Liberal America and Soviet Russia

Price ½d.

 

LIBERAL AMERICA
& SOVIET RUSSIA.

A few weeks ago the Liberal review, "The Dial," of New York, gave a dinner in honour of Professor Lomonossov, the eminent director of railways, who was sent to America by the Provisional Government of Prince Lvov in 1917, and gave his adherence to the Soviet régime in spite of all intrigues and insults; and of M. Martens, official representative of the Soviet Republic in New York. Five hundred members of Liberal circles were present, who warmly greeted our comrades, and declared their determination unflinchingly to press the campaign for the official recognition of the Soviet Government by the United States, and for the conclusion of an alliance between the two countries.

"Two years ago, at this time," said Professor Lomonossov, "I was crossing Siberia as one of the official heralds of the fall of the Russian Monarchy. Those were happy days. I was, expecting, at that time, the realisation of the dream of my life, the dream of political union and economic co-operation between the two greatest democracies of the world—free Russia and the United States. Only two years have passed since then: and I am forced to speak of my shattered dreams in the words of the Russian poet: 'Dreams, O dreams, where is your sweetness?' Instead of economic co-operation, we have the blockade. For what purpose are the American farmers and workers in uniform massacring peasants and workers wearing another uniform, in the marshes of Russian Lapland and in the forests of far Siberia?

I have never been sentimental. When I spoke of the war, I used to say frankly that that war was waged for markets and not for ideals. And now, too, I understand perfectly that, in their military operations against Russia, in their assistance of Koltchak and Denikin, the Allies are pursuing a realist end: to seize our national wealth, and to transform Russia into a safe market for their products. To this I must add the traditional Anglo-Russian rivalry and the anxiety of France for the safety of her milliards."

After having demonstrated the hollowness of the pretexts put forward by the partisans of intervention, the Imperialist greed of England and France as proved by the Treaty of Versailles, Professor Lomonossov unmasked the intentions of the Great Powers, who treat the Russian people as a minor in order that the League of Nations may offer them the government of Russia. "England will obtain a mandate for the Caucasus and Turkestan; Siberia will be under the control of Japan; Southern Russia under the influence of France, and so on. But," said Lomonossov, "I cannot understand the attitude of the United States. In the division of the spoils they will get nothing; then why pour out American blood in Siberia? I recently heard this explanation: 'We must exterminate the Soviets in order to open the way for American capital into Russia.' If England and France succeed in tearing Russia to pieces, it will in consequence become impossible for American capital and manufactures to obtain access to the Russian market. While, if the United States participated in the dismembering of Russia, they would have to acquiesce in the enormous expense of maintaining an army of occupation there. …"

And Professor Lomonossov, amidst great applause, made an appeal for an alliance between Russia, China, and the United States, to counterbalance the influence of the European Imperialist coalition.

Greeted by an ovation, M. Martens spoke as follows: "I thank you for your manifestations of friendship on this occasion; I do not accept them as a tribute intended for myself. I do not even consider that you approve absolutely of the Government which I have the honour to represent. I accept them as the expression of your willingness to accord to Soviet Russia the right of international relations, and as a protest against the attempts to impose on the Russian people a form of government which is not of their own choice.

Whatever any of you may think of the acts of the revolutionary masses and of their government in Russia, you will recognise as an indisputable fact that the Government of the Federal Soviet Republic was the first to proclaim certain principles of international policy which were later taken up by statesmen in other countries. I am alluding particularly to the principle of open diplomacy expressed in the formula, 'Open covenants openly arrived at,' and to the principle of self-determination of nations. The Russian Soviet Republic, however, did more than to announce these principles. It put them into practice. It struck a mighty blow against secret agreements, and disclosed the most odious form of secret diplomacy, when it undertook the publication of the secret treaties."

And Martens showed the malignant influence of these agreements which have vitiated al] the negotiations at Versailles. He then denounced the methods of the enemies of the Russian Revolution:—

"The sinister blockade is not only starving millions of Russians, but is also preventing the voice of the Russian workers from reaching their comrades throughout the world, thus favouring the diffusion of absurd lies, and rendering difficult acquaintance with the real situation in Russia, as well as comprehension of the aspirations of its toiling masses."

The campaign of calumny against the Russian people has had at its disposal enormous forces: money, a powerful press, the forces of the State, political institutions, etc. The enemies of the Soviet Republic use the methods which have always been employed by conservative and reactionary castes: "A person who is only a little acquainted with world politics will not easily be duped by the avowed monarchists and capitalists who deplore the insufficiency of democracy in Russia, and display themselves on the international stage as champions of 'true democracy' and 'true Socialism.'"

M. Martens thanked the journals which have impartially exposed the events in Russia. "You have," he said, "in this way rendered a great service to the toiling people of Russia; but you have done a still greater service to your own people." Having then shown that the re-establishment of reaction in Russia would be a terrible blow at liberty throughout the world, Martens concluded by affirming the will to peace of the Russian people, who cannot be held responsible for the present situation.

"Le Populaire," August 24th, 1919.

 

---

 

SOME OTHER PUBLICATIONS OF THE PEOPLE’S RUSSIAN
INFORMATION BUREAU.

	Each.
The Russian Soviet Constitution	3d.
Red Paper on Atrocities by Czecho-Slovaks, Counter-Revolutionaries, etc.	3d.
An Eye-Witness from Russia, by Dr. J. Rickman, M.A.	3d.
British Consul Replies to Anti-Bolshevik Slanders	3d.
Russia and the Allies, by F. Seymour Cocks	3d.
Russian Plan for the League of Nations, by Tchitcherin	2d.
Law of Soviet Russia concerning Marriage and Parentage	1d.
Maxim Gorki on the Bolsheviki	1d.
Maxim Litvinoff on Soviet Russia	1d.
Social Reconstruction in Russia. Series 2 (Child Welfare)	½d.
Food Situation in Soviet Russia: True Facts	½d.
Lenin's Views on the Revolution	½d.
A Year in Soviet Russia	2d.
An Open Letter to Lenin from Finnish Communists	1d.
Allied Agents in Soviet Russia	1d.
British Troops in the Caucasus	1d.

 

---

Published by The People’s Russian Information Bureau, 152 Fleet Street, E.C.4, and printed by the
National Labour Press, 8/9/10 Johnson’s Court, Fleet Street, E.C.4; and at Manchcster and Leicester.