Historic Highways of America/Volume 13/Chapter 2

by Archer Butler Hulbert

CHAPTER II

THE POTOMAC COMPANY

GEORGE Washington's efforts to promote internal improvement in Virginia and Maryland with special reference to the Middle West have been lightly sketched in other portions of this work.^[1] A more or less complete examination into the Potomac Company must be essayed here, for among the improvements of internal waterways in America that of the Potomac urged by Washington meant to the last quarter of the eighteenth century what the building of the Erie Canal meant to the first quarter of the nineteenth.

Having maintained with earnestness for many years that Virginia and Maryland should, through the Potomac River, secure the trade of the rising empire west of the Alleghenies, Washington, at the close of the Revolution, gave himself wholly up to this commercial problem. Before peace was declared he left the Continental camp at Newberg and made a long, dangerous tour up the Mohawk Valley, examining carefully the portages to Wood Creek at Rome, and to Lake Otsego at Canajoharie. With that far-sighted shrewdness which, of itself, made him a marked man, he felt that this route which avoided the mountains was the great rival of his Potomac River. Yet he was no narrow partisan. Returning from his tour he wrote Chevalier de Chastellux from Princeton, October 12, 1783: "Prompted by these actual observations, I could not help taking a more extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these United States and could not but be struck with the immense extent and importance of it, and with the goodness of that Providence, which has dealt its favors to us with so profuse a hand. Would to God we may have wisdom enough to improve them. I shall not rest contented, till I have explored the western country, and traversed those lines, or great part of them, which have given bounds to a new empire."

This clear cry of enthusiasm was from the heart, and within a year Washington carried out his plan of western exploration. Of this journey we had occasion to speak in our sketch of the Old Northwestern Turnpike.^[2] In that connection our attention was confined to the portage route between the Cheat and Potomac Rivers. Here his plan for a water avenue from East to West must be emphasized as the first chapter in the history of both the Potomac Company and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. This cannot be so well done as by quoting the summary of the Journal of this trip, which has never been published.^[3] It will be seen that it is the basis and, in part, the first draft of his famous Letter to Harrison written upon his return to Mount Vernon:^[4]

"And tho' I was disappointed in one of the objects which induced me to undertake this journey namely to examine into the situation quality and advantages of the Land which I hold upon the Ohio and Great Kanhawa—and to take measures for rescuing them from the hands of Land Jobbers & Speculators—who I had been informed regardless of my legal & equitable rights, Patents, &c^a; had enclosed them within other Surveys & were offering them for Sale at Philadelphia and in Europe.—I say notwithstanding this disappointment I am well pleased with my journey, as it has been the means of my obtaining a knowledge of facts—coming at the temper & disposition of the Western Inhabitants—and making reflections thereon, which, otherwise, must have been as wild, incoher^t, or perhaps as foreign from the truth, as the inconsistency, of the reports which I had received even from those to whom most credit seemed due, generally were

"These reflections remain to be summed up.

"The more then the Navigation of Potomack is investigated, & duely considered, the greater the advantages arising from them appear.—

"The South or principal branch of Shannondoah at M^r Lewis's is, to traverse the river, at least 150 Miles from its Mouth; all of which, except the rapids between the Bloomery and Keys's ferry, now is, or very easily may be made navigable for inland Craft, and extended 30 Miles higher.—The South Branch of Potomack is already navigated from its Mouth to Fort Pleasant; which, as the Road goes, is 40 computed Miles; & the only difficulty in the way (and that a very trifling one) is just below the latter, where the River is hemmed in by the hills or mountains on each side—From hence, in the opinion of Col^o Joseph Neville and others, it may, at the most trifling expense imaginable, be made navigable 50 Miles higher.—

"To say nothing then of the smaller Waters, such as Pattersons Creek, Cacapehen, Opeckon &c^a; which are more or less Navigable;—and of the branches on the Maryland side, these two alone (that is the South Branch & Shannondoah) would afford water transportation for all that fertile Country between the bleu ridge and the Alligany Mountains; which is immense—but how trifling when viewed upon that immeasurable scale, which is inviting our attention!

"The Ohio River embraces this Commonwealth from its Northern, almost to its Southern limits.—It is now, our western boundary.—& lyes nearly parallel to our exterior, & thickest settled Country.—

"Into this River French Creek, big bever Creek, Muskingham, Hockhocking, Scioto, and the two Miamas (in its upper Region) and many others (in the lower) pour themselves from the westward through one of the most fertile Country's of the Globe; by a long inland navigation; which, in its present state, is passable for Canoes and such other small craft as has, hitherto, been made use of for the Indian trade.—

"French Creek, down w^ch I have myself come to Venango, from a lake near its source, is 15 Miles from Prisque Isle on lake Erie; and the Country betwⁿ quite level.—Both big bever creek and Muskingham, communicates very nearly with Cuyahoga; which runs into lake Erie; the portage with the latter (I mean Muskingham) as appears by the Maps, is only one mile; and by many other acc^ts very little further; and so level between, that the Indians and Traders, as is affirmed, always drag their Canoes from one River to the other when they go to War—to hunt,—or trade.—The great Miame, which runs into the Ohio, communicates with a River of the same name, as also with Sandusky, which empty themselves into lake Erie, by short and easy Portages.—And all of these are so many channels through which not only the produce of the New States, contemplated by Congress, but the trade of all the lakes, quite to that of the Wood, may be conducted according to my information, and judgment—at least by one of the Routs—thro' a shorter, easier, and less expensive communication than either of those which are now, or have been used with Canada, New Y^k or New Orleans.—

"That this may not appear an assertion, or even an opinion unsupported, I will examine matters impartially, and endeavour to state facts.—

"Detroit is a point, thro' which the Trade of the Lakes Huron, & all those above it, must pass, if it centres in any State of the Union; or goes to Canada; unless it should pass by the River Outawais, which disgorges itself into the S^t Lawrence at Montreal and which necessity only can compel; as it is from all acc^ts longer and of more difficult navigation than the S^t Lawrence itself.—

"To do this, the Waters which empty into the Ohio on the East Side, & which communicate nearest and best with those which run into the Atlantic, must also be delineated—

"These are, Monongahela and its branches, viz, Yohiogany & Cheat.—and the little and great Kanhawas; and Greenbrier which emptys into the latter.—

"The first (unfortunately for us) is within the jurisdiction of Pensylvania from its Mouth to the fork of the Cheat, indeed 2 Miles higher—as (which is more to be regretted) the Yohiogany also is, till it crosses the line of Maryland; these Rivers I am persuaded, afford much the shortest Routs from the Lakes to the tide water of the Atlantic, but one not under our controul; being subject to a power whose interest is opposed to the extension of their navigation, as it would be the inevitable means of withdrawing from Philadelphia all the trade of that part of its western territory, which, lyes beyond the Laurel hill.—Though any attempt of that Government to restrain it I am equally well persuaded w^d cause a separation of their territory; there being sensible men among them who have it in contemplation at this moment.—but this by the by.—The little Kanhawa, which stands next in order, & by Hutchins's table of distances (between Fort Pit and the Mouth of the River Ohio) is 184½ Miles below the Monongahela, is navigable between 40 and 50 Miles up, to a place called Bullstown.—Thence there is a Portage of 9½ Miles to the West fork of Monongahela—Thence along the same to the Mouth of Cheat River, and up it to the Dunker bottom; from whence a portage may be had to the N^o branch of Potomack.

"Next to the little, is the great Kanhawa; which by the above Table is 98½ miles still lower down the Ohio.—This is a fine Navigable river to the Falls; the practicability of opening which, seems to be little understood; but most assuredly ought to be investigated.

"These then are the ways by which the Produce of that Country; & the peltry and fur trade of the Lakes may be introduced into this State; & into Maryl^d; which stands upon similar ground.—There are ways, more difficult & expensive indeed by which they can also be carried to Philadelphia—all of which, with the Rout to Albany, & Montreal,—and the distances by Land, and Water, from place to place, as far as can be ascertained by the best Maps now extant—by actual Surveys made since the publication of them—and the information of intelligent persons—will appear as follow—from Detroit—which is a point, as has been observed, as unfavourable for us to compute from (being upon the North Western extremity of the United territory) as any beyond Lake Erie can be.—

viz—

From Detroit to Alexandria
is

To Cuyahoga River	125	Miles
Up the same to the Portage	60
Portage to Bever Ck	8
Down Bever Ck to the Ohio	85
Up the Ohio to Fort Pitt	25	303
The Mouth of Yohiogany	15
Falls to Ditto	50
Portage	1
Three forks or Turkey foot	8
Fort Cumberld or Wills Creek	30
Alexandria	200	304
Total		607
To Fort Pitt—as above		303
The Mouth of Cheat River	75
Up it, to the Dunker bottom	25
North branch of Potomack	20
Fort Cumberland	40
Alexandria	200	360
To Alexanda by this Rout		663

From Detroit to Alexandria avoiding Pensylvania^[5]

To the Mo of Cuyahoga		125	Miles
The carrying place with ⁠Muskingham River	$\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,}$	54
Portage		1
The Mo of Muskingham		192
The little Kanhawa		12	384
Up the same		40
Portage to the West Bra		10
Down Monongahela to Cheat		80
Up Cheat to the Dunker Botm		25
Portage to the No bra. Potomk		20
Fort Cumberland		40
Alexandria		200	415
Total by this Rout			799

From Detroit to Richmond

To the Mouth of the little Kanhawa as above		384
The Great Kanhawa by Hutchins's Table of Distances	98½
The Falls of the Kanhawa from information	90
A portage (suppe)	10
The Mouth of Green brier & up it to the Portage	50
Portage to James Rr	33	281
Richmond		175
Total		840

Note—This Rout may be more incorrect than either of the foregoing, as I had only the Maps, and vague information for the Portages—and for the distances from the Mouth of the Kanhawa to the Carrying place with Jacksons (that is James) River and the length of that River from the Carrying place to Richmond—the length of the carrying place above is also taken from the Map tho' from Information one would have called it not more than 20 Miles.

From Detroit to Philadelphia is		Miles
To Presque Isle		245
Portage to Lebeauf	15
Down french Creek to Venango	75
Along the Ohio to Toby's Creek	25	115
To the head spring of Do	45
By a Strait line to the nearest Water of Susquea	15
Down the same to the West branch	50
Fort Augusta at the Fork	125
Mackees (or Mackoneys) Ck	12
Up this	25
By a strait line to Schuylkl	15
Reading	32
Philadelphia	62	381
Total		741
By another Rout
To Fort Pitt as before		303
Up the Ohio to Tobys Ck		95
Thence to Phila as above		381
Total		779

Note—The distances of places from the Mouth of Tobys Creek to Philad^a are taken wholly from a comparative view of Evan's and Sculls Maps—The number, and length of the Portages, are not attempted to be given with greater exactness than these—and for want of more competent Knowledge, they are taken by a strait line between the sources of the different Waters which by the Maps have the nearest communication with each other—consequently, these Routs, if there is any truth in the Maps, must be longer than the given distances—particularly in the Portages, or Land part of the Transportation, because no Road among Mount^ns can be strait—or waters navigable to their fountain heads.

From Detroit to Albany
is

To Fort Erie, at the No end of Lake Erie	350
Fort Niagara—18 Miles of wch is Land transpn	30	380
Oswego		175
Fall of Onondaga River	12
Portage	1
Oneida Lake by Water	40
Length of Do to Wood Ck	18
Wood Ck very small and Crooked	25
Portage to Mohawk	1	97
Down it to the Portage	60
Portage	1
Schenectady	55
Portage to Albany	15	131
In all		783
To the City of New York		160
Total		943

From Detroit to Montreal
is

To Fort Niagara as above		380
North end of Lake Ontario	225
Oswegatche	60
Montreal—very rapid	110	395
In all		775
To Quebec		180
Total		955

"Admitting the preceding Statement, which as has been observed is given from the best and most authentic Maps and papers in my possession—from information—and partly from observation, to be tolerably just, it would be nugatory to go about to prove that the Country within, and bordering upon the Lakes Erie, Huron, & Michigan would be more convenient when they came to be settled—or that they would embrace with avidity our Markets, if we should remove the obstructions which are at present in the way to them.—

"It may be said, because it has been said, & because there are some examples of it in proof, that the Country of Kentucke, about the Falls, and even much higher up the Ohio, have carried flour and other articles to New Orleans—but from whence has it proceeded?—Will any one who has ever calculated the difference between Water & Land transportation wonder at this?—especially in an infant settlement where the people are poor and weak handed—and pay more regard to their ease than to loss of time, or any other circumstance?

"Hitherto, the people of the Western Country having had no excitements to Industry, labour very little;—the luxuriancy of the Soil, with very little culture, produces provisions in abundance—these supplies the wants of the encreasing population—and the Spaniards when pressed by want have given high prices for flour—other articles they reject; & at times, (contrary I think to sound policy) shut their ports against them altogether—but let us open a good communication with the Settlements west of us—extend the inland Navigation as far as it can be done with convenience—and shew them by this means, how easy it is to bring the produce of their Lands to our Markets, and see how astonishingly our exports will be encreased; and these States benefitted in a commercial point of view—w^ch alone is an object of such Magnitude as to claim our closest attention—but when the subject is considered in a political point of view, it appears of much greater importance."

By means of letters, urging these private speculations on public attention, to Governor Harrison and James Madison, the matter of improvement of the Potomac was brought before the Virginia legislature. The consent and coöperation of Maryland being of greatest importance, General Washington, General Gates, and Colonel Blackburn were appointed by the legislature to obtain the concurrent action of the Maryland legislature. On December 20, 1784, the deputation, with the exception of Colonel Blackburn who was detained by illness, reached the Maryland capital. A committee from that state being duly appointed to confer upon the matter in hand, a conclusion was reached as contained in the following report.

"That it is the opinion of this conference, that the removing the obstructions in the River Potomac, and the making the same capable of navigation from tide-water as far up the north branch of the said river as may be convenient and practicable, will increase the commerce of the commonwealth of Virginia and State of Maryland, and greatly promote the political interests of the United States, by forming a free and easy communication and connection with the people settled on the western waters, already very considerable in their numbers, and rapidly increasing, from the mildness of the climate and the fertility of the soil.

"That it is the opinion of the conference, that the proposal to establish a company for opening the River Potomac, merits the approbation of, and deserves to be patronized by, Virginia and Maryland; and that a similar law ought to be passed by the legislatures of the two governments to promote and encourage so laudable an undertaking."^[6] It was further agreed that the commonwealths of Virginia and Maryland should each subscribe for fifty shares of stock in the undertaking in order to "encourage individuals to embark in the measure" and as "a substantial proof to our brethren of the western territory of our disposition to connect ourselves with them by the strongest bonds of friendship and mutual interest." How closely Washington's plan was carried out is suggested in the following resolutions: "That it is the opinion of this conference, from the best information they have obtained, that a road, to begin about the mouth of Stony River, may be carried in about twenty or twenty-two miles to the Dunker Bottom or Cheat River; from whence this conference are of opinion, that batteaux navigation may be made, though, perhaps, at considerable expense. That if such navigation cannot be effected by continuing the road about twenty miles further, it would intersect the Monongahela where the navigation is good, and has long been practiced. . . That it is a general opinion, that the navigation in the Potomac may be extended to the most convenient point below, or even above the mouth of Stony River, from whence to set off a road to Cheat River; and this conference is satisfied that that road, from the nature of the country through which it may pass, wholly through Virginia and Maryland, will be much better than a road can be made at any reasonable expense from Fort Cumberland to the Youghiogheny, which must be carried through Pennsylvania." In a succeeding resolution it is affirmed that the Dunkard Bottom route is more feasible than one from Fort Cumberland to Turkey Foot [Connellsville, Pennsylvania], though the latter road, if improved, would be of great value to many settlers upon and near it. The legislatures of the respective states were asked to appoint examiners to view the doubtful portions of the South Branch (from Cumberland to the mouth of Stony Creek) and the Cheat (from established navigation and Dunkard Bottom) and lay out a road between the heads of practicable navigation on each. It was also suggested that Virginia and Maryland ask permission of Pennsylvania to lay out a road from Cumberland to Turkey Foot on the Youghiogheny.

Accordingly Virginia and Maryland passed laws authorizing the formation of a company for the improvement of the Potomac River. "I have now the pleasure," wrote Washington to Richard Henry Lee, February 8, 1785,"to inform you that the Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland have enacted laws, of which the inclosed is a copy.^[7] They are exactly similar in both States. At the same time, and at the joint and equal expense of the two governments, the sum of six thousand six hundred and sixty-six dollars and two thirds is voted for opening and keeping in repair a road from the highest practicable navigation of this river to that of the River Cheat, or Monongahela, as commissioners, who are appointed to survey and lay out the same, shall find most convenient and beneficial to the western settlers." Washington believed fully that the project was to be a great success for stockholders; he estimated that they would receive twenty per cent from investments in Potomac improvement in a few years.^[8]

The subscription books of the new company having been, as the law required, opened on February 8, 1785, a summons was issued for a meeting of the subscribers at Alexandria, Virginia, on May 17. The meeting having been called to order, Daniel Carrol was elected chairman and Charles Lee, clerk.^[9] The books being opened, it was found that Virginia had subscribed for two hundred and sixty-six shares, the Richmond book showing one hundred shares, the Alexandria book, one hundred and thirty-five, and the Winchester book thirty-one; Maryland had subscribed for one hundred and thirty-seven shares, divided as follows: Annapolis, seventy-three; Georgetown, forty-two; Frederick, twenty-two. The total shares were therefore four hundred and three, giving the company a capital of £40,300. President and four directors of the Potomac Company, as it was known, being ballotted for, George Washington was elected president, and Thomas Johnson, Thomas Sim Lee, John Fitzgerald, and George Gilpin were elected directors.

The services of Mr. James Rumsey, the mechanician, being secured, as general manager of improvements, the president, directors and manager made an examination of the river with a view to planning the work to be done. Three important impediments to navigation were immediately attacked; these were known as "Great Falls," "Seneca Falls" and "Shenandoah Falls." The "Great Falls" of these early days are the rapids and falls above Washington which bear the same name today. Seneca Falls were early known as "Sinegar Falls," in the Revolutionary era on Fry and Jefferson's map. They lie just above Great Falls, near the mouth of Seneca Creek. Shenandoah Falls were at the present Harper's Ferry at the mouth of the river of the same name. In the summer of 1785 parties of workmen were blasting and removing the boulders at these two points until the fall rains put an end to the work. Attention was then given to excavating a canal around Great Falls, concerning which there was a great diversity of opinion, especially as to its lower termination.

The work of this first season quickly brought out the fact that it was a great task which the company had undertaken. This may have been the reason why payment on shares had been so slow; already the company's treasury was almost depleted. "The original motive which actuated the stockholders seemed for some cause to have abated, and it required the master spirit of the enterprise to be exerted, to prevent at this important and critical juncture, a total abandonment of the project. . . The State of Maryland had failed to pay the sums due on the shares it held, and a large number of individual stockholders had also neglected to meet their instalments. . . The treasury was no longer able to liquidate the claims of individuals against it, and a total prostration of its credit seemed inevitable unless soon relieved.^[10]

Strenuous efforts on the part of the officers brought desirable results and with the opening of the season of 1786 work on the improvements was being pushed with earnestness. At the annual meeting, August 7, the same officers were re-elected and the treasurer's books were examined and found in good order. The president and directors were allowed thirty shillings in Virginia currency for the time they had spent in the business of the company. It was determined that the directors should visit in person the river from Great Falls upward, to inspect the ground, choose a channel, and take such action as, in their judgment, the case demanded. This was done, the trip covering four days; and as a result the legislatures of the states were requested to extend the time limit from three years to November 17, 1790. In this the legislatures acquiesced.^[11]

During the new fiscal year additional difficulties arose to unite with those of unpropitious weather and financial distress to delay and discourage. The appointment of Mr. Richardson Stewart as "principal Assistant Superintendent" resulted in the resignation of Mr. Rumsey, who preferred charges of incompetency against Mr. Stewart.^[12] The directors replied to the charges in the order they were made, finding Mr. Stewart guilty of only one, namely of "causing another servant to burn Michael Barnet with a hot iron without reason;" the directors declared, without fear or favor, "that in this Mr. Stewart acted with an impropriety the Board disapproves of"!^[13] A difficulty had arisen, early in the work, in securing workmen and in keeping them in submission to law and order when once obtained. In the fall of 1785 half the laborers were dismissed from the company's service. The secretary of the company now, and at numerous times thereafter, was in correspondence with parties in Baltimore (Messrs. Stewart and Plunket) and in Philadelphia (Mr. John Maxwell Nesbit) who might secure workmen for the Potomac improvements.^[14] Furnishing the workmen with liquors also seems to have been a troublesome item. In November, 1785, a contract was made with William Lyles and Company to furnish "what rum might be necessary for the use of the hands employed by the company on the river" at the rate of two shillings per gallon.^[15] For the winter 1786–7 the manager was directed to retain such a force as was deemed necessary at a monthly wage (from November 12 to April 12) of thirty-two shillings for common laborers, and forty shillings for "prime hands, with the usual ration except spirits, and with such reasonable allowance of spirits as the manager may from time to time think proper. . ."^[16]

At a meeting of the directors January 3, 1787, the financial crisis was faced sternly. The funds were quite exhausted and work would have to be suspended unless the delinquent stockholders immediately advanced the assessment long overdue. It was determined to warn delinquents that unless advances were made within the next five months the legal recourse of reselling subscribed stock at auction would be resorted to. A few responded but the "large majority continued delinquent." In accordance with the threat of the directors, it was announced in public advertisements that forty-six shares of stock in the Potomac Company would be offered at auction at the court house at Alexandria on Monday, May 14, and nine shares at Shuter's tavern in Georgetown on May 21. The attitude of the general public toward the Potomac improvement scheme was revealed clearly at these auctions—for at neither Alexandria nor Georgetown was a single bid made when these shares were offered for sale, though numbers of people had gathered out of interest or curiosity.^[17]

A meeting of the board of directors was called at the mouth of the Shenandoah (Harper's Ferry) June 2, 1788, at which it was determined to cut down expenses "without jeopardizing the progress of the work." It was now the opinion of the board that by the ensuing season loaded boats could descend from the pool or "reach" above Seneca Falls to tide-water; this meant that a channel in Seneca Falls had been opened and the canal about Great Falls completed. It was given out that in July the entire force of workmen would be concentrated at Shenandoah Falls to hasten the opening of a channel at that point. At the annual meeting in Alexandria, August 4, it was reported that high water had delayed operations but that by November 1, the channel would be open from tide-water to Cumberland. Since the last meeting of the company £2,990 sterling had been paid into the treasury, making a total of paid up assessments to date of £13,719 18s 8d.

The election of a president for the year ensuing was postponed, as it was plain that Washington was soon to be named President of something of more note than a Potomac Company. In May 1787 he had been elected president of the National Convention at Philadelphia, and it was clear that he would be first choice as executive of the new republic. He was elected President of the United States for the term beginning March 4, 1789. From the day of his withdrawal from the Potomac Company its affairs languished—proving clearly that but for Washington's name and energy the organization would probably never have existed.

On ten different occasions did the legislatures of Virginia and Maryland extend the time demanded by law for the completion of the Potomac improvements, between 1786 and 1820. By this time the promotion of the Erie Canal aroused the proprietors to inquire into the feasibility of cutting a canal from the Potomac to the Ohio River. During thirty-six years $729,380 had been spent in the attempt to improve the Potomac and little had been accomplished; an inquiry into the affairs of the Potomac Company by a state commission, appointed in 1821, and reporting July, 1822, resulted in the following report: " . . that the affairs of the Potomac Company have failed to comply with the terms and conditions of the charter; that there was no reasonable ground to expect that they would be able to effect the objects of their incorporation; that they have not only expended their capital stock and the tolls received, with the exception of a small dividend of five dollars and fifty cents on each share declared in 1802, but had incurred a heavy debt which their resources would never enable them to discharge; that the floods and freshets nevertheless gave the only navigation that was enjoyed; that the whole time when produce and goods could be stream bourne on the Potomac in the course of an entire year, did not exceed forty-five days; that it would be imprudent and inexpedient to give further aid to the Potomac Company." The committee advised a more effectual method of inland navigation and suggested the plan of a canal through the region in which the Potomac Company had proposed to operate, to be connected with Baltimore, the metropolis of the Chesapeake, by means of a lateral canal, from some point along the Potomac Valley.

Layout 2

1. Historic Highways of America, vols. iii, pp. 189–204; xii, pp. 15–30.
2. Historic Highways of America, vol. xii, ch. iii.
3. Id., note 1.
4. October, 1784
5. The Mouth of Cheat River & 2 Miles up it is in Pensyl^a
6. Pickell's A New Chapter in the Early Life of Washington, p. 44.
7. See appendix A, p. 219
8. E. Watson's History of the . . Western Canals in the State of New York, p. 87.
9. All particulars concerning the inner history of the Potomac Company are from Pickell's A New Chapter in the Early Life of Washington; the author had access to all documents in the case.
10. A New Chapter in the Early Life of Washington, pp. 83–84.
11. Herring's Statutes at Large, vol. xii, ch. cxiv.
12. A New Chapter in the Early Life of Washington, pp. 94–95.
13. Id., p. 98.
14. Id., p. 78.
15. Id., p. 83. Cf. Historic Highways of America, vol. v, p. 142.
16. Pickell, ut supra, p. 100.
17. Id., p. 104.