Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar/84a. Nouns derived from the Simple Stem
84aa Preliminary remark.—From the statement made above, §83d, it follows that an external similarity between forms is no proof of their similar origin, and, vice versa, external difference does not exclude the possibility of their being closely related both in origin and meaning.
R. Růzička, ‘Beiträge zur Erklärung der nomina segolata,’ in Sitz.-ber. d. böhmischen Ges. d. Wiss., Prag, 1904.
1. Nouns with one of the three short vowels after the first radical: present ground-form qăṭl, qĭṭl, qŭṭl.
The supposition of monosyllabic ground-forms appeared to be required by the character of forms now existing in Hebrew, as well as in Arabic, &c. But there are strong reasons for believing that at least a large proportion of these forms go back to original dissyllabic bases with a short vowel in each syllable. When formative additions were made, the vowel of the 2nd syllable was dropped, i.e. before case-endings in Assyrian and early Arabic, and before pronominal suffixes in Hebrew. From the forms thus produced, the bases qăṭl, qĭṭl, qŭṭl have been assumed, although they never appear in Hebrew except in the singular and then in connexion with suffixes.
In support of this view of a large number of original dissyllabic bases, we must not, however, appeal to the Seghôl or Pathaḥ under the 2nd consonant of the existing developed forms, סֵ֫פֶר, זֶ֫רַע, &c. These are in no sense survivals or modifications of an original full vowel in the 2nd syllable, but are mere helping-vowels (§28e) to make the monosyllabic forms pronounceable, and consequently disappear when no longer needed. Under certain circumstances even (e.g. in קשְׁטְ) they are not used at all. Actual proofs of such original toneless full vowels in the 2nd syllable of existing Segholates are—
1. Forms like Arab. málik, for which rarely malk, corresponding to the Hebrew ground-form; cf. De Lagarde, Uebersicht, p. 72 ff.
2. In Hebrew גֶּ֫דֶר, יֶ֫רֶךְ, כֶּ֫בֶד, כֶּ֫תֶף, the connective forms of גָּדֵר, יָרֵךְ, &c., which latter can only come from ground-forms gădĭr, yărĭk, kăbĭd, kătĭp.
3. The forms treated under §84ae, which are in many ways related to the Segholates proper, in so far as they are to be referred to original dissyllabic bases.
4. The plurals of Hebrew Segholates, since, with very rare exceptions, they take Qameṣ under the 2nd radical before the termination ־ִים, fem. ־וֹת, of the absolute state, as מְלָכִים, מְלָכוֹת, סְפָרִים, &c. This Qameṣ (see note 1 on §26e) can only be due to a lengthening of an original short vowel in the 2nd syllable, and hence it would seem as though the vowel were always ă. This is impossible from what has been said, especially under 1 and 2. Hence the explanation of the consistent occurrence of Qameṣ in the plurals of all Segholates can only be that the regularly formed plurals (i.e. from singulars with original ă in the 2nd syllable) became the models for all the others, and ultimately even for some really monosyllabic forms.
(a) From the strong stem the above three ground-forms are further developed to קֶ֫טֶל, קֵ֫טֶל, קֹ֫טֶל (cf. §27r and in §93 the explanations of Paradigm I, a–c); without a helping vowel (§28d) קשְׁטְ truth. If the second or third radical be a guttural, a helping Pathaḥ takes the place of the helping Seghôl, according to §22d, e.g. זֶ֫רַע seed, נֵ֫צַח eternity, פֹּ֫עַל work; but with middle ה or ח, note לֶ֫חֶם bread, רֶ֫חֶם (as well as רַ֫חַם) womb, אֹ֫הֶל tent, בֹּ֫הֶן thumb; so with final א, פֶּ֫רֶא a wild ass, &c.; with a middle guttural also the modification of the principal vowel ă to è does not occur, e.g. רַ֫הַב, נַ֫עַר, לַ֫חַץ (exceptions, again, לֶ֫חֶם, רֶ֫חֶם). On the inflexion, cf. §93, Paradigm I, a–f, and the explanations. In חֵטְא sin, the א has wholly lost its consonantal value.
84ab Examples of feminines: מַלְכָּה (directly from the ground-form malk, king), סִתְרָה a covering (also סֵ֫תֶר), אָכְלָה food (also אֹ֫כֶל); with a middle guttural נַֽעֲרָה girl, טָֽהֳרָה purity (also טֹ֫הַר). Cf. §94, Paradigm I.
84ac (b) From weak stems: (α) from stems ע״ן, e.g. אַף nose (from ʾănp, hence with formative additions, e.g. אַפִּי for ʾanpî, my nose); עֵז a she-goat (ground-form ʿĭnz); fem. חִטָּה wheat; (β) from stems ע״ע (§93, Paradigm I, l–n); פַּת a morsel, עַם people (so, when in close connexion with the next word; unconnected עָם; with article הָעָם, לָעָם, &c.); רַב in the sense of much, but רָב great, numerous (in close connexion also רַב); רָע evil, with the article in close connexion הָרַע, unconnected הָרָע; with the ă always lengthened to ā, יָם sea; fem. חַיָּה life, and with attenuation of the ă to ĭ, מִדָּה measure; from the ground-form qĭṭl, אֵם mother; fem. גִּזָּה a shearing; from the ground-form qŭṭl, חֹק statute, fem. חֻקָּה. (γ) from stems ע״וּ (Paradigm I, g and i); מָ֫וֶת death (from má-ut, the u passing into the corresponding consonant, as in תָּ֫וֶךְ middle) or contracted יוֹם day, שׁוֹט whip, שׁוֹר a bull; fem. עַוְלָה perverseness (also contracted עוֹלָה); from the ground-form qŭṭl, צוּר a rock; fem. סוּפָה a storm. (δ) from stems ע״י (Paradigm I, h); זַ֫יִת an olive-tree (with a helping Ḥireq instead of a helping Seghôl) from zá-it, the i passing into the corresponding consonant; or contracted חֵיק bosom, חֵיל 2 K 1817 (elsewhere חַ֫יִל) host; fem. שֵׂיבָה grey hair; from the ground-form qĭṭl, דִּין judgement; fem. בִּינָה understanding. (ε) from stems ל״ה (Paradigm I, k); partly forms such as בֶּ֫כֶה weeping, הֶ֫גֶה murmuring, נֶ֫דֶה a present, קֶ֫צֶה the end, partly such as בְּכִי, אֲרִי a lion (ground-form băky, ʾăry); cf. also the forms from stems originally ל״ו, שָׂ֫חוּ swimming (ground-form săḥw); fem. שַׁלְוָה rest, גַּֽאֲוָה exaltation; from stems ל״י, אַלְיה a fat tail, and with attenuation of ă to ĭ שִׁבְיָה captivity, also שְׁבִית, formed no doubt directly from the masc. שְׁבִי with the fem. termination ת; from the ground-form qĭṭl, חֲצִי (from ḥĭṣy); fem. חֶדְוָה joy, עֶרְוָה and עֶרְוָה nakedness; from the ground-form qŭṭl, בֹּ֫הוּ (from bŏhw) waste, תֹּ֫הוּ emptiness; דְּלִי, for דֳּלִי, bucket; fem. אֳנִיָּה a ship (directly from אֳנִי a fleet).
84ad The masculines as well as the feminines of these segholate forms may have either an abstract or a concrete meaning. In the form קֹ֫טֶל the passive or at any rate the abstract meaning is by far the more common (e.g. נֹ֫עַר youthfulness, abstract of נַ֫עַר boy; אֹ֫כֶל food, &c.). 84ae 2. Nouns with one of the three short vowels under the second radical (present ground-form qeṭăl, qeṭŭl, qeṭŭl), e.g. דְּבַשׁ honey, דְּוַי sickness, חֲתַת terror; and so always with middle א, בְּאֵר a well, זְאֵב a wolf, בְּאֹשׁ stench. In reality these forms, like the segholates mentioned in No. 1 (see above, §84aa), are, probably, for the most part to be referred to original dissyllabic forms, but the tone has been shifted from its original place (the penultima) on to the ultima. Thus dibáš (originally dı́baš) as ground-form of דְּבַשׁ is supported both by the Hebrew דִּבְשִׁי (with suffix of the first person), and by the Arabic dibs, the principal form; biʾír (according to Philippi with assimilation of the vowel of the second syllable to that of the first) as ground-form of בְּאֵר is attested by the Arabic biʾr; for בְּאשׁ (Arabic buʾs) similarly a ground-form buʾúš may be inferred, just as a ground-form qŭṭŭl underlies the infinitives of the form קְטֹל.
84af 3. The ground-form qăṭăl, fem. qăṭălăt, developed in Hebrew to קָטָל (§93, Paradigm II, a, b) and קְטָלָה (§§94, 95, Paradigm II, a, b), mostly forms intransitive adjectives, as חָכָם wise, חָדָשׁ new, יָשָׁר upright; but also substantives, as דָּבָר a word, and even abstracts, as אָשָׁם guilt, רָעָב hunger, שָׂבָע satiety; in the fem. frequently abstract, as צְדָקָה righteousness; with an initial guttural אֲדָמָה earth.—Of the same formation from verbs ע״ע are בָּדָד alone, עָנָן cloud; passive חָלָל pierced.—In verbs ל״ה a final Yôdh is almost always rejected, and the ă of the second syllable lengthened to è. Thus שָׂדַי field, after rejection of the י and addition of ה as a vowel-letter, becomes שָׂדֶה (cf. §93, Paradigm II, f); fem. e.g. שָׁנָה year; cf. §95, Paradigm II, c. From a verb ל״ו the strong form עָנָו afflicted occurs.
84ag 4. The ground-form qăṭĭl, fem. qăṭĭlăt, developed to קָטֵל (§ 93, Paradigm II, c–e) and קְטֵלָה, is frequently used as participle of verbs middle e (§50b), and hence mostly with an intransitive meaning; cf. זָקִן old, an old man; כָּבֵד heavy; fem. בְּהֵמָה cattle, אֲפֵלָה and חֲשֵׁכָה darkness.—From verbs פ״י: irregularly, דָּֽלִיּוֹתָיו the branches of it, Jer 1116, &c., generally referred to a sing. דָּלִית (stem דלה), and הָֽרִיּוֹתָיו Ho 141 (from הָרָה, st. constr. הֲרַת, plur. st. absol. and constr. הָרוֹת).—From a verb ל״ו with consonantal Wāw: שָׁלֵו at ease, incorrectly written plene שָׁלֵיו Jb 2123.
84ah 5. The ground-form qăṭŭl, developed to קָטֹל (also written קָטוֹל), generally forms adjectives, e.g. אָיֹם terrible, בָּרֹד piebald, מָתוֹק sweet, נָקֹד speckled, עָבֹת interwoven, עָגֹל round, עָמֹק deep, עָקֹב hilly, צָהֹב golden; קָטֹן small, only in sing. masc., with a parallel form קָטָן of the class treated under f, fem. קְטַנָּה, plur. קְטַנִּים. These forms are not to be confounded with those in No. III, from the ground-form qăṭâl.—Fem. אֲיֻמָּה, כְּבוּדָּה (glorious), עֲבֻתָּה, עֲנֻגָּה (delicate), עֲגֻלָּה, עֲמֻקָּה, with sharpening of the third radical, in order to keep the original ŭ short, and similarly in the plurals בְּרֻדִּים, נְקֻדִּים, עֲגֻלִּים, אֲסֻפִּים stores, &c.
84ai 6. The ground-form qĭṭâl develops to קֵטָל (cf. §93, Paradigm II, Rem. 1), e.g. לֵבָב heart, עֵנָב a bunch of grapes, שֵׁבָר strong drink; from a verb ל״ה, probably of this class is רֵעֶה, generally contracted to רֵע friend, ground-form riʿay: the full form is preserved in רֵעֵ֫הוּ his friend, for רֵעֵ֫יהוּ.
84ak 7. The ground-form qăṭâl in Hebrew always develops to the form קָטוֹל, the â becoming an obscure ô. The fact that this form is also written קָטֹל must not lead to the confusion of these forms with those mentioned in No. 5, from the ground-form qăṭâl. Moreover the qaṭôl-class includes forms of various origin, and therefore of various meaning, as (a) intransitive adjectives like גָּדוֹל great, קָדוֹשׁ holy, fem. גְּדוֹלָה, the short vowel becoming Šewâ, whereas in גָּדוֹל, &c., before the tone it is lengthened to ā; (b) the infinitives absolute of the form קָטוֹל (§45a) as representing the abstract idea of the verb, and abstract substantives like כָּבוֹד honour, שָׁלוֹם peace (Arab. sălâm); (c) substantives and adjectives in an active sense, as בָּחוֹן assayer (of metals,) עָשׁוֹק an oppressor, חָמוֹץ oppressing; in the feminine בָּֽגוֹדָה treacherous Jer 37,10, the irregular retention of the ā in the third syllable from the end is no doubt to be explained, with Brockelmann, from Aramaic influence, the punctuator having in mind the Aramaic nomen agentis qâṭôl.
84al 8. The ground-form qăṭîl develops to קָטִיל (cf. §93, Paradigm IV, a and b). Here also forms of various origin and meaning are to be distinguished: (a) adjectives used substantivally with a passive meaning to denote duration in a state, as אָסִיר a prisoner, מָשִׁיחַ an anointed one. These proper qăṭîl-forms are parallel to the purely passive qaṭûl-forms (see m), but others are due to a strengthening of original qaṭĭl-forms. These are either (b) intransitive in meaning, as צָעִיר small, and, from ל״י stems, נָקִי pure, עָנִי poor (see §93vv), or (c) active, as נָבִיא a speaker (prophet), פָּקִיד an overseer.—Of a different kind again (according to Do Lagarde, infinitives) are (d) forms like אָסִיף the ingathering, בָּצִיר vintage, חָרִישׁ ploughing time, קָצִיר harvest. On qăṭṭîl forms with a kindred meaning, cf. §84bf.
84am 9. The ground-form qăṭûl develops to קָטוּל. As in the qaṭâl and qaṭîl-forms (see k and l), so here forms of various kinds are to be distinguished: (a) qaṭûl-forms proper, with passive meaning, especially all the passive participles of Qal; fem. e.g. בְּתוּלָה virgin (properly secluded). On the other hand, by strengthening an original qaṭŭl-form we get (b) certain stative adjectives (§50f), as אָנוּשׁ incurable, עָצוּם strong, עָרוּם subtil, or even transitive, as אָחוּז holding; (c) active substantives, as יָקוּשׁ a fowler. Further, some of the forms mentioned in §84bg belong to this class; see above, the remark on l.
84an 10. The ground-form qĭṭâl or qŭṭâl in Hebrew changes the ĭ to vocal Šewâ, and develops to קְטָל (cf. §93, Paradigm IV, c) or קְטוֹל, with â obscured to ô (as above, §84ak). Cf. שְׁאָר remnant, יְקָר honour, כְּתָב book (Arab. kĭtâb), קְרָב war (the last three probably loan-words from the Aramaic); of the other form, חֲלוֹם a dream, חֲמוֹר an ass (Arab. ḥĭmâr), אֱלוֹהַּ God (Arab. ʾĭlâh); with א prosthetic (§19m), אֶזְרוֹעַ arm (twice: usually זְרוֹעַ); fem. בְּשׂוֹרָה good news (Arab. bĭšârăt); עֲבוֹדָה service, כְּתֹ֫בֶת (Arab. kĭtâbăt) tattooing.
84ao 11. The ground-form qĭṭîl seems to occur e.g. in Hebrew אֱוִיל foolish, אֱלִיל vanity, בְּדִיל lead, כְּסִיל a fool, חֲזִיר a swine (the prop. name חֵזִיר points to the ground-form qĭṭîl, cf. Arab. ḥĭnzîr).
84ap 12. The ground-form qĭṭûl or qŭṭûl, Hebr. קְטוּל, e.g. גְּבוּל a boundary, לְבוּשׁ a garment; fem. גְּבוּרָה strength, אֱמוּנָה faithfulness.
84aq Rem. When the forms qeṭûl and qeṭôl begin with א, they almost invariably take in the singular a Ṣere under the א instead of the ordinary Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl; cf. אֵבוּס a crib, אֵטוּן thread, אֵמוּן faithful, אֵזוֹב hyssop, אֵזוֹר a waist-band, אֵסוּר a bond, אֵפוֹד an ephod; cf. §23h, and the analogous cases of Ṣere for Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl in verbal forms §52n, §63p, §76d.
84ar 13. The ground-form qâṭăl, in Hebrew, always changes the â into an obscure ô, קוֹטָל (קֹטָל), e.g. עוֹלָם (§93, Paradigm III, a), Arab. ʿâlăm, eternity; חוֹתָם (Arab. ḥâtăm) a seal (according to Barth a loan-word of Egyptian origin), fem. חֹתֶ֫מֶת (from ḥôtămt); תּוֹלָע worm (unless from a stem ולע, like תּוֹשָׁב from ושב; see the analogous cases in §85b). On the participles Qal of verbs ל״ה (§93, Paradigm III, c), cf. §75e; on the feminines of the participles Qal, which are formed with the termination ת, see below, s.
Rem. Of a different kind (probably from a ground-form qauṭal) are such forms as אוֹפָן (or אוֹפָן Ez 109 in the same verse) a wheel; גּוֹזָל a young bird, דּוֹנַג wax, &c.
84as 14. The ground-form qâṭĭl also becomes in Hebrew almost invariably קוֹטֵל (קֹטֵל). Besides participles active masc. Qal this class includes also feminines of the form קֹטֶ֫לֶת, if their ground-form qôṭalt (§69c) goes back to an original qâṭilt. The substantives of this form, such as כֹּהֵן priest (Arab. kâhĭn), were also originally participles Qal. The fem. of the substantives has ē (lengthened from ĭ) retained before the tone, e.g. יֹֽלֵדה a woman in travail (cf. also בֹּֽגֵדָה the treacherous woman, Jer 38; הַצֹּֽלֵעָה her that halteth, Mi 46 f., Zp 319; סֹֽחֵרָה a buckler, ψ 914); the participles as a rule have the form יֹֽלְדָה, &c., the original ĭ having become Šewâ; however, the form with Ṣere occurs also in the latter, Is 296,8, 349, ψ 6826, 11816 (all in principal pause; in subordinate pause 2 S 1320, Is 3314; with a conjunctive accent, Ct 16). שֹׁמֵמָה 2 S 1320.
84au 16. קִיטוֹל, e.g. קִיטוֹר smoke. The few forms of this kind are probably derived from the ground-form qîṭâl (qĭṭṭâl ?), i.e. the original â has become an obscure ô.
- According to Delitzsch (Assyr. Gram., p. 157 f.) the same is true in Assyrian of the corresponding qaṭl-forms. Without case-endings they are kalab, šamas, aban (= כֶּ֫לֶב, שֶׁ֫מֶשׁ, אֶ֫בֶן), with case-endings kalbu, šamsu, abnu. On the other hand, acc. to Sievers, Metrik, i. 261, Hebrew ground-forms probably have a twofold origin: they are shortened according to Hebrew rules partly from old absolute forms like kálbu, sífru, qúdšu, and partly from old construct-forms like the Assyrian types kalab, sifir, quduš.
- On the other hand, Ungnad, ZA. 1903, p. 333 ff., rejecting all previous explanations, maintains that the a in melākhîm, melākhôth is inserted merely to facilitate the pronunciation. From qaṭlîm arose qaṭalim, then qaṭalîm and finally qeṭālîm. See, however, Nöldeke, ‘Zur semit. Pluralendung,’ ZA. 1904, p. 68 ff., who points out that the Semitic nouns faʿl, fiʿl, fuʿl with their corresponding feminines faʿla, &c., on assuming the plural termination commonly take an a before the 3rd radical, but that no satisfactory account can be given for it. M. Margolis, ‘The plural of Segolates’ (Proc. of the Philol. Assoc. of the Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1903, p. 4 ff.), and S. Brooks, Vestiges of the broken plural in Hebrew, Dublin, 1883, explain melākhîm as a pluralis fractus.
- It is worthy of notice that St. Jerome also (cf. Siegfried, ZAW. iv. 76) frequently represents the vowel of the first syllable by a, e.g. gader, aben, ader, areb, for גֶּדֶר, אֶבֶן, אֶדֶר, חֶרֶב, but cedem, secel, deber, &c., for קֶדֶם, שֶׁקֶל, דֶּבֶר, &c.
- M. Lambert also (REJ. 1896, p. 18 ff.), from statistics of the Segholates, arrives at the conclusion that the qaṭl-form is especially used for concretes (in nouns without gutturals he reckons twenty concretes as against two abstracts), and the qiṭl-form, and less strictly the quṭl, for abstracts.
- On this theory cf. Stade, Hebräische Grammatik, § 199 b; De Lagarde, Übersicht, p. 57 f.; A. Müller, ZDMG. xlv, p. 226, and especially Philippi, ZDMG. xlix, p. 208.
- In St. Jerome’s time these forms were still pronounced ṣadaca (צְדָקָה), ṣaaca (צְעָקָה), nabala (נְבָלָה), &c., see Siegfried, ZAW. iv. 79. Moreover, the numerous abstracts of this form (e.g. even קְצָפָה a splintering, צְוָחָה a crying, &c.) are undoubtedly to be regarded (with Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 87) as feminines of infinitives of the form qăṭâl, the lengthening of the second syllable being balanced, as in other cases, by the addition of the feminine termination.
- In Na 13 only the Qerê requires גְּדָל־ (in the constr. state) for the Kethîbh גְּדוֹל.
- On the fuʿâl-forms (regarded by Wellhausen as original diminutives) see Nöldeke, Beiträge (Strassb. 1904), p. 30 ff. He includes among them נְעֹ֫רֶת tow, and טְחֹרִים hemorrhoids.