Encyclopaedia Biblica/Stoning-Syracuse

From Wikisource
Jump to: navigation, search





in 2 K. 4:10, represents NDD, kisse (Al<j>poc), on the original meaning of which word see THRONE, 1.

On the D;33N, obnayim (RV 'birthstool'), of Ex. 1:16 cp POTTERY, 8, and Baentsch's note, with the references in BDB, s.v.


i. It is plausible to find the storax (so RV mg) mentioned in Gen. 30:37 as i"!jJIl7, libneh, where EV has POPLAR (p<\BAoc CTYP&KINH ; Ar. lubna = storax). In Hos. 4:13, however, the libneh is mentioned as a shady tree ; this does not suit the storax, which is a mere bush. The shrub called storax by the ancients (Diosc. 1:79 ; Plin. HN 12:17, 12:25) is the Styrax officinalis, a showy shrub covered with a profusion of white flowers, found throughout Syria and Palestine and abundantly in the hill regions of Gilead, Carmel, Tabor, Galilee, etc., and other places (FFP 354).

Storax exuded a gum, which was used for incense (and also for medicinal purposes), and at an early period formed an important article of Phoenician trade. It is to be carefully distinguished from the modern article, which is the product of the Liquid-ambar Orientale. Lagarde (Mitth. 1:234) has suggested with great probability that the name Storax is derived from the Heb. TS, tsoru ('balm') ; but whether the two words denote the same thing is doubtful. See BALM, 1.

2. RV mg also gives 'storax' in Gen. 37:25, 43:11 for rWD3, neko'th (after Aq. ffTVpat; [styrax] [in both], Sym. arvpa.^ [styrax], and Vg. storax [in 43:11], which was adopted by Bochart) ; EV, however, has SPICERY, SPICES (q.v. ). More probably (so RV mg) the gum intended is the Tragacanth (Ar. naka'a, Syr. ankath aila, cp Low, 24), which is the resinous gum of the Astragalus gummifer, of which numerous species exist in Palestine.

Like Hi [TsRY] (in connection with which it occurs), tragacanth was an article of commerce imported to Egypt (according to Ebers, Egypten, 292, the word has been found in Egyptian), and also to Tyre (Ezek. 11:17, see Co. ad loc.). There is no reference to this product in the nJ13: n 3 of 2 K. 20:13, Is. 39:2 (EVmg 'house of his spicery'; so Aq. Sym., Vg.), on which see TREASURY.

3. AV has 'storax' for OTCUCTJJ [stakte] in Ecclus. 24:15; but RV (as EV in || Ex. 30:34) has STACTE (q.v.). The fragrant resin intended may perhaps be the gum tragacanth mentioned above (2).


(ni3?p). Ex. 1:11, 1 K. 9:19, etc. See CITY (-), PITHOM, 4.

According to Winckler (GI 2:210), the phrase means 'cities of the governors' (Ass. shaknu, plur. shaknutu ; Phcen. 133 [SKhN]; cp FRIEND).


(ilTpri; from "IDH 'pietas' [see LOVING-KINDNESS], in allusion to the mutual affection of parents and young; Lev. 11:19. Dt. 14:18 [14:17]. Job 39:13 {1}, Ps. 104:17, Jer. 8:7 Zech. 6:9; LXX a[cr]<r[e]i6a [a[s]s[e]ida] [in Job and Jer.], eVoi// [epops] [in Zech.], epwSios [eroodios] or ap. [ar.] [in Lev. and Ps.], ireAe/cdy [pelekan] [in Dt.] ; Vg. herodio [in Lev.], herodius [in Job and Ps.], onocrotalus [in Dt.], milvus [in Jer. and Zech.]). One of the unclean birds.

Both the White (Ciconia alna) and the Black Stork (C. nigra) are found in Palestine.

The White Stork is a well-known visitant to Europe, and is occasionally, though rarely, seen in Great Britain ; in Palestine it is usually met with during the month of April (Jer. 8:7), on its way N. to its breeding-places from its winter quarters in Central and S. Africa. It is regarded as a sacred bird and never molested, and in return acts to some extent as a scavenger. It frequents the haunts of man, and usually nests on such prominent structures as chimneys or towers, more rarely on trees. Many legends and stories have grouped themselves around this bird.

The Black Stork has a black head, neck, and back ; it winters in Palestine, and, avoiding the habitations of man, frequents the deserts and plains, especially in the neighbourhood of the Dead Sea. As a rule it lives in small flocks and breeds on trees or rocks ; in the summer it migrates northwards.

A. E. S.

1 AVmg. and RVmg. both recognise 'stork' as the right rendering of hasidah. The former gives, or the feathers of the stork and ostrich, the latter, But are her pinions and feathers (like) the stork s? In the text AV, or wings and feathers unto the ostrich ; but RV (agreeing with Di.), But are her pinions and feathers kindly? The text is difficult, and most probably corrupt (see Budde and Duhm).


( [eic] TA TTPOCTTITTTONTA [[eis] ta prospiptonta]), 1 Esd. 2:17. See REHUM, 5.


(TOY TTRIONOC THC ), Judith 3:9. See JUDEA.


1. Terms.[edit]

This phrase, together with 'stranger or sojourner' and 'sojourner or stranger', is used by AV to translate P's phrase 3^H1 1.3 ; RV more consistently has 'sojourner' for QC IR uniformly. -u, ger and 3c*in, toshabh denote a resident alien or ^TOIKOS [metoikos], a foreigner settled for a longer or shorter time under the protection of a citizen or family, or of the state ; as distinguished from 13.)"3, ben-nekhar, or i33, nokhri (fem. .T-13J), which simply denote a foreigner. -IT, zar, is a more general term, including both foreigner and stranger. It is used in Nu. 16:40 of anyone strange to - i.e. , not belonging to - the priestly clan. It is often used of persons who might also be called nokri, Is. 1:7. The distinction between ger and toshabh will be considered later (sections 11-12). The verb 7us, gur, is sometimes a denominative of ger in its technical sense of resident alien, and sometimes has the more general sense of abide.

LXX usually has 7rpo<rrjAvTO [proselytos] for ger, less frequently irdpoiiros [paroikos]; which latter is the usual rendering of toshabh ; gur is usually 7rapoi(ce <o [paroikeoo]; and aAAorpios [allotrios] is the usual rendering alike of nokhri, nekhar, and zar ; zar, however, is often rendered by aAAoyfi-rjs [allogenes]. The Vulgate does not clearly distinguish these terms, but uses advena, colonus, and peregrinus, etc., for ger and toshabh; alienus, etc., for nekhar and zar, and gives very various renderings of nokhri.

I. Foreigners, other than gerim (strictly so-called), in the land of Israel.[edit]

2. Remnants of Canaanites.[edit]

Jud. 1:19, 1:21, 1:27-36 (J1) make it clear that Canaanite clans maintained themselves long after the settlement. At first many of these clans stood to the Israelite tribes in the ordinary relations of neighbouring independent states. In conquered districts surviving Canaanites would be reduced to slavery. Where, however, they were too numerous, or submitted on conditions, they were employed in forced labour (corveee), oo1 ? . . . c^ i, Jud. 1:28. Thus in Josh. 9:27, JE, the Gibeonites are spoken of as temple-servants. Probably the status of such subject-clans was similar to that of the gerim ; but the data do not enable us to decide whether they were formally reckoned as gerim, or placed in a distinct category. The deuteronomic editor of Joshua supposes that the Israelites exterminated the Canaanites at the Conquest, Josh. 10:40, 11:20. Such a view could not have been held unless, long before the exiles, the Canaanites in Israel had disappeared as a distinct class and been absorbed in Israel and its gerim. This absorption is also attested by the inclusion in Neh. 7:7, 7:25, 7:57, 7:60 of the Gibeonites, Solomon's Servants, and the Nethinim among the Men of Israel. 1

3. Slaves; foreign wives.[edit]

Many of the slaves owned by Israelites were of foreign birth ; but the slaves became members of the family and shared its sacra, and thus virtually became Israelites. Thus, in Israel, the slave was circumcised (Gen. 17:12-13, P), kept the Sabbath (Ex. 20:10 E), and the Passover (Ex. 12:44 P). See SLAVERY.

The examples of Moses, Boaz, David, Solomon, etc., and the law as to marriage with a female captive (Dt. 21:10-14), show that Israelites during the monarchy frequently married foreign wives. These, like the slaves, became Israelites in civil and religious status ; thus Ruth, though a widow, assumes that, if she remains in her mother-in-law s family and settles in her late husband's native land 'thy people shall be my people, and thy god my god' (Ruth 1:16). See MARRIAGE.

1 Kittel, Hist, of Isr. (ET) 2:187, points out that the subjection of Israelites to the corvee, 1 K. 12:4, 12:18, must have tended to obliterate any surviving distinction between Israelites and Canaanites. 1 K. 9:21-22 is by a late editor. [Cp SOLOMON, 6.]

4. Traders, nomads, mercenaries.[edit]

The trade of Israel was mostly in foreign hands, and trade-routes passed through the land. For the most part traders would enter or pass through the country in caravans. Similarly nomad clans would be occasional visitors, especially in the border lands. In ordinary times such caravans and clans could rely on their own strength and the general moral sentiment without seeking any special protection. Dt. 2:27-28 gives us the terms on which caravans might pass through a foreign country. They were to keep to the beaten track and pay for food and water. Further, the more powerful Israelite kings were anxious to foster commerce, and no doubt did what they could to afford a general protection to traders. Facilities for foreign traders were sometimes guaranteed by treaties; e.g., the 'streets' or quarters which the Syrians had in Samaria, and the Israelites in Damascus, 1 K. 20:34. Cp TRADE AND COMMERCE, 46+. The mercenaries of the royal bodyguard formed another important class of resident foreigners (2 S. 8:18, 15:18, 20:7, 20:23, 1 K. 1:38, 1:50, 4:4, 2 K. 11:4 RV); cp CHERETHITES and PELETHITES. It is noteworthy that David addresses the mercenary captain Ittai the Gittite as a nokhri who came but yesterday and might be expected at once to quit a service that promised little advantage (2 S. 15:19). On the other hand, in Uriah the Hittite we have a foreign soldier who married a high-born Israelite woman (2 S. 1:1).

II. Gerim in the technical sense.[edit]

5. Temporary guest.[edit]

The peculiar status of the ger arose

  • (1) from the primitive sentiment that a stranger was an enemy, an outlaw;
  • (2) from the absence of any public police.

The guarantee of security of life lay in the blood-bond between a man and his kinsfolk. He was protected by the assurance that his kinsmen would avenge his murder upon the criminal and his kinsmen. Thus the foreigner, who was far away from his kin, was at the mercy of any evil-disposed persons. His only safety lay in putting himself under Israelite protection, by becoming the ger or guest of an Israelite family. He then became included in the blood-bond, and his hosts defended or avenged him as if he were of their own kin. As in Arabia, such protection was freely accorded even to complete strangers. Abraham and Lot (Gen. 18-19) press their hospitality on unknown travellers. In Judg. 19 the depravity of the men of Gibeah is shown by their inhospitable behaviour ; and in Job 31:32 it is a mark of the righteous man that he does not leave the ger - i.e., the stranger who wishes to be received as ger - to lodge in the street. In Arabia (WRS, Kin., 41+) the stranger becomes a ger by eating or drinking with his patron ; 'even the thief who has surreptitiously shared the evening draught of an unwitting host is safe. Nay, it is enough to touch the tent-ropes, imploring protection'. Further (259), 'he who journeys with you by day and sleeps beside you at night is also sacred'. But the hospitality so readily accorded can be enjoyed unconditionally only for three or four days. The ger who stays longer ceases to be a guest and becomes a dependent (Bertholet, 27). But, while the relation lasted, the obligation laid upon the host to protect the ger was stringent ; the stories of Lot and of the Levite at Gibeah show what extraordinary sacrifices a host would make to. defend his guests. The latter narrative reminds us that, in early times, an Israelite in a strange tribe was almost as helpless as a foreigner.

6. Clans, etc.[edit]

Analogy suggests that whole clans or tribes might put themselves under the protection of a more powerful people and become its gerim. 'The several Jewish clans of Medina were compelled by their weakness to become jiran (gerim} of the Aus and Khazraj. Or a group might attach itself to its cousins - i.e. , to a tribe with which it reckoned kindred (WRS Kin. 42). Thus the Israelites were gerim in Egypt, Ex. 22:21; Bertholet, 50, considers that the subject Canaanites became a kind of gerim to Israel, and that foreign traders and mercenaries may be considered gerim of the kings ; but the terms ger, gur, are not applied to any of these classes. Both the Israelites and the Canaanites rendered service to their patrons. We might perhaps regard as bodies of gerim the 'mixed multitude' - Ex. 12:38 JE :ny, Nu. 11:4 JE ; n*spx - that went up from Egypt with Israel. Possibly, too, the Kenites might stand in the same relationship. See MINGLED PEOPLE, KENITES.

7. Permanent ger.[edit]

The traveller's necessities might be met by a few days protection ; but foreigners often came into the country needing a permanent home. Like Jacob, they might have provoked the dangerous hostility of powerful enemies. In Arabia, 'men are constantly being cut off from their own tribe, generally for murder within the kin, some times for other offences against society, or even for dissipated habits. . . . There were, however, many other circumstances that might lead free Arabs, either individually or in a body, to seek the protection of another tribe and become its jiran' (Kin. 42). In such cases ihegcr became for a longer or shorter period the settled client of a clan, or chief, or other individual head of a family.

Bertholet maintains with great probability that such gerim would often attach themselves to the king ; and that he would welcome them as a means of strengthening his authority. He includes among the royal gerim the mercenaries and foreign traders. He further supposes that a foreigner might attach himself to a sanctuary as ger of Yahwe, and understands Ps. 15:1, 61:4 as referring to such cases. The Gibeonites would be another case in point.

The express references to gerim in Israel, however, deal with the ger who is a dependent member of an ordinary family; in Ex. 20:20, etc., the ger is grouped with the slaves and the cattle. There are constant exhortations to deal justly and generously with the ger (Ex. 22:21, etc. ); he is grouped with other needy and helpless classes, the Levites, orphans, widows (Dt. 26:11-13, Ps. 94:6), and the poor (Lev. 19:10). The ger was at the mercy of the individual or the clan within whose gates he took refuge. They could take advantage of his helplessness to accord protection only under oppressive and burdensome con ditions. The prophets (Jer. 7:6, 14:8, 22:3, Ezek. 22:7, 22:29, Zech. 7:10, Mal. 3:5) and the Law (Ex. 23:9, Dt. 24:17 Lev. 19:34) alike protest against such oppression. It appears, moreover, from Dt. 1:16, 24:17, 27:19, that the ger was not wholly at the mercy of his patrons; disputes between them might be referred to judges.

The gerim, however, were not always poor ; Lev. 25:47 contemplates the possibility that the ger may prosper and purchase impoverished Israelites as slaves. Shebna, Hezekiah s treasurer (Is. 22:15), was probably a foreigner, and the captains of foreign mercenaries and other foreign courtiers would readily acquire power and wealth.

The relation of the ger to his patron was voluntary on both sides, and there was nothing in the nature of the relationship to prevent its being terminated at will by either party; but circumstances - the need of the ger and the power of his patron - tended to make the relation permanent. In Arabia (Kin. 43) 'sometimes the protectors seem to have claimed the right to dismiss their jiran at will ... at other times . . . protection is constituted by a public advertisement and oath at the sanctuary, and holds good till it is renounced at the sanctuary'.

The terms upon which gerim were received were matter of agreement between them and their patrons, and their position was similar to that of 'hired servants', 74s, sakhir, with whom they are classed (Lev. 25:6, 25:40, Dt. 24:14). Only, the ger was more helpless than the native sakhir, and less able to insist on favourable terms. Jacob at Haran, Israel in Egypt, rendered service for their hosts; David fought for Achish - or pretended to do so. Micah's Levite came to Mt. Ephraim to find someone with whom he might live as ger (1?;^, lagur), and agreed to serve Micah as a priest for board and lodging, and ten pieces of silver and a suit of clothes annually (Judg. 17). The prosperity of Jacob illustrates the possibility of a ger becoming rich; and his stealthy flight shows that a ger might find it difficult to leave his patron.

Naturally - just as Jacob married Laban's daughters, and Moses Jethro's - gerim sometimes married Israelite women e- .g. , Uriah and Bathsheba. But the case of Jacob and Arabian parallels (Bertholet, 62) suggest that a ger who returned to his native land could not compel his Israelite wife to accompany him. The gerim, as a class, would necessarily be landless. More over, both prophets and lawgivers did their best to keep family estates in the family. Their efforts, and the sentiments that prompted them, would tend to exclude even the rich ger from acquiring land.

8. Pre-exilic.[edit]

In pre-exilic literature ger is essentially a term describing civil, not religious, status. But civil status involved religious consequences. Various religious observances were matters of public order and decency, and as such would be required from gerim. Thus, in the Book of the Covenant, the duty and privilege of the Sabbath extend to the gerim (Ex. 20:10, 23:12; {1} cp Amos 3:5). Further, a foreign ger would naturally wish to worship Yahwe as Lord of the land of Israel, without necessarily renouncing his allegiance to the god of his native land (cp 2 K. 17:24-41). Moreover, it is probable, though by no means certain, that the ger may sometimes have been included in the sacra of his patrons, as a member of the family. On the other hand, Moabite, Ammonite, and Phoenician communities at Jerusalem maintained their native worship for centuries (1 K. 11:5, 11:7, 2 K. 23:13). But in any case the religious obligations and duties of the ger are simply the consequences of his civil status as an inhabitant of the land of Yahwe, a guest of the people of Yahwe ; they are limited by his non-Israelite blood.

1 The references to the ger in these verses are sometimes ascribed to a deuteronomic editor.

9. In Dt.[edit]

In Deuteronomy, the ger seems expressly included in the family sacra ; in 16:9-17 the ger is to share in the rejoicings at the feasts of Weeks and Tabernacles - i.e., partake of the flesh of sacrifices, amongst other food. The teaching of the prophets and Deuteronomy, which drew a sharp religious distinction between Israelites and foreigners, naturally furthered the assimilation of the ger to the Israelite - the only alternative, the entire exclusion of gerim, was impossible. Thus, in the deuteronomistic passage Dt. 31:12, the ger is to be exhorted to study and obey the law, and in 29:10-13 the ger is to enter into covenant with Yahwe.

10. Later.[edit]

The exile and return further promoted the religious identification of Israel and the gerim; those who shared these experiences with their patrons became united by close ties. Moreover, in the restored community, ger lost its civil, and acquired a religious meaning. A subject community, under a foreign governor, hemmed in by settlement of foreigners, was not likely to include a class of dependent foreigners. The tendency was for the Jews to unite with their neighbours to form a heterogeneous community. They were saved from this fate by asserting an exclusive relation to Yahwe and his Temple. Under such circumstances the foreigner who united himself with Israel had to become a worshipper of Yahwe, ger came to mean proselyte. Constantly, especially in the Law of Holiness, laws are said to apply equally to the Israelite and the 7i, according to the common formula kagger ka'ezrah (Lev. 24:16, etc.). The gerim must refrain from idolatry (Lev. 18:26, 20:2), from blasphemy against God (Lev. 24:16), must observe the Day of Atonement (Lev. 16:29-31), the Passover (Ex. 12:19, 12:48, Nu. 9:14; but cp below) , must abstain from eating blood (Lev. 17:10-13), and must observe certain rules in offering sacrifices (Lev. 17:8, 22:18). The religious status of the ger is almost the same as that of the Israelite - almost, not quite. In Lev. 23:42 it is the native Israelite, the 'ezrah, who is to observe the Feast of Tabernacles, in express contradiction to Dt. 31:12, which includes the ger; but in view of this, and of the fact that everywhere else 'ezrah is combined with ger, 1 Bertholet suggests that in Lev. l.c. ger may have dropped out. Ex. 12:48 lays down that if the ger wishes to eat the Passover he must be circumcised. Probably, with circumcision, the ger, or at any rate his descendants, attained to the full civil and religious standing of an Israelite. For in Dt. 23:8 we are told that the children of the Edomites and the Egyptians shall enter into the congregation of Yahwe in the third generation, and this may be extended to gerim generally. It is true that, in spite of Ezekiel's direction that gerim should be given land in Israel (47:22-23), P's Law of the Jubilee theoretically reserves the land for the original Jewish holders. Such a law, however, could scarcely have been enforced against foreigners in a country under foreign rule. And generally, the tendency must have been for ger-families to be absorbed in the Jewish community. The main distinction between the ger in P and the later proselyte is that the ger is still thought of as coming to live in a Jewish community. On the use of ger as proselyte, as in 2 Ch. 30:25, see PROSELYTE.

III. The distinction between ger and toshabh.[edit]

11. Ger and toshabh.[edit]

Outside of the Priestly Code toshabh occurs only in Ps. 39:13 {2} ( = 1 Ch 29:15). In eight passages it ie eithercoupled with, or parallel to, ger; in three others it is, like ger else where, coupled with sakhir; and in two others it is qualified by haggarim, 'that are ger's'. Neither the usage, nor the versions (see above, 1), suggest any clear distinction of the two terms, and of the many distinctions drawn, none have met with much acceptance. Probably the passages in which toshabh occurs represent an unsuccessful attempt to substitute a new term for the old ger. The older gerim were now incorporated with Israel, and a new term - either ger qualified by an addition, or simply toshabh - might have served to distinguish newcomers from the descendants of former gerim, and to indicate that the status of new foreign adherents was different from that of the old gerim. The familiar term ger, however, persisted.

12. Lev. 25:35.[edit]

Lev. 25:35, 'And if thy brother be waxen poor, and his hand fail with thee; then thou shah uphold him: as a stranger [ger] and a sojourner [toshabh] shall he live with thee, RV, or better 'thou shall uphold him as a ger and toshabh, and he shall live with thee' presents peculiar difficulties. Ger and toshabh are usually the antithesis of 'brother'. The Hebrew naturally implies that the poor Israelite would actually take the position of a ger - i.e., fall from his full Israelite citizenship; it might, perhaps, be strained to mean that he was to receive the same help and protection; or this meaning might be obtained by reading ] 'like' before ger with LXX. Driver and White (SBOT), with Dillmann and Siegfried-Stade, excise 'ger we toshabh' as a gloss.

1 Nu. 15:13 is only an apparent exception; ger occurs in v. 14

2 Toshabhe in 1 K. 17:1 is a misreading; either an accidental repetition of 'the Tishbite', or, as LXX{B}, fK 8fcrBwv [ek thesboon], for 'of Tishbe'. Cp TISHBEH.


Bertholet, Die Striking der Israeliten mid der Juden zu den Fremden (to which this article is greatly in debted); WRS Kin. 42+, 142; Rel. Sem. 75+; Benz. HA 339+. Nowack, HA 1:336+. W. H. B.


For (1) rnrjN, ahhereth (Judg. 11:2), see JEPHTHAH ; for (2) nnp], nokriyyah (Pr. 2:16, etc.), see STRANGER, i.


AV 'things strangled', RV what is strangled (TTVIKTOV [pnikton]), Acts 15:20, 15:29, 21:25-26. See COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM, 11, FOOD, 11, and SHAMBLES.


(}3n, Gen. 24:25 etc. ; cp i2n10, Is. 25:10). See AGRICULTURE, 8 ; CATTLE, 5 ; cp also BRICK.


(Dn> P ^PU), Is. 27:12 - See EGYPT [RIVER OF].


(3irn), Gen. 19:2 . See CITY, 2c.


(^nS), Judg. 16:9 RVmg See CORD.


(D 3), Ps. 150:4 ; see Music, 6-10.


(nar?), Dt. 25:3. See LAW AND JUSTICE,


p3t?). Nu. 6:3 . See WINE AND STRONG DRINK, 8.


0?), 2 Sam. 24:7. See FORTRESS, MILLO.


(i) L"[5, kash ; K6.A&MH [kalame]; Ex. 5:12 etc.

(2) [3Bt teben; so rendered in Job 21:18 ; elsewhere 'straw'. See AGRICULTURE, 8-9; CATTLE, 5.

(3) xaAa/uii) [kalame]; 1 Cor. 3:12, cp 1 above.


(i) D^Dftin, harammakim, Esth. 8:10 RV. See HORSE, 1 [5].

(2) rvnpj, nekuddoth, Cant. 1:11-12. Graetz very plausibly tmends to Q piy (see NECKLACE, 3).


(coy*.[B]), 1 Esd. 5:29 RV = Ezra 2:4:4. SIA.


(n-ID ; xoyxteli [chouch[e]i] [B]- coye [soue] [AL])- a name in a genealogy of ASHER (q.v., 4, ii.), 1 Ch. 7:36.


RV SUBAS (coyBAC [BA]), a group of children of the servants of Solomon (see NETHINIM) in the great post-exilic list (see EZRA, ii. 9, 8c. ), one of eight inserted in 1 Esd. 5:34 LXX{BA} (om. LXX{L} ) after Pochereth-hazzebaim || Ezra 2:57 = Neh. 7:59.


(cyBAGl [BA]), 1 Esd. 5:30 = Ezra 2:46, SHALMAI.


(i) CHJE), migrash, TTeplCTTOplA [perispopia] and a.<t>u>pi<TfJ.evaL [aphoorismena] in Josh. , 7repi<T7ropia [periporia] and TrepiTrdAta [peripolia] [L] in Ch. [icara(T^eVeio? [katascheseoos] or -aji ai/TU [-oon autoon]] 1 Ch. 13:2], trpoa<n[e\i.a. [proast[e]ia] in Nu. [d^optcr/anra [aphorismata], v. 3, TuyKupoOrTa [sygkyrounta], v. 4, ojLiopa [omora] or 6/xopom ra [omorounta], F om.,v. 5], diacrTnua [diastema] in Ezek., [aypoi [agroi]] d^upcayieVoi [aphoorismenoi] in Lev. [cp TYJV d^iopta jU.eVrj^ [ten aphoorismenen] 2 S. 8:1, and see METHEG-AMMAH] ; Lev. 26:34, Nu. 36:2-5, 36:7, Josh. 21:11-19, 21:21-37, 21:39-40, Ezek. 45:2, 48:17, 1 Ch. 6:40+ [6:55+], 13:2, RVmg. pasture-lands. See CATTLE, n. 2.

(2) G Tnp, parwarim, 2 K. 23:11. RV 'precincts'. See PARBAR.


(D rO-11"), 1 Ch. 2:55 RV, AV SUCHATHITES. See SOCOH.


(JTI3D, i.e. 'thickets' or [see Gen. 33:17] 'booths' ; usually <roicxu>0 [sokchooth]; in Josh. 13:27 -da. [B], irta\io [A], <rix<ofl [L] ; 2 Ch. 4:17 <rexw<u0 [B*vid.] <T(\x^ U* 1 ], <xu>0 [L] ; oxijcai in Gen. 33:17, Ps. 60:8, 108:8 [tncrji/uijxaTa [skenoomata] X]).

2. A town in Gadite territory (Josh. 13:27: GAD, 12 ) in 'the valley' (emek). It is also mentioned in 1 K. 7:46, 2 Ch. 4:17, in connection with Solomon's foundries, which were in 'the clay ground (?) between Succoth and Zarethan'. The description has been held to point to 'Ain es-Sakut, an old site, close to the Jordan, but on 'this' side, some 9 mi. S. of Beth-shean (so Robinson), which is supposed to be referred to in these words of Jerome (Quaest. Hebr. in Gen. ), 'est autem usque hodie civitas trans Jordanem hoc vocabulo in parte Scythopoleos'. Against this view, however, see ADAM. Merrill (PEFQ, 1878, p. 83) and Conder adopt as the site the large Tell or mound now called Der 'Alla, about 1 mi. N. of the Zerka, discovered by Warren ; 1 the special reason is that the Talmud identifies Succoth with n^jnrii Ter'ala (Neub. , Gifogr. 248), which seems to be this Der 'Alla. This is rejected by Moore as not agreeing with the topographical details in Judg. 8:4-17. All this, however, is precarious, unless supported by a thorough textual criticism.

(1) As to Josh. 13:27. The text must originally have belonged to a geographical survey of the Negeb, in which 'the rest of the kingdom of Cushan, king of Heshbon' was assigned to the Gadites. filDD is mentioned just before itj^ (see ZAPHON), and most probably is miswritten for n3VO> 'Maacath' (in Negeb). 2

(2) As to 1 K. 7:46 (and the ||). The true text probably stated that Hiram the artificer cast the vessels in Maacath-jerahmeel, between Maacath and Zarephath. See TEBAH.

The other occurrences of the name in MT are very doubtful. It has been inferred from Gen. 33:17 (J), where Jacob appears to have crossed the Jabbok before moving on to Succoth and thence to Shechem, that Succoth lay on the S. side of the Jabbok, near the point where it forces its way into the Jordan. This is thought to agree with the representation in Judg. 8:5, where Succoth is apparently the first town reached by Gideon after crossing the Jordan somewhere near Zererah (Zeredah) and Abel-rneholah. This may possibly have been the notion of the redactor of the narrative ; but it is not what the original story intended to convey. 'Succoth' is a corruption either of ns^B, Salecah = i7ta, Salhad, the border city at the S. E. corner of Bashan (cp JEGAR-SAHADUTHA), or, more probably, of Maacath, a district of the Negeb. (Cp, however, GIDEON.)

In Ps. 60:8, 108:8 the 'valley of Succoth' is thought to be that part of the Jordan valley which adjoins Succoth (cp Josh. 13:27) ; but this unique and obscure phrase is improbable. The boldest but also perhaps the most critical conjecture is that the psalmist wrote 'I will mete out Cusham and Maacath' (see Ps. (2)).

LXX also recognises a place-name Succoth in 1 K. 20:16 (ev (TOK\(u9 [B], ev <TOK\U> [AL]). Both here and in v. 12 probably we should read cnND^ ^Vi 'on their thrones'; see Crit. Bib.

2. A station (n3D) mentioned repeatedly in the Exodus narrative (Ex. 12:37 [<roK\to6a. BF1, <ro\w0a F*, <rox<u# L], 132:0 crox<0 [L], Nu. 33:5-6 <rox<o0 [ B* v. 5)). See EXODUS, 1. 10, GOSHEN, and PITHOM, 2. Here, too, Maacath may originally have stood (sub judice lis est). See WILDERNESS OP WANDERINGS.

T. K. C.

1 See Trelawney Saunders, Introd. to the Survey of W. Pal. 1881), 158.

2 'In the valley', Josh. 1327, should be 'in Maacath'. Cp Ps. 60:8b, where rVPD DPI represents a twice written rOVO ( see Ps (2)).


(ITU? JTI3D ; NeiGei [rochchoothbaineitei] [B], coKvco0BeNi9ei [A], -BANeiGA [L]), a Babylonian idol introduced into Palestine (2 K. 17:30). As some critics think, a Hebraised form of Sarpanitum, consort of Marduk (on the name see Jastrow, RBA, 121 [Germ. ed. 115], 449). So Rawlinson, Schrader, Hommel. Delitzsch (Par. 215) explains Sakkut-binutu ('supreme judge of the world'?). But surely if the usual explanation of Am. 5:26 is correct we can hardly doubt that it is a corruption of jra rii3D, Saccuth-Kewan (two names of Saturn combined ; see CHIUN AND SICCUTH).

There is, however, a 'better' theory. It is probably of the non-Israelite Negeb that the original narrative spoke as the country from which the new colonists of the cities of p5st? (see SHIMRON) came. Among them were the men of ^33 *, - i.e., Jerahmeel ; the idol they made was of r)1D2, or rather rrti 3, 'Cushith', a title of the so-called 'Queen of Heaven' (or, 'of Jerahmeel'?) worshipped by the N. Arabians. See Crit. Bit. niJ3, possibly comes from P131 ( 3 written too soon). The men of Cuth, or rather Cush, made Nergal - i.e., Jerahmeel (a name for the Jerahmeelite Baal); those of Hamath (Maacath) made Ashima - i.e., Ishmael ; the Arvites (Arabians) made Nibhaz and Tartak ( = Terah); the Sepharvites (Zarephathites) made Adrammelech and Anammelech ( = Jerahmeel).

T. K. C.


(coyA [BAQ]; tsur [Syr.], sod), a Babylonian stream (canal) near which Jewish exiles are said to have been settled (Bar. 14). Cp BARUCH [BOOK], i, 4. There must be some error in the text. Since Bar. 1:1-38 probably had a Hebrew original, we may venture to assume a confusion between 7 and n, and read either f7a. Sur, i.e., Sora, the seat of a famous Jewish academy (so first Bochart), or more probably -irw, 'Shihor', the name of a wady in the Negeb, assuming that Si3, in the source from which the writer drew meant Jerahmeel. See SHIHOR. For a less probable view, see Wetzstein in Del. Jes. (3) 701-702.

T. K. C.


(coy* [B]), 1 Esd. 5:29 AV = Ezra 2:44 , SIA.


(coy^ioy [BA]), 1 Esd. 5:26 = Ezra 2:40, HODAVIAH 4.


RV SUKKIIM (D SS 3D ; rpcoroAyTAi [BA] TRCOr^O^YTA.! [cp Swete] coyxieiM [L] : Troglodytae var. [Libyes scilicet] Trogodytae). In 2 Ch. 12:3 the army of SHISHAK (q.v. ) is described as consisting of soldiers 'of Egypt, the Lubim (i.e. Libyans), the Sukkiim (n"3o), and the Ethiopians'. By Sukkiim, evidently an African nation is meant ; and considering the position between Libya and Ethiopia, one understands why LXX and Vg. guess at the Trog(l}odytae (the 'l' correctly wanting in B). This, however, is only a guess ; no such name is known in antiquity. The Egyptian name for those nomadic tribes of Hamitic blood, living between Egypt and the Red Sea, was And. This seems to have about the same meaning as the Greek name, viz., 'inhabitants of rocks, cliff-dwellers'. 1

Gesenius's explanation, 'dwellers in booths' (ni2D) is philologically and practically impossible. C. Niebuhr, OLZ 3:69, has observed that the name is almost the same as the D"3B (tukkiyyim), 1 K. 10:22, 2 Ch. 9:21, the supposed peacocks' (see PEACOCK) brought to Solomon, and conjectures that the word really means there 'black slaves', correcting into sukkiyyim, as above. As such a word or name remains unknown, W. M. Muller proposes, 2:269, to assume d ODD, 'grey-hounds' (from Egyptian tsm), as the original reading in the African curiosities brought to Solomon, and thinks that the chronicler mistook this for a name of an African nation. Thus C. Niebuhr s observation, which is undoubtedly correct as far as the similarity of both words in vocalisation, is just reversed. Of course, the last explanation rests on a somewhat bold assumption.

W. M. M.


(trl? ; , D^n ; on etym. see BDB). As to the gender of the sun, Semes or the corresponding word is masculine in Heb. generally," Aram, and Ass. In Arabic it is feminine, but the heathen Arabs knew Shamsh as a sun-god (see further below). For sun-worship among the early Israelites there is little positive evidence, and that little (one would far rather think otherwise) threatens to disappear as the result of a searching criticism of the place-names Beth-shemesh, En-shemesh, Har-heres, Kir-heres, Timnath-heres, which it is possible are comparatively late corruptions of Beth-cusham, En-cusham, Har-ashhur, Kir-ashhur, Timnath-ashhur (see Crit. Bib. on 1 S. 6:12, Judg. 1:35, and other related passages). The ordinary view, of course, is that t?DK , shemesh, and onn, heres, in the traditional forms of these names, prove that the places to which the names are taken to have belonged were centres of the cultus of the sun-god. We must remember, however, that the solar character of the Baals has not been made out (BAAL, 2-3; NATURE-WORSHIP, 5), and (not to fall into repetitions) that it is in S. Arabia that the worship of sun and moon was 'strikingly prevalent'. On the other hand, Winckler has produced a considerable body of evidence (most of it, to be sure, is unsafe) from the early narratives, to show that solar and lunar mythology is represented in Hebrew legends, and holds that the god variously called Ramman, Hadad, and Yahu is not only the storm-god, but at the same time the god who, in the spring-tide, restores fruitfulness to the earth, and one of whose forms is the well-known Tammuz (GI 278). In Gen. 49:10, where Dillmann supposes the moon to be represented by Joseph's mother, Winckler holds that, since yiyy may be feminine (see Gen. 15:17; and cp Ges. Thes., s.v. e er) and rrr, yareah, neither is nor can be feminine, the mother is the true representative of the sun, and we have here a sign of the influence of a different form of mythology from the pure Babylonian - viz., the S. Arabian, in which the children of the moon-god are 'Athtar, who is masculine, and Shamash, who is feminine. Winckler also (GI 2:70) thinks we may infer that in the early Hebrew myth (which was also the original Semitic as well as S. Arabian myth) Shamash, the sun-deity, was the mother, 'Athtar the wife of the moon-god. Zimmern (KAT (2), 365,

369) gives a qualified support to Winckler's theories, but thinks that Egyptian influences on Hebrew cults may be presumed, in addition to Babylonian. If we throw back this influence far enough, the possibility of this may be granted. But, so far as the biblical evidence goes, it is surely Babylon (directly or indirectly) rather than Egypt which is indicated as the source of such influences. We must also desiderate a much keener and more methodical criticism of the Hebrew texts, especially of names and phrases bearing on cults and myths, than is yet habitual among biblical and archaeological scholars. For instance, is it safe to build either on the place-name Beth-shemesh, or on the personal names SAMSON and SHESHBAZZAR (qq.v.)? However this may be, the worship of the sun and moon and of the host of heaven in general among the Israelites in the seventh and sixth centuries is not doubtful (see MOON, NATURE-WORSHIP, 5, STARS, 4, TAMMUZ).

On the relation of Yahwe to the spring-sun god Marduk, see CREATION, 8, and cp Zimmern KAT (3), 369, 509; on other points, see CHARIOT, 13, HORSE, 4, NATHAN-MELECH. See also ECLIPSE. For SUN-DIAL (Is. 38:8) see DIAL; for SUN-GATE (Jer. 19:2 AVmg.) See POTTERY, HARSITH, cp JERUSALEM, 24 ; for SUN IMAGES see MASSEBAH, 1c.

T. K. C.

1 [For a consideration of the question whether 2 Ch. 12:2, 12:12 refers to Mizraim or Mizrim, and to Shishak or to Cushi, and how C"3D should be read, see SHISHAK, 3, and Crit. Bib.}

2 Masculine in Ps. 104:19; feminine in Gen. 15:17. In Sam. Pent, it is sometimes constructed with a feminine where MT has a masculine. Vice versa, in Jer. 16:9 Kt. has riN3 where Kr. has N3 (of the sun).


(cpD, THC epyQp&c [tes erythras] [BAF], T. e. 6&A&CCHC [tes erythras thalasses] [L]), the name of a locality, from which, Dillmann conjectures, the P]-1D~D* (yam suph; EV RED SEA [q.v.]) took its name, Dt. 1:1-2 (cp LXX). The neighbouring names in the traditional text are as perplexing as Suph, and there is some reason to think that D2, has, either by accident or under the influence of theory, misread an earlier text which lay before him.

HID VlO may originally (cp LXX, Nu. 21:14, d(/)A6-) i<re [ephlogise]= n31D) have been HSIi 1 ?1D, and the whole verse may have run, 'These are the words which Moses spoke to all Israel in Arabia of Jerahmeel, in the wilderness [in Arabia], opposite Zarephath, between Paran and Peleth and Libnah and Misrim'. In Nu. 21:14 the same name appears as Suphah (nSID). See VAHEB, and Crit. Bib.

T. K. C.


(AeiTTNON). Mk. 6:21 etc. See MEALS. 2 (6), EUCHARIST.


(ccYPL Ba - b N a!a - bc - a A] ; T. [K*]; ACC. [B*] ; Syr. Surya], one of the coast-towns of Palestine which submitted to Holofernes (Judith 2:28). Fritzsche too boldly corrects to 'Dora' (Dor). If, however, OCINA is Accho, this violates the geographical order of the places. Most probably Judith (like Tobit ; see THISBE) was redacted from a narrative in which the scene of the events was mainly in the Negeb. The place-names easily adapted themselves to this view. Sidon and Tyre, as often, represents TIXD, 'Missur', 'Sur and Ocina' (v. l. the Kenites), np? lisD, 'Missur and Kenaz'.

T. K. C.

SUR, GATE OF[edit]

(I-ID 1^), 2 K. 11:6; cp 2 Ch. 23:5. An unexplained riddle in a doubtful text. See Kittel, and Crit. Bib., also JERUSALEM, 24.


U/31IJ), Gen. 43:9. See LAW AND JUSTICE, 17, PLEDGE, 3, and TRADE AND COMMERCE, 82 (e) I (4) ; cp EARNEST, DEPOSIT.


(EN coycoic [BNA L/3]), Esth. 11:3. See SHUSHAN.


COYCYN&XAIOI [B], coyCAN- [AL]), one of the peoples represented among Osnappar's colonists (Ezra 4:9-10).

Delitzsch (Par. 327; Catwer Bib. Lex. (2) 876), following Lenormant, compares Shushinak, the name of the capital and of the chief god of Susiana on the native Elamite inscriptions. If, however, the present writer s theory that Ezra-Nehemiah has been recast, on the basis of a mistaken historical theory, by a Jewish editor, be accepted, 'Shushan' will (cp C D D in Is. 6620) have arisen cut of Cushan (cp CUSH, 2) and 'Shusankaye' (Ezra 4:9) out of Cushanaye 'Cushanites'. See SHUSHAN, and on 'Osnappar' see Crit. Bib.

T. K. C.

1 Perhaps written si;*.


(COYCANNA, i.e. T\\&&, 'lily', 69).

1. The pious and beautiful wife of Jonkim, in one of the apocryphal additions to Daniel. See DANIEL (BOOK), 5.

2. One of the women who ministered to Jesus (Lk. 8:3).


OP-ID ; coyc[e]i [BAFL]), a Manassite. father of Gaddi, Nu. 13:11 [13:12].


The verb (7nn. hathal, in Pu. and Hoph.) is found in Ezek. 16:4 ; the noun hathullah (H?nn), in Job 38:9, figuratively of the dark cloud enveloping the circumambient ocean.

The mortal speaker in Wisd. 7:3-4 says, 'I also when I was born, drew in the common air, and fell upon the kindred earth, uttering, like all, for my first voice, the selfsame wail. In swaddling clothes was I nursed and in [watchful] cares' (iv crnap-ya.voi. ; ai trpac^rji/ jcat iv <t>povri<rtv). See also Lk. 27:12 (ecrirapydfiaa-ev, etrna.pya.viati.evov). Cp ROLLER ; FAMILY, 10 ; MEDICINE, 1. In Lam. 2:22 the verb is nBB. tippah, more probably 'dandled': so RV. see SPAN.


i. "I m, deror: Ps. 84:3 [84:4]. Prov. 23:2-3; rpvytav [trygoon] in Ps. , urpovOoi [strouthoi] in Prov. See below.

2. DID, sus, Is. 38:14, Jer. 8:7-8, Kt. ; D D Kr. ; x** 1 *"" [chelidoon] 1;correctly rendered in RV ; AV wrongly CRANE (q.v., for explanation of error).

Canon Tristram considers that deror is rightly inter preted swallow or martin, whilst the identity of sis 2 with the swallow or swift has been satisfactorily proved by Bochart 2:1, 2:10 (cp Lagarde in GGN 1888, p. 6-7), and receives interesting confirmation from the fact that Tristram heard this name given to the swift (Cypselus apus, L) by the present inhabitants of Palestine (FFP, 82-83).

Although zoologists place the Hirundinidae (swallows and martins) some distance from the Cypselidae (swifts), swallows and swifts are very frequently mistaken for each other, and it seems improbable that the ancient Jewish writers distinguished between them.

There are three species of swallow, Hirundo, now found in Palestine,

  • (1) The common swallow, H. rustica, which, like its congener
  • (2) H. rufula, returns from its winter quarters towards the end of March, whilst
  • (3) H. savignii, the oriental swallow, winters in the Holy Land.

Four species of martin and three species of swift are known in Palestine, one of them being the common swift, Cypselus apus, referred to above.

The swifts fly, like the swallows, with great rapidity, and their return from the S. in the early spring is a most striking event (Jer. 8:7). It usually occurs at the beginning of April. 'Clouds pass in long streams to the north, but still leave prodigious numbers behind'.

They return to their winter quarters in November. It is thought that the reiterated complaining cry of the swift is referred to by the prophet (Is. 38:14) rather than the more musical and less frequent note of the swallow (see further Che. ad loc. ).

Both swifts and swallows frequent towns and villages. The swallows build their nests of mud (Ps. 84:3). The swift usually builds its nest of straws, feathers, etc., cemented together by saliva ; it uses such materials as it can obtain without recourse to the ground, as with its long wings and short legs it experiences difficulty in rising from the earth.

3. (iwy, 'agur: Is. 38:14 Jer. 8:7-8), rendered in RV CRANE (q.v)

A. E. S. - N. M.

[It seems probable that -iuy should also be substituted for MT's j-i.Ni in Job 76. 'My days are swifter than a crane' will be instinct with pathetic force to those who remember travellers' descriptions of the migration of the crane. See Crit. Bib. T. K. C.]

1 \e\iS(av [chelidoon] represents both Q1D and -\\^y in Is., in Jer. x e ^ l &uv aypoO [chelidoon agrou] = Qia or p/D- Aq. iVn-o? [hippos] in Is. 38:14; Sym. x eA & i [chelidoon] in Is. 38:14. re TTif [tettix] in Jer. 8:7 ; Theod. a is [sis] in Is. 38:14.

2 This form, which is the Kre in Jer. 8:7, is also supported by Th. in Is. 38:14 and is the name which Tristram heard (see above).


(TlOCOR tinshemeth. Lev. 11:18 [rrop4>YPIOON [porphyrioon] [BFL] -PCON [-roon] [A]] , Dt. 14:16 [(e)lBic [(e)ibis] BAFL]).

Two species of swan, Cygnus musicus (C. ferus), the Whooper or Wild Swan, and C. olor (C. mansuetus), have been found in Palestine ; but they appear to be comparatively rare, and scholars do not now defend AV.

Following LXX in Dt., Tristram identifies tinshemeth with the sacred ibis (Ibis aethiopica ; but see HERON). or with the purple gallinule (Porphyrio caeruleus) allied to the moor-hen. See, however, OWL.

The same Hebrew word is found in Lev. 11:30 in the list of unclean quadrupeds, where AV has MOLE (q.v., 2), RV CHAMELEON. See LIZARD, 6.

A. E. S.


U in ; [root ShBA], Gen. 21:23 , etc.; oMNyeiN [omnuein], Mt. 5:34, etc.). See OATH.


Of the passage in Lk. 22:44 (the agony in the garden), 'and his sweat became as it were great drops of blood falling down upon the ground' (KCU eytvero b i5/>ws aiToD tixret Opy/Apci ai fiaTos Kara- paivovTos tiri rr)i> yrjv), three interpretations are current :

  • (a) that a literal (and preternatural 1 ) exudation of blood is intended;
  • (b) that the sweat-drops resembled blood-drops in colour, size, abundance, or the like;
  • (c) that the expression is to be taken rhetorically, somewhat as the modern 'tears of blood'.

It is to be observed that vv. 43-44 are absent from many MSS (see the discussion in WH 264+). It is a question whether they were suppressed by the 'orthodox' (opOodo^oi d cKpeiXavro rb pifriiv, Epiphanius, Ancorat. 31), or whether they are to be regarded as a later insertion, explicable perhaps on some such principle as that suggested above in col. 1808, middle. Among the most recent commentators Holtzmann accepts them as genuine, whilst B. Weiss rejects them. There is a recent discussion of the subject by Harnack (SBAW, 1901, 251-255), who holds it to be certain that BXA give an intentionally shortened text, and places the excision perhaps in the beginning of the second century, but perhaps also many decades later. His arguments are four :

  • (1) Every feature in the disputed passage which can be compared with certainly genuine Lucan passages bears the Lucan stamp.
  • (2) There is no direct evidence that the words were wanting in the MSS. before 300, whilst Justin, Tatian, and Ireneus attest them for the first half of the second century.
  • (3) In two important points the passage could not fail to offend the orthodox:
    • (a) the statement that an angel strengthened Jesus: we remember how earnest was the struggle in the earliest times for the super-angelic dignity of Jesus;
    • (b) the ayuvia [agoonia], with its consequences was produced not by external attacks but by a terrible inward struggle (this goes beyond Heb. 5:7).
  • (4) We cannot, it is true, give a full answer to the question whence the fourth evangelist drew his material; but it

is clear that in the narrative of the Passion and the Resurrection he had no other source than the Synoptics. Now is it not highly probable, asks Harnack, that Jn. 12:27+ is the Johannine transformation of Lk. 22:43-44?

Cp CROSS, 5.

1 According to Professor Macalister (Hastings, DBS 330a): 'There are no modern trustworthy cases of genuine bloody sweat ; and although in some older writings comparable instances are quoted, none of them are properly authenticated'.

2 Humtsiru and piazu are two animals which belong to the class represented ideographically by SAH (i.e., swine). They lived in reedy, marshy districts. Whether humsiru is quite the same as the Arabic hinzir is uncertain ; but the affinity must be great (Jensen, ZA 1:309). The Aramaic kezira is, like the Arabic form, derived from Babylonian; cp references in Muss-Arnolt, s.v. 'humsiru'. 'Narrow-eyed' (BDB) is not a satisfactory explanation.


(n3f5), Is. 43:24, Jer. 6:20. See REED, 1b.


(i) DW3. beshamim, 2 Ch. 16:14, etc. See SPICE, 1; cp BALSAM.

2. C nirn, nihohim, Lev. 26:31, etc. Cp SACRIFICE, 36.


(DV3D), Ex. 30:34. See SPICE, 2.


("fTPI ; cp Ass. humtsiru; - yc \ XOipOC [choiros]. Lk. 8:32-3, 15:15-16, etc. ).

1. Biblical references.[edit]

Apart from the prohibition of eating swine's flesh (Dt. 14:8, cp Lev. 11:7) there is probably no pre-exilic reference to this animal in the OT. The fine proverb comparing a 'fair woman without discretion' to 'a jewel of gold in a swine's snout' (Prov. 11:22) may already presuppose the proximity of Gentiles who kept swine. This is certainly the case with the two most familiar NT references to swine - viz., 'he sent him into his fields to feed swine' (Lk. 15:15), and 'neither cast ye your pearls before the swine (Mt. 7:6). But we can go deeper into the meaning than this. It is difficult not to think that, at any rate in its present form, the crowning error of the 'prodigal son' consisted in his becoming paganised 1 (an ever present danger of Jews in the Roman period); 'the swine', as well as 'the dogs' (note the article) in Jesus warning, are Gentiles of the class described so often in the OT as 'the wicked' (contrast Is. 4:46). Such passages are intelligible only at the period when both Judaism and the young religion of Christ were confronted by an alien religious system in the very midst of the sacred land. No more striking exhibition of this perpetual contrast can well be imagined than that in the narrative of the demoniacs of Gerasa (see GERASA). This place was (like Gadara) in the heathen territory of Peraea, where a herd of many swine (Mt. 8:30, Lk. 8:32) - we need not lay stress on the too definite detail in Mk. 5:13 {2} ('about two thousand') - was a familiar sight.

It is probable that the story of the Gerasene demoniac or demoniacs has not reached us in its earliest form, and that the departure of the 'legion' of demons into the half-legion of swine is a secondary element. 3 If so, we gain a fresh illustration of the Jewish way of regarding heathenism as a 'swinish' error (see Weizsacker's weighty remarks, Apost. Age, 26:5). The author of 2 Peter regards the immoral heresy of his day as just such another (2 Pet. 2:22, {4} where EV 'sow', 8s [hys]).

There are three references to swine in LXX which are not found in MT. Probably, however, they are due to corruption of the text. See 2 S. 17:8 (where LXX{B} appears to insert ui vs rpa^eia fv TreSt a [oos hys tracheia en pedioo]) ; but see Klo. ad loc.) and 1 K. 20:19, 22:38 (where the [ai] i/es [hys] of BAL and BA respectively has evidently sprung out of icuVes [kynes]).

1 The parable is even literally accurate. That Jews were sometimes tempted to keep swine is proved for the time of John Hyrcanus by a prohibition quoted by Grotius in his comment on Mt. 8:32.

2 Keim's statement (Jesu von Naz. 2:457) is correct; the report of Matthew is by far the simplest, the most original. Cp Badham, S. Mark's Indebtedness, 42-43

3 Nestle (Philologica Sacra, 21) suggests that the story may have arisen as a popular explanation of a place-name such as Ras el-hinzir, 'swine's head' (or 'promontory'), or Tell abu-l-hinzir, 'hill of the father of swine'.

4 In this passage the reference to the wallowing of the swine appears to have sprung from a misreading of a well-known proverb (Prov. 26:11).

5 Cp Frazer, Pansanias, 4:137+

6 On certain days it was expressly forbidden to eat it (Jastrow, Relig. Bab. Ass. 381). Was it sacred to Bel at Nippur? See Peters, Nippur, 2:131.

7 Maspero, Dawn of Civ. 560. The illustration given by Maspero represents a sow and her litter in the reeds of the marshes.

8 Erman, Egypt, 441.

2. A sacred animal.[edit]

The swine occupied a highly honourable place as a sacrificial animal in Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy, but was neither sacrificed nor eaten by the Jews. 5 Their feeling of repugnance was not shared by the Assyrians, who relished swine's flesh; 6 though the hog, which was only half-tamed, was not included among their ordinary domestic animals.7 In Egypt the pig was unpopular, if not tabooed. 8 Swine were certainly kept, but only in certain localities e.g. , in the district of el-Kab (the city of Eileithyia). Among the live stock belonging to Renni, whose tomb is at el-Kab, 300 swine are mentioned. As Renni (13th dynasty) was a prophet of the goddess at el-Kab (perhaps to be identified with Selene; cp Herod. 247), it is probable that he had to provide swine for sacrifice ; for swine, as Herodotus states, were sacrificed to Selene and Dionysus (Osiris). The drove of swine depicted in the tomb of Paheri (18th dynasty) at the same place maybe for agricultural purposes. Elsewhere swine came to be regarded as embodiments of Set and Typhon, and were loathed accordingly. To the Syrians and Phoenicians, however, the swine was sacrosanct and its flesh prohibited (cp Lucian, Dea Syr. 54). Antiphanes states that it was sacred to Aphrodite or Astarte (Athen. 849).

Probably it is from the European boar (Sus scrofa} that the domesticated swine of Palestine is derived, though this is still to some extent a matter of conjecture. Swine are very uncommon in Palestine, and there may have been the same scarcity in Jewish territory in ancient times on account of the repugnance of the Jews to this animal. This repugnance (which is shared by Mohammedans) is not to be explained on mere sanitary grounds (cp Plut. De Is. et Osir. 8). It is but the reverse side of that earlier veneration for the swine as sacrosanct, 1 which also accounts for the original taboo upon swine's flesh; and the legend of the death of ADONIS may be a primitive (Phoenician) explanation of this change of feeling. There is indeed some evidence among the Jews of a survival of the ancient feeling in certain quarters. As Robertson Smith has pointed out, 2 the strange statements in Is. 65:4 (cp 66:17) and 66:3 are most easily explicable if the flesh of swine was partaken of in secret sacrificial meals.

The correctness of this view is by no means bound up with his view of the date of Is. 05_/T, which later criticism regards as belonging to the time of Nehemiah, and referring to certain unorthodox rites practised by some at least of the Jews and by the Samaritans, or the N. Arabians (Che.), and denounced by the adherents of a legal orthodoxy. It has also been made at any rate plausible by Robertson Smith that the swine, the dog, and the mouse (see DOG, MOUSE) were the totems of the Jewish families which took part in the mysteries described in those strange prophecies."*

3. References to boars.[edit]

The BOAR in Hebrew bears the same name as the swine. The Talmud for clearness uses the phrase an Yjn (cp 7i, 'the open country', Job 39:4) ; a psalmist (Ps. 80:13 [8014] crDs [sys] [BA] -j Cj j- [hys] [x? ART]) once speaks of 'the boar from the jungle' 4 ("ijrc, EV 'out of the wood'). This is in fact the more descriptive phrase. It is in the jungle of the Jordan, from Jericho to the Sea of Galilee, that the wild boar specially dwells, though he is also to be found in the lowlands of S. Philistia and Beersheba and on the slopes of Hermon. 'A party of wild boars', says Tristram (NHB 54), 'will uproot a whole field in a single night'. The Assyrian storm-god in his fury is likened to a wild boar (humtsiru); not unnaturally we may interpet Ps. 80:13 [80:14] of the havoc wrought in Palestine by the armies of Artaxerxes Ochus. Similarly in 4 Esd. 15:30 the CARMANIANS [q.v.] are compared to 'the wild boars of the forest' (in one of the late additions to 4 Esd.) ; and in Enoch 89:72 the Samaritans who attempted to prevent the rebuilding of the Jewish temple are symbolised by wild boars.

A. E. S. - S. A. C. - T. K. C.

1 The theory of the primitive sanctity of the swine is unassailable (cp FISH, 9+). Callistratus's explanation of this sanctity (Plut. Syntpos, 4:5) may be absurd ; but the fact remains. Cp Frazer's important remarks in his Pausanias, 41:38; and see CLEAN AND UNCLEAN, 8; FOOD, 16, and JQR, 1902, p. 422.

2 Kinship, 307+; RS(2) 343, 357, 368. (Other illustrations of the subject of this article will also be found in RS(2).)

3 [See SHAPHAN, SANBALLAT, ZERUBBABEL, and especially Crit. Bib., where the evidence relative to the captivity of the people of Judah and their subsequent relations to their oppressors is considered, and Is. 65:4, 66:3, 66:17 are restored to what the present writer takes to be their original form. He would gladly have come to other results, as the new considerations compel him to abandon the brilliant and plausible theory adopted from W.^ R. Smith in Intr. Is. 366+. T. K. c.]

4 On the reading see HIPPOPOTAMUS.


(T\n, hereb; A\&x<MP&& [machaira], pOM({><MA [romphaia], 5l(j>oc [xiphos]). In Ecclus. 46:2 po/ji<f>aia [romphaia] (EV 'sword') represents kidon, [ ITS. See JAVELIN, 1, 5. In Job 20:25, barak, pi3, lit. 'lightning', is poetically used for 'sword' or 'blade' (cp Dt. 32:41).

Other words doubtfully or wrongly rendered 'sword' are :

1. i shelah, nVff, Joel 2:8; RV 'weapons' (EV's usual rendering). 'Dart' would be better (n^SS to send, shoot). So in Neh. 4:17 [4:11], and elsewhere, 'weapon' should be 'dart' (LXX{BNA} /3oAi [bolis]).

2. mekerah, HTDS, Gen. 49:5-6. So AVmg, RV. The meaning is suitable; but the sense has no philological justification (see Spurrell's note). See SHECHEM.

3. retsah, nsn, Ps. 42:10 [42:11]; LXX KaTaSAatmt [katathlasai] (-6\i<rOai [-thlasthai] [<:>]); AVmg, 'Or, killing'; RVmg., 'Or, crushing'. Baethgen agrees with RV, comparing 62:3 [62:4]. See Che. Ps(2), We. SBOT, on the text of both passages.

The hereb or sword (the sheath of which was called -ij?n, ta'ar, or pi, nadan) was suspended from the girdle (Gen. 48:22, 1 S. 17:39, 25:13, 2 S. 20:8), probably on the left thigh (cp Judg. 3:16, with Moore's note), as was also usual with the Assyrians (see Layard, quoted below) and the Greeks. Though so frequently mentioned in the OT, we need not infer that it was in very common use; the sword cannot have been so easy to make as the arrow (see WEAPONS, 2) or SPEAR. Nor must we suppose that an instrument of the same size and shape is always intended by hereb; the same word may have denoted the most primitive form of sword, as well as the later knife-like weapons (cp Josh. 5:2 and see KNIFE, 2), including scimitars and the longer poniards.

Taking a wider survey of the evolution of the sword, we notice that the earliest form of this weapon was of wood ; the antelope s horn, merely sharpened, which is still used in every part ot the East where the material can be procured, may also, as a writer in Kitto suggests (Bibl. Cycl.), have served the same purpose. The Egyptian soldiers of the first Theban Empire were armed in some cases with wooden swords (Maspero, Daivn of Civilisation, 452), and swords of heavy wood are said to be still used in Nubia ; in Mexico and Yucatan the wooden sword was provided with a flint edge, and 'the destructive powers of this formidable weapon are frequently dwelt upon by the early Spaniards' (Wilson, Prehistoric Man, 1:190). Later, bronze and iron were used.

The sword, however, would not appear to have been a favourite weapon in ancient times. Where it is found, it seems to be carried as a rule as an additional security. The Chaldaean soldiers, whose equipment was of the rudest kind, though they seem to have used the dagger, did not apparently carry a sword (see Maspero, Dawn of Civ. 722). According to Erman (Life in Anc. Kgypt, 516), the swords (hurpu) imported into Egypt in the eighteenth dynasty came from Syria. Wilkinson (Anc. Egypt, 1:210-211.) gives the following description of the Egyptian sword :

The Egyptian sword was straight and short, from two-and-a-half to three feet in length, having apparently a double edge, and tapering to a sharp point ; and Herodotus compares the sword of Cilicia to that of Egypt. It was used for cut and thrust ; but on some occasions they held it downwards, and stabbed as with a dagger. The handle was plain, hollowed in the centre, and gradually increasing in thickness at either extremity' (cp the picture of the storming of Dapuru, the fortress of the Heta, by Rameses II., reproduced above, col. 1223).

1 Cp the earlier broadsword of the ante-Norman period ; see Evans, Ancient Armour and Weapons in Europe, 1:31+.

2 The handles of the bronze swords are very short, and could not have been held comfortably by hands as large as ours, a characteristic much relied on by those who attribute the introduction of bronze into Europe to a people of Asiatic origin (Lubbock, op. cit.).

This is very like the sword of the bronze age as we find it elsewhere (cp the bronze swords given in Evans, The Ancient Bronze of Great Britain, 273-300 ; Wilson, Prehistoric Annals of Scotland, 1:352). Like other bronze swords it is without cross-piece 1 or handguards ; and like these, in spite of what Wilkinson says, it was perhaps 'intended for stabbing and thrusting rather than for cutting' (Lubbock, Prehistoric Times(6), 30). 2 The swords of the Mediterranean pirates seem to have been of the same kind (Wilkinson, 246 ; cp WMM, As. u. Eur. 375) ; and we meet with it again on the silver patera found by Gen. di Cesnola (Cyprus, pl. 19, opp. p. 276) at Curium. 1 For cutting, a curved sword, like a sickle, was often used. In the nineteenth dynasty the Pharaoh himself is represented as fighting. 'He even takes part in the hand-to-hand fight, and his dagger and sickle-shaped sword are close at hand' (Erman, Anc. Egypt, 527). 2 The Assyrians, whose martial equipment was remarkable, used swords of various kinds and sizes. The spearman, besides his spear and shield, often carried a short sword in his belt (Maspero, Ancient Egypt and Assyria, 321). But Assyrian soldiers also used long swords; 'the swords were worn on the left side, and suspended by belts passing over the shoulders, or round the middle' (Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, 2342) ; some of the swords have quite a modern appearance (see Ball, Light from the East, 199). That amongst the Israelites the sword was sometimes slung in the same way seems to be shown by such passages as 1 S. 17:39, 2 S. 20:8, 1 K. 20:11. Both sword and sheath amongst the Egyptians, and Assyrians were often highly ornamented (see Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, 1:210, Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, 2:298 ; cp also the poniards found in the coflin of 'Ah-hotep, as shown in Maspero, Egyptian Archeology, 318-319, Struggle of the Nations, 97).

Amongst the metal objects found by Bliss (A Mound of Many Cities, 105) were spear-heads, lance-points, and knives, but apparently no swords. On p. 106, however, he gives what he describes as 'a large knife, which fitted on to a wooden handle, as a few slivers of wood still clinging to the end show'. Perhaps this was rather a poniard. Schliemann in his Mycenaean explorations (Mycence, 283) found swords the length of which 'seems in a great many cases to have exceeded three feet . . . ; they are in general not broader than our rapiers'. But, strange to say, he found no swords on the supposed site of Troy (see Ilios, 483). At Hissarlik 'weapons of copper and bronze occur frequently - lance-heads, daggers, arrow-heads, knives, if we may designate these as weapons - but no swords ( Preface by Prof. Virchow, 12). The reputed sword of Goliath was preserved as a sacred object in a sanctuary (1 S. 21:8-9). There are Babylonian parallels (see GOLIATH, 3), and Lubbock (Origin of Civilisation (5), 323) points out that to some peoples the sword itself has been an object of veneration and even of worship.

M. A. C.

1 The weapons of Cyprus were greatly prized; 'Alexander had a Cyprus sword given him by the king of Citium, and praised for its lightness and good quality' (p. 10).

2 Cp the curved sabre of Ramman (Adad)-Nirari I.; Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, 607 ; Ball, Light from the East. The Etruscans also used the curved sword ; Dennis, The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, 1:201, 2:442.


(CYKAMINOC, Lk. 17:6-7) is, as all agree, the mulberry, that being the invariable meaning of the Greek word (Gels. 1.288^).

Both the black and the white mulberry (Morus nigra L. and M. alba L.) are at this day commonly cultivated in Palestine. The Greek name is probably derived from Heb. C Sjpt?, shikmim, though this denotes a different tree - the sycomore or fig-mulberry. The Mishnic name for the mulberry is n?n- 'Mulberry trees' as a rendering for C N33 is a mere guess. Cp MULBERRY TREES.

N. M.


(cyX^P f ri - WH]), mentioned in the account of the conversation of Jesus with a Samaritan woman (Jn. 4:5). It was a 'city of Samaria', and it was 'near the piece of ground (xwpiov [choorion]) which Jacob gave to his son Joseph'. 'Jacob's fountain' (^77717) was there, by which we are told that Jesus sat, 'wearied with his journey'. From the expression 'a city . . . called Sychar' (cp 11:54, 'a city called Ephraim') we may plausibly assume that the place referred to was not very well known. On the other hand, it is not impossible that the redactor of the Gospel may have misread the manuscript which lay before him, and that, not knowing any places called Sychar and Ephraim , he may have modified the phraseology so as to suit these apparently obscure places. 1 Naturally there has been much debate as to this 'city called Sychar', otherwise unmentioned ; and the theory which has the first claim to be considered is that which identifies 'Sychar' with avxffJ- (Sychem) - i.e. , the chief city of the Samaritans, Shechem.

1. Sychar = Shechem.[edit]

From the time of Eusebius, no doubt has been entertained as to the identity of Jacob's fountain. It is called later in the gospel narrative a well (<jWap [phrear] = -iK3, be'er), and this double title is, in fact, applicable to the venerable 'Jacob's Well' of our day, if the various reports of travellers are correct. It is no doubt rain-water that produces the softness claimed for the water of 'Jacob's Well'; but it may nevertheless also be true that, as Conder says, the well fills by infiltration. 2 Few of the sacred sites in Palestine thrill one so much as this, because of the beauty of the narrative with which it is connected, and because of the unquestioning and universal acceptance of the early tradition. Jacob's Well is situated 1.5 mi. E. of Nablus, 1100 yards from the traditional tomb of Joseph (Josh. 24:32). It is beneath one of the ruined arches of the church which Jerome, as we shall see (section 2), speaks of, and is reached by a few rude steps, being some feet below the surface. The situation is very appropriate, if the well was designed for the use of the workers in the grain-fields of el-Mahna ; 3 for it is at the point where the Vale of Nablus merges into the plain of el-Mahna. The reputation of its water for sanctity and for healthfulness might conceivably have led a woman to go there from Shechem (if Sychar = Shechem) to draw water, although the well was 'deep'. A doubt may, indeed, arise as to whether the city of Shechem could have been described by the narrator as 'near the piece of land which Jacob gave to Joseph', if this piece of land enclosed the present 'Jacob's Well' and 'Joseph's Tomb'. It would seem, however, that a writer who had the statement of Gen. 33:18-20 in his mind would almost inevitably speak of the 'piece of land' as near Shechem ; for the writer of that passage (we assume the text to be correct) certainly suggests that Shechem and Jacob s purchased estate were near together. If, therefore, our present 'Jacob's Well' was already known by that name in the time of the evangelist (or the writer on whom the evangelist relies) there is no difficulty in the statement that Sychar (if Sychar = Shechem) was near Jacob s possession. Nor can we, in accordance with the tenor of the narrative, venture to place 'the city' very near Jacob s Well, for Jesus disciples, who had gone away into the city to buy food, returned (Jn. 4:8, 4:27) only after Jesus had had a conversation with the woman, which we cannot well suppose to have been a short one.

If Sychar were the only somewhat improbable place-name in the Fourth Gospel, it might perhaps be rash to question the accuracy of the reading ; but Aenon, Salim, Ephraim all warn us to caution in the treatment of 'Sychar'. Jerome long ago ascribed the reading to the error of a copyist, nor has modern criticism disproved the possibility of his hypothesis. 4 It is, however, in the document used by the redactor of our Gospel, not in the Gospel itself, that we may suppose the corruption to have arisen. The text may have become indistinct, and the redactor may have misread 'Sychar' for 'Sychem'.

To suppose that the narrator, being an allegorist, deliberately changed 'Sichem' into 'Sychar' in order to suggest that the Samaritan religion was a 'lie' ("> , sheker ; cp Hab. 2:18), or that the Samaritans were 'drunkards' (shikkorim, cp Is. 28:1), is rash in the extreme. The latter suggestion (Reland) is absurdly inappropriate, for Is. 28:1 relates to the nobles of ancient Samaria, and has nothing to do with Shechem. (Cp, however, GOSPELS, 54 y.)

1 It is remarkable, however, that in Gen. 33:18, as the text stands, the well-known Shechem is described in a way which would rather befit an obscure place like Sychar (on the assumption that Sychar is right).

2 Cp G. A. Smith, HG 374 ; and papers on the water of Jacob's Well, PEFQ, 1897, pp. 67, 149, 196. 'The source of supply to the well has not been accurately ascertained, but it is, doubtless, greatly due to percolation and rainfall', Barclay, 68.

3 Trumbull, PEFQ, 1897, p. 149.

4 'Transient Sichem, non ut plerique errantes legunt Sichar, quae mine Neapolis appellatur' (Ep. 86). 'Hebraice Sichem dicitur, ut Johannes quoque Evangelista testatur ; licet vitiose, ut Sichar legatur, error inolevit' (Quaest. in Gen. cap. 48, no. 22). 'Sichar conclusio sive ramus. Conrupte autem pro Sichem . . . ut Sichar legeretur, usus optinuit' (OS 66:20).

2. Sychar distinct from Shechem.[edit]

The above, however, is not the only solution of the problem of Sychar. By a curious coincidence it happens

  • (a) that early Christian travellers in Palestine speak of a Sichar distinct from Sichem
  • (b) that the Talmud several times speaks of a Suchar, and
  • (c) that at the present day the name Askar is found in the neighbourhood of Jacob's Well.

(a) As to the early travellers notices, it is almost enough to refer to G. A. Smith s compact and lucid summary. Every one who either has, or desires to have, an intelligent delight in biblical geography knows this writer's Historical Geography, and may therefore be aware that the Bordeaux Pilgrim (about 333 A.D.) speaks of a Sychar, about 1 R. mi. from Shechem. The pilgrim also says that the monument of Joseph was at the place called Sichem, by Neapolis at the foot of Mt. Gerizim. The abbot Daniel (1106-1107) speaks of 'the hamlet of Jacob called Sichar. Jacob's Well is there. Near this place, not half a verst away, is the town of Samaria ... at present called Neapolis'. Fetellus (1130) says, 'A mile from Sichem is the town of Sychar; in it is the fountain of Jacob, which, however, is a well'. John of Wurzburg (1160-1170) says, 'Sichem is to-day called Neapolis. Sichar is E. of Sichem'. Quaresmius (about 1630) gives the report of Brocardus (1283) that 'to the left (N.) of Jacob's Well' he saw 'a certain large city deserted and in ruins, believed to have been that ancient Sichem'; the natives told him that they now call the place Istar. 1

In addition to other notices we may add the Itinerary of Jerusalem (333 A.D.), which places Sychar at the distance of mille passus from Neapolis, and the following testimony of Eusebius (OS 297:26): 'Sychar, before Neapolis, near the piece of ground, etc., where Christ according to John discoursed with the Samaritan woman by the fountain ; it is shown to this day', to his translation of which Jerome adds (OS 154:31) in lieu of the closing words, 'where now a church has been constructed'. 2 The latter statement, it may be said in passing, throws back considerably the date of the belief in the traditional Jacob's Well. It should also be noticed that Eusebius in the same work writes thus of Sychem or Shechem : 'The place is shown in the suburbs of Neapolis, where, too, the Tomb of Joseph is shown' (OS 290:56), with which compare this state ment of Eusebius on BdXaco? Si/d/za^ [balanos sikimoon] (the Oak of Shechem = the present hamlet of Balata): 'It is shown in the suburbs of Neapolis at the Tomb of Joseph' (OS 237:69). Now if the Tomb of Joseph was in the suburbs of Neapolis, surely the Well of Joseph must have been there too. Both Tomb and Well were certainly placed in the traditional 'piece of land' purchased by Jacob, 'before Shechem'. It may be added that there is abundant evidence in the texts of early and mediaeval pilgrims for identifying Sychar and Sychem (see HG, n. i).

1 HG 369-370. 'Askar must be meant'. Cp a similar uncertainty about the pronunciation of another Palestinian name (LACHISH).

2 Cp Jerome, Ep. 86, 'Et ex latere montis Garizim exstructam circum puteum Jacob intravit ecclesiam'. The church built over the well was visited by Antoninus Martyr near the end of the sixth century, and again in the seventh century by Arculphus, and in the eighth by Willibald. The ruins of the church have doubtless raised the bottom of the well.

(b) It was long ago pointed out by Lightfoot (t 1675) that the Talmud mentions a place called Suchar (")31Di NI^ C) or Sichar (~O D! NIToX and a fountain of Suchar (1310 ] ], )> and a plain of En Suchar (n^io ry nj pD). It was from En Suchar (fountain of S.) or the plain of En Suchar that the Passover sheaf and the two Pentecostal loaves were brought to Jerusalem during the war of Aristobulus II. against Hyrcanus II. (Baba kamma, 82b; Menahoth, 64b). The other references (Baba mest'a, 42a [Pesahim, 31b] and 83a; Nidda, 36a; Hullin, 18b) relate to a time when the Samaritan population hail no doubt given place to a Jewish. 1 That at ihe time referred to by the evangelist a Samaritan population occupied Sychar is explained by the fact that under Herod the Great, Archelaus, and the Roman procurators, the Samaritans were able to recover from the fearful blow dealt to them by the vindictive John Hyrcanus.

It is difficult not to conjecture that the localities intended in the Talmud are the Sahil el-'Askar (Plain of el-'Askar) and the Ain el-'Askar (Fountain of el-'Askar) discovered early last century by Berggren. Though Prof. G. A. Smith does not mention this evidence, it is hardly likely that he rejects it.

(c) On the slope of Mt. Ebal, about if 1.5 m. ENE. from Nablus and little more than half a mile N. from Jacob's Well, is a little hamlet called 'Askar, with rock- tombs and a fine spring called Ain el-'Askar (or el- 'Asgar). The neighbouring plain, too, bears the name Sahil el-'Askar. It is tempting to think that this is the Sychar of the Fourth Gospel (cp Conder, Tent-work, 175). Not only does it at once virtually prove the traditional Jacob's Well to be the true one, but it seems also to show conclusively that the evangelist had a singularly minute and accurate knowledge of the scene of his narrative, and this suggests in turn that the narrative itself may be, at least, founded on fact. It is true, there still remains the difficulty that nothing is said of a Sychar distinct from Sychem before the fourth century ; that Eusebius s language is indecisive ; and that Jerome, the most learned scholar of his time, and, like Eusebius, a resident in Palestine, maintains that Sychar is a bad reading ; but perhaps the evidence of the Talmud and of the native nomenclature may plausibly be held to counterbalance this. Von Raumer, Ewald, Keim, Furrer, Lightfoot, etc. , adopt this theory.

3. Conclusion.[edit]

The disputants on either side may sometimes have been unduly influenced by their interest in the question, Did the fourth evangelist make great mistakes in his geography? The author of Supernatural Religion, for instance ((2), 2:421 [pop. ed. 531]), whose tone is not altogther dispassionate, holds that the mention of a city of Samaria called Sychar is one of several geographical errors which show the author not to be a disciple of Jesus, or indeed a Jew. There is another point of view, however, already briefly referred to. The Fourth Gospel, as it now stands, may have several errors in names ; but these errors may not be due to the writer, whose work has been edited and largely transformed by a redactor. It is most unlikely that the city which fills such a prominent place in the narrative of Jn. 4 should be any other than Shechem. Sychar is most probably incorrect, and it is a mere coincidence that the Talmud contains the name -1]13 - i.e., probably Sychar - and that the native nomenclature has preserved the name 'Askar. How 1s313, 'Sychar', is to be explained, is by no means clear ; it can, of course, have no connection with CD:?, Shechem. 'Askar, however, may quite well have grown out of Suchar ; the 'Ain, as G. A. Smith well remarks, 2 may quite well represent an original 'Elif. It is one of the many plays on names discernible in the Arabic nomenclature, Askar being a common Arabic word for 'soldier, army'. Cp Taylor, Pirke Aboth (2), 170. T. K. c.

1 Delitzsch, Talmud. Studien, 8, Sichem and Sychar', Zt. f. Luther. Theol. 17 [1856] 240+; cp Neub. Gtogr. 170-171

2 In opposition to Robinson, Later Researches, 133.


(cyxeM [Ti. WH], Acts 7:16; Sychemite, 6 SUXCM [o sychem] [BNA], Judith 5:16 AV, RV SHECHEMITE) AV, RV SHECHEM (q.v.).


(cYKO/v\ope&; Lk. 19:4-5) and SYCOMORES (C Cp:?, shikmim, 1 K. 10:27, 1 Ch. 27:28, 2 Ch. 1:15, 9:27, Is. 9:10 [9:9], Am. 7:14-15, and nicp, shikmoth, Ps. 78:47-48).

LXX wrongly renders by trv/cajuu os [sykaminos] (-T [-e] in R of Ps. 78:47, -a [-a] in Am.), a word which is probably derived from shikmilm, but denotes the mulberry. Shiknmah (nOOw) and Aram, shekma, on the other hand, denote a quite different tree - Ficus sycomorus, L. - whose leaves to some extent resemble those of the mulberry, but its fruits those of the fig.

From the deep shade cast by its spreading branches the sycomore is a favourite tree in Egypt and Syria, being often planted along roads and near houses. It bears a sweet, edible fruit, somewhat like that of the common fig, but produced in racemes on the older boughs. The apex of the fruit is sometimes removed, or an incision made in it, to produce earlier ripening. This is the process denoted by the verb balas (oSi) in Am. 7:14 (cp FIG, 3). The sycomore, as a common and a lowland tree, is repeatedly contrasted with the more valued and majestic mountain cedars (1 K. 10:27, etc. ). At the present time, it grows in Palestine mainly on the coast and in the Jordan valley (FFP 411). Cp AMOS, 2, end* PROPHET, 35.

The British 'sycamore', which is a species of maple, is of course an entirely different tree.

N. M.


(HCYHAOC [esyelos] [BA], H cyNOAoc [esynodos] [B atb ]), 1 Esd. 1:8 = 2 Ch. 3:58, JEHIEL, 7.


(rUID, Hill?). Ezek. 29:10 threatens destruction to Egypt 'from Migdol [to] Syene ( RV Seveneh) and even unto the border of Ethiopia' (thus EVmg) ; similarly 30:6 without the reference to Ethiopia. Cornill, following LXX, sees the same name in 30:16 : 'Syene (reading !1o*. swn, for !1o, Sin) shall have great pain', || Thebes that is to say, even the most remote cities of Egypt shall tremble (in 5:15, however, Cornill keeps po Sin as Pelusium). Cp also SIN, SINIM. Seweneh, or Seweneh. (npip or rnip), is rendered in Ezek. Zi rji ij [synen] (A. SOTJI/T; [sonen] [cp LXX in Is. 43:3, see SEBA], So^j/r? [sounen]) in LXX, Syene, Vg. , and the context shows that this is correct ; cp especially the allusion to the Ethiopian frontier with Strabo, 32, 118, 669, 693, 787 ; Jos. BJ 4:10:5 ; Plin. 5:10:11. The ancient Egyptians wrote Swn, Swnw, Swnt (no safe etymology of the name is possible) ; cp Brugsch, Dict. Geogr. 666 ; the Coptic form is coy&N [soyan]. The Arabs rendered this Uswan(u) ; the modern orthography is Atswan. The Massoretic punctuation is, evidently, taken from the Greek form, which also the English Bible has taken from the Versions.

This cataract-city seems to have been very old ; but it was completely eclipsed by the capital of the nome, the island-city of Elephantine (Egyptian Yebu), directly opposite. Syene does not seem to have been more than the landing-stage for the famous quarries, from which the ancient Egyptians cut e.g. most of their obelisks. The stone, however, they called 'stone of Elephantine', and the troops guarding the Nubian frontier had their headquarters in that island-city. Herodotus therefore does not mention Syene, not because he had not been there (Sayce, Joiirn. Phil. 14:271), but because for him it belonged to Elephantine. The great garrison of Elephantine, of which he speaks, must have had its quarters mostly around Syene (not on the island) to protect the desert roads alongside of the cataracts against inroads of the nomadic Ethiopians. It is the more re markable that Ezekiel knows the name of Syene and its importance as a frontier-fortress. Under the Romans Syene came more into prominence, receiving a garrison of 3 cohorts (Strabo, 817) ; Juvenal lived there in exile as governor of the city. Elephantine still had the temples. Under the Arabs Elephantine was deserted, and Syene became a very considerable town, being the point of arrival for the caravans from the Sudan. Modern Asuan (Aswan) is a very small town, owing to the decline of the caravan trade ; its population, which had fallen to 6000, is said to be now about 10,000. The most remarkable antiquities are the tombs of the monarchs of Elephantine (beginning from dyn. 6) on the mountain opposite, discovered in 1885, large Arab cemeteries, and the quarries.

W. M. M.


(CYMGCON [Ti. WH], Lk. 3:30, Acts 13:1, 15:14 RV, AV SIMEON (q.v., 4-6.)


1. Name.[edit]

The term synagogue conveys a narrower and a broader meaning: in the broader meaning, a synagogue is a local community in its corporate capacity and as under religious and more or less civil jurisdiction ; in the narrower, it is the building with its assemblies and services. Naturally, the two meanings often merge into one. The designation common to both is kineseth.

The Heb. 0032, and the Aram. NPlilOS, 1 are derived from D33 and ty33 respectively, 'to gather'; hence they strictly correspond to the Gk. vvvaytayri [synagooge], 2 'congregation' or 'assembly'. The narrower meaning is expressed also by rOSn ITS, Aram. Nnp"32 2, and in Gk. by Trpoorei/xij [proseuche], 3 truvayiayiov [synagoogion] (Philo, 2:591, 1:675), npoevKnjpiov [proseukterion] (Philo, 2:168), and cra^areioi [sabbateion] (Jos. Ant. 16:6:2).

At first, the church also seems to have been called synagogue. {4} Ja. 2:2 is often quoted as evidence ; but it may well be questioned whether 'assembly' (as eiriavvaydiyrjv [episynagoogen, in Heb. 10:25) would not meet all the requirements of the passage (so v. Soden, HC on Ja. 2:2). Of more weight is the fact that the Ebionites called their church 'synagogue'; that the anti-Jewish Marcionites inscribed upon one of their church-buildings : avvayiiiyri Map/aun -KTT^IV Ku/j.(r]s) \ej3af3wv [synagooge marcioonistoon koom(es) lebaboon]; 5 and that in patristic literature ffvvaywyri [synagooge] is occasionally used for the church. 6 That the church abandoned the term in favour of eKK\T)<ria [ekklesia] may be accounted for by the fact of the separation of the two faiths ; the two terms are used interchangeably in the LXX, and tKK\-r)<ria [ekklesia] was like and unlike enough to be just the designation wanted. Schurer thinks that the word ecclesia was adopted because of its deeper ideal and spiritual significance (see GVI 2:433, and cp ASSEMBLY, CHURCH).

2. Origin.[edit]

The origin of the synagogue as an organised religious community is bound up with the general history of Israel after the exile (cp GOVERNMRNT 25-31). When the assemblies first began, and when buildings were first set aside for this specific purpose, cannot be definitely stated. It seems most probable that the assemblies originated during the exile (cp Wellh. IJG (3), 193). In strange environment, and in default of a centre of worship, something of this sort in a limited form and extent must be presupposed to account for the religious zeal that emanated from the exiles. Whether, on the return to Palestine, any need was felt for such assemblies, the sanctuary becoming now again the centre of worship, may well be ques tioned. The activities of Nehemiah and Ezra and the introduction of the Law must in time, and in connection with the springing up of Jewish communities outside of Jerusalem, have given a new occasion for them (see CANON, 18). No reference to the institution of the synagogue, however, is met with in the canonical or apocryphal books of the OT except Ps. 748, where mo'ade el C?K Hjfo) is best taken as meaning 'sacred meeting-places', and as belonging to the Maccabean period. (See Che. Psalms (1), ad loc., but cp PSALMS, 28, v.) In NT times the synagogue is already a well-known institution with a hoary past ; 'Moses from generations of old (ex yevfuv dpx a a " / [ek geneoon archaioon]) ha sin every city those that proclaim him, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath' (Acts 15:21). (For full references in NT see section 1 n. 4 ; see, further, section 8. )

1 The rabbinical references will appear in the course of the article.

2 Jos. Ant. 19:6:3; BJ 2:14:4-5, 8:8:3. In the NT awaytayri [synagooge] occurs fifty-six times ; with the broader meaning; in twelve cases : Mk. 13:9 || Mt. 10:17, Lk. 21:12, Mt. 23:34, Lk. 8:41, 12:11, Acts 6:9, 9:2, 22:19, 26:11, Rev. 29:39. Of the remaining forty-four cases it means 'assembly' twice: Acts 13:42 (not in BNA), Ja. 2:2; and the synagogue-building and its services in the others : Mk. 1:21, 1:23 || Lk. 4:33, 1:29 || Lk. 4:38, 1:30 || Lk. 4:44, 3:1 || Mt. 12:9, Lk. 6:6, 6:2 || Mt. 16:54, Lk. 4:16, 12:39 || Mt. 23:6, Lk. 20:46 (doublet 11:43) Mt. 4:23 (doublet 9:35), 6:2, 6:5, Lk. 4:15, 4:20, 4:28, 7:5, 13:10, Jn. 6:59, 18:20, Acts 9:20, 13:5, 13:14, 14:1, 15:21, 17:1, 17:10, 17:17, 18:4, 18:7, 18:19, 18:26, 19:8-9.

3 Acts 16:13, 16:16; Philo, 2:523-534, 7rpo<m/x>) [proseuche] implies the Heb. n^SJ-rrra, of which it is LXX's translation in Is. 56:7 (quoted in Mt. 21:13) ; but as a designation of the synagogue it is not found until late.

4 Epiphan. Haer. 30:18 : <rvva.y(0yr]v 8e oCroi (caAoveri TTJV eaurwi/ e/CKArjcriW ica! ov\^- eKK\rjcriav.

5 Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions grecques et latines, t. 3. n. 2558, quoted by Schur. GVI (3), 2:443.

6 Cp Harnack, ZWT, 1876, pp. 104+; Zahn, Gesch. NT Kan. 2 (1883) 165; Einl. 1:66-67.

3. Function, etc.[edit]

In considering the function and organisation of the synagogue, it will greatly conduce to clearness if the distinction between the broader and the narrower meaning of the term is observed. The synagogal assemblies and services presuppose the existence of an organised Jewish community of which they form an essential part. The wider function is evident in dwovwdyuyos [aposynagoogos], 'put out of the synagogue' (Jn. 9:22, 12:42, 16:2), which means more than mere exclusion from the synagogal assemblies - viz., exclusion from social and religious intercourse, that is, from community life (cp EXCOMMUNICATION). The wider function included not only the religious but also the civil and municipal affairs of the community. The distinction between secular and religious is foreign to Judaism. Mishnic legislation throughout presupposes Jewish control of civil life (Nedarim 5:5, 3:1); but this is ideal, and could not actually prevail except in towns where the Jewish population preponderated. Where that was not the case the organised synagogal community was found by the side of the civil. In the former case, the synagogal officials were identical with those of the town ; in the latter case, they only ruled more or less the Jewish portion of it. Larger towns had more than one synagogal community. In Jerusalem, for example, according to Acts 6:9, the Hellenistic Jews had either two or five separate organisations, representing aggregations homogeneous in nationality or condition (cp Schurer, l.c. 2:43c-44, 2:176+).

Members of the synagogal community (np:2n 33, Bekoroth 5:5) were subject to discipline and punishment by the synagogal government. The local governing body, within whose jurisdiction it lay to try disciplinary cases, was called beth din, JT n3, 'court', or (its Gk. equivalent) sanhedrin, j TirtJp, {1} avvtdpiov [synedrion], 'council' (Mt. 5:22, 10:17, Mk. 13:9); also #011X77 [boule] (Jos. BJ 2:14:1). It was composed of twenty-three members in larger towns; and in smaller, of seven members (cp GOVERNMENT, 31 ; and see Schur. 2:176+). The members were called 'elders' (irpffffivrtpoi [presbyteroi], Lk. 7:3) or 'rulers' (&pxoi>Tfs [archontes], Mt. 9:18, 9:23, Lk. 8:41), and the chief yepovaidpxni [gerousiarches] (see Schur. 3:46-7).

The chief methods of punishment were

  • (a) scourging,
  • (b) excommunication, and
  • (c) death.

(a) Scourging (n i3C [Makkoth, 3:12], Gk. fia.ari.y6ii} [mastigooo] [Mt. 10:17, 23:34] and Stpw [deroo] [Acts 22:19, Mk. 13:9]) was inflicted in the synagogue building by the synagogue attendant (nwrn jm, virrjpfT-r. 1 ; [hyperetes], Makk., ibid.). The minor offences for which it was administered are given in Makkoth 3:1+. The number of stripes was forty save one (Makk: 3:10, 2 Cor. 11:24, Jos. Ant. 4:8:21). The tribunal competent to decide upon the punishment is variously given as consisting of three or twenty-three members (Sanhedrin, 1:2). 2

(b) The punitive exclusion of unsubmissive members of the Jewish community is met with already in Ezra 10:8; it was to be the means by which to keep exclusive Judaism intact. There seems to have been at first (so in NT times) but one form of excommunication - viz. , herem (cnn), 3 'ban', that is, absolute exclusion from the synagogal community. Its origin and conception lie in the OT (see BAN). Herem and its Gk. equivalent dvdOe/JM [anathema] mark an object as devoted, or under the curse of God and deserving death (cp Holtzmann, Neutest. Zeitgesch. 150).

Herem meant, in fact, the penalty of death, and its infliction was prevented only by lack of power. We must take it that the NT terms a<^optctr [aphorizein], opetji ^cii [oneidizein], (K/SaAAetp TO ovofia. [ekballein to onoma] (Lk. 6:22). airoffui ayuryoc yt yecrdai [aposynagoogan ginesthai] or iroieii [poiein] (Jn. 9:23, 12:42, 16:2), and draSejua [anathema] or avaMftanfft? [anathamatizein] (Rom. 9:3, 1 Cor. 12:3, 16:22 Gal. 1:8-9, Mk. 14:77, Acts 23:12, 14:21), all contain this meaning. 1

1 Sanhedrin, 1:5-6; the two terms jmnJD [sanhedrin] and \"\ JV3 [beth din] are used interchangeably; and jnn3 [beth din] should not be limited to the lowest tribunal, as is done by Weber, Jud. Theol. 141.

2 Scourging by Roman officials, referred to in NT (Mt. 20:19, Jn. 19:1), is not considered here.

3 For the rabbinical use of cin [herem], which does not differ from OT usage (see BAN), cp Jastrow, Dict., s.v.

(c) The tribunal composed of twenty-three members was competent to inflict the penalty of death (Sanh. 1:4), and it is most probable that excommunication was pronounced by it; if so, 'shall incur the penalty of the judgment' (tvoxos fffrat ry Kpi<Tfi [enochos estai te krisei]), Mt. 5:22, refers to the lighter punishment of scourging; 'shall incur the penalty of the council' (coxos &TTCU TCJ} ffweSpiy [enochos estai too synedrioo]), to the severer punishment of excommunication or death.

The Mishna mentions a second kind of excommunication - viz., nidduy, FlJ, 'isolation', called also by its Aram, equivalent shammatta, Nn3C . Its main purpose seems to have been to guard the dignity and authority of the rabbinical teacher; it might be imposed for disobedience to a rabbinic decision, for an impertinent remark to a teacher, or for failure to greet him properly. It might be imposed by a mere hint - for instance, by saying, 'I have never known thee!' or 'Some one is calling thee outside!' The Gemara mentions a third kind of excommunication - viz., neziphah. rtS U, 'rebuke'. It seems to have been a severe reprimand uttered by a rabbi, carrying with it in Palestine one day's, in Babylonia a seven days', overhanging displeasure. The nidduy-ban, according to the Gemara, extended over a period of thirty days, and involved greater restraint as to intercourse, though not exclusion from the temple or synagogue service. But both forms are later than NT times, and they are too mild to represent the NT terms quoted above.

5. The synagogue building.[edit]

Recently discovered ruins of synagogues in Northern Galilee, belonging probably to the second, some perhaps to the first, Christian century, furnish scanty, but the safest, information regarding the architecture of ancient synagogues. Negatively, they show that the rabbinic directions ( Tos. Meg. 4:22-23) that synagogues should be built on a height of the city and should have the entrance on the E. (like the temple) had not yet come into force. The ruins do not lie in the most prominent positions of the towns, and, with the exception of the synagogue at Irbid, whose entrance is E. , they were built from N. to S. with the entrance on the S. On the whole, a Graeco-Roman influence in style is noticeable. The buildings were quadrangular in form, divided into five or three aisles by means of four or two rows of massive columns. The columns bore an architrave of stone, the roof was of wood, and the ornamentation, especially of the cornices, was extremely rich, and figures of animals are frequently met with. The entrance was by means of three front portals, a larger for the centre and two smaller for the sides ; the lintels have carved on them Hebrew inscriptions and sacred Jewish symbols. 3

Various parts of the synagogue building, outside of Palestine, find occasional mention in Gk. inscriptions: efefipa [exedra], 'portico'; rrpoi aos [pronaos], 'vestibule'; 7repi /3oAos TOU uirai Spou [piribolos tou hypaithrou], 'court'. 4 The synagogue of Hammam-Lif, not far from Carthage, had a mosaic floor with varied animal forms in its design (see Schurer, 2:437, n. 26). Kaufmann has shown that both painting and sculpture were in use in decorating the synagogues, even at a later time, the lion being a favourite symbol ('Art in the Synagogue', JQR 9:254+ [1897]). In a rabbinic description of the synagogue of Alexandria we meet the following terms : p^ o;, /3a<nAi(oj [basilike], basilica ; VBD^S li Sin-Aij crroa [diple stoa], a double-colonnade ; VBDi <" p oo [stoa] colonnade. 1

1 It seems most probable that 1 Cor. 5:3-5 and 2 Cor. 2:6-11 do not refer to a Jewish form of excommunication : see EXCOMMUNICATION, 2, and cp article 'Anathema' in PRE (2).

2 See Ta'anith 3:8, Mo'ed Katan 3:1-2 and 3:14a, 3:16b, 'Eduyoth 5:6, Middoth 2:2. The full details of procedure in excommunication, as found in Hamburger, RE, s.v. 'Bann', and in Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus, 2:183-184, are based upon a codification of Talmudic law of the Middle Ages and do not illustrate NT times.

3 There are eleven of these ruins : at Kefr Bir'im (two), Meiron, Irbid, Tell Hum, Kerazeh, Nebratein, el-Jish (two), Umm el-'Amed, and Susaf ; cp PEFQ, 1878, pp. 123=, PEF. Mem. 1:224, 1:234, 1:240-243, 1:251-254, 1:396-402, 1:414-417 ; Baed. Pal (2), 115:255-260 115:333 (1894). It is not impossible that the ruin at Tell Hum (see CAPERNAUM, 3) is that of the synagogue referred to in Lk. 7:5, in which Jesus often taught ; cp Wilson and Warren, Recovery of Jerusalem (1871), 342-346.

4 In Athribi (Egypt), Mantinea, and Phocis respectively; cp REJ 17:236-237, 34:148, 12:236+.

6. Site.[edit]

The synagogue of Philippi was outside the city gate by a river (Acts 1613), and a decree of Halicarnassus (in Jos. Ant. 14:10:23) speaks of f synagogues as customarily placed by the sea-side (on these passages see PRAYER, 4). This, however, does not seem to have been the usage in Palestine, nor is it taken account of in the ideal rabbinic legislation. Schurer's contention (2:444), as against Low (MGWJ, 1884, pp. 167+), that the ceremonial ablutions made the water-site preferable, is overdrawn. These ablutions do not require a river, and though orthodox Judaism now, more than ever, demands them, no preference is shown for such sites, which are, moreover, opposed to the positive requirement to build them on the highest point of the town. Neither does the position of the discovered ruins bear out Schurer s view. It would seem then that in fort-ign lands a preference was shown for sites outside the city (for obvious reasons), and then near the water-side ; whilst on native soil, or in strong Jewish environment, a central site was chosen.

7. Interior.[edit]

The chief piece of furniture was the 'ark' (ra n, JIIN, Aram. Nruan, N:IIK) containing the scrolls of the Law . . . and other sacred writings, which probably stood stood by the wall farthest from the entrance. In the centre, upon a raised platform (n2 2, Prjfj.a [bema]), stood the lectern (avaXoytiov [analogeion], Heb. paiSjK or pj^jx). The rest of the room contained wooden seats (Veep, subsellium ; ntsSp, n\ivTT)p [klinter]) for the congregation (cp Jer. Megilla, 7.5 foot; Kelim, 167). The chief seats of the synagogue (TrpwroKaOfSpia [prootokathedria]) were near the ark, facing the people, and were occupied by those held in highest honour. (Mt. 23:6, Mk. 12:39, Lk. 11:43 20:46; Tos. Megilla, 4:21.) Schurer (2451) takes it for granted that the women were seated separately in the synagogue. This is not at all certain; such evidence as there is points the other way. That the Talmud and all the ancient sources should not mention such an arrange ment is hardly accidental, and the facts gathered by Low (MGWJ, 1884, 364+) show a prominent activity of woman in the synagogal service ; to these should be added what Schurer himself mentions (3:50), that they could bear the titles of honour, apxiffwdyuyos [archisynagoogos] and mater synagogic, and could sit in the seats of honour in the synagogue (2:451). The present writer has pointed out elsewhere ('Woman in the Ancient Hebrew Cult', JBL, 1898, p. 111+) that the exclusion of woman from the cult was gradual, and came with the progress in the development of the cult itself. Relegation to the galleries of the synagogues was seemingly the last stage and belongs to the Middle Ages (cp Israel Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, 25-26).

8. Synagogue assemblies.[edit]

The primary function of the synagogue assemblies was the popular instruction in the law. The children were taught in the 'school' (-lEEn n"3 ; Jer. Ketub. 32c, Ketub. 2:10), and the more technical training was furnished in 'the college' (c*Ti2ri rraI Jer. Megilla, 73d) , but the synagogue assemblies were for the religious instruction of the people. Worship, in the narrower sense, was only a secondary object. That this was so in the times of Jesus we learn from Josephus (c.Ap. 2:17; Ant. 16:24), from Philo (2:168), who calls the synagogues SiSaaicaXeia [didaskaleia], 2 'schools', and from the NT, where 'to teach' (Si84.ffKeu> [didaskein]) appears as the chief function of the synagogue (cp Mk. 1:21, 6:2, Mt. 4:23, Lk. 4:1531, 6:6, 13:10, Jn. 6:59, 18:20). But there is evidence that at this time the synagogue assemblies stood, as it were, in the medium stage of their growth. In earlier times the synagogue was called the assembly of the common people' (cyn no:3 ; Shabbath, 32a), and corresponded more nearly to the 'gate' (iyE*) as a common meeting-place. 1 The Targum translates 'gate' (-\yv) in Am. 5:12, 5:15 beth kinishta (xnvtt rva). But after the destruction of Jerusalem, when the synagogue began more and more to take the place of the temple, the assemblies took on gradually more of the form of worship. The name 'assembly of the common people' (oyn no:3) was then seriously objected to (Shab. 32a), and the sacredness of the synagogue was specially asserted (Tos. Mtg. 3:7) {2}

1 Tos. Sukka, 4;6 = Jer. Sukka, 55a, 55b.

2 TrpocrfUKTTJpia TI fTfpov e<mv )j &t&a<riea\ela. [proseukteria ti eteron estin e didaskaleia].

9. Officers.[edit]

For conducting the synagogue service, an official, strictly speaking, was not deemed necessary ; any competent Israelite could officiate. The freedom with which Jesus and Paul took part in the service illustrates this fact. The person who led in the exercises was called 'representative of the community' (mas n^v), and if he erred while performing his duty, some one else present might immediately take his place (Berakoth 5:3). The same freedom still prevails, in theory at least, in the present synagogue service ; but naturally those who are especially qualified by experience and efficiency are preferred.

The chief official of the synagogue as a religious assembly was the dpxi-ffvvdyuyos [archisynagoogos], EV 'ruler of the synagogue' (Mk. 5:22, 5:35-36, 5:38, Lk. 8:49, 13:14, Acts 13:15, 18:8, 18:17; Heb. npn vtci, Sota 7:7-). The office was not identical with that of the 'elder' (irp&rfitiTepos [presbyteros]) or 'ruler' (Apxwv [archoon]), nor with that of the 'president of the gerousia' (yepovcna.p\t] [gerousiarches] ; see 6), though one might serve in both capacities at the same time. The duties of the Archisynagogos related to the care and order of the synagogue and its assemblies and the supervision of the service.

A second functionary was the hazzan (nn:2n ftn, Sota 7:7-8, Yoma 7:1), the I/TTT/P^T^S [hyperetes], AV 'minister', RV 'attendant' of Lk. 4:20. It was his duty to present for reading, and return to the ark after the reading, the sacred scrolls; he also taught the children (Shab. 1:3), and acted as the lictor in scourging, as the agent of the synagogue council (jn rva) ; cp section 8.

The giving of alms was a religious service in the time of Christ, and was administered in the synagogue by special officials called 'administrators' (D pnr), who had under them 'collectors of alms' (npis N23), and 'distributors of alms' ( * pVlD); see Shab. 118b , and cp ALMS, 3-4

The rabbinic requirement was that at least ten men must lie present for the conduct of divine service (Meg. 43). Whether this was already in force in NT times is doubtful ; but it led in post-Talmudic times to the custom of providing by payment 'ten men of leisure' (j jVc^ rPK J?, decem otiosi), whose business it was to attend the service ; they possessed, however, no official rank.

1 Cp Ps. 127:5, Ecclus. 6:34, 7:14 (where for ev TrAtjOet 7rpe<rj3uTfpiav [en plethei presbyteroon] stood probably in the original text D JpT 7 Tp3 ; so Kau. Apok., ad loc.) 35:33, 39:10, 41:18.

2 At the end of the first century A.D. it was still possible to class sitting in the synagogues with sleeping away the morning, drinking wine at noon, and playing with children, as bringing failure in life ('Aboth 3:14).

3 See also TEMPLE, 34+

10. The service.[edit]


The Mishna (Meg. 4:3) enumerates five principal parts of the service:

  • (a) the Shoma;
  • (b) prayer;
  • (c) the reading of the Law;
  • (d) the reading of the Prophets, and the benediction; but to these must be added
  • (e) the translation and explanation of the Scripture lesson.

How much of each of these was already in use in NT times will appear in the sequel. On the whole, as has been indicated above (8), the synagogue service was much simpler before the destruction of the temple ; that crisis in Judaism exerted a strong influence upon the develop ment of synagogal institutions.

(a) The Shema (yo-j, 'Hear!'), so called from the opening word of the first passage, 'Hear, O Israel: Yahwe our God, Yahwe is one', is composed of three passages of Scripture (Dt. 6:4-9, 11:13-21, Nu. 15:37-41), two introductory benedictions for morning and evening, one closing benediction for the morning, and two for the evening. 1

That the benedictions in their present form are the result of gradual additions was pointed out by Zunz (Gottesdienstl. Vortrage d. Juden [1832], 369+); the same is most probably true also of the selection of the Scripture passages.

The origin of the reciting of the Shema (ycy nx ip) is most probably to be sought in the endeavour to inculcate the sacredness and importance of the Law, for which the selections are most admirably adapted in that they not only emphasise these attributes, but also insist on certain outward symbolic signs as reminders of them (see FRINGES, FRONTLETS). As the phylacteries and fringes are well known in NT times (Mt. 23:5; Jos. Ant. 4:8:13), the origin of the reciting of the Shema must date back into the pre-Christian period as probably one of the first customs introduced by those who caught the spirit of Nehemiah and Ezra. That the object of the ceremony was accomplished may be seen from the fact that the act is regarded in the beginning of the second century A. D. as 'receiving the yoke of the kingdom of God' - i.e., the obligation to keep the Law of Moses (Berakh. 2:5; see Dalman, Worte Jesu, 1:80). The conception of it as a confession of faith (Schur. 2:459), or as a substitute for the daily sacrifices (Hamb. RE 2:1088), belongs to later times. 2 In the NT the opening words of the Shema are quoted in Mk. 12:29 (cp Mt. 22:37, Lk. 10:27), but without any reference to its liturgical character.

(b) That the disciples could ask Jesus, 'Teach us to pray, even as John taught his disciples', Lk. 11:1, would seem to indicate that a fixed form of prayer was at that time not in vogue (cp PRAYER, 7). This is made the more probable by the history of the most ancient synagogal prayer, the Shemone 'esre (rnjry ruca ! ), the 'eighteen' - i.e., petitions and benedictions. There are now two recensions of this prayer, a Babylonian and a Palestinian. 3 It appears evident that in the original form each of the petitions consisted of two members ; the Palestinian recension has more nearly retained its original form, and is the shorter as well as the older ; the Babylonian has received considerable additions. We have, therefore, here also to deal with a piece of synagogal liturgy which has passed through various stages of growth. The present writer is inclined to take the hint of Dalman (PRE (3), 7:10) and regard the eight petitions mentioned in Jer. Yoma, 44b, as pointing to an earlier form of the Shemone 'esre. If the legislation regarding these eight petitions is not ideal, they fit into a period prior to the destruction of Jerusalem (70 A.n. ). The fuller forms cannot be as early. The arrangement in the present order of sequence is ascribed to Shimeon ha-Pekoli (about 110 A.D. , Berakh. 28b). Dalman thinks it probable that, as petitions 7 and 10-14 are later than the destruction of Jerusalem, the form in vogue before that event consisted of three opening benedictions (1-3), six petitions (4-6, 8, 9, 15), and three closing benedictions (16-18), and holds that this prayer, composed of twelve petitions, may be regarded as the Pharisaic -Judaic counterpart of that of Jesus, composed of five or seven petitions (Mt. 6:9-13, Lk. 11:2-4).

1 Translations of these may be found in Hebr.-Engl. Prayer Books.

2 Detailed rubrics, dealing with the manner and time of recitation and the persons who are and who are not under obligation to perform it, are given in Berakhoth 1-3. The authorities differ as to whether it may be begun in the morning when it is light enough to distinguish between sky-blue and white, or between sky-blue and leek-green.

3 The Palestinian was recently discovered by S. Schechter in a Geniza of Cairo, and published by him in JQR 10:654-659 (1898). Dalman has published both recensions (the probable later additions enclosed in brackets) with notes in his Worte Jesu 1:299+; they are also contained in his Messianische Texte.

An abbreviated form of the Palestinian recension (from Jer. Berakh. 8a) is here given for comparison with the Lord s Prayer.

Grant us understanding;
graciously accept our repentance;
forgive us, our redeemer;
heal our diseases;
bless our years;
for thou gatherest the scattered, and it is thine to judge the erring;
put thy hand upon the wicked;
and may all who trust in thee rejoice in the building of thy city, the renewal of thy sanctuary, in the Branch of David, thy servant (v.l. the sprouting of a horn for David);
for thou answerest before we call.
Blessed art thou, Lord, who hearest prayer. 1

Petition 12 of the Palestinian recension calls for special mention. The text and its translation are as follows :

8 rvpn rw SK DH^OJ?
n^i n rmc J ITJ no^a
i-nd* JUTS D rani cnsirn
/3"TO DJ?I D"_rn 1250 ins;]
nnx Tjna
May the apostates have no hope ;
And the kingdom of arrogance be quickly uprooted in our day;
And the Christians and heretics perish in a moment ;
Let them be blotted out of the book of life, and not be written with the righteous.
Blessed art thou, Lord, who bringest low the arrogant. 3

The third line has settled it beyond question that Justin Martyr and the Church fathers were right in their statements that the Christians were mentioned in the daily synagogal prayers (Dial. c. Trvph. 93:133, 93:137 ; and see Schur. 2463).

By the end of the second century A. D. it was an established custom to close the synagogal service with the priestly benediction (D insn nil~G), Nu. 6:22-25. As this was originally a part of the temple service, it was probably not introduced into the synagogal liturgy until after the cessation of that service. When priests were present, they pronounced the benediction, standing between the ark and the congregation and facing the latter (Tos. Megilla, 4:21); raising the hands as high as the shoulder (Sota, 7:6), and repeating the formula after the precentor word by word, the congregation responding after each of the three parts with Amen. In the absence of priests the bene diction was offered in prayer, and then, just before the closing prayer for peace, petition 18 (Meg. 18a).

(c) The Sabbath lesson from the Law and the Prophets, and the occasional exposition or exhortation following upon them, were customary in NT times (Lk. 4:16-17, Acts 13:15, 13:27, 15:21 ; cp 2 Cor. 3:15; Jos. c. Ap. 2:18; Philo 26:30). The lesson from the Law was unquestionably the oldest, and so the most prominent, part of the synagogue service. The tradition says that Moses instituted the reading of the Law on the sabbaths, feast-days, new moons, and half feast-days; and that Ezra appointed the reading of the Law for Mondays and Thursdays and the Sabbath afternoons (Jer. Meg. 75a). Such early and general origin, however, is out of the question. That here also there has been a gradual development is made probable by the fact that the present system of dividing the Pentateuch into fifty-four sections (onip), to be completed in an annual cycle, can be traced back to an earlier cycle of two years duration, and that again to one of three years and three years and a half. The special lessons still in use for the sabbaths of new moons, the four sabbaths before the Passover, and for other festivals (Megillah 3:5-6) give ground for the supposition that the lessons originated in the selection of appropriate passages for particular occasions, and that only out of these grew the more definite arrangement. 4 Since the reading of the Law was binding upon all, every Israelite, even minors, could partake in the public reading ; and on the Sabbath morning seven, at least, were called upon. Each person read his own portion ; and only in cases of inability to read was a public lector employed (Jer. Meg. 75a ; Phil. 22:82). The Mishna (Meg. 44) provides for a benediction before and after each person's reading. According to Sopherim 13, both closed with: 'Blessed art thou, Lord, who hast given the Law'.

(d) The selection of a portion from the second part of the Jewish canon, 'the Prophets' (n tra;), to be read after the lesson from the Law, marks a further step in the synagogue ritual. Its original aim may be gathered both from the term by which it was called and from the character of the earliest selections. The term Haphtara (Tvjsrt; Aram. NrnaSK) is derived from patar (IDE), which, in the Hiphil, means 'to dismiss' or 'to adjourn a meeting'; the Haphtara was, therefore, the closing exercise. The selections show that they were meant to enforce, by an historical example or by a promise, the lesson from the Law on a particular occasion.

1 The Hebrew text may be found in Dalm. Worte Jesu, 1:304.

2 Another fragment of this recension adds, 131;? ^ ON JTTnS and omits l. 4. The parts that are bracketed are regarded as later additions by Dalm. Worte Jesu, 1:300.

3 The Babylonian recension of this petition omits Q -|!f3> and for D J O it reads D yaJSp, 'slanderers'. According to Berakhoth 28b, Samuel the Small added the petition against heretics to the original eighteen, making thus really nineteen ; the Palestinian recension combines the petitions for the restoration of Jerusalem and the coming of the Messiah into one, and so has only eighteen in all.

4 Cp Hamb. RE 2:1263+; Buchler, 'The Reading of the Law and the Prophets in a Triennial Cycle', JQR 5:420+ (1893), 6:1+ (1894).

The Haphtara for the first day of the Passover was Jos. 5:9; for the second day, 2 K. 23; for Pentecost the lesson from the Law was, Dt. 16:9+, the Haphtara, Hab. 3, including vv. 17+; on the Day of Atonement, it was in the morning Is. 57:15 jff., in the afternoon Jonah. Here again the earliest selections on record (Tos. Meg. 4:1-4; Meg. 31a) are those for special days; and most likely they served as the nucleus for the present arrangement.

It is most probable that in NT times the prophetic portions were not yet fixed, but were chosen by the reader, and that the selection of Jesus (Lk. 4:16-17) was his own choice.

(e) Both the lessons from the Law and those from the Prophets were translated or paraphrased into the vernacular Aramaic by an interpreter (pnnc) : in the case of the Law, one verse at a time ; in the lessons from the Prophets, three verses might be taken at once (Meg. 44). These translations and paraphrases (c7rw) were of the nature of explanations, and led gradually to the more extended expositions (ch7s, B>TI). Of teaching in the synagogues the NT contains many illustrations (Mt. 423 Mk. I 2 i 62). The preacher ([&"-) sat while speaking (Lk. 4:20). The Scripture exposition was not a required part of the service ; neither was it the prerogative of an ordained class; any one able to instruct might be invited to speak (Acts 13:15), though ordinarily it fell to the rabbis of the community (Berakhoth, 28a). Cp JESUS, 9.

11. Literature.[edit]

Much of the literature has already been mentioned; the chief place still belongs to Schurer, GJV (3), 2:427-463. Dalman, 'Synagogaler Gottesdienst', PRE (3) 7:7-19, has added richly to both the subject and the bibliography, and signally distinguishes himself by a severer caution in using the Mishnic material to illustrate the time of Christ. To the literature given by Schurer and Dalman add : Duschak, Gesch. u. Darstellung d. jud. Cultiis, Mannheim, 1866; Nowack, Hebr. Archaeologie, 283+, Holtzmann, Neutest. Zeitgesch. 147+ ; Dembitz, Jewish Services in Synagogue and Rome (popular), Philad. 1898.

I. J. P.


(trwtSptm), a Greek word which means assembly and is especially used of judicial or representative assemblies, is the name by which (or by its Hebrew transcription, pTinjD, sanhedrin, sanhedrim) is known that Jewish body which in its origin was the municipal council of Jerusalem, but acquired extended functions and no small authority and influence over the Jews at large (see GOVERNMENT, 29+; ISRAEL, 81+; SYNAGOGUE, 4).

1. Meaning and constitution.[edit]

In the Mishna it is called 'the sanhedrin', 'the great sanhedrin', 'the sanhedrin of seventy-one [members]', and 'the great court of justice' (beth din haggadol). The oldest testimony to the existence and constitution of the synedrium of Jerusalem is probably to be found in 2 Ch. 19:8; the priests, Levites, and hereditary heads of houses there spoken of as sitting in Jerusalem as a court of appeal from the local judicatories do not correspond with anything mentioned in the old history, but may be taken as representing an institution of the Chronicler's own time. And just such an aristocratic council is what seems to be meant by the gerusia or senate of 'elders' repeatedly mentioned in the history of the Jews, both under the Greeks from the time of Antiochus the Great (Jos. Ant. 12:3:3) and under the Hasmonean high priests and princes. The high priest, as the head of the state, was doubtless also the head of the senate, which, according to Eastern usage, exercised both judicial and administrative or political functions (cp 1 Macc. 12:6, 14:20). The exact measure of its authority must have varied from time to time, at first with the measure of autonomy left to the nation by its foreign lords, and afterwards with the more or less autocratic power claimed by the native sovereigns.

As has been shown under ISRAEL (81+), the original aristocratic constitution of the senate began to be modified under the later Hasmoneans by the inevitable introduction of representatives of the rising party of the Pharisees, and this new element gained strength under Herod the Great, the bitter enemy of the priestly aristocracy. 1 Finally, under the Roman procurators, the synedrium was left under the presidency of the chief priest as the highest native tribunal, though without the power of life and death (Jn. 18:31). The aristocratic element now again preponderated, as appears from Josephus and from the NT, in which 'chief priests' and 'rulers' are synonymous expressions. But with these there sat also 'scribes' or trained legal doctors of the Pharisees, and other notables, who are called simply 'elders' (Mk. 15:1). The Jewish tradition which regards the synedrium as entirely composed of rabbis sitting under the presidency and vice-presidency of a pair of chief doctors, the nasi and ab beth din 2 is quite false as regards the true synedrium. It was after the fall of the state that a merely rabbinical bi th din sat at Jabneh and afterwards at Tiberias, and gave legal responses to those who chose to admit a judicature not recognised by the civil power. Gradually this illegal court usurped such authority that it even ventured to pronounce capital sentences, - acting, however, with so much secrecy as to allow the Roman authorities to close their eyes to its proceedings (Origen, Ep. ad Afr. , 14). That this was possible will appear less surprising if we remember that in like manner the synedrium of Jerusalem was able to extend an authority not sanctioned by Roman law over Jews beyond Judaea - e.g., in Damascus (Acts 9:2, 22:5).

The council-chamber (0ov\r> [boule]) where the synedrium usually sat was between the Xystus and the temple, probably on the temple-hill, but hardly, as the Mishna states, within the inner court.

W. R. S.

1 The name synedrium first appears under Hyrcanus II. (Jos. Ant. 14:9:4).

2 Nasi properly means the sovereign, and ab beth din the president of the tribunal. The false traditional application is post-Mishnic.

2. TO owtfpiov [to synedrion] in NT.[edit]

The term 'Sanhedrin' does not occur in EV ; but the Greek ffvv48ptov [synedrion] is found in a number of passages in NT where EV has 'the council'. In some cases it denotes an ordinary Jewish tribunal (Mt. 10:17); in others it seems to be used of the supreme Jewish Council, the Sanhedrin (Mk. 14:55, Acts 5:21). In this latter sense the writers are commonly understood to have employed the word in the narratives of the trials of Jesus. It may be doubted, however, whether we have before us the original text.

In Mk. 14:55 (=Mt. 26:59) the writer, after relating that Jesus was led away to the high priest, adds: 'Now the chief priests and the whole council (o\oi> TO mve8pi.ov [olon to synedrion]) sought witness against Jesus to put him to death'. In Mk. 15:1 again it is said, 'And straightway in the morning the chief priests with the elders and scribes, and the whole council (n\ov TO ovvt&piov [olon to synedrion]), held a consultation'; but the parallel passage, Mt. 27:1, has simply 'all the chief priests and the elders of the people took counsel'. In the narrative in Lk. the word is introduced very awkwardly. In Lk. 22:66 it is said, 'And as soon as it was day the assembly of the elders of the people was gathered together, both chief priests and scribes ; and they led him away into their council, saying, If thou art the Christ, tell us' (ai aryyayov [? ./. airriyayov] O.VTOV ei? TO truvi&piov eavriav [v.l OUITU>I<|, Ae yoi/Tes, K. T. A.). Here the abruptness with which the Aeyorre? [legontis] and following words come in, together with the use of irvve&piov [synedrion] for the place of assembly as well as for the Council itself (for which the evidence usually brought forward from other sources is not very strong), arouses suspicion, eis TO <rvve8pioi> [eis to synedrion] looks very like an insertion, and Kai air/iyayov [kai apegagon] (or av^yayov [anegagon]) O.VTOV [auton] an alteration of KO.I eir-qpwTiav avrov [kai eperootoon auton].

It has been found that whereas TO <rvveSpi.oi> [to synedrion] occurs in Mk. 15:1 it does not appear in the parallel passage, Mt. 27:1. If, in addition to this, the word is a late insertion in Lk. 22:66, it is a question whether in an earlier stage of the narratives TO truveSpiov [to synedrion] was present in any of the passages.

When this article was already in print, an important work, by Dr. Adolf Buchler, Das Synedrion in Jerusalem, appeared (1902). He thinks that the 'scribes' in Mk. 14:34 are clearly an addition, and that in all the passages op^tepets [archiereis] means (not the 'chief priests' but) the Temple authorities, by whom (and not by the Synedrium) Jesus was seized (see p. 200).

3. Jewish trial?[edit]

In any case the narratives of the trial are not satisfatory when examined from a critical and scientific standpoint.

'The meeting in the palace of the high priest which condemned our Lord was exceptional. The proceedings also on this occasion were highly irregular, if measured by the rules of procedure which, according to Jewish tradition, were laid down to secure order and a fair trial for the accused' (WRS, EBP) 22:812b). Cp SON OF MAN, 37, end.

It has been pointed out by Brandt (Die Evang. Gesch. p. 67) and Edersheim (Life and Times of Jesus, 2:553) that the whole proceedings of the Sanhedrin, if they were such as they are represented to have been, contradict all that we know about the Jewish method of trial from other sources, even when we admit an ideal element in the Rabbinic notices. 2 The Jews, no less than the Romans, have at all times shown great reverence for the law (see Hamburger, Real-Encyclopadie 2:1151). If, as Renan (Life of Jesus, p. 252) supposes, Jesus was condemned not so much by Tiberius or Pilate as by the old Jewish party and the Mosaic law, it is remarkable that 'Paul' in dealing with this very law is silent on the subject (cp Brandt, p. 56).

But it is still possible to hold that Jesus was condemned at an informal meeting of the Sanhedrin (Edersheim), or by a smaller Court of Justice (Graetz, Hist, of the Jews, 2163). Edersheim (2557) thinks there can be no question that Jesus was condemned and done to death by the whole body of Sanhedrists, if not by the Sanhedrin, in the sense of expressing what was the judgment and purpose of all the Supreme Council and leaders of Israel, with only very few exceptions. It is difficult, however, to think that the Romans would pay much attention to an informal Council. The high priest's task was simply, Edersheim thinks, to formulate a charge which would tell before the Roman Procurator; but the charge he selects, that of blasphemy, however serious its estimation among the Jews, could hardly influence a Roman (cp Keim, p. 83). The charge of claiming to be the Messiah (Keim) might have had more weight ; but Keim admits that the refusal of Jesus to explain what he meant by the claim is 'surprising' (p. 89). It is more reasonable to suppose that the charge (whatever it was) was formulated by a mere clique of Jews who in no way represented the nation, 3 and that the condemnation and crucifixion were brought about by the hirelings of such a clique. 4 It is true that Josephus (Ant. 18:3:3) is supposed to assert that Jesus was condemned 'at the suggestion of the principal men among us'; but it has been contended that this passage is an interpolation (De Quincey, Collected Works, 7:127 [1897]), and in any case the statement would not prove much.

1 We are thinking of 'Science' as defined by Huxley (Essays) and Herbert Spencer (Education), and are not unmindful of what Tolstoy (Modern Science , cp his recently published [1902] What is Religion ?) has said on the subject.

2 'All Jewish order and law would have been grossly infringed in almost every particular if this had been a formal meeting of the Sanhedrin' (Edersheim, l.c.). On Jewish law cp Pascal, Thoughts on Religion, chap. 8, towards end.

3 This seems to be the view of Jost, Gesch. d. Judenth. 1:402-409 (as cited in Edersheim, Life, 2:553, n. 2). He describes it as a 'private murder (Privat-Mord) committed by burning enemies, not the sentence of a regularly constituted Sanhedrin', etc.

4 The Jewish punishment was by stoning (cp the case of Stephen). At a moment of great excitement, and on such an occasion, would the cry of condemnation that would burst from the lips of Jews be 'Crucify him!'? Edersheim, in spite of his view mentioned above, confesses that 'such a cry should have been raised, and raised by Jews, and before the Roman, and against Jews, are in themselves almost inconceivable facts, to which the history of these eighteen centuries has made terrible echo' (2:577).

4. Roman trial.[edit]

The trial before Pilate, as it is represented in the Gospels, seems to have been no less irregular, and the judge's conduct can only be accounted for by making him quite an exception to the general rule, 1 a man of all men the most perverse and inconsistent (see Keim, 68:3+ ; Farrar, Life of Christ, chap. 60). {2} Pilate, however, it would seem, was not such an exceptional character. See PILATE. When, therefore, he condemned Jesus to suffer crucifixion he must surely have done so on other grounds, and the proceedings must have been different from those recorded by the synoptists. The charge would have to be a political one (cp Tac. Ann. 15:44). It may have been, as Lk. 23:2 suggests, only with more circumstantial evidence arising out of misconstruction of 'sayings', that of 'forbidding to give tribute to Caesar' (cp Mt. 17:24-27, 22:17-22 = Mk. 12:14-17 = Lk. 20:22-26. where the words of Jesus, as reported, are ambiguous). With this charge Pilate would have been competent to deal, as Roman Procurator, more perhaps than with any other. 3

5. Origin of Narratives.[edit]

Keim has made a serious and important attempt to give a reasonable account of the trials of Jesus on the basis (mainly) of the synoptic narratives. His work is the more valuable as it takes note of the investigations of so many other critics. But the variety of views to which he refers, and his own failure to present a satisfactory picture, show the insurmountable difficulties of his task. 4 It seems better, therefore, to admit that it is difficult, if not impossible, to gather from the NT really reliable details of the trial that resulted in the crucifixion of Jesus (cp Brandt, p. 67). 5 In trying to transmit a complete life of Jesus the biographers may have done Jesus himself, the Jews, and the Romans some injustice. They can hardly have had more than rumours about the trial to draw upon ;6 but they also seem to have made free use of the OT 7 and of the Messianic interpretations. 8 There are perhaps also indications in the narratives that they, or their redactors, borrowed features from the ceremonies connected with festivals kindred to the Saturnalia; 1 or it may even be that in collecting materials for an ex panded life of Jesus the editors seemed to find in the ceremonies that were performed at the sacrifice of the corn- and wine-gods information regarding the Master whosufferedasomewhat similar fate. 2 The narratives in their present form seem also to indicate that at the time the Life was re-edited, the gap between Jews and Christians had become wider, and the effort to win converts among the Gentiles keener.

1 'It was their appreciation of law, their respect for law, their study of law, far more than anything else, which gave its greatness to the character of the Roman people. Even in the most degraded ages of their history, and with the worst individual types of men, this is the one bright spot which relieves the gloom' (Lightfoot, Pilate [a sermon]).

2 Cp Pearson, An Exposition of the Creed, art. 4. Jeremy Taylor {Life of Christ, Works 2613) says, 'Not only against the divine laws, but against the Roman too, he condemned an innocent person, upon objections notoriously malicious; he adjudged him to a death which was only due to public thieves and homicides (crimes with which he was not charged), upon a pretence of blasphemy, of which he stood accused, but not convicted, and for which by the Jewish law he should have been stoned if found guilty. And this he did put into present execution, against the Tiberian law, which about twelve years before decreed in favour of condemned persons that, after sentence, execution should be deferred ten days'.

3 See Pearson, art. iv. p. 284 (1866).

4 He is obliged to admit that the actors in this drama acted in quite an extraordinary and exceptional manner. Cp Renan's account.

5 The end therefore is as uncertain as the beginning. See MARY, NATIVITY, RESURRECTION. These matters should not be made of vital importance. 'About the birth of Jesus I know nothing', says Tolstoy (Faith), 'nor do I need to know'. Cp Brandt's eloquent conclusion to his work, Die Evang. Gesch. p. 577 ; see also Leo Tolstoy, What is Religion?, Herbert Spencer, thirst Principles, chap. 5.

6 Cp Brandt, Die Evang. Gesch. p. 81. The 'Pauline' Epistles has e no details to give us, though the authors know that Jesus was crucified (Rom. 6:6, 1 Cor. 1:13, 1:23, 2:2, 2 Cor. 13:4, Gal. 2:20, 3:1, 5:74, 6:14) by the rulers of this world (1 Cor. 2:8). Cp Drescher, Das Lebenjesu bei Paulus, pp. 17, 39.

7 Cp Pearson, art. 4; also Strauss, Leben Jesu, R. W. Mackay, The Tubingen School and its Antecedents (1863), pp. 146+

8 For these see Aug. Wunsche, Die Leiden des Messias (1870).

6. Literature.[edit]

Of the older literature of the subject it is enough to cite Selden, De Synedriis. The most important critical discussion is that of Kuenen in the Verslagen, etc., of the Amsterdam Academy, 1866, p. 131 seq. A good summary is given by Schurer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes (2), 23, 3. See also Hamburger, Real-Encyclopadie, s.v.; Ginsburg, 'Sanhedrin' in Kitto s Bibl. Cyclop., and the works on the Life of Jesus; and for an apocryphal account of the trial, E. v. Dobschiitz, Der Process Jesu nach den Acta Pilati, in ZNTW, 1902, p. 89+.

W. R. S. , 1;

M. A. C. , 2-5.


(CYNTYXH [Ti. WH]), Phil. 4:2. See EUODIA.


(cyNzyre t Ti. WH]) in Phil. 4:3, though rendered '[true] yokefellow' in EV, is, though not met with elsewhere as such, almost certainly to be regarded as a proper name (2i/cfirye [synzyge] [WH mg]). Various unsuccessful attempts have been made to guess who is meant, the Pauline authorship of the epistle being assumed. Clement of Alexandria thought that the apostle's own wife was intended ; Chrysostom, the husband or brother of Euodia or of Syntyche ; Lightfoot, Epaphroditus ; others, Timothy, Silas ; Ellicott and De Wette, the chief bishop at Philippi ; Wieseler, even Christ himself, 'val introducing a prayer'. Judging from the context, we can only say some one who was worthy of that designation and thus could be addressed in the words yvr/yif Zwffye [gnesis synzyge], genuine Synzygus - i.e., 'Synzygus who art rightly so named' (Vincent). In fact, 2wVyoj [synzygos] means, as contrasted with eYepojY^os [heterozygos] (cp erepo^vyeif [heterozygein], 'to yoke incongruously', in 2 Cor. 6:14), one who has the power of bringing together what belongs together. The name is a symbolical one, the use of which in this passage cannot be explained as coming from Paul, who is represented as writing to the church 'with the bishops and deacons' (1:1). The force of the name does not become clear until we suppose it to come from an unknown author writing to the Philippians in the character of Paul. In addressing a certain circle he introduces the name with the purpose of showing in what manner men of high ecclesiastical position ought to act with regard to brethren from a distance visiting their church. Cp Lipsius, HC (2), 1892; Vincent, Comm. 1897; and PHILIPPIANS, 3-4,

W. C. v. M.

1 See Frazer, Golden Bough (2) 2 [ = Fortnightly Review, Oct.-Nov. 1900] ; Grant Allen, Evol. of the Idea of God.

2 Cp Edward Clodd, Pioneers of Evolution. Part II, section 1, middle.


(CYP&KOYC&C, Ti. WH), a city on the SE. coast of Sicily, famous in Greek and Roman history, is mentioned in the journey-narrative of Acts (28:12) as having been for three days a halting-place of Paul on his way from Melita to Rome. Cicero often speaks of Syracuse as a particularly splendid and beautiful city, and still in his own day the seat of art and culture (Tusc. 566, De Nat. Deor. 38i, De Rep. 1:21), and in his speech against Verres (52-54) gives an elaborate description of its four quarters (Achradina, Neapolis, Tyche, the Island), or rather the four cities which composed it. We hear nothing of importance about Syracuse during the period of the Empire. It had local self-government - its own senate and its own magistrates - like most of the Greek cities. Caligula restored its decayed walls and some of its famous temples (Suet. Caius, 21). Tacitus, in a passing mention of it (Ann. 13:49) says that permission was granted to the Syracusans under Nero to exceed the prescribed number of gladiators in their shows.