impassable, while sickness had withdrawn at least twenty per cent from the effective force. President Davis personally testifies that he himself did not antagonize the wishes which any officer expressed to make an immediate advance into Maryland. The Confederate army was, nevertheless, in fact, moved far forward and occupied Munson’s Hill, where the inhabitants of Washington could see its flags waving. After a few days rest and recruits having arrived, the Confederate army favored the forward movement with an eager desire to liberate Maryland, believing that bold aggression would speedily terminate hostilities. Another view was held, that the change of the Confederate war policy from the defensive to the offensive would arouse the North, break down the peace party and overthrow all influential men in the North who were seeking an opportunity to bring the war to a close, honorable to both sides. From this class of Northern men the most earnest appeals were made to Southern leaders to prevent invasion. At the same time it was known that England and France, after according belligerent rights, had intimated, much to the indignation of Mr. Seward, that possibly the Confederate States might be able to make a case demanding the recognition of its nationality. It was thought advisable to press at once this claim because from the date of the victory at Manassas the Confederate government was rightfully entitled to this foreign courtesy. In its official offices it was administering wisely all the regular functions of the good government of a people who were united in its support. It had tendered its hand to be taken into the fellowship of nations by regular appointment of eminent embassadors. It had large territory, ample resources and all possessions needful to sustain its population and contribute to the commerce of the world. And now it had demonstrated its military ability by assembling a strong army and achieving a success in battle of an imposing magnitude. But the appeal was made in vain. The European powers
