Oregon Historical Quarterly/Volume 10/Number 4

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THE QUARTERLY of the Oregon Historical Society VOLUME X DECEMBER, 1909 NUMBER 4 CONTENTS T. C. ELLIOTT — ^Thc Peter Skene Ogden Journals; Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 - - . - 331-365 F. G. YOUNG—The Financial History of the State of Oregon— 11 - 366-384 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN— Dedication of the McLoughlin Home - 384-389 J. FRANKLIN JAMESON— Letter from Hit Father. John Jameson, written in Oregon, August 17, 1852 - - - - 390-395 PRICE : FIFTY CENTS PER NUMBER. TWO DOLLARS PER YEAR Entered at the post office at Portland, Oregon, as second-class matter THE QUARTERLY OF THE Oregon Historical Society VOLUME X MARCH 1909 -DECEMBER 1909 Edited by FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG CONTENTS SUBJECT INDEX Page DeSmet in the Oregon Country. By Edwin V. O'Hara 239-262 Financial History of the State of Oregon. By F. G. Young 263-295; 366-384 Fraser River, The Discovery and Exploration of. By Frederick V. Holman. . 100-115 Land Tenure in Oregon. By Lon L. Swift 131-235 Wilbur, Father, and His Work. By William D. Fenton 1 16-130 DOCUMENTS Brown's, John, OflBcial Report of. Raid Upon Harper's Ferry, Va. ; October 17-18, 1859 314-324 Jameson, John, Letter of, to Edwin Johnson 390-395 Marriage Certificate, a Hudson's Bay Company. With Editorial Notes by T. C. Elliott 325-328 Ogden, The Peter Skene, Journals, With Editorial Notes by T. C. Elliott. .331-365 Warre and Vavasour's Military Reconnoissance in Oregon, 1845-6, Docu- ments Relative to. Edited by Joseph Schafer, Ph. D 1-99 Work, John, Journal of. Edited by T. C. EUiott 296-313 AUTHORS' INDEX T. C. Elliott, Editorial Notes on "A Hudson's Bay Marriage Certificate" ... .32^-^2% Editorial Notes on "The Peter Skene Ogden Journals" 331-365 ■ Editor of the Journal of John Work 296-313 Fenton, William D., Father Wilbur and His Work 116-130 Floyd, John B., Official Report of John Brown's Raid Upon Harper's Ferry, Va., October 17-18, 1859 314-324 Holman, Frederick V., The Discovery and Exploration of the Fraser River.. loo-iis Address at the Dedication of the McLaughlin Home 385-389 Jameson, J. Franklin, Letter of, Submitting Letter of John Jameson 390 O'Hara, Edwin V., DeSmet in the Oregon Country 239-262 Schafer, Joseph, Editor Documents Relative to Warre and Vavasour's Mili- tary Reconnoissance in Oregon, 1845-1846 i-99

Swift, Lon L., Land Tenure in Oregon 131-23S



Oregon Historical Society.

Volume X
Number 4

[The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to Its pages.]


Editorial Notes by T. C. Elliott.

The publication of the Ogden Journals, four in number, is made possible by the courtesy of Miss Agnes C. Laut, who for a very nominal consideration indeed consented to dispose of her copy of these Journals to the writer of these notes. Miss Laut is deserving of great credit for her success in obtaining this copy from the originals in London, England.

The Journal reproduced in this number of the Quarterly covers the period of Mr. Ogden's second expedition to the Snake country. As yet no Journal has been found of the first expedition, and the reader will appreciate such brief mention of that expedition as is at this time possible from original Hudson's Bay Company sources; particularly as some new light will be thrown upon a certain oft mentioned occurrence of the fur trade involving the trapping parties of the H. B. Co. from the Columbia river and of the Americans from St. Louis. (See entry of April lo, 1826 ultra.)

Let it be briefly stated here that Peter Skene Ogden, then in the thirtieth year of his age and already a Chief Trader of the Hudson's Bay Company, on the 27th of October, 1824, at the mouth of the Spokane river met (Deputy) Governor George Simpson of that Company (Gov. Simpson passed down the Columbia that Fall in company with Dr. John McLoughlin and party to spend the Winter at Ft. George) and on the 31st Inst, following received his instructions to proceed at once to Flathead House and meet there Mr. Alexander Ross, who was returning from the Snake Country, and there refit the Snake Country party and conduct it back to the hunting grounds. These facts are taken from a Journal of John Work, now in the possession of his descendants at Victoria, B. C.

Of Mr. Ogden's party and his start toward the Snake Country at the beginning of Winter, 1824, Mr. Ross gives us some glimpse in the "Fur Hunters of the Far West," and doubtless the experiences were not much less strenuous than those of Mr. Ross the year previous; but travel across the mountains and plains in the Winter season was not then regarded as a very unusual thing. Mr. Ross in his book argues very strongly against the use of Spokane or Flathead House as a base for the Snake Country operations and doubtless emphasized this with Mr. Ogden as well as with Gov. Simpson; for the instructions were to return the party to Ft. Nez Perces (Walla Walla). From various hints here and there it is certain that during the Winter and early Spring Mr. Ogden's party trapped along the various streams forming the headwaters of Snake river and in all probability (it is not possible yet to say with certainty) then penetrated to the northerly borders of Great Salt Lake and the river and valley afterward named in his honor. The entry on June 6, 1826 (ultra), suggests this and he is so credited by Amer. authorities (See Bancroft Hist. Utah, pp. 21 and 22 note). The chapter entitled "The Red Feather" in that rare book, "Traits of American Indian Life and Character," may be considered a source as to the whereabouts of this party that Spring, in the opinion of the writer. Perhaps because of finding the American trappers already upon the waters flowing into the Pacific, Mr. Ogden became ambitious to cross to the waters of the Missouri; for there he was in the month of July, as shown by the Journal of Mr. Work, already mentioned, from which the following quotations are drawn.

At Ft. Okanogan on the Columbia, 1825, "Tuesday, July 26. Editorial Notes by T. C. Elliott 333 A little past noon an Indian arrived from Spokane with a note from Mr. Birnie and a packet which had recently reached that place from Mr. Ogden, dated East branch of the Missouri, loth July. * * I deemed it my duty to open the dispatch, which I am sorry to find contains intelligence of a disagreeable nature. A series of misfortunes have attended the party from shortly after their departure, and on the 24th of May they fell in with a party of Americans, when 23 of the former deserted. Two of this party were killed, one by the Indians, and one by accident, and the remainder of the party are now coming out by the Flat Heads." Again when on Pend d'Oreille river en route to Flat-Head House, "Monday 15th (Aug.). Embarked at 4 o'clock and reached the Indian camp at the Chutes at 11 o'clock, where I found Mr. Kittson and two men from Mr. Ogden's party with 38 packs;" and ^'Wed. 17th, Joachim Hubert accompanied the Indians with the horses that brought the Snake furs and a small supply of articles for Mr. Ogden, to whom I wrote and forwarded a number of letters and dispatches addressed to him. The package was put in charge of Grospied, on[e] of the F. Head chiefs, as being more safe. It was not till I was perfectly satisfied by Mr. Kittson that there was no danger of these doc- uments falling intO' improper hands that I would trust them. The chiefs are directed to give them to no one but Mr. Ogden, and in case of any accident having befallen him to bring them back. It was Mr. Ogden's directions to Mr. Kittson that only one man should be sent back to him." And again at Flat-Head House on Thurs. 25th : "I found two of Mr. Dease's men who had arrived with dispatches from the sea a few hours before. Now it is uncertain whether Mr. Ogden may equip his men at the Flat Heads or take them to Nez Perces." And "Sat. 27th. A young Indian was engaged to carry the dispatches to Mr. Ogden in the Snake country. He is to have a horse for his trip and promises to make the most expedition he can." Mon- day, 5th Sept. "Three of the freemen belonging to Mr. Ogden's party arrived here * * * Mr. Ogden's notes are dated on 334 Peter Skene Ogden Journals the 15th of August, when all the freemen but six had parted from him, his party then being only 15 strong, and he was going through a dangerous country." And at Spokane House again on Monday, Sept. 26. "Late last night Faneant, one of Mr. Ogden's men, arrived from the Missouri with letters dated on the nth inst. Mr. Ogden is now on his way with 20 men to Walla Walla by the Snake country and has sent orders here for the part of his outfit that is at this place. He expects to reach that place about the 20th October. He also requires Mr. D'ears to be sent to meet him with horses." And writing from Ft. Nez Perces (Walla Walla) to John McLeod on Nov. 9, 1825, Dr. John McLoughlin, who was there impatiently waiting, says : "I have this moment been called off to receive Mr. Ogden ; his men are to be here in twO' days. His horses are so knocked up that we cannot send you any until he is supplied." From these sources and references in the Journals it is known that Mr. Ogden was absent upon his first Snake Coun- try expedition almost a year and met with reverses (not by any stampede or physical encounter, but) by the desertion to the Americans of nearly all his free trappers (French-Canadians) with their furs and outfits,and that he returned along the trails previously used by an equally corpulent and resourceful prede- cessor, Mr. Donald McKenzie of the Northwest Company, across Southern Idaho and by the valleys of Burnt River, Pow- der River and the Grand Ronde to the Valley of the Walla Walla, a route afterward followed by the first wagons ever brought to the Columbia (by Robt. Newell, Francis Ermatin- ger and others) and later by the various migrations and still later by the steel rails. Reaching Ft. Walla Walla he found his old companion Samuel Black just succeeding Mr. John Dease to the command there, and his chief factor, Dr. Mc- Loughlin ; and while spending the twelve days of his brief va- cation before starting on the second expedition that "strange occurrence" took place which is related in Chapter IH. (en- titled The Burial of the Dead and the Living) of the book ^'Traits," etc., already mentioned. Editorial Notes by T. C. Elliott 335 From the entry on Nov. 25th (ultra), it is seen that Dr. Mc- LoughHn had selected in advance the route for the second expe- dition and had sent ahead toward the headwaters of the Des Chutes a party under Finan McDonald and Thos. McKay. This Finan McDonald had been in the Flathead and Spokane country as early as 1809-10 with David Thompson, and Thos. McKay had arrived at Astoria with his father, Alex. McKay, in March, 1811, both of the Astoria party on the Tonquin. According to the entry of April loth (ultra), by some advan- tage held over them (the full nature of which is not yet understood) the deserters of the previous year were compelled to pay their debts to the H. B. Co. by turning in over four hundred dollars' worth of beaver (not eight thousand one hun- dred and twelve beaver skins). There are later references to this incident under which it will be more appropriate to discuss it. It will be noted that whenever Mr. Ogden could start for the Columbia with more than three thousand beaver skins in the packs he was a happy man. Readers of these Journals will be interested in reading in comparison Chapter XXXI. of Miss Laut's "Conquest of the Great Northwest," and a sketch of the life of Mr. Ogden soon to appear in this Quarterly. Journal of Peter Skene Ogden ; Snake Expedition, 1825-1826. (As Copied by Miss Agnes C. Laut in 1905 from Original in Hudson's Bay Company House, London, England.) Monday, November 21, 1825. Having sent off all hands yesterday in company with Mr. Dears^ I took my departure from Ft. Nez Perces^ and about 10 o'clock I overtook my party who were waiting my arrival. Tho 6 horses were missing I gave orders to raise camp. We followed the banks of the Co- I Mr. Dears, a clerk; not to be confounded with Mr. Dease, who was a chief trader. a For* Walla Walla. 336 Peter Skene Ogden Journals lumbia, course S. W., and encamped near the Grand Rapid, distance 9 miles — the road hilly and sandy. Tuesday, 226.. Altho many of our horses were not to be found this morning, I gave orders to raise camp, leaving 6 men to go in quest of them. Several of the fort Indians followed us, more with a view of giving us trouble. We reached the Utaka^ River and encamped. Here we found a large camp of Indians from within. We traded some salmon and firewood; distance 8 miles; course west; road hilly; we have great trouble with our wild horses ; weather hazy and fogg> Wednesday, 23d. The party I sent off yesterday in quest of our horses did not return, and 4 more being missing this morning, I sent Mr. Dears with two men in quest of them, but provisions being so scarce, I was obliged to raise camp — in fact the sooner we can get rid of the Indians the safer our horses will be. We came this day only 6 miles and encamped late in the evening. All hands with the exception of one man arrived with all our lost horses excepting one, which the In- dians had killed for food ; road fine ; weather fine. Thursday, 24th. I this morning received a note from Mr. Black^ informing me that he had recovered four of our six horses missing on the 21. The absent man also made his ap- pearance. He informed me that 4 Indians had pillaged all his ammunition, but I doubt the truth of this. Altho we com- mence at the dawn of day to collect our horses, we are never ready to start before 10 o'clock. We had a fine road this day and encamped at the long island distant 10 miles ; weather very mild; grass in abundance for horses. Friday, 25th. Rain all night. Altho weather was bad we raised camp and continued marching until evening our route along the banks of the river. We met with two of the Cayuse 1 Perhaps intended for Utalla in Original Journal; the Umatilla River. 2 Mr. Samuel Black, then in charge at Fort Walla Walla, but murdered at Kamloops in 184 1. Snake Expedition^ 1825-1826 337 chiefs who proposed to me to follow their route ; that the road was shorter to Mr. McDonald's^ camp. But my guide being of a different opinion, I gave way to him, however anxious I feel to join Mr. McDonald, and provisions being scarce, I must comply. Course S. W., 15 miles; rainy. Saturday, 26th. Rain all night. . Some Indians came to our camp this morning and traded a horse. It was mid-day before we found all our horses. The road this day very hilly and sandy ; very fatiguing for our horses ; two of them could scarcely crawl when we reached the encampment; it is dis- tressing to undertake a long journey with such miserable crea- tures, and I seriously apprehend if the Winter is severe 2-3 will die ; distance 8 miles S. W. ; cloudy. Sunday, 27th. Started early, camped at sunset; 20 Indians came to our camp ; all very quiet ; our route along the banks of the Columbia; distance 12 miles; course S.; cold and hazy. Monday, 28th. Rain prevented starting. We were so lucky as to trade 3 horses ; 40 salmon fish caught. Tuesday, 29th. As we were starting an Indian arrived and brought the goods back for one of the horses we traded, which was returned to him, although it was fair trade. I did not think it prudent to comply with his request. One of the men's horses missing this morning. Altho search was made it was vain. We reached John Day's River and found our old Walla Walla chief waiting our arrival ; 10 miles ; course west. Wednesday, 30th. A great many Indians collected about our camp this morning. In the night 2 traps were stolen from the men. We traded 2 horses at an extravagant rate, but were too much in need, and well do the natives know this, and act accordingly. We raised camp late, altho it was rainy, but I am not only anxious to reach Mr. McDonald, but to get rid of the natives, who are troublesome ; distance 4 miles ; course south. This day I forwarded dispatches to Ft. Vancouver. I Finan McDonald. See introduction. 338 Peter Skene O'gden Journals Thursday, Diecember i. Again horses missing; no doubt stolen. It was late ere we started and we reached the River of the Falls^ early and camped. We found upwards of 100 In- dians. The 2 traps stolen were recovered. Many horses of- fered for sale, but too extravagant in demands. Toward night one Indian stole some ammunition out of the free men's tents. The Walla Walla chief started in pursuit of the thief and returned in the night with the stolen property ; road stony and hilly ; course S. W. ; distance 6 miles. Friday, 2d. Three of the men's horses wanting, also some belonging to the natives. This did not prevent raising camp, as by remaining here we should lose more than gain, but to- morrow shall send party back in quest of our horses. We hac some difficulty in crossing over the river, its banks being over- flowed owing to the mild weather and late rains. Having crossed, we bade farewell to the Columbia River and took S. E. direction and camped on a small river^ which discharges into Columbia below Grand Dalles ; distance 6 miles ; commenced keeping watch as I fear now the Indians know of our leaving them they may attempt to take a band of our horses. Soil firm and well wooded ; few oak trees ; no signs of beaver. Saturday, 3d. It was late ere we started; number of In- dians that followed us yesterday traded 30 salmon and bade us farewell. I engaged a chief to return with 3 men in quest of our stolen horses. On starting we left the river, crossed over a point of land 9 miles, then followed the river about a mile. It being dark, we camped. It is scarcely credible, altho we are yet so short a distance from the Columbia what a difference there is ; soil rich ; oak of a large size, abundant ; grass green, weather warm; route hilly; high hills at a distance covered with snow ; distance 10 miles ; course S. S. W. ; men constantly employed about our horses. 1 Des Chutes River. 2 Fifteen Mile Creek. Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 339 Sunday, 4th. Started at 10 o'clock. Change in weather since yesterday ; cold and cloudy. We commenced ascending and descending high hills ; came 10 miles. Finding a small brook, camped ; course south. The 3 men and Indians in quest of stolen horses returned with all; they found them on north side of Columbia and to get them were obliged to pay 30 balls of powder — no doubt the thief himself restored them, a com- mon practice with the Columbia Indians. Shortly after we camped an Indian arrived who told us he left Mr. McDonald's party 8 days since, all well but starving, having taken few beaver ; prospects bright ; fine oaks, but wood scarce ; soil good. Monday, 5th. Started at 8 A. M. Our guide informed us there were some small deer to be seen. I despatched 3 hunt- ers; about 12 o'clock came to the end of the hills — a grand and noble sight — Mount Hood bearing due west, Mt. St. Hel- ens and Mt. Nesqually^ Northwest, covered with eternal snow, and in a southern direction other lofty mountains in form and shape of sugar loaves. At the foot of all these mountains were lofty pines, which added greatly to the grandeur of the pros- pect. Could anything make it more so? After descending the last hill, which occupied nearly 2 hours, we reached a fine plain; sandy soil covered with wormwood. We crossed over to this place, a large fork of the River of the Falls ; another fork of the same was also seen near, taking its course S. E., and the latter S. W. Both forks were wooded and formerly stocked with beaver, but the Nez P'erces Indians have destroyed all ; both appear to take their rise from a mountain not far, and covered with snow. The mild weather must account for the high water and muddy colour — in fact so thick we could scarcely swallow it. My hunters had no success. An Indian who killed an antelope gave me a share; a most acceptable present; the first meat since we left the fort. Some petrifac- tions of the fir tree were collected. Course S. E. ; distance 15 miles. I Mt. Adams, from near Tygh Valley. 340 Peter Skene Ogden Journals Tuesday, 6th. Hunters off in quest of deer; 2 horses miss- ing, one of the Company's. Remained in camp till 11, hoping to find him, but in vain. Before leaving sent an Indian and one man in quest of him. Crossed over the S. E. with some difficulty over route hilly; country very stony. We reached the foot of the mountains. Our guide killed a deer. The Walla Walla chief departed from us ; traded a horse from him ; distance 12 miles S. S. E. Man and Indian returned without horse. Wednesday, 7th. Broke camp an early hour ; began ascend- ing; continued so for 3% hours. However great the ascent, the descent was not great. By the time we reached level ground our horses were greatly fatigued, and tho early, we encamped; road very stony; country covered with rocks and stones ; deer abundant ; upwards of 100 seen ; travel too swift to be overtaken ; hunters killed 3 ; distance 10 miles. Thursday, 8th. Rain all night. We started at 10 o'clock — passed over a rugged country, stony and hilly; horses sinking knee deep in the mire ; late ere we found a small brook to camp; course south; distance 10 miles; hunters killed 2 deer and a mountain sheep. Shortly after camping, were joined by Mr. McKay^ and 4 men. He informed me Mr. McDonald was at a short distance, anxiously waiting my arrival. Their suc- cess had not been great, only 460 beaver, but this is solely owing to the poverty of the country and not tO' want of effort. Their wait has recruited their horses, which mine greatly re- quire. Anxious to find beaver ere I make a halt; weather cloudy and cold. Friday, 9th. Started early. Route, as usual, over a hilly country for 8 miles, when we reached Mr. McDonald's camp on the bank of the Falls River; fine large stream. Both par- ties pleased to meet. Many of the hills we crossed are of blood I Thomas McKay, a sure shot at Indians; son of Alexander McKay, of the Astor party. Snake Expedition, 1825- 1826 341 red color, very rich from grass on them. In this quarter are 3 boihng fountains^ which I did not see, but am told are sul- phur. The country since the 4th has been bare, only a few fir trees — flint stones in abundance ; animals scarce ; all the rivers being discharged into the Columbia. From the chief factor, McLoughlin, I expected to have found Mr. McDonald pro- vided with guides, but it is the reverse and places me in an unpleasant situation. I must find an Indian who knows the country. If not, must make the attempt without; this will cause loss of time, it being such a mountainous country ; course south. Saturday, loth. Remained in camp. As we cannot ford the river with our horses we have a canoe made. Indians' who had accompanied Mr. McDonald from Ft. Vancouver took their departure for this quarter and I forwarded letters by them to the Columbia; also sent 4 men invalided to Vancouver; were not benefit here. Paid our guide from Nez Perce, though from his conduct he was not entitled to any payment. The anxiety and trouble Indian guides give is known only to those at their mercy. An Indian promised to go for his family and accom- pany me on my voyage, but the evening has come without his appearance. Four of our horses missing — had the rest sent across. The current strong, but not a horse drowned. More fortunate than I expected. An Indian brought the two horses missing on the 6th. So far lucky. Sunday, nth. Very foggy. Horses missing yesterday found today; the rest crossed also part of the property with men to guard the horses. Made Charley Nez Perce a present for past services, also as a bait to induce some Indian to ac- company us. Of many here, two only are acquainted with the country I wish to reach. A Snake Indian, who has lived for many years with the Cayuse Indians, consented to come. A more fit person could not have been selected. If he does not desert us we may consider ourselves fortunate. I In neighborhood of Warm Springs Indian Agency. 342 Peter Skene O'gden Journals Monday, 12th. At daylight began crossing over the river the rest of the property, but it was near night ere all was transferred. Having remained on this side with Mr. McKay to watch the motions of our new guide, I was not a little sur- prised to learn of the death of a slave who belonged to Mr. McDonald's party. The particulars are: Joseph Despard and deceased were employed taking the goods to the top of the hill when words took place between them, but no blows. Des- pard loaded himself to ascend and when nearly at the top of the bank, the deceased came up to him and struck him on the back. D — then threw down his load and a battle took place, continuing for about 5 minutes, when deceased went to his camp. During the night he threw up blood, and this day at 2 P. M., expired, prior to death suffering greatly. On examin- ing the body, I could not observe any marks of violence or blows, except a hard swelling on the abdomen. A report hav- ing circulated that D — kicked the deceased, I made enquiry, but found it incorrect. I had a grave made and the body in- terred. It is not in my power to send D — to Vancouver. I have allowed the affair for the present to remain quiet until we return to headquarters. The poor man is miserable and unhappy. Weather mild. Tuesday, 13th. Rainy and stormy, which prevented start- ing. I delivered to Mr. McDonald's men each i horse, also i lb. tobacco, also took account of furs on hand and gave traps to some of the party who were in want. We learned from Indian report that a party of Cayuse are off to warn the Snake In- dians that we are coming to pay them a visit, but I am not of opinion it is the case; if so, it is with a view of taking beaver on the borders of this territory before we reach it. Wednesday, 14th. The rain continued all night, but clear this day. We collected our horses and raised camp. Ground hilly and stony. Many of our horses lame. We reached a small creek and encamped ; distance 10 miles ; 20 traps out, but no great hopes of success. Saw a fine herd of sheep, but too swift for us. Course S. E. Snake Expedition^ 1825-1826 343 Thursday, 15th. Raised traps and started; only 2 beaver. Hunters off in quest of food. Route is stony. In the moun- tains snow is to be seen — the hills covered with wormwood; rivers scarce ; poor prospect of beaver ; found a small creek and camped ; distance 9 miles. Course S. S. E. ; 3 sheep killed this day. Friday, i6th. Started early with camp. Our hunters off before daylight over route ; for 4 miles a fine valley, then S. E over hills; encamped on same brook as last night. Hunters came in with 3 deer. One saw an Indian scampering off. This must be a Snake. Consequently had our horses well guarded during the night within call of camp. Saturday, 17th. Started early. Horses safe this day. S. E. for 4 miles across a high mountain covered with firs ; de- scended to a large plain, crossed due S. and fell on another fork of the River of the Falls and camped; nearly 100 traps set out ; in crossing the mountains we saw 40 huts of Indians not more than 10 days abandoned, resembling in form and shape those I saw last Fall in the lower Snake country; con- cluded they must be Snake Indians. Of course we shall soon see them. This day 8 miles. Sunday, i8th. Had remainder of our traps set, as I want to give the river a chance and rest our horses. Being on the border of the Snake Land we require to watch by day and night and regulate our march accordingly in case Winter should be severe. Winter mild; no cause to complain. God grant it may remain so; 14 beaver this day. Monday, 19th. Cloudy, with showers of rain; fine weather for hunting beaver. We did not raise camp. This day took 38 beaver. Tuesday, 20th. Really warm. One-third of traps are in the rear. I did not raise camp. If this river had not been visited by the Nez Perces it would have yielded 400 to 500 beaver. This day 21 beaver. Many of the trappers have ob344 Peter Skene Ogden Journals tained permission to sleep out of camp and have not come in. One caught a raccoon the size of our Indian dog. I presume this fellow was also in quest of beaver. Indeed beaver are a prey to man and beast. Wednesday, 21st. Rain all night. Three-fourths of trappers are in advance with their traps. I ascended main fork 3 miles and encamped. Course east. Soil rich. Grass 7 feet high, making it difficult to set traps. We must now change our course; 39 beaver, 2 otter. Thursday, 22d. Froze last night, 2 inches thick ; not in our favor. If we do not soon find animals we shall surely starve. My Indian guide threatens to leave us and it was with trouble I persuaded him to remain. Few can form any idea of the anxiety an Indian guide gives. The fellow knows we are de- pendent on him. If we can but reach the Snake waters, he may go to the devil. We raised camp. Ascended a small fork ; a fine valley ; fine hills ; 16 miles due east. All the trap- pers set their traps with little hope of success, they are so crowded. Today 15 beaver, 3 otter. Did not see the trace of an animal and as the cold increases, I feel very uneasy regard- ing food. As the beavers do not lay up a stock of provisions for the winter, as is the case in cold countries, I hope the cold spell will soon pass ; otherwise how can they exist, as we well know without food we cannot. Friday, 23d. Very cold. About mid-day 2 Nez Ferces ar- rived, having 2 traps, to accompany us for beaver. They left the fort some time after I did and are ignorant of the country ; 23 beaver and i otter ; many of the traps fast in the ice ; 2 lost by chains breaking. I sent 2 men to examine the source of this fork. They report no appearance of beaver. Mr. McKay and 6 men started to follow the large fork we left on the 22d. We shall follow. Juniper and fir here. Saturday, 24th. Cold increasing fast. It is far from pleas- ant in cold weather to ride at snail's pace, but it must be so or Snake Expedition, 1825- 1826 345 starve. We ascended a light stony hill. The frozen ground made it difficult for horses to reach the top. We crossed a sky line 10 miles, descended gradually, reached the fork we left on 22d and camped. Course S. S. E. River here wide and lined with willows. Mr. McKay and party joined us. They have not found beaver, and their traps are all fast in the ice. Saw another old camp of Snake Indians about 10 days old. I wish from my heart I could see them. It would free us of our present guide; 15 beaver this day; a feast tomorrow. Sunday, 25th. This being Christmas, all hands remained in camp. Prayers were made. Cold increases; prospects gloomy ; not 20 lbs. of food remain in camp, and nearly all our traps out of water. Monday, 26th. Cold. Raised camp and ascended river now fast with ice, our route over hilly country, being obliged from the cut rocks to cross over the river 3 different times ; had some difficulty; two bales of goods and some skins got wet; our hunters are in search of deer ; encamped early ; distance 5 miles east. Toward evening the weather became overcast and the water rising fast, the trappers set out with their traps. Hunters brought in 4 small deer, miserably poor. Tuesday, 27th. Weather very cold. On collecting horses, we found one-third limping and many of them could not stand ; were found lying on the plain. Some of the trappers started trenches, the rest visited the traps, returned at night with no success, their traps fast in ice, and no beaver from the trenches. The river is so wide we cannot get beaver with the ice chisel. The hunters came in with 5 small deer. If this cold does not soon pass my situation with so many men will not be pleasant, but last year I met with so many reverses, men grumbling and discontented, that I am in a manner prepared, but can afford them no relief. If we escape starvation it will depend on the hunters. God preserve us. Today 4 beaver. Wednesday, 28th. Early this A. M. Mr. McKay and 7 men set off in quest of deer; trappers off with their ice chisels, 346 Peter Skene Ogden Journals much against their will. The cold is greater than I ever before experienced on the Columbia; 2 beaver this day. Ice chisels produced nothing, nor will in this river, tho no scarcity of beaver. Thursday, 29th. I intended raising camp, but stormy weather and non-arrival of McKay prevented. Friday, 30th. Cold increases. My guide refuses to proceed ; says there are no animals in the Snake Country, nor any bea- ver, and our horses will die; that we cannot cross the moun- tains. This is discouraging, but we must make a trial. On promising him a gun at Fort Nez Perces he consented to go. Followed the river S. E. for 5 miles ; 6 small deer, 57 beaver.^ Saturday, 31st. Great severity of weather. No beaver to be expected. One of the freemen, being 3 days without food, killed one of his horses. This example will soon be followed by others. The only chance we have is of finding red deer, but from our guide we can learn nothing. He appears unwil- ling to give any information. Two hunters returned, but with no success. The deer very wild; i beaver today. Gave the men half rations for tomorrow, which will be devoured tonight, as three-fouTths of the party have been two days without food. Sunday, Jan. i, 1826. Remained in camp. Gave all hands a dram. There was more fasting than feasting. The first New Year's day since I came to the Indian country when my men were without food ; 4 beaver today. Monday, 2d. Altho 6 men are absent since 30th, I ordered camp raised. Followed up the stream 6 miles S. E. Altho bank is well lined with willows, only a few trees to be seen on the hills of the juniper species. Trappers report favorable beaver signs, but ice prevents taking any ; 3 beaver today. The absent men still out. Tuesday, the 3d. Cold has decreased, but still severe for Columbia. Followed stream S. E. 12 miles and camped at an I On headwaters of eastern branch of Des Chutes River, Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 347 Indian barrier made last Summer for taking salmon (weir). I wish I could discover some of these Indians. One man reported he had seen 12 beaver houses. I must steer my course this way on my return. Another horse killed for food. Except for 7 beaver the men without food this day. Wednesday, the 4th. Proceeded 3 miles, when we came to a fork from south, but our guide did not follow it. Continued 4 miles and camped. The river free of ice. All hands out with traps. Our course this day 3 miles N ; E. 4 miles. The moun- tains^ appeared about 30 miles distant, covered with snow and trees. They gave hope of red deer. A small red deer killed this day was divided, making 3 oz. of meat per man. Absent men have not yet come ; 4 beaver today. Thursday, the 5th. Snow at night. Mr. McKay with 3 men started for the mountains seen yesterday in quest of deer, also the trappers in quest of beaver. Wind veered S. W. with rain. I wish it might continue for 40 days and nights. We require it. One of the absent men arrived at night with a small deer — this will make a meal for all hands ; 1 1 beaver today. Friday, 6th. Sent 3 men for mountains. Mild this A. M. Many of the horses can scarcely crawl for want of grass, owing to frozen ground. March they must or we starve. We pro- ceeded about 5 miles, encamped on a small fork lined with aspen. We are now on very high land and expect soon to see another river from the long range of mountains visible. From our guide is no information, tho I am confident the country is well known to him. In the evening Mr. McKay and party arrived without seeing the track of an animal, reporting 4 ft. of snow in mountains, so this blasts my hopes of finding deer. What will become of us? Nine beaver this day and 2 otter. All our traps set, but very crowded, in ice and rain. Saturday, 7th. Rain and snow all day, with appearance of cold. So many are starving in the camp that they start before I Blue Mountain Range. 348 Peter Skene Ogden Journals day to steal beaver out of their neighbors' traps if they find nothing in their own. Altho strong suspicions against the men, we could not prove them guilty. Our traps gave us lo beaver. Sunday, 8th. Snow today. Absent men arrived with 2 small deer ; divided it fairly amongst all. Had the pleasure of seeing a raven this day. Some wolves were also seen by the trappers; I2 beavers and i otter. Monday, 9th. Our horses assembled, we started early N. N. E. for 4 miles and crossed over a fine fork, then ascended some high hills, very stony. A violent storm obliged us to encamp. General course N. N. E. and E. 8 miles. Two Nez Perces in- timated they would leave us to morrow. Starving does not agree with them ; 2 beaver this day. Tuesday, loth. Wrote the gentlemen of Columbia, gave the Indians presents for the trouble of carrying the letters. Came only short distance, when wind obliged us to encamp ; 9 beaver; 2 horses killed for food. Seeing our horses killed makes me wretched, for I know full well in the Spring we will require them all. Two of the hunters arrived starving. They had been gone three days and did not see the track of a thing. Wednesday, nth. Started early; weather mild. About dusk we reached the sources of the Day's River, which dis- charges in the Columbia, 9 miles from main falls. Here we camped; 15 miles; 3 beaver. Thursday, 12th. Nearly two-thirds of horses too lame to move, but require food, and followed down stream 3 miles on a horrid road, one continued rock and stone, ascended a high hill, descended to a fork of the river and camped — course N. N. W. 3 miles, E. 4; i beaver ; 12 colts killed for food. Friday, 13th. Five men absent since the loth. I am obliged to wait, altho we are starving. A mountain must be crossed ahead and it is necessary our horses should rest. We have taken in all 265 beavers and 9 otters. This day 2 beavers. Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 349 Saturday, 14th. At daybreak Mr. Dears and a man started in quest of the 5 absent men. Rain all night. I apprehend they will not be able to find the tracks of the lost. Our course W. by N. 2 miles, then N. 6 miles along the main branch of Day's River, a fine large stream nearly as wide again as it is at the Columbia. From appearances this river takes its source the same quarter as the River of the Falls and Utakka * * * We found Snake huts not long abandoned. I sent 20 men with traps ahead of us. It was night ere we camped. The horses sink knee deep in mire all day. The road cannot be surpassed in badness in so short a distance. Here the grass is green, no snow, the frogs croaking as merrily as in May ; 2 beaver this day. Sunday, 15th. I intend to try luck here and await Mr. Dears. Set all the trappers off well loaded with traps. Tracks of small deer were seen and 2 killed. One of my men saw 2 Snake Indians. He conversed by signs with them, but they could not be persuaded to come to camp. As soon as he parted from them they disappeared, no doubt to hide and watch an opportunity to steal horses and traps; 12 beaver, i otter this day. Monday, i6th. Rain all night. The river rises 2 feet, so no hope from traps. Our horses all safe, but some of the traps gone ; 6 beaver and 2 otter. Tuesday, 17th. Rain again. No word of Mr. Dears and the absent men. Gave orders to raise camp, but sent a young man to raise a fire in the mountains so if the party have lost our track the fire will direct them. Our course N. by E. for five miles to large fork bearing east and camped. The horses sank knee deep in the mud. Mr. McKay, who was in quest of deer, found a Snake Indian ; hid in the rocks, secured him and brought him to the camp, treated him kindly and in the even- ing he informed us that this fork will conduct us nearly to Snake River. The road fine, no snow and a few beaver; 25 beaver today and 2 otter. Our guide killed a small deer. 350 Peter Skene Ogden Journals Wednesday, the i8th. This A. M. sent out 6 men well loaded with traps. The Snake Indian left us this morning. I sent my guide with him, as he said he had lo beaver skins, to induce him to return to trade. About mid-day Mr. Dears with the absent men arrived. He found them in the mountains we crossed on the nth. They were in quest of us and from the route they were taking would probably never have found us. They have 15 beaver and i otter. Well I sent for them. At night my guide returned and informed me the Snake Indian on reaching his hut, found all abandoned ; his family and fol- lowers had fled, but the Snake had gone in pursuit and would bring them to my camp ; 4 beaver and 2 otter this day, making in all 19 beaver, 2 otter; 4 traps lost, owing to high water. Mr. McKay came back with one small deer. Thursday, 19th. Early 5 Snake Indians paid us a visit and traded 6 large and 2 small beaver for knives and beads and 10 beavers with my guide for a horse. I treated them kindly and made a trifling present to an old man with them whom they appeared to respect. They were fine, tall men, well dressed, and for so barren a country in good condition. None of my trappers returned. From this I conclude they are doing well. Friday, 20th. Ascended fork 8 miles, our course due east, our route over Barren Hills, but a lofty range of mountains visible on both sides of the river, well wooded with Norway pines ; today 27 beaver and 4 otter. Saturday, 21st. Seventeen beaver and 2 otter today; nearly sufficient to supply us with food. Sunday, 22d. Cold increasing. Ice will soon form again. This day 26 beaver. Monday, 23d. Severe cold. Two horses missing. Course west ; distance 9 miles ; beaver 7. Tuesday, 24th. Floating in the river 2 horses supposed to be stolen by Snake hunters ; killed an antelope ; 27 beaver and 2 otter. Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 351 Wednesday, 25th. Continued ascending river easterly 6 miles, then N. E. 6 miles. From the starving state we are in I cannot wait for the men in the rear ; 6 beaver and one otter. Thursday, 26th. Ice forming on river ; course east by north 8 miles over a lofty range of hills bare of wood N. E. Here we leave the waters of Day's River. Since joining Mr. Mc- Donald, allowing we had one hundred hunters, had we not our traps we must have starved to death. Where the Indians of this part resort in winter I cannot (tell) ; have no doubt con- cealed in the mountains ; 6 horses to and work to reach camp last night 12 beaver and my Snake hunter killed one antelope. Friday, 27th. My guide refuses to proceed; says road is bad and horses require day's rest. I was obliged to comply. Thank God, when we get across the mountains I trust I shall soon reach Snake River or south branch of the Columbia; 9 beaver and i otter. Saturday, 28th. Our guide says there are 6 ft. of snow in mountains ; impossible to pass in this direction ; must try another. Many in the camp are starving. For the last ten days only one meal every two days. Still the company's horses must not fall a sacrifice. We hope when we are across the moun- tains to fare better; today 4 beaver. Sunday, 29th. Three inches of snow ; raised camp for S. E. 6 miles ; our guide says he intends to return. A horse this day killed ; on examining his feet, the hoof entirely worn away and only raw stump.^ February 2. We are now on the waters of the south branch of the Columbia. February 3. This surely is the Snake Country; as far as the eye can reach, nothing but lofty mountains. A more gloomy country I never yet saw ; too (?) horses killed for food today. I Next three days evidently crossing the divide from head of John Day River to head of Burnt River.

Saturday, Feb. 4th. We have taken 85 beaver and 16 otter on Day's River; my Snake guide brought in 4 sheep (Ibex). He says this is Burnt River.

Feb. 5th. Course E. N. E. Crossed river three times and found the ice sufficiently strong to bear our horses. One of the men detected this day stealing a beaver out of another man's trap; as starvation was the cause of this, he was pardoned on condition of promising not to do it again.

10 Feb. Followed the banks of Burnt River S. S. E. 10 miles. One horse killed. Nearly every bone in his body broken. Two of the men could not advance from weakness. We have been on short allowance almost too long and resemble so many skeletons; one trap this day gave us 14 beaver.

11 Feb. Crossed Burnt River within 3 miles of its discharge into Snake River on south branch of Columbia. It has given us 54 beaver and 6 otter.

Sunday, Feb. 12. Following the banks of the river[1] we discovered a fire on the opposite side of the river; two Indians came down to the beach. I signed them to follow us; but on a rocky point of land we lost sight of them.

February 13. Two Snake Indians came to camp. They had nothing to trade; encamped on same spot as last Fall. Found a camp of Snake Indians, 3 tents, 5 men, women and children. It is not long since they left the buffalo country. They appeared in good condition, but have nothing to trade. Two trappers came in with nothing, starving for the last 3 days, but they have no encouragement here, so off again tomorrow; 3 beaver today.

Tuesday, 14th. Started early; sent my two Snake hunters out with 6 traps each and 2 horses to north side of river. I also gave them 2 scalping knives, ½ dozen rings, ½ dozen buttons, to trade, and 20 balls to hunt. I have now all my trappers in Snake Expedition, 1825- 1826 353 motion. We encamped on River au Malheur (unfortunate river) so called on account of goods and furs hid here discov- ered and stolen by the natives. Gervaise killed 2 small deer ; 3 beaver. Tuesday, i6th. Cold last night ; very severe ; rain froze; our prospects gloomy ; we must continue to starve ; now all are re- duced to skin and bones ; more beggarly looking beings I defy the world to produce. Still I have no cause to complain of the men; day after day they labor in quest of food and beaver without a shoe to their feet ; the frozen ground is hardly com- fortable ; but it is an evil without remedy. The Snake Indians paid us a visit empty handed; they, too, complain of starva- tion. Were our horses in good condition, in 10 days we could make the buffalo ground. In their present weak state we can- not go in less than 25 ; i small deer and not one beaver. Friday, 17th. About 10 o'clock we started our course S. and E., distance 15 miles, and camped South Branch on leaving Riviere a Malheur. This day saw a large fork on north; it was in this region called Payettes River, that in 181 9, 3 Sand- wich^ Indians were killed by the Snake Indians ; cold is intense ; what little beaver there is we cannot take ; while this weather continues starve we must. Saturday, i8th. Severe cold. It was late ere we started; our horses, many of them, could scarcely stand this morning. Grass scarce in this quarter ; our course south 4 miles, when we reached Sandwich Island River, so called, owing to 2 of them mur- dered by Snake Indians in 1819. This is a fine large river; on the north side opposite this fork is Reed's River, who was also with all his party, to the number of 11, murdered by the Snakes and their establishment destroyed. This party was in the em- ploy of the Pacific Fur Company. Subsequent to this Mr, D. McKenzie made a post at the entrance to the river, but it was abandoned from want of food and hostility of natives ; fortu- I Sandwich Islanders; Owyhee River named after them. 354 Peter Skene Ogden Journals nate they did^ for 2 Canadians were killed only 3 days after , it is gloomy to reflect the number of lives that have been lost in this quarter and without the death of one being revenged, not from want of will, but circumstances which prevented it. Hunt this day 2 beaver, altho 50 traps were out ; such a tardy Spring. Sunday, 19th. Two horses killed this day for food. Tuesday, 21. From the weak state of our horses and want of food I this day decided to send back 2 parties with the weak- est horses to trap the country we have traveled. Jean Baptiste Gervaise^ with 7 men, to await our arrival about July 15, and Antoine Sylvaille with 5 men to trap Sandwich Island and Un- fortunate River until they receive tidings from me. By this means, in regard to food, we shall be 14 less, and the horses will recruit. Wednesday, 22. At an early hour I started the rear party and have only to add I wish them success and that we may all meet again. Until we do, I shall feel uneasy from the number of accidents we have met with in this cursed country; but there is no other alternative. Sunday, 26 February. On our travels this day we saw a Snake Indian. His hut being near the road, curiosity induced me to enter. I had often heard these wretches subsisted on ants, locusts and small fish, not larger than minnies, and I wanted to find out if it was not an exaggeration of late travel- ers, but to my surprise, I found it was the case ; for in one of their dishes, not of small size, was filled with ants. They col- lected them in the morning early before the thaw commences. The locusts they collect in Summer and store up for their Winter ; in eating they give the preference to the former, being oily ; the latter not, on this food these poor wretches drag out 1 Fort Boise of Hudson's Bay Company, afterwards in the same vicinity. 2 Afterwards a settler on French Prairie, between Aurora and Salem, Marion County. Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 355 an existence for nearly 4 months of the year; they live con- tented and happy ; this is all they require. It appeared strange, and the only reason I can give for it is the poverty of this country and food, that few or no children are to be seen among them. We have seen upwards of 30 families and only 3 chil- Ixcn among them. Before many years, not many will be liv- ing; ants and locusts will again increase. Thursday, March 2nd. This day took an account of beaver and otter taken during the last month, in all 174, had the weather been mild, we should have had from this country at least 3000 beaver and not one horse would have fallen for the kettle. Friday, 3d. Reached River Malade, Sickly River,^ and en- camped on this river, a fine large stream ; derives its name from the beaver living on a poisonous root. Formerly, in 18 19, all who ate of the beaver taken here were seriously ill. Beaver here must subsist on roots. Saw incredible number of deer, black-tail and white, miserably poor, skin and bone but most exceptible[sic] to us all. Saturday, March 11. My men four days without food. Sunday, March 12. We are now encamped within 100 yards where the Pacific Fur Company traders lost a man by the upsetting of one of their canoes. We cannot be far from the place where the Blackfeet killed one of my party last spring. If the Americans have not visited this place since I left, we surely shall find beaver and buffalo. Monday, March 13. Hunters arrived with 13 elk; never did men eat with better appetite; many did not stop to go to bed till midnight. Friday, March 17th. A Snake Indian of the plains informed us buffalo were near. I gave the call to start in pursuit and with the assistance of Indian horses, two buffalo were killed; our horses being too poor for buffalo running. Mr. McKay killed four elk. I On north side of Snake River. 356 Peter Skene Ogden Journals Sunday, March i8th. The Snake Indian who arrived yes- terday left today. The villain in going off discovered a woman belonging to our camp near at hand collecting wood. He for- cibly threw her on the ground and pillaged her of some beads and other ornaments she had on her leather dress. This fellow we shall not see again. Monday, March 20th. I sent two men with traps to ex- amine Raft River.i About 30 Indians paid us a visit. They report that a party of Americans and Iroquois are not three days' march from us ; near the spot one of my party was killed last spring. If this be the case, I have no doubt our hunts are damned, and we may prepare to return empty handed. With my discontented party I dread meeting the Americans. That some will attempt desertion I have not the least doubt, after the sufferings they have endured. This stream is lined with Snake Indians preparing to descend to avoid the Blackfeet Indians. They left us promising to return to trade; but ap- peared independent of our goods ; well armed and well stocked in ammunition, knives and iron; not a beaver skin among them all. Wednesday, March 22d. We have upwards of 100 traps set. The Snake camp began to move about sunrise and con- tinued passing till night ; not less than 400 heads, nearly double that number of horses, with buffalo meat. This camp is bound to Sickly River for roots and salmon. In the fall they will return to winter in the Buffalo plain. This is the life they lead. The Blackfeet are fast diminishing their numbers and before many years all will be killed. Two of the chiefs paid us a visit ; they are well dressed, and comport themselves decent- ly. I made each a present of a knife and an awl. They are to meet the Nez Perces Indians at the entrance of Burnt River to trade. We are now in a country of danger and guard at night. Nine beaver today. I On south side of Snake River. Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 357 Friday, March 24th. Retraced back our steps to the en- trance of Raft River. Saw another Snake camp of 200 who wintered with the Americans and carry an American flag. They had 60 guns and ammunition not scarce. It was this camp that destroyed Mr. Reid and party, on Sandwich Islands, ID Americans and pillaged free men two years since. They informed me the American camp of 25 tents were on Bear's River and it is a month since they left. This day 36 beaver and one otter. Saturday, March 25th. The Snakes continued to move. I had no idea the Snakes were so numerous. The Plains Snakes, said to be 1000 men, annually go to the Spanish settlements to trade and steal horses. The Lower Snakes are not less than 1500 men, independent of women and children. The Black- feet steal great numbers of horses from them ; they retaliate in kind; they have 150 guns. Our horses are well guarded, day and night. No less than 13 traps stolen by the natives. Forty-five beaver this day. Tuesday, March 28th. Course northeast. We reach the Falls, commonly known as the American Falls ; not high, about 10 feet ; tracks of Indians, supposed to be Blackfeet, as we are now in their territory. Forty-two beaver today. Wednesday, March 29th. At the break of day, the morning watch called us to arms; Blackfeet," resounded from one end of camp to the other; horses were scarcely secured when they were in sight and advanced slowly singing, but not with bad intention ; bows unstrung, cases on their guns, we advanced to receive them, when the chief came forward and presented his hand. I was surprised to recognize an old acquaintance of mine in this chief. They were soon seated and requested to speak. They informed me they left the Saskatchewan in December last and were in quest of the Snakes tO' steal horses ; they discovered our men last night and did not venture to come to the camp ; the truth is, they found our horses too 358 Peter Skene Ogden Journals weak and well guarded. We were now fully convinced we were in a country of danger. This party consists of 80 men and as usual with them their reserve amounts to 20 and cannot be far distant; they are poorly armed, only 15 guns; scarcely any ammunition ; bows and arrows scarce among them. If rascals deserve reward, they do for the distance they came in quest of horses and scalps. Well may the Snakes dread. They remained about camp all day. Many of our traps were not visited and those near at hand were all brought into camp late at night; the reserve camp of Piegans made their appearance, ten men and two women; every precaution taken with our horses for the night to keep them snug. Ten beaver. Thursday, March 30th. It was 12 oclock before the Piegans set out in quest of the Snakes. They left in our camp one sick man and two women. Our course, north north east. Friday, March 31st. Counted 40 horses dead in Snake win- ter camp; 27 beaver today, which makes our first thousand, and leaves two to begin the second thousand. I hope to reach Vancouver with 3,000. Saturday, April ist. A stormy night, at daylight a call from the guard "to arms." We were soon out and seven men came to our camp. Fort Nez Perces Indians, who passed the win- ter with the Flatheads and left them 40 days since. These fellows are in quest of Snakes to steal horses and seemed dis- appointed to find the Piegans before them. Sunday, April 2d. Course north nor'east. Camped Port- neuf Fork ; a finer country for beaver never seen ; if the war tribes do not oblige me to change quarters, we shall do well. Today 27 beaver. Monday, April 3d. We are not more than two miles from Benoit's grave, ^ who was killed this season last year. Large head of buflfalo seen near camp. I Indicated on map as south side of Snake River. Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 359 Tuesday, April 4th. Blackfeet seen near camp, but secreted themselves. These villains appear determined to watch every opportunity to steal our horses. Forty beaver today. Friday, April 7th. Mr. McKay and man who went buffalo hunting arrived safe about 10 o'clock ; had a narrow escape ; saw the enemy at a distance and had full time to conceal them- selves. So far well. Shortly after four of the party in pursuit of the Snakes arrived ; starvation obliged them to return ; they have seen the track of a war party ; we are surrounded on all sides by enemies ; if we escape, we shall be lucky ; little done towards progress home; obliged to keep on our guard. One beaver. Saturday, April 8th. Early this morning upwards of 100 Indians came ; many strange faces. We did not allow them to come too near our camp ; many are well armed, but not stocked with ammunition; one of the trappers was again pursued by the Blackfeet; these rascals will not allow us to remain quiet till an example be made of some of them. Some meat dried today for the journey home. Sunday, April 9th. Forty Blackfeet seen near camp ; we did not allow them to enter ; traded horse slings from them. About 10 a. m. we were surprised by the arrival of a party of Ameri- cans and some of our deserters of last year, 28 in all. If we were surprised they were more so from an idea that the threats of last year would have prevented us from returning to this quarter, but they find themselves mistaken; they camped a short dis- tance away ; all quiet. With the glass we could observe Black- feet scattered about the hills watching our motions. Five beaver. Monday, April loth. The second watch gave us a start from our beds, Mr. McKay having fired on an Indian detected in the act of stealing a horse. This fellow will not make an- other attempt. The strangers paid me a visit and I had a busy day settling with them, and more to my satisfaction and the 360 Peter Skene Ogden Journals company's than last year. We traded from them 93 large and small beaver and two otter seasoned skins at a reasonable rate and received 81. 12^ beavers in part payment of their debts due the company, also two notes of hand from Mr. Monton (Mon- tain) for his balance, Patrick Prudhomme and Pierre Sinani- togans.^ We secured all the skins they had. Our deserters are already tired of their new masters and from their manner will soon return to us. They promised to reach the Flatheads this fall. I cannot imagine how the Americans can afford to sell their beaver to reap profit when they pay $3 per pound for coarse or fine, but such is the case. Tuesday, April nth. Separated from the Americans. They ascended the stream ; we descended. Goddin's son, having re- quested to join his father, and being a worthless scamp, I gave him his liberty, the Americans having advanced three beaver to make up his debt. Young Findlay has joined our camp, a Canadian by name Lounge has joined with traps and horses. Not one of our party appeared the least inclined to desert; so much to their credit. Thursday, April 15th. The Piegan chief will leave us to- morrow; he tells us we cannot be too much on our guard; that we are surrounded by war parties. Saturday, April 15th. Weather mild, wind strong. The Piegans have set fire to the plains to destroy us or collect war parties to surround us. Saturday, April 22d. Guard informs us three halfbreeds are bent on desertion. I secured their horses, arms and blankets. They do not relish the idea of a journey on foot and followed us ; one of them, for his impudence, received a drubbing from me. We camped within two miles of the American Falls. Saturday, April 29th. Twelve buffalo killed for provisions back. , 1 Eighty-one pounds, twelve shillings. 2 Tinanitogans. Snake Expedition, 1825-1826 361 Saturday, May 6th. Over hilly, stony country, bare of wood to Raft River; began to snov^ and continued the greater part of the night. Many of the trappers came in, almost froze, naked as the greater part are, and destitute of shoes, it is sur- prising not a murmur or complaint do I hear; such men are worthy of following Franklin. Two-thirds without a blanket or any shelter, and have been so for the last six months. Thirty-four beaver today. Tuesday, May 9th. Half the camp ill from meat of beaver fat from eating hemlock. Sunday, May 21st. The Snakes inform us a party of Americans, about 30 in number, has descended this stream on their return from Salt Lake, without beaver ; this agrees with the account of Mr. Montain. Tuesday, May 23d. We saw the corpse of an Indian lying on the plains. The Snakes have a mode of burying their dead different from all other natives ; where he falls he is allowed to remain, without a grave or covering; a feast for the wolves and crows ; nor is any ceremony observed or grief of long dura- tion ; how pleasant to part with friends without regretting them. The Snakes have one advantage over us ; I envy them. Friday, June 2d. Proceeded but a short distance when we met with a Snake ; this Indian I saw last year on Bear's River ;^ it was this rascal who headed the party who pillaged us two years ago. He also headed the party who murdered nine Americans and pillaged all their property, and last year again pillaged the Americans of all they had. Saturday, June 3d. Mr. Dears started from Indian tent in the hope of trade, but without success. In fact, with the Snakes, you must take them by surprise; take their property ere they have time to secure it, and recompense them for it. By any other means, you cannot obtain anything from them, I Probably the date of Mr. Ogden's first trip to Great Salt Lake. 362 Peter Skene Ogden Journals so averse are they to trade provisions, nor do I blame them in such a wretched country; nor would they remain in this quarter, but the dread of losing their scalps. They are sur- rounded on all sides by enemies ; are at peace with Flatheads and Nez Perces, but have the Crows, the Utas, the Saskatche- wan tribes to guard against. Friday, June 8th. Had a visit from the Snakes. Within the last 10 months they have plundered 180 traps from the Americans and guns, knives and other articles. This, with 13 men murdered in 1825, is sufficient to make them independent of trade. The Americans swear to make an example of them ; I do hope from my soul they may. Saturday, June loth. We started at an early hour ; one of the trappers reports that yesterday he saw a party of Indians, 30 in number, who, on seeing him, went off at full speed and took to the mountains. Some are of the opinion they have killed our men left here, or suspect us to be Americans. I feel most anxious about the six men we were to find in this quarter ; so far no tidings of them ; this gives me hope they are safe; by the route we are taking we cannot be long with- out hearing from them ; I only hope we shall find them alive and well loaded with beaver; we require all to make up our three thousand.^ Saw a family of Indians on the move; they had no horses and are well loaded — men, women and children w^th roots ; they endeavored to escape from us. They were allowed to pass without molestation. This is the season of roots in this quarter the bitter and another a good substitute for flour, if it were dried. The seed of the sunflower they also collect for food, but it does not appear to be common here. Six beaver from 50 traps today ; course, northwest north, 14 miles. Sunday, June 11. We have every cause to apprehend some treachery from suspicious manner of the Indians. At this sea- son beaver are not easily taken. The bait of castoreum is no I Confirms note on entry of April loth. Snake Expedition, 1825- 1826 363 inducement as they discharge this castoreum, abandon the fe- male to the young and will live on grass till the sap of the trees ceases flowing and flowers from blooming, when they com- mence preparing their winter habitation; they are at present very shy. Our last party were to have ascended Sandwich Island River and to have trapped it ; and I am surprised not to see them. I rewarded our guide to the amount of eight skins, Indian tariff, and he was highly pleased. Mr. McKay discov- ered some Snake Indians concealed in the hills, no doubt to steal our horses. This day 44 beaver, which enables us once more to feast. The discontent was dispelled. Gaiety reigns in camp. Monday, June 12th. Last night we were alarmed by the guide caUing out "Thieves." An Indian was seen near the horses, but made his escape; had he delayed two hours longer, when all the camp would have been asleep, he would have suc- ceeded; it will have a good effect on the men. Canadians in general require an alarm every few days to keep on guard. Some of our traps were stolen last night ; suspect men ( ?) the camp's. This day we finished our second thousand beaver. If our absent men are safe I trust them to add a thousand more. Wednesday, June 14th. We trust to chance now as we have no guide and all are equally ignorant of this country. Two Snake Indians, well-mounted, came boldly to camp ; they gave us some idea of the road, and no tiding of our absent men. God grant no accident has befallen them. Thursday, June 15th. All along our route this day the plains were covered with women digging roots; at least 10 bushels were traded by our party; the men (Indians) all gone to join the Fort Nez Perces Indians. Reached a fork of Owy- hee River. Still no account of our men. Sunday, June i8th. The stones are as sharp as flints ; our tracks could be followed by the blood from our horses' feet. Monday, June 26th. Very evident our absent men have 364 Peter Skene Ogden Journals passed here; Burnt River, but how long since we could not from the tracks discover. Tomorrow I shall separate from my party leaving Messrs. McDonald, McKay and Dears to proceed to Nez Perces and then go to Fort Vancouver in boats with the furs. The appointment to meet Gervais on July 15th is the cause of my going. Our horses are in a low state to undertake it, but I cannot abandon my men and must see if they be dead or alive. Thursday, June 29th. Separated^ this morning for my camp of February 3d. Saw tracks and hopes of our men, but found a bit of Spanish blanket which makes me conclude this must be the path of Snakes. Tuesday, July ist. Reached the waters of Day's River; a bad road from trees lying crosswise. Saturday, July 8th. Encamped on waters of Willamette. Sunday, July i6th. Arrived at Willamette River at 2 p. m., where we found a freeman encamped. The man can accom- modate us with a canoe. I was happy to learn our friends on the Columbia are safe and well, and Sylvaille and party safely arrived, but no word of Gervais and party. Monday, July 17th. Embarked; arrived at falls at 10; ex- changed our two canoes for a large one. I should suppose the height of the falls to be about 45 feet. We reached Ft. Van- couver a little after sunset; received by Dr. McLoughlin with every mark of attention. Distance from where I started this morning to Ft. Vancouver is 56 miles. With the exception of the falls not a ripple to be seen ; a finer stream than the Wil- lamette is not to be found ; soil good ; wood of all kinds in abundance; roots, elk, deer, salmon and sturgeon abundant; man could reside here and with but little industry enjoy every I Mr. Ogden himself with small party proceeds west across Blue Mountain Range and Central Oregon and the Cascade Range to Willamette River by some route. He evidently had never before seen the Willamette as far south as that. His men and furs proceed direct to Ft. Walla Walla by way of Powder River and Grand Ronde Valley, as usual. Snake Expedition, 1825- 1826 365 comfort. The distance from the ocean is 90 miles. No doubt ere many years a colony will be formed on the stream, and I am of opinion it will, with little care, flourish, and settlers, by having a seaport so near them, with industry, might add greatly to their comforts and to their happiness. Thus ends my second trip and I am thankful for the many dangers I have escaped with all my party in safety. Had we not been obliged to kill our horses for food, the success of our expedition would have yielded handsome profits as it is fortunately no loss will be sustained. FINAL EDITORIAL NOTE. We are fortunate in having a statement of the exact returns of this expedition, as made up after the arrival at Ft. Vancou- ver of both Mr. Ogden by way of the Willamette and his furs by way of the Columbia. It is given in a letter written by Dr. John McLoughlin to John McLeod, the original of which is now in the Dominion Archives of Canada at Ottawa, as fol- lows : "Fort Vancouver 8th August, 1826. Enclosed is a copy of the Snake Expedition A/C current; 2740 Large Beaver W't 4285 lbs. 837 small Beaver w't 551 lbs. 114 Large Otter 9 small Otter 3 Misquash 12 Beav'r Coating apparent gain i2,533-i8.

(Sgd) John McLoughlin. "

Second Paper.



Oregon's Public Domain.

As with the other Western States, excepting Texas, the title to the lands lying within the borders of Oregon was originally vested in the national government. The early American settlers in Oregon had, however, become entitled to more than an average measure of liberality on the part of Congress in its disposition of these lands. These Oregon pioneers by their long, hazardous and wearisome journey across the plains and occupation of this remote region, had largely won the Pacific slope to the Union. The Donation Act of 1850, securing to each man and wife a tract of 640 acres, was but a fair acknowledgment of this national service of the early Oregon pioneer.

But these liberal grants to individuals affected the finances of the territory and state only in that they brought large tracts privately owned under taxation. More directly do the grants to the state collectively, for education and internal improvements, and to corporations for providing transportation facilities within its borders, figure in the public finances.

From the Oregon lands received from the national government the state treasury secured income of two quite distinct kinds. The proceeds of some of these grants, the educational, went into irreducible funds, only the interest incomes from which could be used for public educational purposes. Of the proceeds from the other class of grants the principal itself was available for public expenditures. Along with this latter treasury resource from the sales of internal improvement lands by the state was a money payment of five per cent of the net proceeds of the sales of public lands within the state by the national government. Closely allied with this last are the more recent payments of percentages of the sales of timber from the forest reservations within the state.

In addition to the grants of lands that were made over to the state to have and to hold, or to dispose of for the purposes for which they were accepted, there were land grants to railroads and wagon roads in connection with which the state acted merely as an intermediary. The proceeds from these did not figure in the treasury statements.

The public domain has figured in Oregon's finances in the following ways and items:

  1. Through grants for common and higher education: a, the common school grant first made in the act organizing the the territory, August 14, 1848, of sections 16 and 36 of each township; b, a grant for the use and support of a state university first made in the donation act, September 27, 1850, of two townships and the "Oregon City Claim"; c, the grant under the Morrill Act, July 2, 1862, for the support of a college for the cultivation of agricultural and mechanical science and art, of 30,000 acres for each of the three members of Congress Oregon then was entitled to.
  2. Through grants for internal improvements, public buildings and other uses of the state: a, a grant of 500,000 acres to which Oregon was entitled under the act of September 4, 1841, for internal improvements; b, a grant of 10 sections for public buildings made at the time of admission into the Union, February 14, 1859; c, a grant of not exceeding 12 salt springs with six sections of lands as contiguous as may be to each, at the time of the admission into the Union (but this grant lapsed because of neglect); d, swamp lands for reclaiming, under act of September 28, 1850, and extension to Oregon through act of March 12, 1860; e, tide lands through sovereignty of state; f, five per cent of the net proceeds of the sales of public lands within the state by the national government. At first 10 and now 25 per cent of the receipts from sales of timber from reservations within the state.

The measure of wealth that the people of Oregon have in common today for the support of the public activities absolutely essential to a democracy has been determined by the policy they permitted in the disposition of the grants of land made to them by the national government. The social conditions involved in the distribution of land ownership are to a certain extent resultants of the same policy. That policy either supported or opposed the forces making for wide and uniform distribution, or for uneven and massed holdings. Even the speculative mania was fostered or starved. Oregon's administration of its various grants reflects the ideas and spirit of the people during the first 50 years of statehood.

For what transpired in connection with the grants made by Congress of public lands lying within the borders of Oregon to railroads and wagon road companies this state has not been largely responsible. In connection with these the most that devolved upon the state legislature, aside from memorializing Congress for the different grants, was to designate the corporation that should be the beneficiary of the grant, or upon the executive to pass upon the construction work as to whether or not it fulfilled the conditions under which the title to the lands was to pass to the corporation.

The disposition of the lands of which the state did become the owner will be traced mainly for the purpose of illustrating the results of the presence or the absence of the requisite civic spirit and foresight to conserve the common weal of the present and coming generations. Considering the fact that only a mere remnant of the lands are still held, and the bad taste left from the transactions of a decade or so ago, the matter may appeal to some as merely a "spilled milk" episode. It is, however, of transcendent importance that the lesson it teaches should be learned' by the Oregon people. These lands were a tangible public interest and the outcome with them should make clear the attitude to be taken and the course followed with the more intangible resources the public is ever developing. So the real significance for this generation of Oregon's public land policy lies not in what "might have been" done with this particular resource, that for the public has been so largely squandered, but rather in the suggestion it gives of the need of the public spirit and intelligence that arouses the imagination to take hold of the problem of conserving the common and collective good latent at every stage of social evolution. Every day brings a turn of events in which the genuinely loyal and competent citizenship will find opportunity. The present day stock of public resources in timber, water power, and public utilities generally, should challenge enlightened thought and patriotic purpose. The whole status of property rights in its relation to the welfare of democracy should be clearly comprehended.

It goes without question that it was most salutary that the valley lands and the arable uplands of Oregon should have passed as rapidly as possible into the hands of the actual cultivator. Little valid objection can be raised even to the giving away of vacant lands under conditions that bring them into use by the independent husbandman. What the national homestead act contemplated was sound public economy. It was particularly so if the farming it gave opportunity for was not characterized by soil butchery and soil wastage. But the disposition of vacant lands for the nominal sum of $1.25 per acre under conditions which resulted in their being massed into larger holdings, in their being largely exempt from taxation, and in bringing communities under the blighting disadvantage of sparse settlement and long continued isolation, while the land speculator was amassing a fortune through unearned increments — such a policy of quick sale of public domain has none of the redeeming features of the normal working of the homestead law.

The story of the endowment of the State of Oregon with its lands is probably best made clear through a reference to the successive stages in Oregon's development to statehood and in the creation of titles to lands within its borders. There was first the period of the provisional government from 1843 to 1849. Under this organization of the settlers a land law provided for the establishment of and definition of claims to tracts of not more than 640 acres in extent. No provision existed for collective commonwealth holdings. Through the act of Congress of August 14, 1848, by which the laws of the United States were first extended to the Oregon country and the territory created, all legislation of the provisional government affecting titles to lands was "declared to be null and void." This organic act creating the territory did not, however, provide any law in place of that set aside. What legal rights private individuals had to their claims were thus dissolved or at least held in abeyance. Commonwealth interests fared better. Bountiful provision was made for its common schools in reserving, as they were surveyed, sections 16 and 36 of each township for the schools.

The settlers were left in suspense as to their claims for some two years. By the Donation Act of September 27, 1850, each family settled in Oregon was entitled to a section and each unmarried man to a half-section. The reservation of sections 16 and 36 for schools was reaffirmed, and these public lands of the people of the territory were supplemented by a grant of two townships, and the unsold remnant of the "Oregon City claim," to aid in the establishment of a university. The special liberality to Oregon settlers was continued down to 1855.

On the passage of the act for the admission of Oregon, February 14, 1859, and the acceptance of certain specified conditions affecting the grants it made, by the Legislature of Oregon, June 2, of the same year, this state was vested with complete rights not only to the common school and university grants previously received, but also became possessed of the following additional grants:

The internal improvement grant, 500,000 acres; the public buildings grant, 6,400 acres; the salt springs grant, 46,080 acres ; the tide lands within the borders of the state; five per cent of the net proceeds of the sales made by the national government within the state.[2]

By act of Congress of March 12, 1860, the swamp lands were secured to the state in order that it might through the means they would provide have funds for reclaiming them by levees and drains; and on July 2, 1862, 90,000 acres were added to the state's endowment, as its quota for the support of an agricultural college.

It will be noticed that the common school lands have their location specifically described, while to secure title to specific tracts under the other grants required that a selection be made. Even in the case of the common school lands, the settlement prior to survey of sections 16 or 36 necessitated selection of lieu lands as also did a mineral character of the school sections.

I. The Selection of Oregon Lands.

The selection, and the securing of the approval of such selections by national authorities, was the first step of administration necessary on the part of the state in availing itself of the congressional grants of lands other than the school lands. Even in the case of the common school grant sections 16 and 36 were found occupied in the valleys of Western Oregon when the surveys were made — as the settlement of this part of the territory had been in progress for some ten years before the survey was begun. The law respected the rights of these prior claimants. The selection of lieu school lands was thus necessary to make up for the loss sustained in the valleys of the Willamette, Umpqua and Rogue Rivers. Furthermore, lands of a mineral character were excepted from the common school grant, and the state's quota of school lands was cut down in the creation of Indian reservations and more recently through the setting apart large tracts covering water sheds for national forest reserves. The state was entitled to indemnity school lands for all these losses. It was in connection with the securing of lands in lieu of these losses that the most grievous blunders were made.

The conduct of the work of selection throughout creates an impression of dilatoriness and lack of intelligent procedure. The salt springs' grant of 46,080 acres was wholly forfeited through neglect.[3] The state would have fared likewise with other grants had not extensions of the periods within which selections were to be made been allowed by congress. It must be admitted that there was little to suggest to the early Oregonians that the lands away from the centers of the valleys would ever be worth securing. An unlimited timbered wilderness and beyond that to the east a continental stretch of semi-arid plains hedged about the small settled areas in the valleys.[4] These were mitigating circumstances that excuse the early dilatoriness, but they in no way exonerate the state from blame for the policy most perserve later pursued in making indemnity school land selections. Instead of proceeding in a business-like way by inspecting the areas available from which selections could be made, and conserving the interests of the people as a whole by making a selection of the best, the state assumed a passive attitude that played into the hands of the speculative exploiter. Under such a policy the hard-working creator of wealth doing a real service to the community was placed at a great disadvantage, and the speculative schemer with parasitic inclinations was given every opportunity. The inevitable out- come was to make the state the harbor of a goodly number of notorious land thieves. Yet the national land legislation must share with that of the state the ignominy in the looting of the public domain in Oregon. The national land laws were not made with Oregon conditions in view and were not adapted to them, but lent themselves to practices that meant the sacrifice of the public good.

To take up the story of the Oregon grants in detail. The selection of the lieu or indemnity school lands was first to be undertaken and has been in constant progress, as the surveys have been extended, and always of major importance; yet since the complications and the abuses in connection with these selec- tions were quite recent, a decade or two ago, the account of them is best reserved until last.

University Lands. The selection of the areas of the undefined grants began with the university lands. It will be remembered that this two-township grant was made by Congress in 1850 in the Donation Act. The first selections of university lands were made in 1853. About $9000 worth of the selected lands were sold at public sales in 1855 and 1856. Selections sufficient to make up the two townships granted were located, but as will appear later the procedure necessary to perfect the title of the state to these lands was not carried out. A $4 per acre minimum price put on them brought activity in selling to a close. For some ten years nothing more appears on the records concerning these university lands except that they were to be found among the river bottom lands along the Willamette and its tributaries and in the foothills and that they were being despoiled of their timber and the trespassing was resistless.[5] The board of commissioners for the sale of school and university lands say in 1868 as to the university lands that "there appears on the record to have been selected and approved 7,494.35 acres (an excess of 1,414.35 acres.")[6] Governor Grover, however, in his biennial message of 1872 makes the astounding statement "Efforts at locating these lands began as early as 1853, but owing to irregularities of the work, and misapprehension of its conditions, the locations remained totally unrecognized by the United States, and consequently open for pre-emption or homestead settlement. From these facts, many of the lands first selected under this grant have been lost to the state, and others of necessarily a poorer quality, had to be located to fill the grant."[7]

Of the selection of its university land, then, it must be said that the territorial authorities in the first instance were not dilatory, but having secured an inchoate title to the lands, they suffered them to be despoiled and in part taken from the state's possession so that lands of a poorer quality had to substituted.

The Agricultural College Lands. Through the conditions of the Morrill Act of July 2, 1862, Oregon became entitled to 90,000 acres for the support of an agricultural college. The selection of these lands under the act of the Legislature of October 15, 1862, providing generally for the selection of state lands, devolved upon the Governor of the state. Two years later in reporting progress with this matter Governor Gibbs in his biennial message says: "There is great difficulty in finding lands subject to location in this state. I have considered it of paramount importance to first select lands for the benefit of the common schools. Enough of that class has not yet been found to make up the amount to which the state is entitled, therefore no lands have yet been selected for the benefit of the agricultural college."[8]

As these lands had not yet been selected in 1868 and as the state's extension of time in which to erect the college would have nearly elapsed by the time of the next session of the Legislature, the Legislature of 1868 appointed a special commission to select the agricultural college lands and to prepare plans for the college. This committee reported in 1870 that it had selected all such lands to which the state was entitled excepting some 92 acres. These selections were made in a block in the Klamath Lake country. This was then a region remote from settlement. The lands were located there because no considerable body of surveyed lands subject to private entry near settled districts was available. The Klamath lands, however, were not technically subject to private entry as the terms of the act of Congress required they should be to make them available for selection by the state for agricultural college lands.[9]

It required an act of Congress to legalize this selection by the state. This was secured in the session of 1871-2, and the administrative ratification of the selection soon followed. The lands of the agricultural college grant were thus fully vested in the state after a lapse of some ten years from the time the act making the grant was passed.

The Internal Improvement Grant. An act of Congress of September 4, 1841, provided that 500,000 acres of public lands shall be granted "to each state that shall hereafter be admitted into the Union," for internal improvements. This act was in force at the time of the admission of Oregon. The dilatoriness that characterized the state's action in making selections of university and agricultural college lands did not obtain with this grant. It was rather a form of precipitancy in the legislation affecting these lands that caused considerable of a tangle and some loss. By an act of the Legislature of October 19, 1860, it was intended to secure to individuals the right to pre-empt lands that should later be selected as part of this grant.[10] The transaction arranged for under this statute clearly constituted a case of contracting to sell property to which the state as yet had no claim. The lands thus pre-empted under state law were still national property and were liable to be sold or taken as homesteads without regard to the interests of those who had made payments to the state treasury as pre-emptors. The state had no control over any public lands until these had under some grant been selected and approved.[11] By an act of October 15, 1862, the act of the preceding session essaying to provide "possessory and pre-emptory rights" was formally repealed and the claims taken under it, and held, whether amounting to 320 acres or not, were so accounted by the state to the national government in order to make their selection valid.[12]

The Governor by this act of 1862 was authorized to employ temporarily an agent acquainted with the locality where it was proposed to select lands. By 1868 some 300,000 acres of this 500,000-acre grant had been selected, the greater portion being in Union, Baker and Umatilla Counties.[13] By 1870 the amount approved to the state had reached 431,516 acres.[14] Nearly 457,000 acres had been approved by 1872, the selection of the remainder was certain to be ratified in a short time.[15] So this internal improvement grant after which the state started precipitantly in i860 was fully vested in the state after a period of some fourteen years.[16]

The Public Buildings Grant. As this grant to Oregon amounted to only ten sections (6,400 acres) it was not strange that it should have been overlooked for some time.[17] However, Governor Grover, during his first term, 1870 to 1874, made the securing of title by the state to all public lands granted 10 it the leading object of his administration and was able to report in 1874 concerning this grant that the lands had been selected during the last preceding biennium, the selections approved at the local land offices and were awaiting final approval by the Department of the Interior.[18]

The Salt Springs Grant. Oregon on its admission as a state became entitled to all the salt springs within its borders, "not exceeding twelve in number, with the six sections of land adjoining or as contiguous as may be to each. ... the same to be selected by the Governor thereof within one year after the admission of the state." No selection of these springs or lands was ever made. It was not, however, the fault of the first Governor, John Whiteaker. He made three successive applications to the Commissioner of the General Land Office for instructions in accordance with which the selections might be made. He was not enlightened.[19] Congress extended the time for selection for three years from December 17, 1860, and this period expired without selections having been made.

Governor Grover in 1874 claimed that there were "several salt springs of superior character and great future value already known," and thought others would be discovered. He requested that Congress be memorialized to extend again the time for selecting salt springs and contiguous lands. The Legislature, however, did not respond, and a possible addition of 46,080 acres of lands for the state was not secured.

Probably it was just as well that the right of Oregon to the salt springs grant was forfeited. Oregon's excellent mineral springs are not of the character or type of the salt springs of the Ohio valley in connection with which and similar springs this grant to states became customary. Nor have the Oregon springs had a similar function in the early economic conditions of the state. It was not strange that Governor Whiteaker under the peculiar circumstances existing in Oregon should have anxiously sought instructions before making selections. And it may be possible that Governor Grover's zeal in finding a basis for Oregon's right to the salt springs grant was due more to his laudable ambition to get a full share of the public lands for the state rather than to carry out the purpose for the public welfare under which the custom of the grant originated.[20]

The Swamp Land Grant. The application of the customary swamp land grant to conditions existing in Oregon was attended by an even nearer approach to chicanery than the realization on the salt springs grant would have been. Oregon has very little surface area that approximates in character to the lands bordering on the Mississippi River in the States of Louisiana and Arkansas, to which the swamp land grant was first applied. Moreover, it has but a small extent of surface like that of the lake and marsh districts of glacial origin to be found in Minnesota, the state with which Oregon was linked, in the extension of the swamp land grant. Under these circumstances we expect to find Governor Whiteaker, upon whom the selection of the Oregon swamp lands devolved, again in trouble when he took up his task of the selection of them.

The act of Congress of March 12, 1860, extending the provisions of the swamp land grant act to Oregon and Minnesota further prescribed that the selection of the swamp lands," from lands already surveyed, at the time of the passage of the act must be made within two years after the adjournment of the Legislature of each state at its session next after the date of the act, and as to all lands thereafter surveyed, within two years from such adjournment at the next session, after notice by the Secretary of the Interior to the Governor of the state that the surveys have been completed and confirmed."[21] It was the rule of the Department of the Interior to allow the different states the option (1) of taking the field notes of the survey designating the lands swampy in character which would pass to them under the grant; or (2) of selecting the lands by the state's own agents and report the same to the United States surveyor-general with proof of swampy character of the same. The Governor accordingly submitted the matter to the Legislative Assembly of 1860 in September and again called its attention to the matter of expressing its option the following month. But that body did not choose to take any action in the premises. Again in 1862 Governor Whiteaker reminded the Legislature that if there should be no exception made in favor of Oregon its swamp lands would be forfeited and that they were passing into private ownership through sale and pre-emption along with the general body of public lands so offered.[22] Notwithstanding these repeated warnings there was utter neglect of the swamp land grant on the part of the Oregon Legislative Assemblies until 1870. Neither did the Department of the Interior have the deputy surveyors in Oregon designate in their notes the land of swampy character; nor did it give notice to the Governors of the state when surveys were completed, with intimation that the state should: select from among them lands claimed as swamp lands. However, in 1870 the Oregon Legislature woke up to a realization of commonwealth interests centered in the state's getting its swamp lands. It proceeded summarily and boldly to appropriate the swamp lands of the state without so much as asking "by your leave" of Congress. The board of school land commissioners were ordered to appoint an agent to select and to offer for sale at one dollar an acre the lands selected as swamp lands without asking the approval of such selections by the national authorities.[23] A list of their selections, amounting to 174,219 acres in 1872, was filed at the local public land offices, but there the same lands were being offered to homestead and pre-emption settlement. Governor Grover had during the preceding year taken up the matter with the Department of the Interior charging that the general land office of the United States had been neglectful in the execution of the laws of Congress making this grant in so far as it related to Oregon. Special apprehension was expressed concerning the fact that the large railway land grants, which were being located at this time, would infringe upon the swamp land areas.[24] This most unsatisfactory situation was continued another two years. The agents of the state extended their selections and had filed lists amounting to 266,600 acres by the time of the meeting of the Legislature in 1874. The Secretary of the Interior, however, had no attention paid to these selections as he held that in the act of 1870 the state had not complied with the regulations of the department as to indication of mode of selection it had chosen, nor did that act provide for proof of swampy character of lands selected. That headway might be made toward securing a clear title to the lands chosen Governor Grover counselled the Legislature to pass a resolution specifically electing to select the swamp and overflowed lands by agents of the state and to instruct the board of school land commissioners to furnish such evidence, and in such manner to the Department of the Interior of the character of these lands as it should prescribe. The Legislature complied and passed[25] an act requisite for securing the selection of swamp lands in accordance with rules of the Department of the Interior. The handling of the Oregon's swamp land grant during the seventies and eighties was wholly discreditable to the state. To say that it exhibits the extreme of credulity and supineness on the part of the Legislatures and Governors of these decades is placing the most charitable interpretation possible upon the policy pursued. It was not an orgy of land looting in which any considerable number of Oregon people participated but rather a neatly executed scheme on the part of foreign capitalists who got a half a million acres of valuable lands for a song. A few private citizens served as tools and Legislatures and state officials were duped into acquiescence.

The Legislature of 1870 was befoozled into passing the act, already referred to, under which a single individual could become purchaser of an unlimited area of such lands as amenable state agents could be induced to designate as swamp lands. A payment of 20 cents an acre secured possession of these lands from the state and if three crops of hay were cut within ten years they were accounted "reclaimed" ; a further payment of 80 cents an acre secured full title to the lands so far as the state could give it.

The sale of the swamp lands was so bound up with the selection of them that it is exceedingly difficult to discuss these transactions separately. In fact, we shall see that the great body of the lands were construed as sold some years before they were selected. But to return to the progress in selection. The first fruits of the perverse handling of the matter of selection appear in the statement of the board of school land commissioners of 1876. By that time the selections by the state agents in the aggregate amounted to some 324,000 acres; yet only 1,336 acres had been approved to the state by the national authorities. Several purchasers who had made first payments to the state, on the basis of its right to these lands under the procedure of the act of 1870, were withdrawing their money as their lands were being taken away from them by preemptors under national law.[26] The nature of the influences that dominated the situation is revealed through the report for 1878 of this same state land board : "There has been selected and listed 237,864 acres [during the last two years] making in all 562,083.97 acres. There are on file in the office at the present time applications for a large lot of lands that have not been listed or selected; also there are applications on file for about one million acres that are yet unsurveyed. . . . Some lists have been approved by him [the surveyor-general] and forwarded to the Commissioner of the General Land Office, and are awaiting his action. He has, however, approved to the state about 2,000 acres in all." This report, however, fails to divulge the fact which would have been a very pertinent one for it to have made known, namely, that this prodigious filing had nearly all been done by one party. As it was it made it quite evident that there was a wide disparity between the views of state officials and swamp land purchasers on the one hand and the national approving officials on the other as to what were swamp lands.

The mistaken notion, acted upon under the law of 1870, as to the summary power of the state in determining what belonged to it as swamp lands, arose in a measure from the fact that the courts, both national and state, had declared the grant as in praesenti, vesting the right to the swamp lands in the state whether it had title to specific tracts or not. In the eighties it receded from its presumption and proceeded in co- operation with the authorities of the national government to make selections.

In the early eighties the national government sent out "special agents" to investigate character of swamp lands listed. With these state agents conferred in making selections. The Legislature had in 1878 attempted to balk the wholesale grabbing of the swamp lands under the act of 1870 by raising the price to $2.50 an acre on all lands applied for under this act. Furthermore, the applicant under act of 1870 must now under the law of 1878 take all he applied for at $2.50 instead of $1 an acre, or be limited to 320 acres as were all purchasers under the act of 1878. But alas, the Legislature of 1870 had been too pliant. It had legitimized the application by any purchaser of an unlimited amount of swamp lands at a price of one dollar an acre. Notwithstanding the repeal of the law of 1870 by the act of 1878 before the state had approved lists of swamp lands above a few thousand acres, the enormous areas applied for by one or two parties under the conditions of the act of 1870 had to be delivered. So ruled the state land board of two successive administrations of the eighties. This was the most preposterous part of the whole swamp land transactions. A single party — the tool of foreign capitalists — received a deed to at least 350,000 acres on the ground that filings had been made for that amount before the law of 1870 had been repealed. These filings were for lands which the state at the time did not own and on which not a cent had been paid before the law under which they were made was repealed. Yet the administrative officials held that they had the force of contracts which neither the Legislature nor the Governor could set aside. A pretty result we have in this of the status and strength of private property rights as against the power and general welfare of the people.

The purpose for which the swamp land grants by the national government to the states was initiated received only nominal recognition in the first Oregon legislation pertaining to the grant. In all subsequent acts this purpose was completely ignored. The morale exhibited throughout in connection with the handling of Oregon's swamp land grant was about as follows: After an ineffectual effort by the first Governor to develop the state's claims to its swamp lands the matter lay in abeyance some ten years. Then, beginning with 1870, Governor Grover makes the realization by the state on its different land grants his leading activity. His attitude, however, suggests strongly that he felt that all the public domain of right should have belonged to the state unconditionally, though he outlines no large purposes that might thus have been served. The several Legislatures, with their attention directed to these resources of the state, seemed mainly susceptible to suggestions that promised traffic in lands and money in the treasury. Legislators with purposes pitched on such a low plane naturally became the victims of ingenious schemers who were on hand with plausible objects, in the shape of wagon road projects, to solicit appropriations anticipating the receipts from swamp land sales. With no adequate administrative supervision these wagon road appropriations became what they were planned to be—means for relieving the treasury of expected surplus funds. In this account of the selection of the swamp lands the sale of them and the disposition of the proceeds from them have been anticipated, as all these transactions were bound up together. In fact, binding contracts for the sale of these lands and appropriations of anticipated proceeds were practically all made before the selection of any had been completed. In it all there was not the least service by the state government to the people. Only syndicates of land-grabbers, on the one side, and, to all appearances, sets of treasury swindlers, on the other, profited.

In a state in which the extension of the government survey has been so gradual and not yet completed, the swamp land selection must go on apace. Oregon's geological formations do not include those giving rise to any considerable areas of swamp lands, except in its southeastern counties. The swampy areas of that section were exploited in the seventies and eighties. Even there large areas were, through the connivance of state and national agents, adjudged swamp lands simply because they were overflowed during brief periods at certain seasons.[27]

  1. Snake River, east of Huntington.
  2. General Laws of Oregon, 1843-1872, pp, 101-104.
  3. It is a question whether Oregon had the kind of springs or the conditions that originally inspired the custom of a salt springs grant. Yet there is no evidence that the state officials were deterred on that score from attempting selections.
  4. The first governor in his first message spoke of the difficulty of making selections of value. He says: "Although this grant [Oregon's aggregate endowment in 1860] appears liberal and generous, yet, it may be difficult to find lands in any of the valleys west of the Cascade range of mountains of a desirable quality, unoccupied, subject to be located under the provisions of this bill."—House Journal, First Session, 1859, p. 27. The following also indicates somewhat the ideas entertained concerning the resources in the public lands: The "Memorials and Resolutions" of the session of 1864 contain the copy of a memorial praying for favorable action on a bill the legislature proposed to have presented by the Oregon senators and representatives, asking for the granting to the State of Oregon all the unsurveyed lands within her boundaries. The ground on which they made this request was that "the great body of lands now unsurveyed within the boundaries of Oregon is of little value; and that scattered through it are many small tracts of comparatively small extent, that the expense to the government to extend the surveys to include these small isolated sections of good lands and to bring them into the market, can never be repaid by their sale; that, therefore, while being to the government of no value, they may be by economical systems of surveys under state authority be of much value to the state, and might be applied to create a fund for internal improvements to great advantage to Oregon."— Special Laws, 1864, under "Memorials and Resolutions," pp. 11-12.
  5. University Land Commissioner's Report, 1858.
  6. Report Commissioners for Sale School and University Lands, 1868, pp. 40-41.
  7. Governor's Message, 1872, pp. 10-11.
    A feature of the original grant for university purposes in addition to the two townships was the "Oregon City Claim." This involved cruel injustice to Dr. John McLoughlin, to whom the land of right belonged. Naturally there was resistance to the State in taking possession. The tract comprised the site of Oregon City. After selling a few lots, the State made over its rights to the heirs of Dr. McLoughlin in 1862 for $1000.—General Laws, 1862, p. 90.
  8. Appendix to House Journal, 1864, p. 5.
  9. Governor's Message, 1872, pp. 12-13.
  10. General Laws, 1860, pp. 55-57.
  11. Governor's Message—Appendix to House Journal, 1862, pp. 26-27.
  12. General Laws, 1862, pp. 105-7.
  13. Report of the Commissioners for the Sale of School and University Lands, 1868, pp. 44-46.
  14. Report of the Commissioners for the Sale of School and University Lands, 1870, p. 18.
  15. Governor's Message, 1872, p. 14.
  16. Governor's Message, 1874, p. 10.
  17. Governor's Message, 1872, p. 10.
  18. Governor's Message, 1874, pp. 13-14.
  19. Governor's Message, 1862, p. 5.
  20. Governor's Message, 1874, p. 15.
  21. Donaldson's The Public Domain, p. 703.
  22. Governor's Message, 1862, (Appendix to House Journal), p. 5.
  23. General Laws, 1870, pp. 54-57.
  24. Governor's Message, 1872, pp. 14-20.
  25. General Laws, 1874, p. 24.
  26. Report of Commissioners for Sale of School and University Lands, 1876, p. 14.
  27. Selections of lands under the robbers' act of 1870 have been made with the view of cutting off access to the water. All the lands bordering on lakes and streams are taken. Every acre where hay can be cut. As no one can find means to live away from the water, the surrounding country for some miles becomes a cattle range for the land grabber. Up to the highest high water mark and above it the land surrounding lakes or lying along streams is called swamp land, even in places where water could not be had by digging to the depth of 30 feet. . . . . . Agents of the general government and of the state paid to protect the public interests, have connived at the scheme of spoliation; or, even worse, have taken the money of the spoilers to aid them in consummation of the outrages upon the country."—Daily Oregonian, February 29, 1884.


Sunday, September 5, 1909, the McLoughlin Home was dedicated at Oregon City. Dr. John McLoughlin, the head of the Hudson's Bay Company on the Pacific Coast from 1824 to 1846, and the founder of Oregon City, built this house in 1845-46, and occupied it until his death on September 3, 1857. For a number of years past it has been the desire of a number of the best citizens of that place that the old home of the "good old doctor," as he was affectionately known by the pioneers of early days, should be restored and preserved. An effort with this end in view was begun about two years ago, but was delayed by a number of unexpected obstacles. Early in 1909, the lot upon which it was originally built having changed hands, the time seemed opportune to the friends of the enterprise to begin anew an effort to save the building, particularly as the new owner of the lot upon which it stood needed the ground for other purposes, and offered the building without cost to the friends who had been endeavoring to save it. Accordingly the "McLoughlin Memorial Association" was organized for the purpose of initiating a movement to remove and restore the building. Friends of the effort in Oregon City, pioneers, members of the Oregon Historical Society, and others, generously aided by pioneers, members of the Oregon Historical Society in Portland, and other friends favoring the effort, raised something over $1,000, and caused the structure to be removed from its original site to a new and sightly location upon the bluff in a park block which was given to Oregon City by the doctor years before his death. Then the building was repaired, painted, and a new roof put on, and in general restored to original condition so far as its outward appearance is concerned. Unfortunately there was a little local prejudice against the restoration and removal of the building, and the intervention of the courts was sought to prevent it; but the McLoughlin Memorial Association won the day at every turn. The last effort to stop the movement for saving the home occurred on December 6, 1909, when the opposition invoked the referendum against it, but that effort was defeated on the date mentioned by a decisive vote on the part of the people of Oregon City. Obstructive tactics are now at an end.

The dedication ceremonies on the day first above alluded to were as follows : Overture, The Concert Band ; introductory remarks, Dr. W. E. Carll, Mayor; address, Frederick V. Holman. President of the Oregon Historical Society, Portland; selection, The Concert Band; remarks. Rev. Thomas Sherman, son of the late General William T. Sherman; address, P. H. D'Arcy, Vice-President of the Oregon Pioneer Association; selection. The Concert Band. Several hundred persons were present, among them a goodly number of pioneers who had had frequent personal intercourse with Dr. McLoughlin. Among these was Hon. Francois Xavier Matthieu, whose acquaintance with the doctor began in 1842.

The officers of the McLoughlin Memorial Association, now incorporated under the laws of the state, are as follows : E. G. Caufield, President; George A. Harding, Vice-President; Charles H. Caufield, Treasurer ; Edward E. Brodie, Secretary; Directors, Rev. A. Hillebrand, Joseph E. Hedges, Judge J. U. Campbell, C. D. Latourette, William Sheahan, Charles H. Dye, Dr. W. E. Carll.

Address of Frederick V. Holman at the Home of Dr. John McLoughlin September 5, 1909.

Mr. Mayor, Oregon Pioneers, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is with great pleasure and in due appreciation of the honor conferred upon me that I speak on this occasion of the dedication, or, rather, the re-dedication, of this house so' long the home of Dr. John McLoughlin here in Oregon City.

Its dedication was when he made this his final home in the Oregon Country. It was during the time of the jointoccupancy of the Oregon Country by the United States and Great Britain. It was built after his resignation, and after he had ceased to be the head of the Hudson's Bay Company on the Pacific Coast, which was the direct result of his philanthropy and humanity to the early pioneers. He built this house to be his permanent abiding place in the Oregon Country. In selecting Oregon City for his permanent home, he anticipated that it would be a part of the United States when the boundary treaty should be made and the dispute as to the ownership of Oregon should be determined between the United States and Great Britain. He had determined to change his allegiance and become an American citizen as soon as he could do so. This he carried out. Although born and brought up a British subject. Dr. McLoughlin's feelings and principles were for rule by the people under a republican form of government. Through his whole life he was ever the friend of the distressed and the champion of the oppressed. He made this house his home in pleasant anticipation of a happy and prosperous old age — to be with his wife and his children, and his children's children; to be one of those to make Oregon into a prosperous community, guided by his experience and his helping hand ; to continue that aid by precept and example, by being of them as well as with them. These ideas he carried out to the best of his ability. I shall not dwell on what he did in assisting in the upbuilding of Oregon, and his aids and assistance to the early pioneers. It is a part of the folklore of Oregon.

It was here that the newly-come immigrants, discouraged by their long and arduous trips across the plains, were made hopeful by his kindly words and encouraged by his timely aid and assistance. It was here to the last that hospitality reigned supreme. His darkest days were never too dark to give a welcome to his friends and to the strangers within his gates. It was a place of culture, of refinement, the one attractive place in Oregon, where the log cabin was the rule, and the struggle for existence and to gain a foothold was the lot of most of the early pioneers.

Happy as was the original dedication of this house, with its clustering, charming memories of today, it was in it that Dr. McLoughlin suffered from despoiling hands, from the rapacity of some of those he had befriended, and some of those whose greed of gain outweighed all other considerations, even reli- gious pretensions. It was here he saw his fortune disappear, his hopes frustrated, his life wrecked, and where finally his great heart broke. It was here he suffered martyrdom. It was here he died . I shall not go into these details. They are matters of history. He was deprived of the ownership of this house by the United States Government under the Oregon donation land law, through the machinations of conspirators, men, some of whom, enjoyed a little prosperity and public prominence, whose memories survive mostly through their unworthy actions toward him. That it was restored to his heirs by the State of Oregon, is a matter of state pride to every true Oregonian. It was an act which appeals to the right feel- ing of every lover of justice and humanity. It was an official acknowledgment of the injustice done to Dr. McLoughlin, and a recognition of his services in succoring the early immigrants and of what he had done for Oregon and what Oregon owed to him. It is to be regretted that the dark days of his last years were not brightened by this act of justice. His memory has now come into its own.

It is proper that this house should stand here in perpetual memory of its original builder and owner—a man who stands supreme as the first, the greatest, of Oregon's citizens. It is the one house in Oregon which typifies the old and binds together the old and the new — the days of heroic Oregon and the days of the greater Oregon of today. Its preservation and its removal to the present site represents something of earnest and heartfelt endeavors, something of romantic interest, something of patriotism, something of higher feelings in the appreciation and determination that the house of Oregon's great humanitarian should be preserved and protected, not only for those of today but for those of the past, whom he befriended, and by whom he was beloved, and also for those of the future, who will respect and venerate his memory. To those who were instrumental in the accomplishment of this act be all honor and praise. It is a noble act of generous and grateful people. It shows them to be men and women who possess the qualities of gratitude and of affection, and are respecters of favors received by their ancestors, and appreciators of noble qualities in others.

This house has its fitting resting place in this park, which Dr. McLoughlin generously gave to this city. It is only one of his numerous benefactions to the public. Let it be a shrine to him who loved his fellowmen. As long as it exists, this house will be a monument to him and of what he was and is to the people of Oregon. May it rest here forever. It will stand for courage and right and humanity as against a company's selfish policy; for straightforwardness and honesty as against crookedness and dishonesty; for loving kindness as against malice ; for a people's gratitude as against conspirators' rascality and ingratitude; and for a triumphant memory as against the calumnies and aspersions of contemptible contemporaries.

Here will come the stranger to show his appreciation of this great and good man; here will come the pioneers of Oregon, and their descendants to the remotest generations to do honor and reverence to the father of Oregon, whose loving kindness and humanity can never be forgotten. This house will be consecrated by their prayers, their tears, and their love.

DOCUMENTS. Carnegie Institution of Washington. Washington, D. C. Department of Historical Research. J. FrankHn Jameson, Director. The Editor of the "Oregon Historical Quarterly," Dear Sir : I lately found among the papers of my uncle, who died four years ago, the letter of which I inclose a careful copy. The writer was his elder brother, my father, John Jameson of Massachusetts. I have thought that its list of wholesale prices in Oregon in 1852 might be of some interest to students of economic conditions in that early period. My father, who was born in 1828, went out in 1851 to Oregon, going in a sailing vessel to San Francisco and' thence by steamer to Portland. After a brief stay there he went to Buteville. I see that in this letter he spells it "Buteville," but I had always understood from him that it was properly spelled Butteville. I do not find the name in the Postal Guide, but the village was in existence some years ago. Indeed, I think you printed nine or ten years ago the reminiscences of an ancient French-Canadian who had lived there some sixty years and whom my father, to whom I showed the article in your Quar- terly, remembered very well.^ These few months in Buteville were the only part of my father's life that was spent in commercial pursuits. He came back to Massachusetts in 1852, studied for the bar, taught for several years, and then practiced law. He died in 1905. The brother, ten years younger, to whom the letter is addressed, was subsequently Dr. R. Edwin Jameson of Boston. Very respectfully yours, J. F. Jameson. The Carnegie Institution of Washington, November 27, 1909. I F. X. Matthieu is no doubt the man to whom Dr. Jameson refers. See Quarterly, Viol. I, pp. 73- 104. — Ed. Quarterly. John Jameson 391 Buteville, Marion Co. Tues. Aug. 17, '52 Dear Brother Edwin, I must commence with asking you to ask father to be sure to send me the Boston semi weekly Atlm from the receipt of this till the middle of November or until all the election returns are in except California. Some time ago father asked me to send you a price current. I will transcribe from my Invoice Book the wholesale prices which I paid for my goods. The retail price (my selling price) is from 25 to 100 per cent above this. Freight from Portland here is about $20.00 per ton some by weight & some by measurement. So you see if / only sell enough I shall make a very good profit. I cannot stop to arrange them in the proper order. Womens shoes pgd 83 — i.oo Kit boots pr 2.66 Grain " " 2.50 Cowhide " 3.00 Youths brogans " , 75 cut tumblers p doz 1.75 — 2.00 Linen check .20 — .26 Gingham 18 — .25 delaine ( 27* — .47 Lawn I3>4 — .25 Prints I 10 — .20 Irish linen 37)^ — .54 Diaper & towelling ,. . . .162-3 Linen thread pr lb .1.00 — 1.50 wh spool cotton pr doz , 65 — .75 Sad Irons " lb 08 Essences (oz) pr doz 37 — • .75 Saleratus 09 Sugar Manilla 09 " China 10 " B Havanna 13 " White 14 white flannel 45 392 Documents Sheeting ii — .16 table cloths, aDl'd... 1.25 Brk Satinett 75 Kentuck Jean 38 Pins pr doz .65 — .75 white wove drawers. .1.33 red flannel " ,. . . 1.33 white shirts : 1.33 fancy " , .62 Hudson Bay" 1.25 Tobacco .25 — .50 Chintz i 10 Coffee 13 — .15 Bed spreads 2.00 white linen table cloths 1.25 Coarse Sack coats 3.00 common " " 6.00 Fine " " 8.00 Misses hose (worsted) , 37>4 Ladies cotton " .18% white hats (fine fur) .3.12^ " " common 1.08 Blk brush hats 1.50 Mens cloth caps i.oo " oil" " 50 Soap brown pr lb 10 — .12% " toilet " " 25 Butcher knives 25 — .50 dining knives & forks pr doz. ..... .5.00 Powder pr lb i.oo Soup tureens ,. .2.00 Rice 06 — .10 Blk glazed cambric .09 Fig'd Alpacca . . . . .55 red flannel 35 Shirt buttons pr gro 75 John Jameson 393 Hickory shirting — .13 writing paper pr ream 4.00 Sewing Silk pr lb , , 8.00 Starch 10 Tea 45— 62 14 Allspice 50 Ginger 10 Hooks & eyes pr gro 37^ Camphor pr lb 75 Percussion Caps pr 1000 1.25 Mould Candles .20 Adamantine 50 Sperm " 62)4 Needles pr M 3.00 dried apples 12 — .14 raisins (cask) pr lb 10 — .12 Salt Liverpool " " 031^ Pork Mess pr bbl 30.00 " Oregon" " 35-09_ Cigars Havana pr M .25.00 — 40.00 English Walnuts pr lb 20 Candy Stuarts " " 50 tweed 72 Lead (for bullets) 14 tin pans pr doz .2.00 — 6.00 " wash bowls 42 Blankets pr pair 4.75 tacks pr doz papers i.oo Screws pr gro , 75 Nails cut 10 Nutmegs pr lb i.oo common brass candlesticks 50 Syrup (Sugar House) gall 50 Vinegar pr gall ., .25 Pepper Sauce pr doz 4.50 Mustard " " 4.50 394 Documents Grindstones 5.00 tobacco pipes pr gro 2.00 wooden pails 45 Hoes & handles 75 Brooms pr doz 3.00 Fry pans 62>^ Grain Sacks , 50 Collins axes pr doz 20.00 Shingling hatchets pr doz , 9.00 Axe " " " 9.00 Bench " " " 24.00 Augers pr qr in 20 Claw hammers per doz 6.00 — 15.00 Iron table spoons per doz i.oo " tea " " " 35 Padlocks 42 Door latches 162-3 Iron wedges pr lb 12 Beetle rings " " 12 Log Chains " " 12^/2 Wrapping twine" " i.oo Matches " gro 2.50 Castor Oil pr bottles 62 >^ Shovels round point 2.00 Chocolate pr lb 25 Common bowls doz. 2.00 Small " " 1.50 Large yellow bowls doz 6.00 white bowls doz. 3.33 deep dishes " 3.50 — 7.50 blue edge pudding dish doz 4.50 white " " " 6.00 blue edge platters " 7.50 white " " 9.00 Creamers white " 4.00

" colored " 3.00

Pitchers yellow " 4.50
Pitchers white pr doz 9.00
cover'd chambers " " 5.50
Blk tea pots " " 6.00
White " " 9.00
" Sugar bowls" " 7.50
Yellow " " " " 6.00
Soup plates pr doz 2.00
dining " " " 1.75
Breakfast" " " 1.50
Tea " " " 1.25
Preserve " " " i.oo

I have omitted many articles I keep but I guess your list is long enough. My sales at present are very small as all the farmers are harvesting. I take in & pay in goods or cash, chickens (alive) at .75 to i.oo a piece; Eggs at 50 cts doz; butter at 40c; wheat at 1.75 bus & Oats at 75c. And now my dear brother I must close with a little good advice. Be not an eye servant but do just the same when Mr. Davis is out as when he is in ; Obey your dear parents & obey them cheer- fully & with alacrity. I hope to hear of your going to sch[ool] again soon for you are losing the most precious days of your life. If you ever think of coming out here, study French. It is a very great disadvantage to me not under- standing it. And now My dear Ed, good bye & may God Almighty bless you & may you try & serve him better & better as you grow older.

Yours truly

John Jameson

Write soon.