2:9 : pa/j [ram]. and apa/j [aram] [BA], apa/j. [L] ; v. 10, appav [B, cp pi< 7 . 25], apafj. [AL]), and as the firstborn son of Jerahmeel the firstborn son of Hezron (v. 25, pav [B] ; v. 27, apa/j: [B]). The same supposed person is also named in the (late) genealogy of David, as the son of Hezron, Ruth 4:19 (appav [BA], apafj. [L]), and consequently in Mt. 1:34 (ARAM [AV] ; Ram [RV] ; Apafj. [aram] [BX etc.] : see also ARNI, Lk. 3:33). Doubtless Ram is a shortened form of some well-known name, hardly Jehoram (NSld. ) or Abiram (Klost. Gcsch. 112), but rather the name from which both these names probably sprang - Jerahmeel (Che. ).

2. Name of the supposed family of the Elihu of Job (32:2 ; PO.JJ. [T?N] ; pa/iia [A] ; apa/u. [C]), certainly not a shortened form of the ethnic name Aram, unless there was a southern Aram.


(??$), Gen. 15:7 , etc. See SHEEP.


(13). Ezek. 4:2, 21:27 [21:22]. See SIEGE, 2-3.


(p&MA, [Ti.WH]), Mt. 2:18, RV RAMAH.


(nrpn, Jer. 31:15, Neh. 11:33, elsewhere 'the height' ; usually p&/v\A [BAL]; gentilic, Ramathite ; see SHIMEI, 9).

i. A city of the tribe of Benjamin, Josh. 18:25, Neh. 11:33 (BN*Aom.), incidentally referred to in Judg. 19:13 (om. LXX{A} ) Is. 10:29, Hos. 5:8 (<T7rt T&V v^yXuv [BAQ]), Ezra 2:26 (apa/j [aram], [B], r?7S paua [rama] [AL]), and stated in 1 K. 15:17 (paaua [raama] [B], pa/j.fj.av [ramman] [A], po.ua [rama], [L]) to have been fortified by Baasha king of Israel in order to isolate Jerusalem (cp ASA). Near it lay the grave of Rachel, according to Jer. 31:15 {rrj v\f/r)\rj [N*A]), where the tribal ancestor is poetically represented as appearing on her grave, and uttering a lamentation for the exile of her children. 1 Near it was also, a later writer believed, the palm tree of the prophetess Deborah (Judg. 4:5, TTJJ /Sa/m [tes bama] [B], ta/ia [A]). This Ramah is no doubt the mod. er-Kdm, a village with ancient remains, 2600 ft. above the sea-level, 5 mi. N. from Jerusalem. Its rediscovery is due to Robinson (BR 1576).

2. The home pf Samuel and his father Elkanah ( 1 S. 1:19, 2:11, 7:17, 8:4, 15:34, 16:13, 19:18+, 25:1, 28:3), also called, or rather miscalled, in EV of 1 S. 1:1, RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM [q.v.]. It was in the hill-country of Ephraim and more particularly in the land of ZUPH [q.v. ]. According to Eus. and Jer. who call it appaQcfj. fffitpa Armathem Sophim (OS 225:12; 9617) it was near Diospolis, and Jer. adds that it was 'in regione Thamnitica'. This addition agrees with what is said in 1 Macc. 11:34 of RAMATHEM [q.v.] as having originally been reckoned to Samaria, and suggests identifying Ramah with Beit-rima, a place mentioned in the Talmud (Neub. Geogr. 82), situated a little to the N. of Tibnah (Thamna). This is the view of Buhl, Pal. 170; Kittel, Hist. 2107. It accords with the route of Saul described in 1 S. 9:1+ ; cp Wellh. TBS 70. See also PEFMem. 3:12, 3:149+ (On LXX's readings, see RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM. )

3. 2 K. 8:29: pe/ujLi<o0 [B], pa/jLiuO [A], po.ju.a0 yaAaaS [L]. See RAMOTH-GILEAD.

4. RAMAH [AV RAMATH] OF THE SOUTH; Josh. 19:8 (/3a^efl KO.TO. Ai/3a [B], pa^ue [A?], la/ietf Kara Ai/3a [A?L]). See RAMATH OF THE SOUTH.

5. A 'fenced city' of Naphtali (Josh. 19:36 ; aparjA [P,], pa/ua [AL]), the modern Rameh. 1295 ft. above sea-level, W. of Safed, on the southern slope of the ridge (here rising to a height of 3480 ft.) which forms the boundary between Upper and Lower Galilee. Cp Guerin, Gal. 1:453-454

6. A place mentioned in the delimitation of the territory of Asher, Josh. 19:29. According to Robinson beyond all doubt to be identified with the village of Rameh, (PEF Survey :- Ramia], in the latitude of Ras en-Nakura, situated 'upon an isolated hill, in the midst of a basin with green fields, surrounded by higher hills' (BR 463). Buhl (Pal. 231) accepts this identification, whilst admitting that the frequent occurrence of the name prevents a final decision.* Apart from the name, indeed, one might prefer to locate Ramah a little way to the W. , at or near the ruins of Belat, on a hill which commands a grand prospect. The language of Josh. 19:28-29, however, does not seem to favour _ either view. The border of Asher is traced in v. 28 from Hammon (Hamul) to Kanah (Kana) and thence to Sidon ; then in v. 29 we are told to turn back southward to Ramah, and draw a line thence to Tyre and to Hosah (near Ras el-'Ain] ; somewhere on the coast to the S. of Hosah (at the mouth of the river SHIHOR-LIBNATH) the border ends. Can the meaning be that the territory within the first of these lines belongs to Tyre and Sidon together, and that within both lines taken together (the second modifying the first) to Tyre, both territories being theoretically possessed by Asher ? If so, Ramah would seem to be not very far from Tyre ; indeed, this is the natural inference from the Hebrew of v. 29a. Its true site may perhaps be lost.

(Since this was written, an abundance of similarly perplexing phenomena have been noticed by the present writer, which can only be explained on the hypothesis that the original document referred to districts in the Negeb. Cp SHIHOR-LIBNATH; TYRE ; ZEMARAIM, last par.) T. K. C.


("Tltt"}), 1 Ch. 27:27 . See SHIMEI, 9.


(TV? DKH), Judg. 15:14. See LEHI.

==RAMATH-MIZPEH (nsyn TOT; Ap<\Ba> THN MACCH4>*.[B]. pAMto6 K. T. MAC(J)A [A], K.T.M. [L]), a place on the northern border of the Gadites, Josh. 13:26+. Probably the same as MIZPEH (4), MIZPAH (2).

1 On the discrepant traditions respecting the site of Rachel's grave, and on Mt. 2:18, see EPHRATH, RACHEL.


(3M HOXT ; for see RAMAH, 4), and (in 1 S. ) RAMOTH OF THE SOUTH (333 niDl ; P&MA [BL]-e [A] NOTOY- RAMA rrpoc MBCHMBplAN [- s ym-]). apparently the most remote of the Simeonite towns (Josh. 19:8) ; mentioned also among the towns in the Negeb to which David sent presents from ZIKLAG (Halusah), 1 S. 30:27. The full name was Baalath-beer-rama(o)th-negeb, i.e. , 'Baalah of the well of Ramath (Ramoth) of the Negeb', or 'Baalah of the well, Ramath of the Negeb' (see BAALATH-BEER). The name, however, needs correction by the help of v. 6-7. and Josh. 1632. The lists of the Simeonite and Judahite towns are disfigured by errata, nor do they agree as they should. The opinion of the present writer is that the most remote of these towns was most probably called Baalath-beer-ramah (also Baalath-en-rimmon), - i.e., Baalah of the well (also, fountain) of Raman or Rimmon, and that both Ramah and RIMMON (q.v. ) are popular corruptions of Jerahmeel. Consequently in 1 S. 30:27 the second of the names in the list should be not Ramoth-negeb, but Jerahmeel-negeb. See EN-RIMMON, TAMAR, NEGEB.

In Josh. 15:32 Lebaoth (pixa 1 ?) and in 19:6 Beth-lebaoth C nva) are miswritten for n^l 3- In 1 Ch. 4:33 Baalath-beer becomes shortened into Baal. T. K. C.


(D QIX DTIOVI ; & P MA- 6&IM c(e)l(bA [BL] ; &p. cu>4>i/v\ [A]), the name of the city of Elkanah in the hill-country of Ephraim, 1 S. 1:1. The text, however, has Ha-ramathaim-sophim, the article being prefixed to ramathaim. The difficulties of this supposed compound form, and indeed of MT s reading, however viewed, are well set forth by Driver ( TBS ad loc. ), who, with \Yellhausen and \V. R. Smith, following LXX's ff(()i(pa [s(e)ipha], reads BIS 'a Zuphite', which is explained by a reference to 1 Ch. 6:20 [6:35], Kr. as = 'a member of the clan called ZUPH' [q.v. ]. Haramathaim is also plausibly explained by Wellhausen (TBS 34-35) as the later form of the name Ha-ramah(see RAMATHEM), which was introduced into 1 S. 1:1 from a tendency to modernisation, and stands (ap/madaifj. [armathaim]), in LXX, not only here, but also wherever na~n has the n of motion attached to it. With the form ap/jLaGai/ut, we may rightly compare the apa/j.a0a or ap/ma0a or panada [ramatha] of Josephus and the apLfj.affa.ia of the NT.

The name Ha-ramah in the Hebrew text almost always occurs in the augmented form nncirt. The exceptions are i S. 19:18-20:1, 25:1, 2:83. Here we constantly find ^E^S except in 19:18, 19:22, where "ins^r occurs. LXX{A} accordingly represents the former word by tv pajua, the latter by ei? apfj.aOa.ifi [eis armathaim] - a new distinction suggested perhaps by the occurrence of n in nnoin, The same correction has penetrated once into LXX{BL} for in 19:22, where nriDin and !TO"n occur at different points, LXX{BL} gives first eis ap/j-aOaifj [eis armathaim] and then tv po^ia [en rama] (cp v. 18 in S).

The objections to the above plausible explanation of Ramathaim-zophim are

  • (i) that Ha-ramathaim occurs nowhere else in the MT,
  • (2) that the Chronicler is an insufficient authority for the existence of a clan called Zuph,
  • (3) that land of Zuph occurs in a passage (1 S. 9:5) which has all the appearance of corruptness (see ZUPH), and
  • (4) that 1 S. 1:1 itself is obviously no longer in its original form. 1

The probability is that -inN E"N (EV, 'a certain man' ) should be t SxclnT K"K, a Jerahmeelite, and that D lBN ino O BIS DTOin f D should be JHsm tnl naOrt JD BN "ina nSsSD so that the whole sentence becomes (omitting the superfluous variant ^KcnT at the beginning and certain variants at the end), 'And there was a Jerahmeelite of the family of the Matrites, whose name was Elkanah'. nB2(Matri), however, like 'Tamar' and 'Ramath', is only a corruption of Sxsnv, 'Jerahmeelite', and 'mount Ephraim' is in southern not in central Palestine (so Judg. 17:1, 19:1, etc.). See Crit. Bib.

The ARIMATHAEA of the NT is identified by Eus. (OS 225, 12) with the city of Elkanah, and said to be situated near Diospolis (Lydda). This situation is beyond question suitable for the Ramathaim of 1 Macc. 11:34, and perhaps too for the Arimathaea of the NT. See JOSEPH, col. 2595^ ; RAMATHAIM (on meaning of form); NICODEMUS, 3. T. K. c.

1 See Marq. Fund, nf., and cp other corrupt passages in 1 S. having proper names (Crit. Bio.).


RV RAMATHAIM (pA.9A.M6 IN [ANY]). the seat of one of the governments formerly belonging to Samaria which were transferred to Judasa under Jonathan by king Demetrius, 1 Macc. 11:34. On the name, see NAMES, 107, and RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM.


(DpniTI; P A. M ecCH [BAFL], P A/v\eCH [L], Gen. 47:11 ; or Raamses, DDipjn, Ex. 1:11, pa^e<n) [FL], 12:37, Nu. 33:3, pafitaauv [BaA], 5 pa/uier<77)s [Bab] ; also Judith 1:9 [RAMESSE, AV] ; see also Redpath ; RAMESSES). For kings Rameses I. and II. see also EGYPT, 57-58.

In Ex. 1:11 Raamses is one of the cities built by the Israelites as Egyptian serfs ; in 12:37 they march from Raamses (eastwards) to Succoth (cp also Nu. 33:35). In Gen. 47:11 the family of Jacob receive from Joseph 'a possession in the land of Egypt, in the best of the land, in the land of Rameses, as Pharaoh had commanded'. The land of Rameses is, according to vv. 46 etc. , a part of Goshen, or, more probably, is synonymous with Goshen.

In 46:28 LXX has indeed for the Goshen of Heb. 'to Heroopolis (i.e., adding PITHOM, or ETHAM [q.v.]), into the land of Ramesse' (ita.9 Hpiatav no\tv I fffv Pafifcrcnri). [For various views of this passage, with discussion, see JOSEPH (in OT)]

1. The land and the town.[edit]

It is usually assumed that the land has its name from the town, the administrative centre of that province. The present writer would, however, prefer to understand Rameses here as having preserved the original sense, namely, that of a royal name. Goshen, or at least its eastern part, still recalled by its name that the great Pharaoh Rameses II. had been its opener and coloniser (see GOSHEN). In the name of the town, on the other hand, the original sense, which must once have been 'house, place, city (or similarly) of Rameses', seems to have been forgotten, owing to the popular abbreviation which omitted the first part. It is not necessary to derive the combination 'land of Rameses', which looks very archaic, from that secondary use.

The royal name which the Hebrew has preserved here was Ra'-m(e?)s-su, 1 or, following more the later pronunciation, Ra (this can, of course, be written in many ways)-me(?)s-s(e),{2} 'the sun-god Re has borne him'. The classic transliterations are Pa/u.i/;7)5 [rampses], Pa/Aeo-ar/s [ramesses] (in varying the Manethonian fragments, etc.), Ramses. From these Greek forms the Massoretic scholars seem to have taken their vocalisation ; whether the Hebrew consonants are intended to render the name as Ra'-mes-(e)s, or in a seemingly more archaic form, Ra'-mese-s (the verbal root was originally masy, tertiae Jodh), can, therefore, not be decided from the biblical punctuation. In the rendering of the consonants, the preservation of the 'Ain deserves mention as a sign of antiquity.

2. Pharaoh Ramses.[edit]

The Pharaoh meant is the famous Rameses II., called also Osymandyas (this is the official name ; User-ma'(t)-re) or Sesostris 3 by the Greeks, also Ram(p)ses (etc. ), Meramun ( 'loving Amon' ); see EGYPT, 58. His reign of nearly sixty-seven years is less remarkable for his military achievements in Asia (which were very modest) than for his paramount activity as a builder. For his great work of irrigating and colonising the Wady Tumilat, see GOSHEN, 4. This enterprise seems to have been completed before the twenty-first year of his reign. Gen. 47 might anticipate a later name for the region E. of Goshen proper. The building of the city of Rameses (as well as of Pithom), however points unmistakably to that earlier part of the reign of Rameses II. - i.e. , to the end of the fourteenth century B.C.

1 [hieroglyphs go here]

2 [hieroglyphs go here]

3 On the reason of the confusion of this name with a king of dyn. 12 in Manetho, different opinions prevail. A popular (but already contemporaneous) abbreviation of the name Rameses seems to be at the root of the Greek form.

3. The city Ramses.[edit]

It must be accidental that the expression 'land of Rameses' has not yet been read on the Egyptian monuments, although we find allusions to the merits of Rameses II. as a coloniser (which characteristically are wanting with other kings). A city, or rather cities, bearing the name of this king are, however, mentioned repeatedly.

In the twenty-first year (see above) of his reign, Rameses received ambassadors of the Hittite king bringing the treaty of peace and alliance 'in the city : house of Ra'-mes-su, Mey (or old Mer)-amun, doing the commands of his father Amon, of Harmachis and Atum, the lord of Heliopolis, the Amon of Ra'-mes-su Mey-amun, the Ptah of Ra'-mes-su Mey-amun, and Set'. This list gives to us the names of the official gods of the new city, confirming its position in eastern Goshen, where Atum of Heliopolis was the chief god. LD 3:194 says : 'thou hast made for thyself a splendid residence to fortify the frontier of the country, The House of Ra'messu Meyamun ; . . . a royal palace is in it'. Pap. Anastasi 21:46 gives a poetical description of a residence, 'the castle: "Great of Victory (or Strength) " is its name, between Phoenicia (!) and Egypt'. The local gods are Amon, associated with Set, then Astarte and Buto. These gods and the name do not agree with our house of Rameses mentioned above ; indeed, the city great of victori(es) (mentioned also in the great text of Abydus, in Pap. Leyden, 1348, and in the expedition of Sety I. against the Bedouins (?) does not seem to be identical (as is usually supposed), but must be a later foundation of Rameses, N. of Goshen. Anast. 3:1:12-13 'the house of Ra'messu Meyamun' appears as identical with the place 'Great of victori(es)' (82 etc. ). Its description seems to point to the country W. of Tanis, not very far from the sea. Thus a monument which has led Brugsch considerably astray becomes intelligible. In Tanis was found a statue of a priest who had among other titles that of 'a prophet of Amon of Rameses of (the city?) House of Rameses (and?) Amon (of the one) great of strength'.1 - Brugsch (Dict. Geogr. 418, etc.) concluded from it that Rameses and Tanis-Zoan were one and the same city, sought consequently for Goshen far in the N. , and came thus to his strange Exodus-theory, considering the Sirbonian bog as the 'sea' through which the Israelites passed. The statue furnishes rather the confirmation that we have two different Rameses-cities. Consequently, we have to be very careful in distinguish ing them ; LD 3:194 refers possibly to the later foundation, 3 as it dates from the year 34 of Rameses.

4. Situation.[edit]

The biblical Rameses can, of course, be only a city in or near Goshen. That mentioned in the treaty with the Hittites seems to be identical, if we may judge by the local gods alluded to. Compare the granite group found at Tel(l) el- Maskhuta which represented Rameses II. between Atum and Harmachis, the principal gods of that district. From this group Lepsius concluded that Tel(l) el- Maskhuta was the biblical Rameses (see PITHOM), but on insufficient grounds. The excavations of Naville have shown that the names Pithom and Succoth are to be associated with that locality, but not Rameses. The latter city remains to be determined. In accordance with Ex.12:37, Nu. 33:35 it should be sought for in the western part of Goshen, E. of Pithom-Etham. There are not many points bearing traces of ancient cities in that region ; Lepsius described the place (Tell) Abu- Soleiman (or Isleman), as showing extensive ruins, and thought of Pithom. Naville (Pithom, (3) 36) disputes the existence of town-ruins at that spot. He marks Shugafieh (in which he believes he finds the Roman garrison place Thohu or Thou) and Tell Rotab as the only ruins, W. of Pithom-Tel(l) el-Maskhuta. Both localities exhibit extensive ruins of the Roman age, and seem to have been Roman military stations ; it is not improbable that they were settled before that period. If so, we may expect the settlements to go back to the time of Rameses' colonisation ; but nothing certain can be said until a thorough exploration of those ruins has been made.

For the various attempted identifications of Rameses, see Ebers, art. 'Ramses',HWB (2) 1254a;, and cp Diirch Gosen zum Sinai,ft) 512+; Naville, Land of Goshen (1887), 18, 20; Brugsch, Steinschrift und Bibehuort, 1891, p. 154. [The question of identification assumes a fresh aspect if we hold that primitive tradition represented the early home of the Israelites as, not in Mizraim, but in Mizrim. In this case we must suppose that here as elsewhere the geographical setting of the story has been transformed on the basis, probably, of corrupt texts. Possible corrections or restorations are indicated in col. 3211, n. 2.] W. M. M.

1 See Erman, Egypt, chap. 9, for a translation.

2 This ('a-zr) seems to be synonymous with 'great of strength (or victory) or victories', 'a-nht or 'a-nhtw. If not, it might point to a temple (not a city) of Rameses II. Has a '(loving) Amon' been mutilated ?

3 There may be more Rameses-cities. It seems that a Nubian colony near Abusimbel was one. Cp (with considerable caution) the essay of Lepsius, AZ, 1883, p. 4 (on Pithom and Rameses).


(i"l*P"l, 'Yahwe is high?' or rather a transformed ethnic, Rami = Jerahme'eli? [Che.]), a layman who joined in the league against foreign marriages ; Ezra 10:25 t (RAMIA [BNA], -ei&c [L])=1 Esd. 9:26 HIERMAS (iep/v\A [B], lepMAC [A], p&MIAC [L])-



i. 1 K. 4:13 . See RAMOTH-GILEAD.

2. Ezra 10:29, Kri. See JERIMOTH, 12.


(ITOn; A&BCOR [B], &MCOC [?A], P&MC00 [L]; 1 Ch. 6:73 [58]), or REMETII (T\KT\; peMMAC [B], P&MA6 [AL]; Josh. 19:21), also called JARMUTH (D-1OT) in Josh. 2l:29 (lepMCoS [AL], where however LXX{B} has peMM&G [remmath]). a Levitical city within the territory of Issachar.


1. OT References.[edit]

pi? 1 ?;! nb"1, i.e., 'heights of Gilead' 1 ), otherwise RAMOTH IN GILEAD (Iwlia DbfcO, i OTRpfM-PnoPs H P<* M ^ e eN ( or I~H) r*A-. Dt 4:43 [pAMMOoe A]t Josh. 20:8 [&PHMCOT6 B] 21:38, 1 Ch. 6:65 [6:80] [pAMMU)N B, p<\/v\<\0 L]), RAMOTH (1 K. 4:13 [epe/v\d>e B, -ep/v\&6 L]), but more correctly RAMAH (2 K. 8:29 [pe/v\M000 B, pAMA6 L]) or Ramath-Gilead (cp AHAB), a fortress on the E. of Jordan, the administrative centre of one of Solomon's prefectures (1 K. 4:13), hotly disputed by the Israelites and the Aramaeans in the reigns of Ahab, Ahaziah, and Joram (1 K. 22:3+ [pe/v\M&6 BA, pA/v\A9 L], 2 K. 8:28, 9:14 [peMMO)0 B, p<\/v\&6 L], 2 Ch. 18:3+ [p&/v\MU>e A, p&M&e L]- 22s/ [p&MA B, pe/v\M6oe A, p&MAG L]) ; also one of the so-called 'cities of refuge' (Dt. 4:43, Josh. 20:8, 21:38, where it is assigned to Gad). Largely on account of the striking narrative in 1 K. 22, the name of Ramoth-Gilead is extremely familiar to readers of OT, and yet, after all the researches of scholars, no one is able to tell exactly where the place was. It is the object of this article (1) to record the chief opinions which have been held as to the site of Ramoth-Gilead, and (2) to offer what, in the opinion of the present writer, looks like the true solution of the problem.

1 The name is a corruption of Salton Hieraticon, which occurs in the Notitt. Vet. Eccles. as the name of a trans- Jordamc episcopal city (Reland, Pal. 315); the epithet hieraticon may be explained by the TrdAu <f>v\^ ya.8 Zepemioi [polis phyles gad hieratike] of eus. in the Onom.

2. Sites (a)-(d).[edit]

Let us begin with the Talmud, according to which Ramoth-Gilead lay over against Shechem (Neub. Giog. 55, 251), while, as Eusebius and Jerome tell us (OS 287:91, 145:31), it was known to them as a village, 15 R.mi. W. of Philadelphia (Rabbath-Ammon). These views are irreconcilable. Most scholars till lately preferred the authority of Eusebius, and identified Ramoth-Gilead with the modern es-Salt, 1 10 mi. S. of the Jabbok, and 11 E. of the Jordan. Cp GILEAD, 7.

The town acquired some importance during the Crusades, when Saladin fortified it with other towns on the E. of the Jordan ; it is now the capital of the Belkd, but cannot claim to represent Ramoth-Gilead. The place could not be approached by chariots (see 1 K. 22:34-35). It 'hangs on the steep sides of a narrow gorge, entirely shut in on the N. , and opening out on a narrow flat of garden-land at the other end ; and even this open extremity of the ravine is blocked by a high ridge at right angles to the town, closing up the only outlet'. 1 It is also far too southerly ; a place easily accessible from Jezreel and not far from the Aramaean border is imperatively required.

Ewald (Gesch. 3:500 note) and Conder (Heth and Moab, 175; Smith's DB 1:1191) do more justice to the biblical narratives by fixing the site of Ramoth-Gilead at Reimun, a lofty and ancient site a few miles W. of Jerash (Gerasa), in the Jebel 'Ajlun. The place was quite open to Aramrean incursions, and could be reached by chariots up the valley of the Jabbok. Sir G. Grove (Smith's DB 2:1003) and Merrill (East of the Jordan, 284+) urge the claims of Jerash itself; Oliphant too (Land of Gilead, 213) thinks Ramoth-Gilead must have been either at or near Jerash. 2 This view is supported by the Arabic Joshua (20:8, 21:38 Ramat al-Jarash). G. A. Smith, however (HG 588) is not satisfied with any of these identilications, and thinks Ramoth-Gilead, being so hotly disputed by Aram and Israel, must have been farther N. , near the N. limit of Gilead - the Yarmuk (so G. A. Cooke, l.c. ). Irbid and Ramtheh [er-Remthe], he remarks, are both of them fairly strong sites. Er-Remthe has been very recently favoured by Smend (ZATW, 1902, p. 153), who finds in the name er-Remthe an echo of an Aramaic form Kro 1 ]*. Buhl combines Ramoth-Gilead with the mod. Jal'ud, N. of es-Salt (see GILEAD, 2), and whilst Smend identifies Ramoth-Gilead with Mizpeh-Gilead, Buhl inclines to distinguish between them.

3. Site (e).[edit]

To get beyond Prof. G. A. Smith s acute but vague conjecture, we must look at the Hebrew of 1 K. 4:13. Removing the accretions on the original text we find it stated that one of Solomon's prefects called Ben-geber (nothing depends on the correctness of this reading) was over the region of Argob, and resided in Ramoth-Gilead. Is the latter circumstance probable ? Surely his residence must have been in Bashan, unless indeed we prefer to omit the statement about Argob and Bashan, and make Ben-geber the prefect of the so-called Havvoth-Jair, which Nu. 32:39, 32:41 places in Gilead. Possibly for ij;Sj nD"i, 'Ramath-Gilead', we ought to read in 1 ?* npi, 'the Ramah of Salhad'. Salhad is probably the true name of the fortified city on the extreme SE. of Bashan, which protected that fertile land from the invasions of the nomads ; it is called in MT SALECAH [q.v.]. The objections raised to the other sites certainly do not apply to Salhad. For other supposed traces of the name see GILEAD, 8, SUCCOTH, ZELOPHEHAD.

Salhad is situated on an eminence forming one of the southernmost heights of the Jebel Hauran (see Driver, Dt. 53). That the district to the N. of Edrei (Der'at) and Salhad fell into the region of Argob, will hardly be doubted (cp Driver, in Hastings' DB 1:147). It was also probably Salhad (Ramath-Salliad) that Benhadad kept back, contrary to the agreement in 1 K. 20:34, and the Israelitish kings therefore sought to recover (1 K. 22:3, etc.). Holding it, the Aramaean kings had the fertile district of Argob at their mercy. The harmonising process of an editor corrected inSs n!D"l> 'Ramath-Salhad', wherever it occurred, into ly 1 ?! noii 'Ramoth-Gilead'.

1 G. A. Cooke, in Driver, Dt.ft), p. 20 ; cp L. Gautier, Au dela du Jourdain (2) (1896), 30.

2 Schumacher (Mitth. DPV, 1897, 66) places Ramoth-Gilead at el-Manara, W. of Jerash.

4. Site (f).[edit]

It is probable that no better explanation can be found on the assumption that tne current view respecting the Aramaeans with whom the kings of Israel were so often at war, and respecting the region of the legendary Og, king of Bashan, is correct.

The assumption in question is at first sight a reasonably safe one, and it receives support from the legend of the meeting of Jacob and Lahan, in the earlier form disclosed to us by textual criticism of Gen. 31:17-54. We may even go farther, and pronounce it not improbable that Salhad really was the place which the editor of the Book of Kings in its present form thought to be referred to in the account of the Aramzan wars. But it was not the place which was meant in the original narratives (see PKOPHET, 7). It was at Cusham, not at Damascus (as the traditional text represents) that Ben-hadad, or Bir-dadda, dwelt (1 K. 13:18; see TAB-RIMMON), and it was the great achievement of Jeroboam II. that he recovered Cusham and Maachath-jerahmeel for Israel. It must have been a fortress on the border of the Negeb, towards Arabia, that the Aramzans ( = Jerahmeelites) and the Israelites so hotly contested. Ahab fell when endeavouring to regain it. Joram won it back for a lime from the N. Arabian king Haza'ilu (Hazael), and Jehu (himself of Jerahmeelite extraction 1) was serving in the garrison when Elisha (a prophet of the Negeb ; see PROPHET, 7) sent to anoint him king. Both 'Ramah' and 'Gilead' are, when S. Palestine and the Negeb are concerned, corruptions of 'Jerahmeel', but while 'Ramah' or 'Ramath' is a mere popular distortion, 'Gilead' seems to be a transcriptional corruption of that ethnic name. The place intended is probably the Tamar ("lOn = nm) fortified by Solomon, according to 1 K. 9:18, cp 2 Ch. 8:4. Cp TAMAR, TADMOR.

T. K. C.




in AV sometimes, and in RV generally the rendering of ?T1, See FORTRESS, 5.

RAM'S HORN[edit]

(n pj3, Josh. 6:5), TRUMPETS OF RAMS HORNS (D^ , Josh. 6:46, 8:13). See Music, 5.


Ex. 25:5, etc. See TABERNACLE, 4.


(Lev. 11:35 ), RVmg 'Stewpan', see COOKING UTENSILS, 4.


(from Lat. redemptionem). 1. SN^I ga'al. Cp GOEL.

2. 1B3. kipper. Cp ATONEMENT (Ex. 21:30 RV, AV 'sum of money' ; Lev. 27:27 AV 'redeem', RV 'ransom' ; Nu. 35:31-32 AV 'satisfaction' ; 1 S. 12:3, AV and RVmg. 'bribe' ; RV and AVmg. 'ransom' ; Ps. 69:18b, Job 36:18).

3- mS. padah, Ex. 34:20, etc.



1. See RAPHAH, 2.

2. In genealogy of Benjamin (q.v. 9 ii. a), 1 Ch. 8:2 (pa<yj [BA1, paifia [L]); but the name may be corrupted, e.g., from Gera (see JQR 11:109, 8). Or (if correct) cp REPHAIAH [4] and the clan-name BETH-RAPHA.

3. See REPHAIAH, 4.


(^N D"I, 'God heals' ; the name, however, has possibly grown out of something very different ; see REPHAEL [Che. ] ; PANAMA), one of the most sympathetic figures in Jewish narrative literature, is introduced to us in the Book of Tobit, where under the name of AZARIAS ( 'Yahwe is a help' ) he accompanies Tobias in his adventurous journey and conquers the demon ASMODAEUS [</.v.] (Tob. 3:17, 8:2, 9:1 11:27). He is, however, a disguised visitor from heaven, being really 'one of the seven 2 angels [archangels] who present the prayers of the saints and enter into the presence of the glory of the Holy One' (12:15). In the Book of Enoch (100:20) Rufael ( = Rafael) is called 'the angel of the spirits of men' ; it is his function to 'heal the earth which the angels have defiled', as a preliminary to which he has to place AZAZEL (q.v. ) in confinement. This view of the essential connection between a name and the person bearing it is thoroughly antique ; it has strongly coloured the story of TOBIT (q. v. ), and is endorsed in the Midrash (Bemidbar rabb., par. 2), according to which Raphael is to heal the iniquity of Ephraim (i.e., the ten tribes). The later Midrash also represents him as the angel commissioned to put down the evil spirits that vexed the sons of Noah with plagues and sicknesses after the flood, and as the instructor of men in the use of simples ; he it was who was the promoter of the 'Book of Noah', the earliest treatise on materia medica (Ronsch, Buck der Jubilaen, 385 sq. ). See ANGELS, 4, note.

1 'Jehoshaphat' is probably a modification of Sephathi (Zephathite) and 'Nimshi' of Yishme'eli (Ishmaelite).

2 But Syr. and Heb. 2 omit 'seven'. The number of the chief angels varied. See ANGEL, 4, n. i ; GABRIEL ; MICHAEL, n.



1. AV RAPHA (1 Ch. 8:27 ). See REPHAIAH (4).

2. Four giants are described in 2 S. 21:16, 21:18, 21:20, 21:22 (cp 1 Ch. 20:4, 20:6, 20:8) as descendants of 'the Raphah' (EV 'the giant' ; RVmg, . RAPHAH ; AVmg RAPHA ; nsnrt, in Ch. NB-n). See ISBIBENOB, SAPH. (LXX's readings in S. Pa<j>a [BA], L in vv. 16, 18 . . . yiyjitmtv, v. _ 20 . . . Tn-ai os, v. 22 adds the words ... TO) OIKOI Pa</>a, in Ch. yiyavres [BAL ; but in v. 8 also patjia BA, pa.<t>au L]). Is nBl.T correct? The sing, form occurs only here. See REPHAIM.


(p<\cf)<MN [A], BNom. ), one of the ancestors of Judith ; Judith 8:1.


(pA<t>ooN [AN], p*(J>e\ [V r ] : 1 Macc. 5:37, Jos. Ant. 12:8:4), an unknown city mentioned in 1 Macc. 5:37 as 'beyond the brook' ; it was besieged by Timotheus and relieved by Judas the Maccabee. From the context it obviously lay not very far from Carnaim (Ashteroth-Karnaim). It is no doubt the Raphana mentioned by Pliny (HN 5:18:74) as one of the cities of the Decapolis, and may possibly be identical with the Capitolias of Ptol. (5:15:22), 16 mi. from Edrei (Der'at). See Schurer, GJV 2:93.


(X-ISn, as if 'healed' ; pa^oy [ BAF 1 pAcj>AY [L]), father of PALTI (2) (Nu. 13:9+). On origin of name see PALTI, 2 ; REPHAEL.


( pAC ceic [BA], p AAC - CeiC [N] ; tharsis [Vg.]; thiras et rasis [Vet. Lat., cod. Sangerm.] ; .^.^xr> >v i . . . ox.^i [Syr.]), a people mentioned along with Put, Lud, and the children of Ishmael (Judith 2:23). That pui(cr)<ros [roo(s)sos], a mountain range and town S. from Amanus on the gulf of Issus, is intended is improbable ; others prefer TARSUS [q. v. ]. The mention of a town ill accords with the enumeration of such peoples as PUT and LUD, and the name is possibly a corruption of TIRAS. See ROSH.


(PA0YMOC [BL], P A.0 Y oc? [A a ]), 1 Esd. 2:16+ = Ezra 4:8-9, REHUM, 5.


p-fy, from ]ir, 'to sink [of the sun]', 'be black' ; KOP&5 [korax]; corvus).

1. OT References.[edit]

It is noteworthy that the lilies and the ravens possess the same representative character in a famous saying of Jesus, at least according to the version in Lk. 12:24 (but in Mt. 6:26 TO. wereivd) ; in the OT too they are referred to in evidence of God's providential care (Job 38:41, Ps. 147:9). In Cant. 5:11 their glossy black plumage (cp deriv. above) is referred to. In Prov. 30:17, Is. 34:11, Zeph. 2:14 {1} (crit. emend, with LXX gBN c - a AQr), other habits of the raven are mentioned, and in Gen. 8:7 the raven is stated to have been the first bird let out of Noah's ark. 2

[The feeding of Elijah by the ravens (1 K. 17:4-6) has been regarded as a supernatural feature appropriate to the circumstances of the prophet, but if, as Cheyne suggests, Elijah's hiding-place was at Rehoboth in the extreme S. of Palestine, a reference to 'Arabians' would gain considerably in plausibility, nor can it be a loss to edification that human instruments should take the place of 'unclean' birds like the ravens (see MIZRAIM, 2 [b]). An analogy for the emendation referred to is offered by Jer. 3:2 in LXX Pesh., which give 'like a crow' (3TJ. , Kopwn;, Na'ba) for 'like an Arabian' Cr^V)- This is an error, but in Bar. 6:54 the crow is no doubt mentioned. The gods of the- Babylonians are there likened to the crows (opwi<eu) that fly between heaven and earth.]

2. Species.[edit]

It is probable that the Heb. 'orebh included all the members of the family Corvidae - i.e. , the crows, choughs, rooks, jays, jackdaws, as well as the true raven. Tristram enumerates eight species of Corvidae at present found in Palestine ; among which the C. umbrinus or brown-necked raven may be specially mentioned, as it is almost ubiquitous. They feed to some extent on carrion, but will also attack animals of some size, though usually only when these are weakly or injured.

1 A comparison of Zeph. l.c. with Is. 34:11 shows that ]7n in the famous passage should be 2~y.

2 In the cuneiform account the raven is the last ; see DELUGE, 2, 17, and cp Jastrow, Rel. Bab. and Ass. 503.

3. Character.[edit]

The raven has always been regarded as a bird of omen, and excited superstitious awe which is not even yet entirely extinct. To the ancients it was one of that class of living creatures which were at once venerated and shunned. 1 It is not surprising, therefore, to find the raven in the list of (so-called) unclean birds (Dt. 14:14 ; cp CLEAN, 9). Besides the Midianite chieftain s name OREB, the Ar. clan-name Gorab indicates that the bird did not always possess an ill-omened character ; and it is a significant fact that Gorab was one of the names of heathenism which Mohammad made its bearer change. 2

A. E. s. - s. A. c.

1 Having been originally worshipped, they were honoured, and their presence was considered lucky ; but their specific holy character made them taboo, and as such they were to be avoided. For this paradoxical conception, see CLEAN, 7.

2 See WRS, Kin. 200, 301, We. Heid.W 203. The raven was intimately associated with Apollo and Aesculapius ; see Frazer, Paus. 3:72-73. Coronis is said to have been transformed into a raven. In Rome, a flight of ravens on the left hand was considered lucky, on the right hand unlucky. In northern Europe one is reminded of the ravens of Odin, and those of Fjokki, by whose aid he discovered Iceland. Similarly the Vikings are said to have carried ravens in their ships to be able to find the bearing of the nearest land (cp CASTOR, and for the painting or carving of a totem on a boat, Frazer, Totemism. 30-31).


(pAzfehc [AV*i-] razias [Vg.]), 'an elder of Jerusalem', called 'Father of the Jews' for his good will toward them. His story is told in 2 Macc. 14:37= The name is possibly from an original *p=nn, 'to be lean'. The Syr., however, gives his name as r-g-sb


(TWjl, etc.), Nu. 6:5, etc. See BEARD.


(i"PN"l. 'Yahwe has seen' ; but cp JORAH).

1. A Calebite, son of SHOBAL ; 1 Ch. 4:2 (pa&x [B], peia [A], peaa [L]). Reaiah ought also, perhaps, to be read for HAROEH (q.v.) in 1 Ch. 2:52, but both forms may be corruptions.

2. A Reubenite; 1 Ch. 5:5 (AV REAIA ; pjj^a [BA], paia [L])

3. The family name of a company of (post-exilic) Nethinim : Ezra 2:47 (pojA [B], paia [A], ap. [L]) ; Neh. 7:50 (pa*a fBK], paaia[AL]) = 1 Esd. 5:31 (laetpos [B], laipoj [A], paia[LJ ; AIRUS [AV], JAIRUS [RV]).


(in~l, probably by transposition from 21T, 'Arabia', cp R EKEM [Che.] ; poBOK, -Be [B], poBOK, peBeK [A], poBeK, -e [L]), one of the five chiefs of Midian, slain after the 'matter of Peor' ; Nu. 31:8, Josh 13:21.


or [NT] REBECCA (i1j5:n ; peBeKKA [KADEL] ; Rebecca; on the name, see below, 2)

1. Traditions.[edit]

Sister of Laban, and therefore daughter of Nahor, according to J (see Di. on Gen. 24:15), but daughter of Bethuel, according to P (see Gen. 20:20). For the idyllic story of her betrothal and marriage, which is not only beautiful in itself, but a valuable record of Israelitish sentiment in the time of the writer or writers, it is enough to send the reader to the original narrative. Gtinkel, it may be observed, thinks he can trace a double thread (Ja and Jb) in this narrative. It is certainly possible that more than one hand has been concerned in the story ; at the same time the narrative would hardly gain by being reduced to the limits of the assumed ]a. Another critic (Steuernagel, Einwanderung, 39) draws a weighty critical inference from the parallelism between Gen. 24 and 29. Independently, a larger inference of the same kind is drawn in 2 of the present article.

It has been thought that there is a discrepancy between J and P as regards the original home of Rebekah. J brings her from Aram-naharaim, from the city of Nahor (24:10) ; P from Paddan-aram (25:20-21; cp 28:2-3). The discrepancy, however, did not always exist.

1. It is possible to hold that both in J and in P Rebekah had a traditional connection with the northern Jerahmeelites of Hauran (for CIN most probably has been worn down from ^KcnT, and iin: may have come from mn, while JIB may be miswritten for pn - i.e. , pin). See LABAN, NAHOR, PADDAN-ARAM.

2. It is also plausible to hold the view set forth in JACOB, 3, where it is shown that there was possibly a still earlier tradition which put Laban's home at Hebron. At any rate, both narrators have distinguished themselves in the delineation of Rebekah's character, which has some strong points of affinity to that of her son Jacob. She was accompanied, according to MT, to Isaac's home at Beer-lahai-roi (i.e., Beer-jerahmeel) by her nurse (24:59), who, from the corrupt text of 358, is supposed to have been named Deborah (see DINAH, col. 1102, n. i). Probably, however, the 'nurse' is not referred to, but the 'precious possessions' (njijp, cp v. 53) of the newly won bride. In the view of the present writer Laban was originally a southern Jerahmeelite, originally, it may be, placed in the Negeb, so that he may also have been called TUBAL (q.v. ) - a name which seems to underlie bxira (Bethuel !). See, further, RACHEL, 2. Possibly, Rebekah is a personification alternately of the southern and of the northern Jerahmeelites. She has been, one may almost say, created as a true woman, with beating heart and planning brain, by J and E.

2. Origin of name.[edit]

The explanation r!3n, 'cord' ( 71) is linguistically attractive ; cp P?"] 1 ?, and the iroijieVio? 0vyan;p of one of the Onomastica (OS 204:29). But we cannot get to the bottom of such names without considering the tribal relations of the patriarchs ; wives and husbands alike are tribal personifications. It is probable that Abraham, Rebekah, and Leah-Rachel represent a tribal name. Abraham (from Ab-raham) means probably 'father of Jerahmeel' ; Leah and Rachel (doubles), come from worn-down forms of Jerahmeel. Rebekah, or rather Ribkah, probably also comes from the latter name; crn= 3pn = p31, cp, perhaps, the clan-names or tribe-names Becher, Heber, and the local name Hebron.l Observe that Rebekah's father Bethuel (perhaps = TUBAL [q.v.]) is the son of Nahor - i.e., the southern Haran, by Milcah [Jerahmeel]. The same ethnographic traditions are repeated over and over again genealogically. T K C


(rni), 1 Ch. 4:12 RV, AV RECHAH.


(S"5b : ), Is. 33:18, RV 'he that weighed [the tribute]'. Cp SCRIBE and TAXATION.


(23~|, 'charioteer', perhaps short for Ben-rechab[-el] - i.e. , son of Rekab['el] ; 2 but more probably an ethnic of the Negeb [Che. ], pH\AB ; but in 1 Ch. 2:55, PHXA, [B], and in Jer. 35:14 pHXoB [N*]. On pT, X ap in Judg. 1:19, see Moore's note).

i. One of the murderers of Ishbosheth (2 S. 4:2+. : ptKva [B in vv. 5-6, 9]). His father was RIMMON (q.v.).

2. The eponym of the RECHABITES (2 K. 10:15, Jer. 35:6+). A son of Rechab is a Rechabite ; so even in Neh. 3:14 (see MALCHIJAH, 7).

1 A connection between the names Hebron and Ribkah has been already suspected by G. H. Bateson Wright (Was Israel Ever in Egypt ?, 180).

2 So, in the main, Hommel, Das grapkische ,-j, p. 23. Kar-rekab[el] was a 'royal name at Sama'l in N. Syria; Rekabel (or Rekub'el) was probably a charioteer-god, the TrapeSpy [paredros] of the sun (cp 'chariots of the sun', 2 K. 23:11). See G. Hoffmann (who reads Rakkab. 'el), ZA, 1896, p. 252 ; Sachau, 'Aram. Inschriften', in SBAW , 1896, 41.


(D-grnn JT2 ; OIKOC Apx&BeiN [BN], A.A X A.BeiN or x^p&BeiN [A], pd>X<*B[e]iN [Q], pHX&BiT<M [Sym.]). The Rechabites have usually been considered to be a sort of religious order, analogous to the NAZIRITES [q.v.], tracing its origin to the Jehonadab or JONADAB, son of Rechab, who lent his countenance to Jehu in the violent abolition of Baal-worship. In Jer. 35 we meet with the Rechabites as continuing to observe the rule of life ordained by Jonadab their 'father', abstaining from wine and dwelling in tents in the land of Judah till the Babylonian invasion forced them to take refuge in Jerusalem (JEREMIAH ii., 17). According to Ewald (GVZ 3:543), Schrader (BL 5:46), and Smend (Rel.-gesch.(2) 93-94) they were an Israelitish sect which represented the reaction against Canaanitish civilisation, and took the Kenites - the old allies of Israel - as a model. In 1 Ch. 2:55b, however, the 'house of Rechab' is represented as belonging to the Kenites, and in 1 Ch. 4:12 ( BL ) the &vdpts prjxctp (MT ravtw.x, <5 A A. pr)<j>a, RV 'the men of Recah' ) including TEHINNAH (perhaps Kinah = Kenite) appear among the descendants of Chelub 1 (= Caleb). We have no right to set this statement aside on the ground of the late date of the Chronicler. It is perfectly credible that the Kenites who dwelt in tents among the Israelites long continued to feel themselves the special guardians of the pure religion of Yahwe, and were honoured as such by Jeremiah. Budde assumes that in the time of Jehu a Rechabite named Jonadab formally reimposed the old obligations on his fellow-clansmen, at the same time perhaps offering the privileges of fellowship to those from outside who accepted the Rechabite rule of life, and thus converting it to some extent into a religious order. 2 This is a plausible hypothesis, and rests upon the assumption that the Jonadab spoken of in Jer. 35:6-10, 35:14, 35:16, 35:18 is the Jonadab who had a connection with Jehu. It is possible, however, that the true name of the reputed father of the Kenites was not Hobab but Jonadab (see HOBAB). This hypothesis is, at any rate, simpler than the other for the Rechabite laws are those characteristic of nomad races - e.g., the Nabataeans (Diod. Sic. 19:94) - and we cannot help expecting the legislator of the Kenites to stand, like Moses, at the head of the history of his people.

The notice in 1 Ch. 2:55b is therefore most probably to be accepted, except in so far as the corrupt name 'Hammath' 3 there given to the 'father' of the Rechabites is concerned. Rechabites and Kenites are synonymous terms. No doubt this second name 'Rechabites' is puzzling ; nor is it easy to believe that Yahwe, the God of the Kenites, had Recab-el (charioteer-god) as a title. It is a question, therefore, whether the readings D nn 'Rechabites', and ari rra 'house of Rechab', ought not to be emended in accordance with many analogies elsewhere, unless indeed we assume that the popular speech, which uses transposition freely, fluctuated. In Judg. 4:11 we meet with 'Heber the Kenite', and in v. 17 with 'the house of Heber the Kenite'. It is highly probable that 331, D 3:n should be either 7]n, or ]n7. B 3rn. In the former case, Jonadab comes before us anew as 'a son of Heber', and the Rechabites become 'Heberites'. In the latter 'Rechab' gives place to 'Rehob' ( = REHOBOTH) and 'Rechabites' to 'Rehobites' ( = Rehobothites). Perhaps the former view is preferable. We can now see the full force of Judg. 4:11, 'Now Heber the Kenite (the eponym of the "Heberites", miscalled" Rechabites ") had severed himself from Kain, even from the b'ne Hobab (Jonadab?)'. The Heberites (Rechabites) of Israel are a branch of the Heberites (Rechabites) of N. Arabia, equally with whom they honoured Jonadab as their ancestor and legislator.

Possibly aa n 133 in Judg. 4:11 (cp Nu. 10:29) should rather be I?" - i.e. the Heberites. Whether 'Heber' (cp C }rtD -) 3n , Hos. 6:9) had originally a religious sense, and marked out the Kenites as a priestly tribe (cp Jer. 35:19, and see MOSES, 17), or whether it is connected with the mysterious Habiri of the Amarna Tablets (see HEBREW LANGUAGE, and cp "HEBER) is of course uncertain. Another form which the second name of the Kenites has assumed by corruption is almost certainly the RAHAB [q.v.] of legend. Very possibly, too, the Danite placename BENE-BERAK should be Bene-rechab - i.e., Bene-heber ; indeed the famous Barak (Judg. 4:5) was perhaps really a Heberite (= Heber the Kenite). See KENITES.

Later Jewish tradition said that the Rechabites intermarried with the Levites and so entered the temple service. Hegesippus, in his account of the death of James the Just, even speaks of Rechabite priests, and makes one of them protest against the crime (Eus. HE 1:23). Recent writers have tried to find the descendants of the Rechabites in this or that modern tribe. Such attempts could not but be illusory. Cp L. Gautier, 'A propos des Recabites', La liberte chretienne, June 15, 1901.

T. K. C.

1 See Meyer, Entst. 147.

2 See Budde, The Nomadic Ideal in the NT, New World, Dec. 1895, p._729, not overlooking the interesting note on the possible Kenite origin of Yahwism ; also Religion of Israel to the Exile, 20, 44, 120 (1899).

3 Read perhaps ncn ( = southern Maacath). Cp HEMATH.


RY Recah (H31), 1 Ch. 4:12 ( PH (}><\ [A], PHX&B [BL]). See CALEB, 4 ; RECHABITES.


The words are :

1. kipper, 123, efiAao-KOficu [exilaskomai], Lev. 6:30, 8:15, 16:20, Ezek. 45151720 - where RV always has 'atone', 'make atonement' (cp ATONE); efi Acuris Nu. 29:11 t, efiAaoyia, 1 S. 12:3, Ps. 49:7 (48:8)t, eiAao>i6 Wisd. 18:21, Ecclus. 5:5, 16:11, 17:29, 18:13, 18:30 (B N C ; Heb. n^D twice).

2. hithrassah, nSPJin, 6i<xAAd<r<rojAai [daillassomai] 1 S. 29:4. In 2 S. 24:23 'accept', in Gen. 33:11 (eiiAoyeti/) Mal. 1:8 (7rpo<r6e xe<r0ai [prosdechesthai]) 'be pleased with' ; StaAAayrJ [diallage] (Ecclus. 22:22, 27:21).

3. hitte, NEn, e^iAao-KO/uai [exilaskomai], 2 Ch. 29:24, AV 'make reconciliation', RV 'make a sin offering'. See SACRIFICE, 28a, 44+

The NT words are :

4. 5taAAa<7<re<r#ai [diallassesthai], Mt. 5:24 (cp 2, and 2 Macc. 8:29 [V]).

5. (caraAAacro-eii [katallassein] Rom. 5:10 (cp 2 Macc. 1:5, 7:33, 8:29 [A]), KO.ra.KAayTj Rom. 5:11, 11:15, 2 Cor. 5:18-19 (cp 2 Macc. 5:20).

6. aTroKdTaAAao-treii [apokatallassein] Eph. 2:16, Col. 1:20-21

7. iAao-xeireai [ilaskesthai] Lk. 18:13, Heb. 2:17 , RV 'propitiation' (Ps. 65:3 [65:4], etc.), cp iAacrjU.0? 1 Jn. 2:2, 4:10 EV 'propitiation' ; cp Ecclus. 18:20 [A] 35:3 [ x * ; e t A. BNc.aA] 2 Macc. 3:33 ; see also MERCY SEAT. Deissmann (Neue Bibelstud. 52) brings forward a parallel to the construction iAdo-Keo-flcu a^aprias (Heb. 2:17) in an inscription relative to a sanctuary in Asia Minor, fii> (ajxapTiW) oil /J.T; SVITJTCU efeiAao-ao-Ocu ( sic)- It is noteworthy, as regards the use of the idiom, that iAdo-icea-flat is employed alternately with icaflapicr/u.bi TroieicrOai. [katharismon poieisthai] in LXX to represent the conception of atonement. The latter phrase regards the act with reference to its effect upon men, the former with reference to its significance in relation to God.


Onw ), RV 'he that voucheth for me', Job 16:19 t. See WITNESS.


(Esth. 6:1, Ex. 17:14); see HISTORICAL LITERATURE, 5.


(l^ft - i.e. , 'one who brings to mind', 'remembrancer' ; ANAMIMNHCKOON [four times and Is. 8:63 Q mg ], YTTOMNHMATOrPACjJOC [four times], 1 ern TOON YTTOMNHMATOON [2 S. 8:16], YTTOMIMNHC- KOON [2 S. 20:24 [L] 1 K. 4:s (BL)] ; a. commentarus),* the title of a high officer (Jehoshaphat, Joah are named) in the court of the kings of Judah ( 2 S. 8:16, 20:24, 1 K. 4:s, 2 K. 18:18, 18:37, 1 Ch. 18:15, 2 Ch. 3:48, Is. 36:3, 36:22t). RV mg always has 'chronicler' ; AV mg, often, 'remembrancer' or 'writer of chronicles'. The sense in which the word was taken by LXX and Vg. is obvious. The Hebrew title might suggest that of the 'magister memoriae' at the Roman Imperial court (Smith, Diet. Gr. and Rom. Ant., s.v. 'Magister' ), or that of the king's remembrancer, whose duty formerly was to remind the judges of the Exchequer Court 'of such things as are to be called and attended to for the benefit of the crown' (Bouvier, Law Dict., s.v.]. But the office of the mazkir was almost certainly much more responsible than either of these. It might perhaps more aptly be compared to that of one of the chief advisers of the crown or of the 'keeper of the king's conscience'. See GOVERNMENT, 21 ; cp HISTORICAL LITERATURE, 5.

On the 'story-writer', RVmg. 'recorder' (CJ/C 7jn, 6 TO. irpocrTriitrovTa [prospiptonta], cp v. 21 (o) ypd^ior TO. irp.), of 1 Esd. 2:17, see REHUM, 5, where 'governor' (lit. 'man of command' ) is suggested as a more likely equivalent.

1 According to Strabo (797) the virOjinTjuaroypa^os [hypomnematographos] was one of the four native officers recognised in the Roman province of Egypt - the others being the f^TyjTj;? [exegetes], the apxi<$Kcao"n;s [archidikastes], and the j uicTepU bs crTpanjyds [nykterinos strategos].

2 The senator whose duty it was to compile the acta diurna of the Roman Senate received the title ab actis [or a commentariis} senatus. Under the empire the office was usually held as an annual one, after the quaestorship, but before the praetorship or aedileship (Smith, Diet, Gr. and Rom, Ant., s.v. 'Acta' ).


(W3n) ; see COLOURS, 8 (DIN, MICHX, fEn, lOH), and for Reddish (Q-IOTX), see ib., 10.


(D^J?), Job 28:18. RV mg; see CORAL.




(HKn^ IT1S), Nu. 19:2+ [P2]. See CLEAN AND UNCLEAN, 17, and SACRIFICE, 38. On the symbolism of the red hue see CLEAN AND UNCLEAN, 16, end.

RED SEA[edit]

At Ras Mohammad the Red Sea, one of the most remarkable oceanic gulfs on the globe, is divided by the peninsula of Sinai into two gulfs, the western or Gulf of Suez, now about 130 geographical mi. in length, with an average width of about 18, and the eastern or Gulf of 'Akabah, about 90 mi. long, and of proportionate narrowness. On the question as to the extent of the Red Sea in early historic times, see EXODUS i. , 15.

Whether by the statement in Ex. 10:19 that the W. wind took up the locusts and drove them into the 'Red Sea' ( pD Hir, eis TV tpvOpav 8a.\a<T<rav), the whole of what is known to geography as the Red Sea is meant, or only the Heroopolitan gulf (Gulf of Suez), cannot be decided from this passage alone. It is evident that the western gulf is meant in 13:18 (the way of the wilderness of the Red Sea - which the Israelites followed leaving Egypt). In 15:4, Pharaoh's captains are drowned in the Red Sea (parallel: 'sea', the expression generally used in the chapters on the passage through 'the sea' ) , in v. 22 the Israelites leave the Red Sea. Similarly Nu. 14:25, 33:10-11. Dt. 1:1 (after LXX, correctly EV) 1:40, 11:4, Josh. 2:10, 4:23, 24:6, Judg. 11:16, etc., mean the Arabian gulf of the ancients, the modern Gulf of Suez. The eastern gulf, the sinus Aelaniticus or Gulf of Akabah, seems to be meant in Ex. 23:31 (?) (frontier of Israel) Nu. 21:4 (S. of the territory of Edom), Dt. 2:1 (to the S. of Mt. Seir) 1 K. 9:26 (ships built at Ezion-geber, on the Red Sea) Jer. 49:21 (adjoining the Edomites). Consequently, the name seems to apply to the Red Sea in general.

1. pv0pa 0<iXa a [erythra thalassa].[edit]

The rendering of the English version goes back through the Vulgate to the "EpvOpa. #dXa<nra [erythra thalassa] of LXX{BAL} ( where only Judg. 11:16 has 6d\a<r(ra 2t< [thalassa siph]). The expression is common to classical (Aeschylus, Pindar, Herodotus) and biblical Greek (1 Macc. 4:9, Wisd. 10:18, 19:7, Acts 7:36, Heb. 11:29). The original meaning of the name was a subject of discussion with the Greeks. They thought of a source with reddish water, or of the alleged reddish colour of the sea itself, or of that of the mountains surrounding it; or they invented a king Erythras. 1 Egyptologists have compared the name dosret, 'red land', given by the ancient Egyptians to the desert in contrast to the kemet, 'black land' - i.e. , cultivable ground or Egypt proper (see EGYPT, i ) ; also the Edomites as alleged 'red men', or the 'apury around Goshen (61). 2 Unfortunately, none of these names is ever found connected with the Red Sea; on the Egyptian name 'water' (or sea) 'of the circle' (or circuit?) and the hypothetical explanation of this expression, cp WMM As. 11. Eur. 254. Thus the origin of the Greek name is certainly to be sought for not in Egypt, but among the Semites. Some misunderstanding of a Palestinian or Syriac expression by the Greeks is quite likely. It must be recalled, in passing, that the Greeks used the name in a much wider sense than we do, extending it over the whole sea between Africa and India (cp Herod. 2:11, etc.). 8

1 See Wiedemann's Commentary on Herod. 2:11 (who quotes Strabo, 16:779, Mela, 38, Nearchus, 30, Eust. Dion. Perieg. 36) The statement that the expression is found in an Egyptian inscription is incorrect.

2 Wiedemann, l.c.

3 The Persian gulf also thus belonged to it. The tradition that the Phoenicians came originally from the Red Sea - i.e., Lower Babylonia - has been strangely misunderstood by scholars.

2. Yam suph.[edit]

The Hebrew name yam suph, f]iD - D - i.e. sea of the water-plant suph - is also mysterious. The suph (see FLAG, 1) belongs specially to Egypt (cp Ex. 2:35, Is. 19:6) and the Nile; only in Jon. 2:6 is it used of seaweeds, probably by poetic license. The word seems to be identical with the Coptic Aooy^, papyrus, which is not found in the earlier language but appears as tu-fi in texts of the nineteenth dynasty. 1 Whether it be a foreign or a vernacular word cannot be determined ; consequently it must remain an open question whether it was borrowed from Egyptian by the Palestinians or vice versa. It is remarkable that the Coptic version, which otherwise strictly follows LXX, in Exodus renders 'Sea of shari' which seems to be sari, ffa.pi - according to Theophrastus, Pliny, and Hesychius, the name of an Egyptian water-plant (see Peyron, Lex. Copt. 304, who, however, prefers an impossible etymology). 2 It would therefore seem that the Coptic translator here consulted the Hebrew, rendering 'sea of papyrus-plants' (Luther renders Schilfmeer). These aquatic plants, of course, never grew in the salt water of the Red Sea ; modern travellers have found, not without difficulty, some clumps of reeds on spots not far from Suez where fresh water mixes with the Red Sea (see Knobel-Dillmann, on Ex. 13:18); but the derivation of the name from these would be more than improbable. Others have thought (after Jon. 2:16) of seaweeds which are said to be plentiful in some parts of the Reel Sea ; but the common, early use of the word suph is against this. We can understand how Brugsch (l'Exode, 11 , etc. ) was led by these freshwater plants to assume the swamps of NE. Egypt as the locality of the Exodus ; he quite forgot, however, that the name yam suph applies also to the Aelanitic gulf. 3 The freshwater Timsah-lake with its large marshes full of reeds, exactly at the entrance of Goshen, would fulfil all conditions for the Exodus and for the Hebrew name (see Exouus i. , 16). The word sea is used of lakes in most oriental languages, especially in Hebrew (cp Nu. 34:11, 'Sea of Chinnereth', etc.). Still, it would be very strange if the Crocodile Lake, or other swamps on the frontier of NE. Egypt, should have furnished a name to the whole Red Sea, including the Aelanitic gulf which was nearer to most Palestinians than the Egyptian lakes. On the connection between the present bitter lakes and the Gulf of Suez, which most scholars assume for biblical times, see EXODUS i. , 15. In the opinion of the present writer this theory must be rejected, and thus the Hebrew name remains obscure.

W. M. M.

3. Is the solution hopeless?[edit]

With wonted precision and discriminating use of authorities BDB's Lexicon (s.v. P.^Q) gives the following, on which it is not superfluous to comment, because it is one of the objects of the present work to intermix the old and the new, and by a junction of the forces of all critical students, to make definite advances whereever this is possible. fjID Q probably = sea of rushes or reeds (less probably sea of [city] Suph), which Greek includes in wider name 0oA. epv9pd [thal erythra], Red Sea (cp Di. Ex. 13:18 and especially WMM As. u. Eur. 42-43, who explains as name originally given to upper end of Gulf of Suez, extending into Bitter Lakes, shallow and marshy, whence reeds [probably also reddish colour)); name applied only to arms of Red Sea, most often to Gulf of Suez, sometimes to Gulf of Akaba. It is noted also that *]lD"C_*p should possibly be read for o VlO in Dt. 1:1. BDB also points out (s.v. CT) that in Ex. 14:2 (bis) 14:9, Is. 51:10 (bis), 63:11, etc. C H, and in Is. 11:15 probably C T 2"C = the Red Sea. In the latter statement, however, 'probably' seems to be an exaggeration. 'The tongue (bay ?) of the sea of Egypt' is a strange circumlocution for j D C ; indeed, to render D lSOi 'Egypt' in vv. 11, 13 is only plausible if -ivj X may be rendered 'Syria' (cp Stade, ZATW 2:291). That there are errors in the text of 11:11-16, is certain ; that pc 7 is sometimes a corruption of ^NJ,VDC" ( cp Ps.(2) on Ps. 120:3), may also be assumed ; that T);?N sometimes stands for tine N (Ashhur), a synonym of SxSnV (Jerahmeel), is also difficult to gainsay. Methodical criticism, therefore justifies us in reading, D Sxype* C lnn [Q TipJ, 'And Yahwe shall place a ban upon the Ishmaelites' (cp v. 14); n lSO is an archaising gloss. Even alone, this would suggest the view that r | D"C may be an early textual corruption, nor could it be said that 'Sea of Suph' was improbable, except on the ground that the correctness of the supposed place-name Suph in Dt. 1:1 was open to question. But when we have recognised that rnsn, Neh. 7:57 is a corruption of nfl"is - i.e., Zarephath in the Negeb (see SOPHERETH) - it at once becomes a plausible view that -fin or P,Q in the MT are sometimes corrupt abbreviations of the same place-name Zarephath (Sarephath^). Just as the 'Dead Sea' was called rp&n C > popular corruption (as many text-critical considerations suggest) of ^N3rn D i so r ilD"D i as a name for the Gulf of Akabah, maybe a corrupt abbreviation of nfi"ii~G^, where X is to be taken as a race-name = the Zarephathites (see ZAREPHATH). A similar explanation may be given of SUPH and SUPHAH. Prof. Sayce (Crit. Mon. 255+) is of opinion that Yam Suph, wherever the phrase occurs, means the Gulf of Akabah. This, however, involves the further statement that the 'identification' of the sea crossed by the Israelites with the Yam Suph (Ex. 15:4, 15:22) is in correct. This is surely too bold. In Ex. 15:4, 15:22, as elsewhere, the best course is to read riSTi D (cp MOSES, 12), unless, indeed, we prefer to read rin^ p>. All difficulties are obviated, if we adopt the view of the primitive tradition respecting Israel, and suppose that the place of sojourn of the primitive Israelites was in the land of Mizrim, adjoining the land of Jerahmeel, on the border of the Negeb (see NEGEB). It is possible that the legend spoke of a great deliverance of the Israelites in nBtX JD . where jo (sometimes corrupted into p , ('Javan' ) represents SiXCriT (Jerahmeel). Quite early, the mark of abbreviation in o may have been lost, and \ have become corrupted into 1210 and n-0. Then, floating mythic stories may have led to an alteration of the old legend. One such possible story is referred to elsewhere (MosES, 10). Another may now be added. We know that c "ljE3 (Mizrim ? or Mizraim?) was regarded as the antitype of the primitive J JR or 'dragon' (see DRAGON, 4). There was also, in the Creation-story, a statement of the production of the dry land by the withdrawal of the water from a part of the ocean's bed (Gen. 1:9). This may very well have been regarded as a type of the deliverance of the Israelites, the story of which (so soon as textual corruption made this possible) was adjusted so as to fit this in tuition. On Jon. 2:6 ( 'suph, was bound about my head' ), see Crit. Bib. On the whole, the closing sentence of section 2 seems to the present writer to be perfectly correct ; but a special biblical scholar ought hardly to rest without trying some fresh avenue to the truth.

W. M. M. ,1-2;

T. K. C. , 3.

1 See WMM As. u. Eur. 101. Sebe(t), 'reed', which was formerly compared with P.ID, is different.

2 Ebers, Durch Gosen, 519, makes it probable that this word is s'r in hieroglyphics. This, however, could not well be identical with the above Coptic word.

3 The Sirbonian bog would, however, justify the name little as the Gulf of Suez.


i. n:j?, kaneh, 1 K. 14:15 K&\A.MOC (2 K. 18:21, Is. 366, etc., Mt. 11:7, 12:20, etc.), is a word which is common to Heb. , Syr. , Arab., and Ass., and has passed into Gr. and Lat. as K&NN& - canna, and into Eng. as 'cane'. The name is probably of Semitic origin ( Lag. Uebers. 50 ; Barth, Nominalb. 9c) ; but the nature of its connection with the root mp is obscure. 1 Besides the general meaning 'stalk' (Gen. 41:5, 41:22) or 'shaft' (Ex. 37:17, etc.), 2 n:j? is used more specifically of (a) reedgrass, (b) sweet or aromatic cane(?).

(a) Reedgrass is frequently mentioned, though there is little to help in determining the particular species intended. It was distinct from suph. (see FLAG) and gome (see RUSH), but like these grew by the banks of rivers (e.g. , the Nile, Is. 19:6) and pools (Is. 35:7). It appears to have been somewhat tall (Job 40:21) and thick (to justify the metaphor in Job 31:22; EV 'bone', AVmg 'chanel-bone' ) ; and the jointed nature of the stalk appears to be indicated in the repeated references to the broken or bruised reed (2 K. 18:21, etc.). 3 Perhaps the most probable identification is with the tall Arundo Donax, L. , which grows abundantly in S. Europe : though other species may have been included under the name. 4 In Ps. 68:31 [68:30] n:p rt n certainly cannot be rendered 'the company of spearmen' (as AV) ; such a phrase can only be rendered 'the wild beast of the reeds' (cp AVmg, 'the blasts of the reeds' ). The animal intended may be the crocodile (cp Ps. 74:14, etc.), or the hippopotamus (cp Job 40:21). A symbol of Egyptian power seems to be required, and this the hippopotamus nowhere is. See CROCODILE.

[It is not surprising, considering the obscurity of the context that opinion should not be quite unanimous. Duhm thinks that the swine is meant (cp 60:13 [60:14]), as the symbol of a Syrian population. Cheyne (Ps.(2)) reads [B ! n \nj3 nn, 'the wild beasts of pointed horns'.

(b) By the kaneh of Cant. 4:14, Is. 43:24, Ezek. 27:19, the aiur7iW of Jer. 6:20, and the era nj6f&2gt; of Ex. 30:23 is meant some aromatic product. It formed an ingredient in the holy anointing oil, the others being myrrh, cinnamon, cassia, and olive oil. It came to the Jews 'from a far country' (Jer. 6:20, cp Ezek. 27:19), and was costly (Is. 43:24). The more general use of kaneh in other passages suggests that this 'fragrant cane' was an aromatic reed or flag, such as Axorus Calamus, L. : others, however, prefer to identify the substance as cassia bark, which is yielded by 'various species of cinnamomum occurring in the warm countries of Asia from India eastward' (Fluck. and Hanb. (2) 527).

2. rvny, 'aroth (dxi [archi] ; Is. 19:7 t), which is in AV rendered 'paper reeds', means properly 'bare places', and (if not corrupt, see Che. SHOT, and Marti, ad Inc. } refers to the uncultivated and treeless meadows along the banks of the Nile.

3- Q BJN, 'agammim, which generally means pools or marshes, is in Jer. 51:32 (but LXX has crwr^ara [systemata] [BXA] or avffTrifj.a.Ta [systemata] [B a?b Q] though Aq. , Sym. translate AT; [ele]) applied to the clumps or beds of reeds (such as grow on marshy spots), which are said to be 'burned with fire' (Gratz, however, would read c :biK, 'castles' ). Cp POOL, 1.

4. inx, 'ahu, is twice in RV text (Gen. 41:2, 41:8) and once in RVmg - (Job 8:11) rendered 'reed-grass' : on this see FLAG.

5. H2N, 'ebeh, in Job 9:26 + (t x"* 65oC?) is rightly rendered 'reed' in RVmg. Cp Ass. abu or apu. The allusion is to the light canoes or skiffs of reed anciently, and still, in use on the Nile; cp Is. 18:2 ( 'vessels of papyrus' ) and SBOT ad loc.

[It is not strange that this rendering should be a distinctly modern one. The explanation of 'ebeh as reed only goes back to Hiller (Hierophyticon, 1725) and Schultens (1737). Vg. (following Tg.) gives poma portantes (cp 3N) ; Symm. aiteuSov<Tai [speudousai] (AVmg- ships of desire ) ; Pesh. and over 40 MSS read rn\V, '(ships of) hostility' ; and lastly Olshausen reads H13N, '(ships of) wings'. See OSPREY, ad fin., for a new emendation.]

N. M.

1 The pp (lance) of 2 S. 21:16, may be a kindred word, though the correctness of the text is very questionable.

2 So of the beam of a balance (Is. 46:6), and of a measuring reed or rod (Ezek. 40:3, etc ) on which last see WEIGHTS AND MEASURES, i.

3 With these references cp the Talmudic phrase 'push with a reed' - of a feeble arguer (Low, 344).

4 The evidence of the Syriac lexicographers is somewhat in favour of Arundo Phragmites, L. (Low. 341).


See above 1(a).


or rather, Reeliah (n^>in ; peeAeiA [B], peeAlAC [AL]), Ezra 2:2 = Neh. 7:7, RAAMIAH = 1 Esd. 5:8 where it is corruptly REESAIAS [AV], RESAIAS [RV], (pyaaiov [BA], oe/xton [L = rrcyi = rrajn]) ; the form REELIAS [<?.v.], however, appears elsewhere in the same verse. Like 'Raamiah' it may represent 'Jerahmeel' ; the existence of N. Arabian elements within the Jewish community can hardly be denied (Che.). Cp REGEM-MELECH.


RV Reelias (BopoAeioy [B], peeAioy [A]), a duplicate of the name of the fourth in the post-exilic list of leaders in 1 Esd. 5:8, which has by a scribe's error been substituted for BAfOl ( see v - J 4 [A]) or BA[-oy<M [ L L i.e. Bigvai (see Ezra 2:2, Neh. 7:7).


(PHCAIOY [BA]), 1 Esd. 5:8 = Ezra 2:2, REELAIAH.


(fjiyp), Mal. 3:2-3. See FURNACE, METALS.


(t^Bil ntf), Josh. 20:2 . See ASYLUM, 5, and cp 6, 8 ; LEVITES.


(DTI; PAr eM [B], pe . [A], perM A [L]), a Calebite name, one of the sons of Jahdai ; 1 Ch. 2:47.


cferDft ; & P Beceep , -ce P [N c - n ], : cecep[A], - C ee [Q], o B<\ciAeyc; see below). A citizen of Jerusalem concerned in a deputa tion sent to the prophet Zechariah, Zech. 7:2 (see SHAREZER, 2). Most probably (as Marquart suggests) he is to be identified with RAAMIAH, one of the twelve (?) leaders of the Jews (Ezra 2:2 and parallel passages). 1 The present writer suspects, however, that both 'Raamiah' and 'Regem-melech' are simply corruptions of 'Jerahmeel'. The Jew spoken of would be (like so many others) partly of Jerahmeelite extraction. It would thus become unnecessary to explain Regem in Regem-melech by the Aram, cn, jaculari.

Marti now (1897) reads, for 'Regem-melech and his men', 'fourteen men', C mN -\K y njp-W, a trace of which he finds in LXX's apftea-eep o /SacriAev; [arbeseer o basileus]. This accounts rather ingeniously for apecrp [arbeseer]. But we have no right to eliminate -^Q CJ"I- op/3f apBcreep [arbeseer] may represent -ISNinj, (cp Istnr) - i.e., -\VR y\y ( = Asshurite, Arabia). Cp SHAREZER, 2; RAB-SHAKEH. T. K. c.


(mrParr), 'Yah is a wide place', cp the use of UPTl in Ps. 4:2, 18:37 [18:36] or quite as possibly an ethnic = ^IT}, 'Rehobite' (Che.); PA &Bic\), b. Eliezer b. Moses (1 Ch. 23:17, 24:21 : ABIA [L] ; 26:25: RABiAC [B], pA< v [A], A.BI& [L]). Cp MOSES, RECHABITES, REHOBOAM.


prri, 'broad place' ; RO coB [BAL]).

1. The northern limit of the spies, apparently Aramaean, and in the direction of Hamath (Nu. 13:21 paa/3 [B], powO [F] 2 S. 108 poa/3 [A], paiOpaafi [baithraab] [L]) ; see BETH-REHOB. In the context of both passages, however (see NEGEB, MAMRE, ZOBAH), there are phenomena which suggest that both Rehob and the Beth-rehob of 2 S. 10:6 are incorrectly or imperfectly written for 'Rehoboth', and that this 'Rehoboth' is the place of that name in the Negeb (see REHOBOTH). 'Hamath' maybe miswritten for Maacath or MAACAH (q.v. ), not improbably the southern Maacah. It may be added that, from this point of view, 'Aram' in the original narrative which underlies 2 S. 10 meant Jerahmeel, a still shorter form of which is RAM (q.v. ) ; also that ben Rehob, the designation of Hadad-ezer in 2 S. 33:12, probably means native of Rehoboth (see ZOBAH).

T. K. C.

2. and 3. The name of two unidentified Asherite cities, the one mentioned between Ebron and Hammon (Josh. 19:28, pcta/3 [B]), the other with Accho and Aphek (ib. 30, paav [B, see UMMAH], paw/3 [A] -o/J [Conipl.], apw/3 [L]). There may well have been several Rehobs ; but the mention of two in the Asherite list seems due to an error. It is only the second one which we know to have existed. It is enumerated (with Aphek and Accho) in Judg. 1:38 (epew [B]) among the cities of Asher in which the Canaanites remained ; and again in Josh. 21:31 (P, paa/3 [B]), 1 Ch. 6:75 [6:60] (om. L) in a post-exilic list of Levitical cities assigned to the b'ne Gershon. 2 A possible connection with rahu[bu ?] in an Eg. list, may be mentioned (cp WMM As. u. Eur. 394). Of more importance, however, is the occurrence of the name rahubu (pap. Anast. ) between Kiyna, (see HEBER, i), and Bayti-Sha'-a-ru (perhaps Beth-shean ?), 3 which is doubtless the same as the Roob, pooj/3 of the Onom. , situated near Beth-shean (OS (2) 145:21, 286:82-83). Now this Rehob in OT times must have been included within the borders of Issachar. It seems not improbable that the name in Josh. 19:28 (see above) has been accidentally transplanted from the list of cities of Issachar once given by E in vv. 17-23. 4 See BETH-REHOB.

S. A. C.

1 Cp Ahijah (1 S. 14:3 ) = Ahimelech (1 S. 22:9-12).

2 The criticism of Josh. 19 is difficult. See JOSHUA, 6, Addis, Doc. Hex. 1:230-231, 2:467-468, and cp Oxf. Hex. ad loc.

3 WMM As. u. Eur. 153 ; cp ruhaba (Sosenk list) together with Hapurama (see HAI-HARAIM).

4 Of the older document only v. 170. has survived. The rest has been rejected in favour of P's account of the tribal limits; see Addis (loc. cit.).



1. 2 S. 8:3, 8:12; see REHOB i. i; BETH-REHOB ; HADADEZER.

2. A Levite signatory to the covenant (see EZRA i., 7); Neh. 10:11 [10:12] (B om., po<u/3 [AL], poo/3 [Nc.a mg.]).


(Diprn, as if 'the clan is enlarged'. 1 But r']ram. REHABIAH, favours the view that either cj; is the divine name Amm [cp AMMI, NAMES IN], or [Che.] the name is, or represents, one of the current modifications of 'Jerahmeel'. Possibly the true form was Rehab'el, just as the true form of JEROBOAM [q.v.] may have been Jerubba'al ; the origin of both names, however, may be suspected to have been 'Jerahmeel'. Cp, however, Gray HPN, 59 ; poftoa^ [BAL]).

Son of Solomon, and first King of Judah (about 930 B.C. ?). According to 2 Ch. 12:13 the queen-mother was 'Naamah, an Ammonitess'. This supposed half-Ammonitish origin of Rehoboam would be important, were it probable (cp the -am in the name). But we have no reason to think that Solomon s chief wife was an Ammonitess. Much more probably he married the 'companion' of David's old age, by an error (it seems) of LXX and MT called Abishag. If so, micy may be a corruption of rrsw, Sunammith, and Rehoboam's mother was probably Naamah the Shunamite (cp Cant. 6:12 [6:13]). The queen-mother, however, need not have been an Issacharite ; the Shunem from which she came was most probably in the Negeb (see SHUNAMMITE). Had it been otherwise, Rehoboam might have counted on the support of the tribesmen of Issachar. But Issacharites were certainly not among 'the young men that had grown up with him and stood before him', of whom we are told in 1 K. 128.

The traditional story of the events which led to the disruption is considered elsewhere (see JEROBOAM, i). It is necessary, however, to refer to it again in connection with the article SOLOMON. It would seem that in spite of the compulsory (?) cession of twenty cities to the king of Missur, Solomon succeeded in retaining a large part of the Negeb. It also appears that as late as the time of Amos (see PKOPHET, 35) Israelites from the N. frequented the venerable sanctuaries of the Negeb - a region which the second Jeroboam had recovered for Israel. It is further probable that the place-name which appears in Genesis (MT) as 'Shechem' should rather be Cusham, and that a place in the Negeb, on the border of the N. Arabian Cush is intended. See SHECHEM. Very possibly it was there that the great assembly was held, which issued in the rejection of Rehoboam by the larger part of Israel. That the story given in 1 K. 12 is correct, is intrinsically improbable. We do not know what it was that actually kindled the spark of disaffection, nor is it necessary that we should. The differences of N. and S. were reasons enough for a separation ; in race and perhaps even in matters of cultus there was by no means complete unity among the federated clans of Israel.

Was Rehoboam really forty-one years old at his accession? We may doubt it, even without laying stress on 1 K. 12:8 ; cp 2 Ch. 13:7. So far as we can see, he displayed no vigour, even in the feud between himself and Jeroboam ; the historians ascribe this partly to the intervention of a prophet named SHEMAIAH. And in spite of the cities in the S. which Solomon (and, as the Chronicler states, Rehoboam himself) had fortified, he could not hinder the successful incursion of 'Shishak, king of Egypt', or rather 'Cushi, king of Misrim' (see SHISHAK), which resulted in the loss of the treasures which Solomon had collected for the temple. This is the one great event recorded of his reign. See ISRAEL, 28, and on Rehoboam's wives (2 Ch. 11:18, 11:20), MAACAH, MAHALATH.

T. K. C.

1 Cp the play on the name in Ecclus. 47:23 (Heb. text).


(JYQrn; eyPYX^P A [ADL]), the name of one of the wells dug by Isaac (Gen. 26:22). See GERAR.

1. Identification.[edit]

Rehoboth was really, however, an important place, to which great kings and diviners appear to have traced their origin, and where great prophets took refuge, and received messages from their God (see below). It may perhaps be the city of Rubuta mentioned in the Am. Tab. (182:13, 183:10), and once called apparently Hubuti (28947). In 183:8-10 we read that the warriors of Gazri, Gimti, and Kilti have taken the region of Rubuti. Gimti is Gimti-Kirmil, i.e., Gath of JERAHMEEL (q.v. , 4[-5]), Kilti is Keilah. The localities, except Gezer, lie pretty near together. Presumably the site is that of the mod. Ruhaibeh, 8 hours SW. of Beersheba, at the point 'from which the roads across the desert, after having been all united, again diverge towards Gaza and Hebron'. Robinson, who visited the place, hesitated to make this identification, because 'this appears to have been nothing but a well' (BR 1:291). Rowlands 1 and Palmer saw more clearly. In the Wady itself there is only one well ; but on the sloping sides of the side-valley, in which the ruins are situated, are many wells, reservoirs, and cisterns. A little beyond this the Wady opens out, and receives the name of Bahr bela mi ( 'the waterless sea [lake]' ), and on the left comes in a small valley called Sutnet er-Ruhaibeh, in which names are preserved both the Sitnah and Rehoboth of the Bible ( Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 385). Probably Ruhaibeh also represents the 'Rehoboth by the River' of Gen. 36:37 (irun n uirn ; poupwff TTJS wapa irora.iJ.6v, or rov TTOTO.IJLOV [AL], om. B ; de fluvio Rohoboth, or de R. quae juxta amnem sita est [Vg.]). See SAUL (2), PETHOR. The appended description distinguished this Rehoboth from other places of the same name. The 'River' is the River of Misrim (see MIZRAIM, 2 b ; EGYPT, RIVER OF). For passages in the accounts of Bela, Balaam, and Elijah, in which Rehoboth appears under disguises due to corruption in the text, see BELA, CHERITH, PETHOR ; also MARCABOTH, NEGEB, 2 c.

2. Further OT references.[edit]

This, however, does not exhaust the list of probable references to Rehoboth. It may have been displaced by 'Hebron' in Gen 23:2, 35:27 Judg. 1:10 (see KIRJATH-ARBA); in this case, it was at Rehoboth, not at Hebron, that the famous cave of 'the MACHPELAH' (? Jerahmeel, Gen. 23:17-20} was situated. The error may have been a very early one (perhaps in the original P). No doubt, too, 'B'ne Heth' in Gen. 28:3+ is miswritten for 'B'ne Rehoboth' (nn [HTh] for n[a]n[i] [RHBTh]) ; so also 'Hittite' (wi) in Gen. 26;34 and 36:2 should be 'Rehobothite' (narn), and 'daughters of Heth' (nn man) in Gen. 27:46 should be 'daughters of Rehoboth' (napnwja) ; see JACOB, 2.

The Book of Ezekiel, too, yields one remarkable reference to Rehoboth, if in Ezek. 16345, 'thy mother was a Hittite', we should read 'Rehobothite' (|| 'Amorite', or rather 'Arammite' = 'Jerahmeelite' ). On the probability that the early population of Jerusalem consisted of Jerahmeelites or Rehobothites, see ZION, and cp Crit. Bib.

Most probably, too, 'URIAH the Hittite' should be 'Uriah the Rehobothite', and Haggith (the name of Adonijah's mother) in 2 S. 3:4 should be Rehobith (n nrn). 'Cherethite' (TTQ), too, can at last be rightly read; it should be Rehobothite (Torn). This, in fact, is a necessary inference from the corruption of m^rri into n-u in 1 K. 17:35 (see CHERITH, and cp PELETHITES, ZAREPHATH). Thus David's faithful guards were not Philistines, but men of S. Palestine. That the Rehobothites and Sarephathites, however, were always friendly to David is more than can be safely stated. Both tribes or peoples are apparently referred to as hostile to David in 2 S. 21:15-22. 'Philistines' should be 'Sarephathites', and 'Gath' (n:) and 'Gob' (^j) are probably corrupt fragments of 'Rehoboth' (mm). It will be remembered that the Misrites were famous for their tall stature (1 Ch. 11:23; cp Is. 45:14?), and that the Anakim are connected with Kirjath-arba. Now Kirjath-arba (y2"\n n"ip), or perhaps -'arab ( 3-iy p) is at any rate not Hebron, but may be Rehoboth (cp SODOM). These conjectures favour the view that Goliath, David's antagonist in the legend, was of Rehoboth, not of Gath.

In short, it would appear that older and very different stories underlie the narratives in MT and LXX of 1 S. 17 and (especially) 2 S. 21:15-22, 23:8-23; either there has been a confusion between

1 In Williams, Holy City, 1 465.

2 'Canaanites' here should be 'Kenizzites' (as in some other parts of Judg. 1 and elsewhere).

two wars of David - one with the 'Philistines' and one with the Sarephathites and Rehobothites, or there has throughout the life of David been a great error of the scribes - DTIB-Stj written for c HSIS and OTTO for QTOrn- If so, it becomes at once probable that Sarephath and Rehoboth are also referred to in 2 S 5:17-25 and 6:1-11 (see ZAREPHATH, ZIKLAG). 'OBED-EDOM [q.v.] the Gittite' should be 'Arab-edom the Rehobothite'. Only on this critical conjecture can we explain the action ascribed to David in 2 S. 6:10 (cp ARK, 5). This may be taken together with a less certain but not unimportant con jecture relative to Baal-perasim and Peres-uzza (see PERAZIM, ZAREPHATH). The royal city of Achish (1 S. 27:5) was not Gath but Rehoboth. This would throw a light on the story of Shimei's journey in 1 K. 2:39+ (see SHIMEI). Elsewhere (SISERA) it is suggested that both 'Achish' and 'Nahash' probably come from 'Ashhur' (= 'Asshur', also= 'Geshur' ) so that 'Sisera' ( = Asshur) may represent the Nahash, king of Ammon (rather Jerahmeel), of 1 S. 11:1, 2 S. 10:2.

Other disguised references to Rehoboth may perhaps be found in 1 S. 14:47 (where LXX{L} presupposes urn rrs, probably a corruption of rcrri) and in 2 S. 8:3, 8:12, 10:6, 10:8. In 1 S. 14 the conquest of Rehoboth is ascribed to Saul; in 2 S., more correctly to David. In 2 S. 11:1, 12:26-30 this important event is described; the phrases 'the royal city' and the 'city of waters' are both the result of textual corruption (read the 'city of Jerahmeel', or 'of the Jerahmeelites' ). See further Crit. Bib., and cp SAUL, 3 ; URIAH. See also MIZRAIM, where it is argued that Gen. 10:14 probably refers to Rehoboth (not Caphtorim) as the starting-point of the Pelishtim (cp 2 S. 21:18+). T. K. c.


("W nhrn ; pocoBwc rroAiN [AD] ; poooBoe TT. [> a ] ; pocoBcoe TT. [EL]) or 'the city Rehoboth' one of the four cities mentioned in Gen. 10:11+.

1. Assyriological inquiry.[edit]

The name cannot be identified with any of the cities in the neighbourhood of Nineveh and Calah, with which it is associated. In the inscriptions of Sargon and Esarhaddon mention is made of the rebit Nina, as a place in which was situated the old city Maganuba, on the site of which Sargon founded his city of Dur-Sargon, the modern Khorsabad. Rehoboth-Ir might represent Rebit-ali, and this might be equivalent to Rebit-Nina, and be a popular name for Dur-Sargon (cp Del. Par. 160-161. Calwer Bib.-Lex. 723b). The word rebitu (from ra'batu ?) denotes primarily the outskirts of a city, in some cases the fields and plantations which were part of the city but lay outside its walls, though possibly within the exterior circumvallation. Thus it was in the rebit of Dur-ili that Sargon fought with Humba-nigash king of Elam, at the commencement of his reign : and it was in the rebit of Nineveh that Esarhaddon made his triumphal entry after his capture of Sidon, KB 2:126. There is evidence that rebit is the name of the farm or estate in the open country and was usually followed by the name of its owner ; thus Rebit Rimani-ilu denotes the estate of Rimani-ilu (see Assyrian Doomsday Book, 62). This would suggest that, if a town-name, Rehoboth 'Ir implies a founder 'Ir. No such town name, however, has come down to us. 1

2. Text-critical solution.[edit]

The failure of attempts to explain Rehoboth-Ir and Resen (not to add Accad and Calneh) from Assyriology compels biblical critics to look at the problem from a fresh point of view, suggested by experience of the confusions and misunderstandings of biblical names which abound in the traditional text. The problem thus viewed is part of a much larger one which affects the whole of the Nimrod passage, and indeed the context in which that passage occurs. It is far from unlikely that Nimrod was really a N. Arabian not a Babylonian hero, and 'Rehoboth-Ir and Calah' should most probably give place to 'Rehoboth and Jerahmeel'. See NIMROD, REHOBOTH.

C. H. W. J. , 1 ; T. K. C. , 2.

1 There was a district known as Rabute, near Nineveh (see Assyrian Deeds and Documents, Nos. 278, 416) ; but this was probably the rabit of the 'magnates', rabute, of Nineveh.


(D-irn as if 'beloved', an Aramaic word [ 56], but very possibly one of the popular transformations of 'Jerahmeel' ; cp Harim, Rekem, Raamiah and see SHIMSHAI [Che.]).

1. A leader (see EZRA ii. , 8e) in the great post-exilic list (EZRA ii., 9) Ezra 2:2 ( lp eo Y M [A], peiOYM [L], B om.) ; probably the same as (4) below. That the form NEHUM (mm ; vaovf* [BNAL]) in Neh. 7:7 is incorrect is shown by 1 Esd. 5:8 (poeipov [B]. po^tov [A a ], vaovn [L], EV ROIMUS).

2. b. Bani, a Levite, in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH, i/, EZRA ii., 16 [i] 15d) Neh. 3:17 (Pavovd [B], paovfj. [XA], ptov/j. [L]).

3. Signatory to the covenant (EZRA i., 7 ) Neh 10:25 [10:26] (paovfj. [BNA], pe. [L]).

4. A priest in Zerubbabel's band (EZRA ii. , 66), Neh. 12:3, miswritten for HARIM of v. 15 (so Guthe in SBOT ; BNA om. ; peovp. [X c - a m e- SU P-L]).

5. The name of a high official (CJ;D <?j;a) who joined with Shimshai the scribe and others in making representations against the Jews to Artaxerxes (Ezra 4:8-9, 4:17, 4:23 ). EV, following the early Hebrew commentators, who explain 'recorder', calls him 'the chancellor' ; 'the governor' would perhaps more exactly convey the force of cyy tya ( 'man of commands' ), which is either the translation of an old Persian title (Pahlavi framatar - so Andreas in Marti, Aram. Gram.) or may even represent a Greek title (e.g. , ewapxos [eparchos]). The latter alternative assumes that the writer transported the political relations of the Greek period into the Persian period to which documents used by him belonged (so Marquart, Fund. 60). It is desirable, however, that Ezra and Nehemiah should be re-examined in the light of the theory that the underlying original narrative related to the N. Arabian, not to the Persian, rule. This may affect our conclusions in many minor points.

T. K. c.

The versions of Ezra leave the title untranslated (paouA ftaSaranfv, paouju. |3aaA, paou/i j3aAya^i, paovfi [B], peou/x jSaaATa/oi pfovfj. [A], peoi/fi ^eAree/x [L], beclteem [Vg.]). In 1 Esd. 2:16+, RATHUMUS (pa0v/u.os) called 'the news-writer' (v. 17, o [eis] Ta 7rpocr7ri7rTovTa [..... prospiptonta], EV 'the story writer'), cp. Jos. (Ant. 11:2:1) p o 7ravTa Ta 7raTToufva ypa0wv [..... prattomena graphoon]. In other cases his title has been treated as a proper name BEELTETHMUS, a scribe's corruption of /3eeAT,uo5 [beelteemos], v. 16 p. K ai (3eeA T eO F os [D], paOvo? (cat /3aeA T <:fy.os [Aa], pa<?v/xos xa\ /3feATe,oios [L], J. 25 [21] . . . oa0v M <o > ypa.<t>oi Ti Ta irpoo-n-in-TOi Ta Kal /JeeATefyia, . . [B] . . " 0eeA- Te^wfl [A], p. yp . T. wp. K. jSeeArep-y [L, v. 15], a. doublet).


( IT) ; pncei [BA], also a Palm, name [Vogue, Syr. Cent,: nos. 16, 22], but LXX{L} [ K <M] oi GTAlpOl AYTOY" w i tn reference to Shimei ; cp Jos. Ant. 7:14:4 : 'Shimei David's friend' and see Th. ), coupled with SHIMEI (q.v. n. ), among those who did not favour Adonijah (1 K 1:8). Winckler (Gesch. 2:241) identifies him with Ira, the Jairite, who was 'a priest to David' (2 S. 20:26) ; he argues ingeniously to show that this Ira (or Jair) was a priest of Bethlehem. But for |.-Q we should possibly read jab 'a high officer' (cp SHEBNA). Ewald reads >-p for jn and identifies (not plausibly) with David's brother RADDAI [q.v.].


i. (nV^S), kelayoth; N e<J)pOI [and LXX Rev. 2:23 f] ; renes], properly the kidneys (of animals offered in sacrifice, except in Job 16:13, Ps. 139:13, Lam. 3:13, where the human kidneys are referred to). 'A not less important seat of life [than the blood], according to Semitic ideas, lay in the viscera, especially in the kidneys and liver, which in the Semitic dialects are continually named as the seats of emotion, or more broadly in the fat of the omentum and the organs that lie in and near it' (Rel. Sem. (2) 379). Consequently P represents these parts as Yahwe's appointed share of the sacrifices (cp LIVER). We even find a peculiar symbolism connected with kidney-fat (see FOOD, i a, but note that the text of the passages is doubted ; see MILK, i). It is much more natural to find the 'reins' (as EV calls the 'kidneys', when used metaphorically) employed as a term for the organ, not only of the emotions (see Ps. 73:21, Job 16:13, 19:27 [not but Theod. ]) but of the moral sentiments (see Jer. 11:20, 17:10, 20:12, 1 S. 7:10, 16:7 (?), 26:2). 'Trier of the reins and the heart' is the characteristic and title of Yahwe, not only in the OT, but also in the Hebraistic Book of Revelation (Rev. 223). In Ps. 167, however, 'yea, my reins instruct me in the night seasons' can hardly be right. It is Yahwe, not the 'heart' or the 'reins', who trains and disciplines men (see Che. Ps.(2) ad loc.).

2. D aSn, halasaim, is in Is. 11:5 rendered 'reins' by EV simply for want of a synonym for 'loins'.

3. The AVmg. of Lev. 15:2, 22:4 for ]'T, zob, is not literal, and is based on a long-exploded pathology (cp MEDICINE, 5).


(Dp!)- I - Apparently a Benjamite place-name, Josh. 18:27 (N&K&N [B?]. peeM [A], pe6N [L]), but most probably a corruption of SNCHT, Jerahmeel, and equivalent to D ina, BAHURIM (another of the developments of JERAHMEEL). 1

2. A king of Midian, Nu. 318 (poKOfj, [BAFL]). Cp (3)

3. One of the sons of Hebron mentioned with TAPPUAH and SHEMA [qq. v.] in 1 Ch. 2:43 ; in 2:44 [MT] he is father of Shammai father of A fa OH, but in LXX (peKo/J. [15], poKOfj. [A], puKTjfj, [L]) it is Shema who is ancestor of Shammai, the intermediate links being RAHAM and JORKEAM [qq. v. ]; Rekem, Raham, Jorkeam, and Carmel are all probably corruptions of JERAHMEEL. Cp JOKDEAM.

4. In pause RAKEM (so EV), a Manassite ; 1 Ch. 7:16 (BA om., pa.Ka.fj. [L]). Seemingly there was a strong Jerahmeelite element in the population of the Manassite territory.

These explanations suggest the true explanation of the phrase Clp 33 ! see EAST, CHILDREN OF, where the reader is referred to the present article for textual criticism of the phrase. One plausible view of the original form of the story of GIDEON (q.v ., i) requires us, in Judg. 6:3, 6:33, 7:12 to read cpl 33 ( see Pesh.), i.e., ^>xi2rlT 33! note the gloss 'Amalekites'. This should be taken in connection with the Targumic use of cpl for Kadesh ; here too cpl must come from SxcnT the full name of Kadesh was Kadesh-jerahmeel, barnea and 'rekem' having the same origin. See SELA. In fact, wherever we meet with phrases like 'the sons' or 'the land' or 'the mountains of Kedem we may safely regard Kedem as a corruption of Rekem, i.e., Jerahmeel, with the doubtful exception of Gen. 10:30 (i.e., if m2D [EV 'toward Sephar' ] does not come from riSlS, cp SEPHARAD). Cp OPHIR. See Gen. 25:6, 29:1, Nu. 23:7, 1 K. 5:9 [4:30], Is. 11:14, Jer. 49:28, Ezek. 25:4, 25:10, Job 1:3. Similarly in Gen. 15:19 KADMONITES must be a corruption of Jerahmeelites.

T. K. C.

1 ] dropped out, and n became l] (for the reverse process see H. P. Smith on 1 S. 8:16).




(W^pl, 39 ; po/v\eAiA[c]). father of PEKAH (q.v.), 2 K. 15:25 etc., Is. 7:4-5, 8:6. Probably a corruption of Snsni, Jerahmeel. Pekah s Gileadites may really have come from the Negeb (on the southern ijfa, see Crit. Bib. on Jer. 8:22, 22:6, Am. 1:3). Similarly, Jehuw as not improbably an Ishmaelite (see NIMSHI), and Joab a Misrite (see ZERUIAH). It is easy to understand that the boldest adventurers might be of N. Arabian extraction. T. K. c.


(t rDT) Is. 578. See MEMORIAL.


(2 S. 20:24 etc., AV mg), EV 'recorder', RVmg 'chronicler'. See RECORDER.


(n-1), Josh. 19:21. See RAMOTH, i.


(pB"l), Josh. 19:7 AV; RV RIMMON (ii.,i).


(IN hrpn pan), Josh. 19:13. See RIMMON ii. , 3.


(pe/wcbAN, Stephens with i, 31 etc.; cp peM(t>AM [D, Vg. Iren.] ; po/v\4>AN [N*] ; po/v\(J>A [B], pe/v\4>A [61, Arm.]), or (M being intrusive, as in NOAABA beside NOB&. 1 S. 21:1),as RV, REPHAN (pechAN j [CE, Syrr. , Memph. Theb. yEth. ] ; cp PAKJJAN, [AN C ] ; p&(bAN, Just. Dial. 22, ex Amos), occurs, with the prefix 'the star of the god' (so RV with BD, Pesh. , etc. and LXX {AQ*}), or 'the star of your god' (so AV, with AKCE, Vg. , Harcl. , etc. ), in Acts 7:43. in a quotation from Amos 5:26, LXX (where BA pAl4>AN. Q p(J)AN, Coniplut. pe/v\- cj)&). The same Jablonski who ventured on a Coptic explanation of BEHEMOTH (q.v. ) explained Rempha or Rompha from the Coptic, as 'king of heaven', nullo plane apice immutato ( 'Remphah, Aegyptiorum Deus', in Opitscula, ed. Te Water, 2 [1806], pp. 1-72). But 'king of heaven' in Egyptian would be suten em pet. 1 Gloag (Comm. on Acts 1:249), Lumby (Acts, in Cambridge Bible, ad loc.}, and Merx (Schenkel's Rib. -Lex. 1:517) suppose Rephan to be the Egyptian name for Saturn. So (besides Spencer and Kircher) Lepsius the Egyptologist, who says that Seb or Saturn is called repa-n-neteru, 'the youngest of the gods', and suggests a possible connection with Rephan (Die Chron. der. Aeg. 93). On phonetic and other grounds this view is not more acceptable than Jablonski's, and the simple explanation is that pe<pa.v [rephan] should rather be pa.Ltf>a.v [raiphan] - i.e., JS I, where n is perhaps a corruption of 3, and s (soft) a phonetic substitute for % See CHIUN.

T. K. C.


(^KQp, as if 'God heals' ; cp Aram. ^XB-1, foBT, NAMES, 30; PANAMA [BAL]), a Korahite, b. Shemaiah ; 1 Ch. 26:7 +

Probably 'God heals' is a late popular etymology, devised after the original name had become corrupted ; that it took hold of the imagination we see from the RAPHAEL of Tobit and Enoch. The present writer suspects that Rephael, Irpeel, Raphu [Beth-]rapha, and perhaps even REPHAIAH (q.v.), all come ultimately from an ethnic. See PEDAH-ZUR ; REPHAIM. Hommel (Exp. T 8 [1897] p. 563) compares the name of an Arab, temp. Sargon, in a text transcribed by Winckler, Ya-ra-pa, also the S. Arabian name Hi-rapa'a.

T. K. C.


(nDT; p^H [BA], pA(t>&[L]), mentioned in the list of the B'ne Ephraim 1 Ch. 7:25. Both Rephah and RESHEPH (q. v. ) occur nowhere else and are probably corrupt. Cp EPHRAIM, 12.


(ITS ), 30, 62, as if 'Yahwe heals' ; pAcbAlA [BAL]). On the ultimate origin of the name see REPHAEL, and note in confirmation that in Neh. 3:9 Rephaiah (5) is a son of Hur - i.e. , most probably, of Jerahmeel. In 1 Ch. 2:19 Hur is the son of Caleb and Ephrath. Who the Calibbites are, we know [see CALEB] ; Ephrath is probably a distorted fragment of Zarephath. Cp PARADISE, col. 3573, n. 5. See below, no. 5.

T. K. c.

1. b. Hananiah, mentioned in the genealogy in 1 Ch. 3:21 (pa.<f>aX [B]), where, for ]3 'sons of', LXX and Pesh. four times read 13] 'his son'. So Kittel ; Bertheau follows MT.

2. A Simeonite chieftain who attacked the Amalekites of Mt. Seir (apparently in Hezekiah s time), 1 Ch. 4:42-43 (pa.<f>aLas [L]). See ISHI, SiMEOX.

3. b. TOLA (q.v.): 1 Ch. 7:2 (paipapa [B]) ; cp ISSACHAR, 7.

4. b. BINEA, 1 Ch. 9:43 (patpouoLV [N], apaxa [L]) = 1 Ch. 8:37 (,isi, RAPHAH ; pa<pa.i [B], apaxa [L]). Cp BENJAMIN, 9 ii. p.

5. b. HUR (4), the ruler of half the district of Jerusalem, and one of the repairers of the wall (Neh. 8:9 ; pa^atas [raphaias] [L]).

[He was of Jerahmeelite origin (see above). According to Meyer (Entst. 119) the Calibbites and Jerahmeelites did not become universally recognised as real Jews before the time of P. The study of proper names pursued in a series of articles in the present work confirms this, but with limitations. In Neh.3 Hur, Malchijah, Paseah, Rephaiah. Urijah ; in Ezra 8 Elam, Michael, Jeliel, 'Ariel ; in Neh. 11 Mahalaleel, Jeroham, Mal- chiah, Micha are transparent Jerahmeelite names. The Jer ahmeelites became so prominent that the genealogists had to do them fuller justice. But the same study of names suggests that Jerahmeelite clans were recognised both in Judah and elsewhere before the exile. T. K. c.]

1 From a private letter of Dr. Budge.


(D\XEf); pAd>&[e]iN [or - M ], and [Gen. 14, Josh. 12:13, and 1 Ch.], pr^NTec [BAEL] ; Josh. 17, LXX{BA} om.), a race of reputed giants, found by the Israelites in occupation of territory on both sides of the Jordan.

1. OT references.[edit]

Before attempting any linguistic or historical explanation, we must look into the several passages where the traditional text recognises the name, viz., Gen. 14:5, 15:20, Dt. 2:11, 2:20 (/xi</>apaeij [Fonce]) 3:11, 3:13, Josh. 12:4, 13:12, 17:15, to which we may add 2 S. 21:16, 21:18, 21:20, 21:22, cp 1 Ch. 20:4, 20:6, 20:8 (children of Harapha). The geographical phrase 'valley of Rephaim' will be treated only incidentally here (see next article).

1. Gen. 14:5. Chedorlaomer and his allies 'smote the Rephaim in Ashteroth-karnaim'.

No stress can be laid on this passage. In its present form Gen. 14 is probably later even than the archaeological notices in Dt. 2:10-11, and the names at present found in Gen. 14 :5 probably come from a very late editor who arbitrarily corrected a very corrupt text (see SODOM).

2. Gen. 15:20. The list of Canaanite peoples in Gen. 15:19-21 comes apparently from a late redactor, but has merely suffered from ordinary transcriptional corruption ; the redactor had no historical theory to serve, and reproduced, though inaccurately, names derived from earlier sources.

The order of the names is, Kenites, Kenizzites, Kadmonites (from 'Jerahmeelites' ?), Hittites (from 'Rehobothites' ?), Perizzites (Zarephathites?), Rephaim. Amorites, Canaanites, Girgashites (from 'Girshites' or 'Geshurites' ?), Jebusites (Ishmaelites?). We may infer that, according to tradition, a people called 'Rephaim' was to be found in the far S. of Palestine.

3. Dt. 2:11, 2:20, 3:11, 3:13. A 'remnant of the Rephaim', under their king Og, survived in Bashan, which was therefore called the 'land of the Rephaim'. But we are also told that the Emim of Moab and the Anakim (of Hebron ? or of Rehoboth?) were reckoned among the Rephaim. The passage comes from a late editor (D2 ), and 'Bashan' should certainly be 'Cushan' (see OG). 1

If n] (Gath) in 2 S. 21:20 is miswritten for rnim (REHOBOTH), this statement is confirmed, for the warriors spoken of in that passage were Rephaites. It is true, in Nu. 18:33 the b'ne Anak are said to belong to the Nephilnn ; but we shall see presently that the 'Rephaim' and the 'Nephilim' must have been closely connected - i.e., 'Rephaim' and 'Nephilim' may have been interchanged.

4. Josh. 12:4, 13:12 depend on Dt. 2:11, etc.; but 17:14-15 has its own peculiarities. When purified from corrupt repetitions 17:14-15/ states that the tribe of Joseph (b'ne Joseph) complained to Joshua that it was too large to have but one lot and portion. Joshua s reply was, 'If thou art a great people, go up to the forest-land, and clear away (space) for thyself in the land of the Perizzites and the Rephaim'. The Josephites objected that access to this region would be impeded by the Canaanites with their chariots of iron, and Joshua rejoined that the forest-land is not unattainable, and that their strength is equal to the task of driving out the Canaanites. 2 Here it would appear that the forest-land spoken of means the hill-country N. of Shechem ; the view that trans-Jordanic territory is intended is not plausible. 3 But room must be left for the possibility that 'Shechem' should be 'Cusham', and 'Canaanites' 'Kenizzites'. There were probably b'ne Ephraim in the Negeb (see Crit. Bib.}.

5. In 2 S. 21:22 (cp 20) four champions of the Philistines are said to have been 'born (H*? ) to the Rapha (ranrrV) in Gath' (v. 22 ; cp v. 20), while 'of two' of them it is said that they were of the descendants of the Rapha (HPSm., <T^V: ; cp 1 Ch. 20:4), or perhaps rather (cp LXX in v. 22) 'of the Rephaim'. 4

There is, however, great difficulty in the text as it now stands, Surely the Philistines were quite formidable enough without having to accept the assistance of the remnant of the Rephaim Are we to suppose that the references to the Rephaites in a S. 21:16, 21:22 are a later appendage to the tradition, suggested by a reminiscence of the tradition respecting Og? Or is there not some explanation arising out of a somewhat more definite view ot the older populations of Canaan made possible by textual criticism?

1 There is no occasion to reject the second C pjj;^ as an erroneous repetition from the preceding clause.

2 In v. 16 read nyri Ki S^K 1 ?, and in v. 18 JjV rVrT IV n 3-

3 See Steuernagel, ad lac.

4 It is usual to take i7]7i7 as an eponym ; but the art. is unfavourable to this view. ,-] surely conies from XB1, which originally had after it the stroke of abbreviation ( / KSln = D % KBin)- In 2 S. 21:22 read D KBnj JvaS 11^, 'were born to the (or, a) house of the Rephaim' (cp L's TO> oiu>). [In 2 S. 21, LXX{BA} has pa</>a [rapha] and also yryayrf? [gigantes] with pa</>a [rapha] in v. 22 : LXX{L} yarrts [gigantes] in vv. 16, 18, Tiravos [titanos] v. 20, yiyavret [gigantes] and pafya [rapha] v. 22, whilst in 1 Ch. 20 LXX has yi yoiTts [gigantes] in vv. 4, 6, LXX{BA} poi^o [rapha], LXX{L} pa.<j>aiv [raphain] and also LXX yiyavTef [gigantes].]

2. Origin of name.[edit]

It would be tedious to sum up here all the evidence directly or indirectly affecting the subject in hand provided by our textual criticism. Two passages however, are specially important. In Josh. 17:15 it is evident that ntn and C KB-n are two competing readings, and that the former is more probably correct. And in 2 S. 5:18-20 it is plain that the spot called D infl-Sjra is in the valley of Rephaim. It is maintained elsewhere (see PELETHITES, ZAREPHATH) that the tribe whose centre on the S. Palestinian border was at Zarephath ( =ZEPHATH) was prominent in early Israelitish legend, and that its name underwent strange mutilations and corruptions. Among these transformations may probably be included Zelophehad, Salhad, names connected with the N. ; and Pelishtim 1 and Letusim, names connected with the S. That 'Perizzi' and 'Pelishti' are connected is not a violent supposition. Both are most probably corruptions of Sarephathi (Zarephathite), and it is hardly less plausible to conjecture that Repha'im is a corruption of Perasim, though an alternative derivation from Jerahme'elim is equally possible. Thus - to return to the story in 2 S. 5:18-20 - instead of 'Baal-perazim' in the 'valley of Rephaim, the original tradition probably spoke of 'Baal-sarephathim in the valley of Jerahme'elim (or Sarephathim)'. That such long names were early corrupted, and that the corruption took different forms in different parts of Palestine, can easily be understood.

The result to which we are tending, and which it would lead us into too many digressions to justify fully, is that the Sarephathim or Jerahme'elim migrated into many parts both of eastern and of western Palestine. They started from the S. ; it is not a random statement of Gen. 10:6 that PUT (Oi] from n]7y) was the brother of (the N. Arabian) Cush and Mizraim and the son of Ham (Jerahmeel?), and of Gen. 25:3 that LETUSHIM was the brother of Leummim (Jerahmeelim ?) and the son of Declan (i.e., S. Kdom). The Sarephathim were in fact probably a branch of the Jerahmeelites, who, as our textual criticism tends to show, spread over many parts both of Western, and even of Eastern, Palestine (note the Phoenician Zarephath, and cp JEKAHMEEL ; EAST, CHILDREN OF). The Jerahmeelites or Sarephathites, according to the genealogies, became largely fused with the Israelites, and how much truth there may be in the statement that OG the Rephaite (Sarephathite ? or Jerahmeelite ?) and his people were smitten, till there were no survivors (Nu. 21:35), it is impossible to say.

It is hardly worth while to discuss the question whether the representation of the Rephaim - i.e., possibly the Jerahmeelites of Sarephath - as giants (cp Am. 2:9, where 'the Amorite' is thus described) is purely mythical. Whether the Edomitish race (to which the Jerahmeelites belonged) was taller than the later Israelitish race or not, it is certain that the instinctive tendency of legend (both in Europe and in Asia) to picture aboriginal races as of gigantic stature would have led to such a representation. According to Robertson Smith, 'the giant-legends arose in part from the comtemplation of ancient ruins of great works and supposed gigantic tombs'. This may very well have been the case, in view of the legends attaching to huge sarcophagi, like that assigned to Og in Dt. , at the present day. See OG.

A brief reference to other theories of the origin of the name Rephaim must suffice. The view that it is connected with Ar. rafa'a 'to lift up', and means 'giants', is not at all plausible; no cognate of rafa'a can be pointed to in Hebrew, Aramaic, or Assyrian. Stade (GVJ 1:116, 1:120) was the first to connect the name with the Rephaim or 'shades' (see DEAD and DEATH). This has been taken up by Schwally (Das Leben nach don Tode, 64, n. i [1892]; ZATW 18:132 [1898]). From the sense of 'spirits of the dead' arose, it is supposed, that of 'primeval population'. Schwally confirms this by a legend of the Hovas in Madagascar (ZATW, l.c.). This is surely most improbable. The transition is difficult, even if we do not hold, with Stade, that Q NSl [RP'YM], the word for 'the shades', means 'the weak'. It is most reasonable, therefore, to hold that, like a large proportion of ethnic names, Rephaim has been worn down from a longer form, and this form we may venture to trace either in Jerahme'elim or in Sarephathim.

See also REPHAIM, VALLEY OF, and on Job 26:3 see DEAD.

T. K. C.

l The 'Philistines' of 2 S. 21:15-22 were really the Zarephathites; 'Gath' should be 'Rehoboth'. See PELETHITES, REHOBOTH.

2 Note communicated to Prof. Driver, Devi. 40.


also VALLEY OF THE GIANTS (C NBVpDj; ; Josh. 15:8, 18:16, 2 S. 5:17, 5:22, 23:13, 1 Ch. 11:15, 14:9, Is. 17:5: T Js. iv cfxipayyi orepeo 1 [BAQr] ; Josh. 15, -MJS pa^aeija [AL], -v [B], Josh. IS e^eKpa^aeu [HL], -p. [A], 2 S. 5, Tf\v KOtAaSa rail T[f]iTO.v<av [BAL], 2 S. 23 rfj KOiA. pa^act/n [B], v [A], nravtav [L] ; 1 Ch. TQ KOiAaSi riav yiyavrtav [BNAL]; vallis Raphaim and gigantum).

1. Prevalent theory criticised.[edit]

According to the prevalent theory, which supposes the same locality to be referred to in all the passages, the 'Valley of Rephaim' was an upland plain near Jerusalem and Bethlehem (cp 2 S. 23:13-14), where not only corn and olive trees flourished (Is. 17:5-6), but the so-called Baca trees (see MULBERRY) grew. At its N. end was a hill over which ran the boundary of Judah and Benjamin (Josh. 15:8, 18:16). The plain was famous as the scene of fights between David and the Philistines, (2 S. 5:18, 5:22, 23:13; cp 1 Ch. 14:9, 11:15). Elsewhere, however, has been offered the theory that the enemies referred to in 2 S. 5:18, 5:22 and the related passages were not the Philistines but the Zarephathites (see ZAREPHATH), and that the place referred to in 2 S. 23:14 was not Bethlehem but Beth-jerahmeel (thus the whole scene becomes historically and geographically more plausible). Elsewhere, too (see REPHAIM) we have urged that Rephaim, the name of an early population of Canaan, is probably a much worn-down form either of Sarephathim (Zarephathites), or perhaps more probably of Jerahme'ellm.

2. David's valley of Rephaim.[edit]

It would seem, then, that in 2 S. 5:18, 5:22, etc., the 'valley (upland plain) of Rephaim (Jerahme'elim)' cannot be a plain near Jerusalem, and that like the 'emek ha-elah of 1 S. 17:2 (see ELAH, VALLEY OF), it was one of the 'valleys or spaces between the low sloping hills' (Palmer) in the neighbourhood of Ruheibeh (Rehoboth), possibly indeed the Wady Ruheibeh itself, though the broad Wady el-Milh may also come into consideration (see NEGEB).

3. Two other valleys of Rephaim ?[edit]

In the case of Is. 17:5, when we consider the manifest play on the name Ephraim in the next verse, it is possible to suppose

  • (a) that D NEi (Rephaim) should rather be .15S (Ephraim), and to identify this 'emek with a part of the Great Plain of Esdraelon.
  • (b) There are, however, also good critical arguments for identifying this 'emek with that in the story of David. The question is subordinate to the large inquiry, Does Is. 17:1-11 predict the ruin of Syria and Ephraim, or of the kingdom of Jerahmeel ? See Crit. Bib. But there is no objection to the view
  • (c) that the 'emek repha'im of Josh. 15:8, 18:16 really did derive its name from the Jerahme'elim ; in fact, the early population of Jerusalem was probably a combination of Amorites and Jerahmeelites (see REHOBOTH). The upland plain referred to seems to be the Beka'a, which stretches from the SW. side of Jerusalem southwards as far as Mar Elyas (3 hr. from Jerusalem), which may indeed be the mountain referred to in Joshua.

Eus. and Jer. (OS 288:22, 147:6) place the 'Valley of Rephaim' on the N. of Jerusalem, and Kittel (Gesch. der Hebr. 2:131) follows them on grounds derived from the (surely corrupt) text of 2 S. 5:22+. Tobler's main objection 1 to the ordinary view is that 'emek means a 'valley', not a 'plain'. But 'emek is constantly used of plains shut in by hills, and this is just what the Beka'a is, 'shut in on all sides by rocky hill-tops and ridges' (Porter).

T. K. C.

1 Cp LXX, 1 S. 4:8 Ttav Seuiv riav (rrepeiav rovriav (*B L sing.).


(pecpAisi), Acts 7:43 RV, AV REMPHAN.


(DH En, plain -country, strata ? ?,-p<Mj>lAeiN [BAFL], Ex. 17:18, 19:2, Nu. 33:14-15 t), a place where the Amalekites attacked the Israelites and were defeated by Joshua with the aid of the wonder working staff of Moses. As we see from his arrangement of the passages of diverse origin which he has brought together, R considers this event to have occurred when, according to P, the Israelites encamped at Rephldim immediately before entering the wilderness of Sinai. He also thinks that the spot (spots?) called Massah and Meribah was (were?) in the district of Rephidim, which, in this case, must have extended to, or perhaps even have been equivalent to, Horeb (see Ex. 17:6, 'the rock in Horeb' ). On the analysis of sources, see EXODUS (BOOK), 3.

1. Form and contents of legend.[edit]

The existence of a popular tradition of a war waged with varying fortunes by the early Israelites against the Amalekites may be assumed without discussion (see AMALEK 2 ; MOSES 12 ). But we have stl11 to ask, Did tradition connect this war, or an episode of this war, with Rephidim ? Some scholars (Oxf. Hex. 107) have doubted this ; according to them, the connection of the battle described in Ex. 17:8-16 with Rephidim is purely editorial. Textual criticism may contribute something to the decision of this point. Among the names of the stations of the Israelites there are only two which end in -im, viz., Elim and Rephidim. It is difficult not to conjecture that both these names are corruptions of ethnics. That Elim probably comes from Jerahmeel or Jerahmeelim has been suggested already (MOSES, 12). We have also conjectured that Marah (the reported name of the pre ceding station) has arisen out of another fragment of Jerahmeel, viz., Marah (from Rehem ; cp REKEM, SELA). It may now be added that Rephidim is probably a corrupt fragment of Jerahmeelim.

Rephidim (G TSI), we may suppose, comes from 'Rephilim' (Dv !n)i which, through the intermediate stage of 'Rephaelim' (D SxSn), comes from 'Remaelim' (c <( ?NC"l)> i.e., 'Jerahmeelim' (O 7X0 nv) ! the corruption is easier and not less certain than that which we meet with sometimes, of Jerahmeel into Ephraim.

Bacon (Ex. 88, note *) has acutely conjectured that Ex. 15:26 (a passage usually assigned to RD) may be based on an earlier document which derived the name Rephidim from rapha (NSI), 'to heal'. The name presupposed in the early tradition may have been not Rephidim but Rephaelim ; SNEH naturally suggests the explanation, 'for I am Yahwe that heals thee'. 2 In short, the closing words of v. 26 may originally have stood in a context relative to the name Rephaelim.

From this point of view we cannot question the fact that early tradition connected the battle in Ex. 17:8-16 with Rephidim, the name of which place (like Meribah) appears to be a distortion of the ethnic Jerahmeelim. The truth is that there were traditional stories in circulation respecting two fertile spots in the Jerahmeelite country occupied by the migrating Israelites. One appears in a double form in Ex. 15:23-25a, and in v. 27; another has also a double representation in Ex. 17:1b-2, 17:4-7 (part) and, in a very fragmentary form, in vv. 3, 7 (part). The second certainly refers to the oasis of 'Ain Gadis (the fountain of the Jerahmeelite Kadesh) And it is not unreasonable to hold that the Anmlekite attack spoken of in Ex. 17:8 was connected in the original tradition with this fountain, the possession o which was naturally grudged by the Jerahmeelites (now become unfriendly? - see MOSES) to the intrud ing Israelites. (In this case, the 'hill' spoken of in vv. 9-10. may be one of the earth-covered limestone hills at the north-eastern sweep of the oasis ; cp Trumbull, Kadesh-barnea, 273. ) This, at any rate, is the view suggested by the text of Ex. 17 in its present form ; but even if we reject it, there is strong probability in the opinion that the Amalekites attacked Israel in Rephidim - i.e. , Jerahmeelim - because we have express evidence (Nu. 13:29, cp Gen. 14:7) that the Negeb, including Kadesh, was the region specially occupied by the Jerahmeelite clans.

That the story of the Amalekite attack, not less than that of the smitten rock (v. 6, 'the rock in Horeb' }, is placed too early by R, seems beyond doubt. The Moses who stood apart from the fight, holding the 'rod of Elohim', but who after a time was in danger of letting his hand sink, and who committed the military leadership to Joshua, is clearly an old man ; we are placed by this story at the beginning of the various wars which tradition referred to the close of the life of Moses. See MOSES ; and cp JEHOVAH-NISSI, MASSAH AND MERIBAH, WANDERINGS.

1 Dritte Wanderung, 202.

2 See RAPHAEL, and cp Eth. Enock, 107, where Raphael is commanded to proclaim that God will heal the earth.

2. Earlier geographical theories.[edit]

In the above statement we have been compelled to assume that Horeb or Sinai was not in the so-called sinaitic Peninsula, but in close proximity to Kadesh, i.e. in the Jebel Magrah on the SW. frontier of the Negeb (see MOSES, 5, 14). If, however, we suppose that Sinai is either Jebel Serbal or Jebel Musa (see SINAI, 18), we may, with several modern geographers (Lepsius, Kbers, Ritter, A. P. Stanley, C. W. Wilson, E. H. Palmer), be tempted to attach ourselves to the tradition, recorded especially by Kosmas Indicopleustes (535 A.D. ) and Antoninus Martyr (circa 600 A.D. ), which identifies Rephidim with Feiran, the ancient Pharan, the ruins of which stand at the junction of the Wady 'Aleyat with the Wady Feiran, about 4 m. N. of Serbal. Antoninus Martyr speaks of an oratorium, whose altar is set on the stones which were put under Moses while he was praying. Evidently he refers to the Jebel et-Tahuneh, on the right bank of the Wady Feiran, which is about 720 ft. high, and is covered with remains of Christian tombs, cells, and chapels. This view was adopted as a whole by the members of the Sinai Expedition, excepting F. W. Holland (see Ordnance Survey of Penins. of Sinai, 153+). More plausible, if the connection of the story of the rock and that of the battle be maintained, is the view of Ebers (Durch Gosen zum Sinai, 212; cp Lepsius, Briefe, 349+) that the biblical Rephidim is to be placed in the dry, north-western part of the Wady Feiran, where the Amalekites might be supposed to have gathered to prevent the Israelites from entering the oasis. Robinson's theory (BK 1 179), adopted by F. W. Holland (Recovery of Jerusalem, 534+ that Rephidim is in the narrow gorge of el-Watiyeh in the great Wady es-Sheikh - the Wady by which, according to this traveller, the Israelites approached Horeb - is less defensible, for reasons well summed up by E. H. Palmer (Sinai, 202); cp also Ritter (Palestine and the Sinaitic Peninsula, 1323). All these theories depend, as we have seen, on the correctness of the traditional theory as to the general position of Horeb or Sinai, which is open to much question, and indeed appears to some scholars hardly defensible.

T. K. C.


(PHCAIOY [BA]), 1 Esd. 5:8 RV = Ezra 2:2 REELAIAH.


(|D-| ; A*ceM [AZ)L] ; - N [E] ; Resen} is named in Gen. 10:12, as a city lying between Nineveh and Kalah.

1. Assyriological inquiry.[edit]

Menant therefore considered it to be represented by the ruin-heaps of Selamiye. Bochart and recently Noldeke have connected it with the Larissa of Xenophon (Anab. 3:4:7), the site of which, however, is uncertain, though Frd. Del. (Calwer Bib. -Lex. 731) suggests identifying it with Nimrud (cp CALAH). In the inscriptions, so far published, no city of any importance bears a name like Resen. A city of the name Re-esh-e-ni (Resh-eni) appears as not far from Nineveh, in the Bavian description of Sennacherib (KB 2:116-117, cp Del. Par. 188:261) ; but there is nothing to show that it was an ancient foundation. There is little hope of its identification till the district has been properly explored. c . w . H. J

2. Text-critical solution.[edit]

From an exegetical point of view the matter is further complicated by the words which follow Resen - 'the same is the great city'. Does this refer to Resen? No one would have doubted this, but for the silence of antiquity as to any important city near Nineveh with a name resembling Resen. Resh-eni - i.e. , 'fountain-head, place of fountains', is not a probable name at all. To suppose a 'tetrapolis' with two such doubtful names as Rehoboth-Ir and Resen is a desperate expedient. If, however, Nimrod was a N. Arabian, not a Babylonian, hero, a probable identification of Resen may be made, rta (misread Calah) is in the view of the present writer one of the many corruptions of VNCHT (Jerahmeel) ; myj (which was read Nineveh) not improbably comes from fvun (Hebron); and n rmrr vyn mn is certainly a corruption of ^ttDITV Kin (that is, Jerahmeel), a gloss on n^o- 'Between Hebron and Jerahmeel' appears to be a suitable description of Beersheba, the name of which is sometimes corrupted into \wy -113 and jrp. See NIMROD.

i, c. w. H. j.

2, T. K. c.


(Hipp, Is. 22:11, RV). See CONDUITS 1 [5].


(t|Bn ; C A P A(}> [saraph] [B], pAC e<|> [A], P&C HcJ> [L]), a son of Ephraim, 1 Ch. 7:25 (see EPHRAIM, 12). The other names include SHEERAH (i.e. , Ashhur?), Ammihud (i.e. Jerahmeel?) Elishama (i.e., Ishmael?). 'Resheph' therefore should perhaps be tp s (cp LXX{B}), and mean 'Zarephathite' ; cp 2-ixn p, Neh. 3:31 - i.e. , a Zarephathite. Clermont-Ganneau, however, suggests that Arsuf ( = the Apollonia of Jos.), about 7 mi. N. of Jaffa, may correspond to an ancient town Resheph. Resheph (identified with Apollo) was the Phoenician and N. Syrian fire-god and war-god (cp CIS 1 n. 10, and Hadad-inscr. from Zenjirli, ll. 3, 11), whose cultus was introduced into Egypt during the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties (see list of gods on altar in Turin Museum, TSBA 3:429, l. 67, and plate; and cp E. Meyer, ZDMG 31:719, 31:738-739). 1 Close to Arsuf is an extraordinary holy place - a Haram, which, under Moslem forms, possibly continues a primitive cultus (Cl.-Ganneau, Horus et saint Georges, 17; cp Baed.W 239). See, further, PHOENICIA, 12, end.

T. K. C.

1 For further references see Maspero, Struggle of Nations, 156, n. i.


See ESCHATOLOGY (index).