KULTURKAMPF
704
KULTURKAMPF
I. Causes of the Kulturkampf — They are to be
sought : (1) in the political party-life of Germany; (2)
in the trend of ideas among the German people to-
wards the middle of the nineteenth century; (3) in the
general European policy of Bismarck after 1S70.
(1) Moritz von Blankenburg was the leader of the Prussian Conservatives. From the first he declared himself openly and clearly in Parliament for an anti- Roman policy. The Conservatives represented the orthodox Protestants of Prussia, themselves threat- ened by the Liberal movement at that time opposed to all positive Christianity. Nevertheless the atti- tude of Blankenburg was no personal caprice. The Conservatives yet held in principle to the Protestant character of the State of Prussia as formerly consti- tuted (i. e., up to the German Revolution of 1848). After the Constitution of 1848, it is true, this exclu- sively Protestant character of the State was no longer recognized by law. But the Conservatives jealously saw to it that as a matter of fact no change took place in Prussia. It could not be pleasing to them that the Catholics of the Rhineland and Westphalia should gradually rise to power through the new parliamen- tary institutions. When the German Empire was fonned in 1870, and South Germany, in great major- ity Catholic, was thereby joined with Prussia, they conceived the gravest fears for the supremacy of Prot- estanism in Prussia.
However, the real instigators of the onslaught on German Catholicism were the German Liberals. Their attitude is thus explained: previous to 1800 the Liberal party had long been composed almost en- tirely of men belonging to narrow professional circles ^professors, lawj-ers, etc., also prominent business men. They united in opposition to political absolu- tism, and were eager for a larger constitutional life in Germany. But they had also an intellectual bond. Whether as anti-clerical disciples of French Deism or Austrian Josephinism, or as enthusiastic admirers of German poetry and philosophy (and therefore advo- cates of an undogmatic and unecclesiastical Christian- ity), they were all inimically disposed towards the Catholic Church and all positive belief. With the help of legislation and state schools they hoped to se- cure for "free and independent science" (die f reie Wis- senschaft) an absolute control over the intellectual life of the whole German nation. Indeed, the original pioneers of the Liberal party were as unanimous in their philosophical views of the world and life as they were in their views of the State. In the beginning, therefore, they were inclined in their public utterances to promote equally both policies. Until 1860, how- ever, they considered themselves too weak to un- dertake vigorous action in behalf of their Kultur aims, i. e., their intellectual and political ideals as de- scribed above. Isolated failures of an earlier date (the Kolner-Wirren, or ecclesiastico-political troubles of 1837, and the Dcutsch-katholischen movement of Ronge in Baden, 1844-46) stiU served as warn- ings. In both cases vast masses of the people had been deeply troubled. Even the middle-class citi- zens, usually rather indifferent in matters of faith, were not yet ready to participate in religious conflicts of this nature. Their chief aims at that time were politico-economical; a little later, after 1850, the pas- sion of national unity stirred deeply the entire Burg- ertkuni of Germany. But when the Liberal influ- ence increased after 1860 in the Prussian Parliament (Landtag) and in the various German states, the party leaders began to change their tactics. The Grand Duk<' of ISaden confided to them the organization of the Minixtfrium, i. e., the civil administration of the State. Fort h with the Archbishop of Freiburg and the clergy of Baden were subjected to the strictest civil supervision. The Church was tleprived of all free control of its property and revenues, with which, till then, the (ioveniment had not interfered. All ecclesi-
astical influence was expelled from the schools, and an
effort made to introduce the spirit of free science"
even into the education of the clergy. It was a prel-
ude of what was to take place throughout all Ger-
many some ten years later. In the summer of 1860
Bavaria offered the Liberals a pretext for the intro-
duction of their Kultur programme. Of course, in
so Catholic a people and state, no permanent results
were attainable apart from a thorough transformation
of popular life and thought. This was to be done by
means of new educational laws and by the so-called
Bavarian "social legislation". The latter, in partic-
ular, was meant to clear the way for a complete reno-
vation of the economic and social conditions of the
Bavarian people. For the present, however, only
preliminary steps were taken. Education was nat-
urally the foremost question. Meantime the parlia-
mentary supremacy of the Prussian Liberals, so re-
cently and laboriously acquired and so essential for
their success, was seriously challenged. In Otto von
Bismarck, since the end of 1862 chief of the Prussian
Ministry, they found a superior opponent. This led
(1866-67) to the formation of a Prussian National
Liberal Party committed to a reconciliation of the
hitherto dominant Liberals with the now all-powerful
minister. In this way it was hoped to secure again
for the party its waning influence in Prussia. In pub-
lic opinion the Liberals had been for three decades the
chief representatives of the idea of national unity
under Prussian headship. Bismarck had now realized
that ideal, and in this fact was found the common
ground between the National Liberals and the new
master of German politics. Bismarck then abandoned
his anti-Liberal attitude and for most of the next dec-
ade received the parliamentary support of the Lib-
er.als ; towards the year 1870 the more important offices,
lx)th Prussian and German, were held by the Liberals.
Soon the party began, in Prussia, as previously in Ba-
varia, to attack the Catholic ecclesiastical influence in
the schools ; politico-economical and social questions
were also brought to the front apropos of the new and
systematic legislation proposed. The National Lib-
erals at this time reached the acme of popularity, ow-
ing to the imiversal enthusiasm over the defeat of
France, also through the general satisfaction with the
economic legislation of the party that left free scope to
the growth of material interests.
(2) The Kultur policy which the Liberal party then sought to impose on the newly-established em- pire and on its chief constituent states need not have produced the intense excitement that followed. It would have been possible, through the public press and assemblies, to keep up in the Parliament an ap- pearance of peaceful legislative work and to influence in a moderate way the public opinion of the nation, somewhat, if we may so put it, as is now done in France. Instead of this, legislative action degener- ated into a savage party struggle that aroused in the public mind all manner of violent emotions. The Liberal efforts to influence public opinion became so many fanatical assaults on the hereditary devotion to their Church of the orthodox Catholic masses. It is to be noted, however, that for this violence of temper there were certain reasons.
The great events of the years 1866-1871 had agi- tated deeply the now united German nation. It was not unnatural, therefore that its people should con- sider all political problems in the light of their ex- tremest consequences, from the view-point of princi- ples, and of the great ideas that were then appealing to the popular masses. In the average German mind at this period two great thoughts were dominant — the new-born German nationality and a new philosophy of man and life. Most German Catholics were very apprehensive for the future welfare of their religion in the ancient fatherland; as a matter of fact it was Protestant Prussia, the birthplace of Kant and the
