passed the west end of Cuba, through the Gulf of Florida, and so along the coast of the mainland, looking for some place to water.
In the river of May, now St. John's River (Winsor, Hist. of America, ii. 264–5), they found a French colony, commanded by M. Laudonnière, in a state of destitution. Hawkyns relieved their immediate wants, and offered to carry them to France; but Laudonnière declined, not knowing, he says, ‘how the case stood between the French and the English,’ and doubting also lest Hawkyns might ‘attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistress.’ Finally, he agreed with Hawkyns for the purchase of one of his small vessels, with a quantity of provisions and stores, giving a bill for the price agreed on; for he was afraid, he says, to pay in silver, ‘lest the queen of England, seeing the same, should be encouraged to set footing there.’ At the same time he bears witness that Hawkyns ‘won the reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving to be esteemed as much of us all, as if he had saved all our lives’ (Markham, p. 69). By doing this, however, Hawkyns had incurred a serious risk; the homeward voyage was prolonged by contrary winds; they ran short of provisions, and were for a time in great danger, from which they were relieved by a large take of cod on the banks of Newfoundland, and afterwards by falling in with a couple of French ships, from whom they purchased sufficient for their needs. On 20 Sept. they arrived at Padstow, after a voyage described as ‘profitable to the venturers, as also to the whole realm, in bringing home both gold, silver, pearls, and other jewels great store’ (ib. p. 64). On 23 Oct. the Jesus was received again into the charge of the queen's officers, the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester paying 500l. for the expense of refitting her. No mention is made of the further profit which accrued to the queen.
The success of these two voyages brought repute to Hawkyns as a skilful and prudent commander, and won him favour in influential quarters. Arms were granted to him: sable, on a point wavy a lion passant or; in chief three bezants: and for a crest, a demi-Moor, proper, in chains. The enormous profits suggested new voyages. The Spaniards, keenly sensible of the danger which these expeditions caused to their monopoly, represented the matter so strongly to the queen, that she was compelled to put on the appearance, at least, of prohibiting them. Hawkyns had intended to sail again in the following year, but was prevented by the council, who bound him over not to go near the West Indies nor to break the laws of the king of Spain (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 13, 31 Oct. 1566). He accordingly gave up the intended voyage, though possibly his ships went under some other commander. De Silva, the Spanish ambassador, alleged that they did go; trafficked, smuggled, and plundered, and returned ‘loaded with gold and silver’ (Froude, viii. 67); but the statement was based on vague rumours, and seems extremely doubtful. In 1567 Hawkyns resolved upon another voyage, and this time met with no hindrance. The queen, indeed, seems to have been personally one of the adventurers, so far, at any rate, as lending the Jesus for the voyage; but this assuredly did not confer on Hawkyns any claim to be considered an officer in the queen's service.
While Hawkyns was at Plymouth preparing for his voyage, some Spanish ships from the Low Countries came into the Sound and stood on, apparently meaning to go into Catwater, where Hawkyns, with his ships, was lying. Hawkyns considered that in the small and already crowded harbour there was no room for them, and, not to lose time in expostulation, stopped their advance by firing at them. They immediately struck their flag and anchored outside, where the next day some private ship, Dutch or English, laying the admiral on board, rescued a number of prisoners who were being carried to Spain; but of this Hawkyns protested he had no knowledge till afterwards. The Spaniard wrote to his ambassador; the ambassador sent an angry representation to the queen; Hawkyns was called on to explain, and the affair was smoothed over diplomatically. But from first to last, no mention was made of the insult to the English flag, which, according to the incorrect story written many years afterwards by Hawkyns's son, was the immediate cause of the dispute (Markham, p. 119; cf. State Papers, For., De Silva to the Queen, 6 Oct. (? N.S.) 1567; ‘De Wachene to — 23 Oct. (? Sept.) 1567; State Papers, Dom. xliv. 13; Hawkyns to Cecil, 28 Sept. 1567; Froude, viii. 68–9). Long before the question was settled, Hawkyns sailed from Plymouth on 2 Oct. in command of a squadron consisting of, besides the Jesus, the Minion, another queen's ship, and four smaller vessels; one of the latter was the Judith, commanded by Francis Drake [q. v.], a kinsman, possibly a nephew of Hawkyns, with whom he was now for the first time associated.
As in the previous voyages, Hawkyns went to Sierra Leone, took part in native wars, assaulted and set fire to a native town of eight thousand inhabitants, plundered Portuguese vessels to the amount, it was deposed, in wares and negroes, of more than
